THe House of Croüy acording to the Ancient, or of Croy, ac­cording to modern Orthogra­phy, pretends to be descended [...]n a right masculine Line from the ancient Kings of Hungary by one Stephen, whom others call Andrew, third Son to King Bela, and Brother to St. Elizabeth Countess of [Page 2] Thuringe, who being forced out of Hun­gary, In Pontuc. Hu­terus. fled for refuge into France in the year One thousand one hundred se­venty and three, during the Reign of Louis the Young; but his Son setled himself in Gallia Belgica by marrying Catharine Heiress of Croy, whose name he took, and left it to his Posterity. This House was afterward in succession of time allied by William the First of Croy to the House of Guines; by James the First of Croy to the House of Soissons; by James the Second of Croy to the House of Per­guigny; by William the Second of Croy to the House of Kenti; by John of Croy to the House of Curton; by Anthony of Croy to the House of Lorrain; and by Philip of Croy to that of Luxembourg.

John of Croy transplanted his Family from Picardy into Flanders, when he be­came the Favourite of Philip the Hardy, first Duke of Burgundy, descended of the se­cond Branch of the Bloud-royal of France.

The Historians of that time have not taken pains enough to give us the Cha­racter of this Lord: nevertheless he must have been a man of extraordinary parts, seeing that during the whole course of his life he governed two Princes, the most con­trary in temper and humour, and the [Page 3] most difficult to be persuaded that ever were, Philip the Hardy, and John without Fear his Son, Dukes of Burgundy. He was their chief Chamberlain, and by an extraordinary Conduct and Policy, though Philip the Hardy and John without Fear were for most part in continual variance with the Kings of France, yet John of Croy continued to be the constant Favo­rite of the Dukes of Burgundy, without ever giving them the least umbrage or suspicion of his fidelity, notwithstanding he stood so well all his life-time at the Court of the most Christian Kings, that they made him great Master of their House, and suffered him to discharge the duties of that important place, without ever accusing him that he had managed the interests of the Dukes of Burgundy against their Majesties. This particular ought the more to be remarked, that it is singular, and perhaps, in its chief circum­stances not to be paralleled in the lives of [...]he illustrious men of these last Ages; and besides it is so advantageous to John of Croy, that it seems nothing can be said greater in his favour.

In so happy a state he did not forget, but that he might more easily tumble down than he had mounted up; and fore­seeing that at length the Kings of France [Page 4] and Dukes of Burgundy would become irreconcilable enemies, and that in that case, the House of Croy would be forced to declare for the one side or other, he so disposed his Inheritance and the Purchases which he made; that he had as much in the Dominions of the Kings of France, as in the Territories of the Dukes of Bur­gundy, to the end that to what side soever he might incline, he should retain one half of his Estate, and be in a condition of making the figure of a great Lord in either of the two Courts which he might pre­fer before the other.

Anthony of Croy his Son was so happy as to succeed him in the favour, and to dispose so absolutely of Philip the Good, third Duke of Burgundy, that this Prince relished no Counsels nor Designs but what had either been proposed or approved by that Favorite.

But Philip of Croy, the Son of Anthony, fell into the disgrace which his Grand­father John of Croy had apprehended by an accident which is fit we should un­fold in this place, because it conduces to the understanding of the matters fol­lowing.

Seeing Philip the good had from his Fa­ther John without fear, received Anthony of Croy, both for his chief Minister and Favo­rite, [Page 5] without the least shew of repug­nance, whether he thought himself obliged to have, as to that, an implicite deference to his Fathers Will, or that his inclination suited with the Person that was presented to him; he imagined that his Son Charles the Terrible, would comply no less with him, and that he would gladly admit of Philip of Croy to the same rank with him, that John and Anthony of Croy had held with his Father, Grandfather, and great Grand-father: But the dispositions were not alike on both sides, as they ought to have been for cementing a new confidence and favour. There was nothing wanting on the part of Philip of Croy for the wor­thy discharge of the two places in question about Charles the Terrible: But Charles was prepossessed with an opinion that his [...]ather demanded too much of him, and that he stretched the Prerogative of Na­ture farther than it ought to be. That to take things aright, a Minister and Favo­rite were no more in relation to a Sove­reign, than what a Steward is in respect of great men, and an intimate Friend to any private person; and for the same rea­son that great men and private persons have the liberty of chusing their Stewards and Friends, a young Prince ought not to be confined in the choice of a Minister [Page 6] and Favorite, by any thing without him­self. So that the earnest desire of pro­moting Philip of Croy was the thing that made him disagreeable; and Charles the Terrible, who in all appearance would have cast his eyes upon him, had he not been spoke to about it, would by no means do it, because be had been recommended unto him. In the causes of the disgrace of the Croyes. He declared himself so briskly as to that, that his Father thought it not convenient to press him any farther; But the good Prince who had been only over sollicitous because of the extraordinary affection he had for the Croyes, perceived that in respect of them he had made one of those politick steps which are irreparably hurtful when they do not succeed. He was afraid that he had unseasonably given his Son an occa­sion of changing the indifference which he had shewed to the Croyes, into an aversion, and in prospect of that, omitted nothing that he thought capable to insinu­ate them into his favours. He was even of the mind that the young Prince his Son had too severely mortified the Croyes by his refusal; and therefore that he might do what he could to please them, he heaped favours and kindnesses upon them.

A Lady, who was the last of the [Page 7] House of Bethune, died not only without Children, but also without any Kindred, and without disposing of the vast Estate which she possessed. By the right of ul­timus haeres or Escheatage the whole Estate belonged to Philip the good, and he made a Present of it to the Croys. The libera­lity, indeed, was great, but not extraor­dinary; seeing that Prince had sometimes shewed the like, nay, and greater, to those who had not served him so faithfully as the Croys had done; however it passed for Pro­digality, and a piece of Injustice in the notion of Charles the Terrible. He was already five and twenty years of age; married, Maria Heiress of Burgundy. and the Father of one only Daughter, which was all the Children he had: In the mean time his Father, who had no more Children neither but him, had not as yet given him any thing in ad­vance of the Low Countries which be­longed to him in Succession: He obliged him to live in the same Palace with himself, to eat at Table with him, follow the di­versions that he did, and to content him­self with a small Pension for defraying his other Expences. Charles, who was to be one of the richest Princes in Christendom, would not be more pinched nor stinted, and omitted no opportunity of enlarging [Page 8] his Fortune. Some Months before the death of the Lady of Bethune he had been informed that the fear of being poysoned by those to whom she might leave her vast Estate would infallibly hinder her from making a Will, and therefore he begged the gift of it before-hand of his Father, who freely granted it him: But the good Prince had so wholly forgot it, that he did not so much as remember even when his Son put him in mind of it. He made answer to him in a positive manner, that he had never promised in all his life time one and the same thing to two diffe­rent persons; and that seeing he had granted the Croys the Estate of the House of Bethune, it must needs be, that he ne­ver promised it to the Prince of Burgundy. He continued so firm in that particular, that the Croys had the gift: But no sooner did those that envied them perceive how much the Prince of Burgundy was discon­tented thereat, but that they inflamed his resentment by a rumour they raised in his Fathers Court, that the Duke would not stop there; and that he had only enriched the Croys with the Succession of Bethune, that it might appear less strange in the World when he should devest himself, and frustrate his only Son of the most impor­tant Province of the Low Countries, by [Page 9] investing them in the Province of Namur in the same manner as he possessed it, to wit, in absolute sovereignty. Thus affairs went already, but bad enough at the Court of Burgundy for the Croys, when an un­expected accident which at first was thought would retrieve all, made every thing go worse and worse with them.

The Dauphin of France, who was after­wards Louis the Eleventh, stood in so bad terms with Charles the Seventh his Father, that his Majesty drove him out of the Province of Dauphiné, where he could not endure that whilst he was alive another should rule as a Sovereign Prince, seeing there was no security for him in any other place in Europe but in the Low Countries, no other State being in the humour to refuse the delivering him up to his Father in case he should demand him; and that besides, Philip the Good had sufficiently made it known, to confirm the opinion that the Dauphin had of him, that if he desired him to receive him at his Court he would not consent to it, for fear of quarrelling with France; but that if he entered the Low Countries without de­manding permission, Philip, who gloried in Hospitality, and had granted it to all sorts of People, not excepting even the persons of Kings, would not be so hard as [Page 10] to send him back again; The Dauphin came as far as Brabant before it was known at the Court of Burgundy that he was upon his Journey.

His conjecture proved true; and Philip though he was extremely troubled at his having such a Guest, yet durst not desire him to depart out of the Low Countries: His only care was how he might civilly send him back again, and for that end chose the expedient of reconciling him to his Father. He therein employed the Offices of his Agents; and because so thorny a negotiation was not the business of one day, he commanded the Croys to divert the Dauphin in the mean time, and to link themselves in a strict friendship with him.

Obedience is never more readily per­formed, than when the Orders of So­vereigns suit with the present interests of those who receive them. The Croys were perswaded that there was no necessity of affecting any more a scrupulous complai­sance for the Prince of Burgundy: they had Estates in France: they foresaw that the Dauphin would shortly be King, and they stood absolutely in need of his pro­rection to secure them from the formidable Enemy whom they could not avoid but to have one day upon their backs. In [Page 11] that prospect they omitted nothing that might win the Dauphin; and succeeded therein the more easily, that that Prince, the most assiduous of his Age, to make sure of those from whom he thought he might procure services, on his part met them more than half way. He had just before in some Conferences that he had had with the Prince of Burgundy experi­enced the strange Antipathy that was be­twixt their two tempers. He made no doubt but that it would one day be the cause of a War betwixt them that might last as long as they lived: he thought it convenient to prepare for it be­times: He foresaw how useful the Croys would then be to him; And that was enough to make him endeavour to gain them in a point which failed not to produce its natural effect, which the Croys had not sufficiently apprehended, since it encreased the hatred of the Prince of Burgundy to­wards them, adding to the discontent, disdain, anger and resentment which he already entertained, Jealousie in that he perceived they sought to fortifie them­selves by protection against him. He was so sensibly touched with this, that he observed no more measures with those whom he regarded now far less than before, since his Father pressed him no [Page 12] more to receive them as Domestick Ser­vants.

He was informed that Charles the Seventh hearing that the Dauphin was re­treated into Flanders, had said that the Duke of Burgundy had received into his house a Fox that would destroy his Poul­try; and he took occasion to give it out by his Emissaries, that his Majesties Pre­diction was fulfilled, and that the Croys had with the Dauphin conspired the ruine of the House of Burgundy. He openly threatned to be revenged on them after the death of his Father; and seeing he was not as yet appeased when the Dauphin being become King of France left Brabant, the Croys that they might prepare for them­selves a Sanctuary, incited his most Chri­stian Majesty to recover out of the hands of the Duke of Burgundy, the Towns of Picardy lying upon the River of Soam, seeing the Treaty of Concluded in the year 1405. betwixt Charles the Seventh and Philip the good. Ar­ras allowed it upon the payment of four hundred thousand Crowns. This was a sast Sum considering the times: which notwithstanding being quickly raised; Philip the Good, though it went against the grain with him to re­ceive it, yet durst not refuse it. The Towns were honestly restored; and though [Page 13] Philip's good will was not thereby lessened toward the Croys, his Son made heavy complaints against them for it. They continued with the Father, and served him faithfully so long as he lived; and when they perceived him brought so low and weak that he had but a few hours longer to live, they demanded leave of him to withdraw to their Lands in France, and obtained it. They were long persecuted as much as lay in the power of the new Duke; nevertheless they supported it with a moderation never before practised on the like occasions in the Low-Coun­tries; no complaining was heard to pro­ceed out of their mouth, nor any Mani­festo in their favours from the Pens of their Friends. They wisely considered that those two ways of easing great Afflictions were dangerous; and that for the most part if those who were chiefly concerned were so moderate as not to mingle Invectives and Satyrs in them, yet they were so unfor­tunate that others did it, and that the Publick was unjust enough to impute them to those who were not the Authors of the same. There appeared not so much as an Apology on the part of the Croys to justifie their innocence. They kept them­selves in a profound and respectful silence; and during the Wars that followed be­twixt [Page 14] Louis the Eleventh their Protector, and the Duke of Burgundy their declared Enemy, they neither acted against the King, nor against the Duke but on such occasions wherein they could not civilly excuse themselves neither to the one nor to the other. In acting, or before they acted they used all the circumspection that might justifie their Proceeding; and though Louis the Eleventh was so difficult to be managed in that Affair, that the Constable of St. Paul could not succeed in it, yet they behaved themselves so wisely as that their Conduct in so nice a Point was not at all suspected by his most Christian Majesty, They waited for the return of their good fortune in peace, and thereby deserved that their perseverance should triumph over their adversity. It is not known precisely whe­ther the Duke of Burgundy was touched with it; or if the need he had of the Croys to get into the possession of Guel­derland, which was then made over to him by an abused Uric Duke of Guelders. Father in prejudice of his own SonAdolphe., obliged him to be reconciled to them; but it is certain they were honourably re-esta­blished; that they had great interests with the chief men of the Dutchy of [Page 15] Guelders; that they contributed much to engage them mildly under the Dominion of the House of Burgundy; and that if the change was introduced almost without effusion of bloud, Charles the Terrible was obliged to the Croys for it.

They lived with him afterward in such a manner, that if they gained not his friendship, yet they prevented the re­mains of aversion that he might have con­cealed in his heart from breaking out against them; and after he was killed be­fore Nancy, they again advanced to the chief place of favour in the Court of Mary of Burgundy his Heiress. They had disposed her to the Marriage of the Dauphin of France, though she was al­ready twenty years old, and the Dauphin but six; and their gratitude to Louis the Eleventh was so sincere that they omitted nothing which might serve to persuade him by that Alliance to unite the Low Countries to his Family. The blindness and obstinacy of that Prince in refusing the greatest advantage that could ever happen to him, amazed them the more, that they perceived him with extreme earnestness, courting others incomparably of far less importance. Nevertheless they were not thereby discouraged from ob­liging France; but managed so well the [Page 16] credit which they had with their Princess Mary of Burgundy, that she consented to marry Charles Count of Angoulesm, who was afterwards the Father of Francis the First. They supposed that if the irrecon­cilable hatred which Louis the Eleventh bore to the House of Burgundy so far transported him, as not to admit of the Princess who inherited it into his Family, yet it would not carry him so far, as to suffer the Low Countries to go out of the Royal Family of France: But they had no comfort remaining, when they under­stood that his most Christian Majesty looked upon an Alliance of a Prince of his bloud with the Heiress of Burgundy as the greatest misfortune that threatned France, by reason of the Interests that he might have, and of the Civil Wars he might raise therein, when he had a mind to it. They admired Divine Providence in the limits that it sets to Monarchies, and in the obstacles it raises against their growth and greatness, and so thwarted no more the Marriage of Mary of Burgundy with Maximilian of Austria. They ne­gotiated for Philip of Austria their Son a Treaty It is in the French King's Li­brary. with the Duke of Cleve which confirmed the Union of Guelderland with the Low Countries; and their [Page 17] Affairs were in that posture when William de Croy, Lord of Chievres, third Son of Philip de Croy, began by his rare qualities to signalize himself in the World. He came into it in the Spring of the year one thousand four hundred and fifty eight; and seeing he was but a younger Son of [...]o numerous a Family that there were fourteen Children of them in all, and that nevertheless he found himself born to be [...]e day the honour of it, he proposed to himself betimes to be indebted only to himself next to God for the greatness to which he aspired, and of which he had [...]me secret forethought; and the measures [...] took for attaining to it were the same, [...] if he had neither Birth nor Fortune.

His Body was strong enough to endure without inconvenience the toils & fatigues o [...] War, and nevertheless so well shaped, that [...] might dispute for beauty and comliness [...]ith any man living. To eye him, though [...] chance, was enough to convince one [...] the first glance, that he was of the up­per Rank in Civil Society; and had he lived in those times when the handsomest men were chosen to command others, the most flourishing Empire would have fallen [...]o his share. But this outside served for nothing to him, save to inspire into those [...]hat beheld him a desire of knowing what [Page 18] lodged within; since men left off to praise the Shape of Chievres, when by means thereof they had discovered some draughts of the sublimity and reach of his Wit. Both of these were so polite, that they abundantly supplied what study might have added to it: he was naturally furni­shed with what he could not without pains have learned from the best Author; and it was never so distinctly to be seen in any other of his time, that there are some Wits that can easily dispence with all that hath been invented, for improving Reason by Learning, or fortifying it by Experience. He was so sharp-sighted that there was no putting upon him: so firm and steady that he was proof against the most surpri­sing emergences: so wise, that no trouble­som accident hapned to him, but that he foresaw it timely enough to correct its bit­terness either in whole or in part: so just, that he inviolably preferred merit before all other humane considerations: so gene­rous, that in so many different Offices which he discharged, he never swarved from decency, nor from his duty: so skil­ful in the Art of knowing men, that his Prince was never better served than by those he preferred to him: and so disinte­ressed that he never demanded any gratui­ty that might redound to his own profit.

Seeing he had no Children by Mary Magdalen, whom others call Mary of Hamal, his Wife, he addicted himself the more willingly to the profession of Arms, and served the Kings of France, Charles the Eighth at the Conquest of Naples, and Louis the Twefth in the recovery of the Dutchy of Milan, having first ob­tained leave from his Master Philip Arch­ [...]uke of Austria, the only Son and Suc­ [...]essour of Mary of Burgundy, who liked it very well that his Subjects should learn the Art of War at the expence of others, when he reckoned them otherwise so mo­ [...]erate as not to abuse it to the prejudice [...]f their CountryIn the Pane­gyrick of that Prince.. The first rupture betwixt France and Spain hapned shortly a [...]er; and the Wife Joan of Ar­ragon. of the [...]rchduke becoming Heiress [...] the last of these two Monarchies, [...]hievres left off carrying Arms for the [...]ench, and lived at his ease in the Pro­ [...]nce of Hainault when the Archduke [...]led him from thence to give him a Commission, which gave a sufficient proof [...]at that Prince preferred him before the [...]reatest Lords of the Netherlands.

It hath been an indispensible Law of the [...]panish Monarchy, that he who would [...]ne day reign there, and without opposi­tion [Page 20] succeed to so many Crowns, must be owned by the States of the Country assem­bled for that end alone, for Prince of the Asturies, that is to say, for Successour and Heir apparent to the Crown. The Arch­duke was a Flemming, and his Wife at her Marriage had not expresly stipulated, that her rights to the Spanish Monarchy should be reserved to her, because she was so remote from it, that there was no ap­pearance that ever she should succeed by the course of Nature: Nevertheless all those that precluded her were dead, and made way for her Succession. She had a younger Sister in Spain; and it was to be seared that the Spaniards marrying her at home, might use the Archdutchess as they had heretofore treated Queen Blanch of Castile, the Mother of St. Louis, who be­ing in France at the death of King Alphonso her Father, and having neglected to get her self acknowledged for Heiress apparent, the Estates of Castile had disappointed her of it, and conferred the same upon the Infanta Berenguelle her younger Sister. There was a necessity then for the Arch­duke and Archdutchess to go with all ex­pedition into Spain; and though there was no instance that ever the Sovereigns of the Low Countries had removed so far out of that Country, yet Custom at [Page 21] that time yielded to Necessity, and the Subjects of the Archduke at length con­sented to it upon the solemn promise he gave them of a speedy return; and probably it was to remove from them all suspicion of failing in his word, that he left no Governour to supply his place in his ab­sence. But after the death of Isabelle his Mother-in Law, and when there was a [...]ecessity of going a second time into Spain [...]o take possession of the Crowns of Ca­stile, Leon, and others that were united to them, the Archduke foreseeing that his abode there would be long, as, indeed, [...]e never returned back more; and being [...]onstrained to chuse an able man to supply [...]is absence in the Low Countries, he cast his eyes upon Chievres. The choice was generally approved of all; and as the Archduke had no cause to repent of it, [...] his Subjects had no occasion to find any [...]ult with the same. The tranquillity [...]nd quiet of the Low Countries was so [...]rofound, that nothing discomposed it [...]either within nor without; and the Arch­ [...]uke was the more obliged to the Judici­ [...]us Conduct of Chievres for that, that [...] was the chief cause, as will appear in [...]he sequel of this Work, which procured [...]im the success that he had in the follow­ [...]ng enterprise, which was one of the most [Page 22] difficult that hath appeared on the Stage in these latter Ages.

The Archduke claimed the Govern­ment of Castile immediatly upon the death of his Mother-in-law, and grounded his Pretensions upon the Right and Custom received in that point all over Spain. Fer­dinand, the Catholick King his Father-in­law, pretended on the contrary to the usufruct and administration of the same Government, and shewed his Queens Te­stament, which lest it to him in express terms. The Archduke made answer that the Testament was forged; and that if the truth was not altogether clear on his side, it was at least very apparent. Most of the Grandees of Castile were persuaded of it, and publickly declared for him. But Ferdinand had made the rest; and seeing he had besides engaged in his Inte­rests his hereditary Kingdoms of Arragon, to which his Son-in-law had no pretension, he would have hindered him from taking possession of Castile, and would have re­served it to himself in spight of the Arch­duke, had he been engaged in a War with any of his Neighbours: whereas upon the certain advice that was brought into Spain that the administration of Chievres was so acceptable to the Flemings and their Neighbours, that not only neither [Page 23] the one nor other had any mind to dis­quiet it, but were also disposed to give the Archduke considerable assistances both in Men and Money upon the first sollicitati­on he should make for them, Ferdinand gave over his Plea, and lost it. He re­nounced, in favour of his Son-in-law, the Testament which he had produced, and caused to be Printed in all Languages: he signed his dimission: he departed al­most alone out of Castile, as he had en­tred it almost alone thirty four years be­fore, and retreated to Arragon. But great Prosperities are many times followed by unexpected Misfortunes.

The Archduke was no sooner peaceable King of Castile, but that he died there; and that accident was so far from doing prejudice to Chievres, that it was the chief occasion of his fortune. The eldest of the two Sons whom the Archduke [...]ft was but six years old, and was named [...]harles. He was destined for making up [...]e most powerful Monarchy of Christen­ [...]om, seeing he had already the Low- [...]ountries; and that besides, three Suc­ [...]essions no less infallible in respect of him, [...]han great in themselves, would one day make him the Master of a prodigious number of Provinces and Kingdoms. From his Mother he expected Castile and the [Page 24] Crowns thereto annexed: from his Grand­father by the Mother the Kingdoms of Ar­ragon, Valentia, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Ma­jorca, and Minorca, and the Principality of Catalonia: and from the Emperour Maxi­milian the First, his Grandfather by the Father, the ten Hereditary Provinces of the House of Austria in Germany; besides his Pretensions to the Empire so well grounded, that all the Forces, Credit, Money, and rare personal qualities of Francis the First of France, could not afterward hinder them from taking effect.

The Education of this young Prince, who till the death of his Father was called Duke of Luxembourg, and who afterward took the Title of Archduke, was of such importance that hardly could there a man be found fit to take the care of it; and if Chievres was not called to it by the unanimous Votes of those who pretended the right of appointing a Governour to the young Archduke, yet at least he had this advantage, that they approved the choice that was made of him.

Before we lay open so curious a mystery in Politicks, it will not be amiss to observe in this place that Sandoval, and other Spa­nish Historians, who have reviled the me­mory of Chievres upon the motives that [Page 25] shall be mentioned in their proper place, have not taken notice that their animo­sity against him turned to their own pre­judice; and that to blast the memory of a man, In the first Tome of the Life of Charles the Fifth. who in spight of their big Volumes will still continue blameless, they have fallen into errors con­cerning the truth of matter of fact, which nothing but a criminal indulgence can pardon, seeing they brag of having search­ed the Originals. They form a long de­bate betwixt the two Grandfathers of the Archduke by the Father and Mothers side, to which of the two it belonged to [...]ominate a Governour for him. They [...]uppose that the Grandfather by the Mo­ther laid the matter so to heart, that he threatened oftener than once to disinherit his Grandson, if the care of his Educa­tion were not wholly left to him. They [...]dd, that the Paternal Grandfather thwar­ [...]ed this with as much heat at least, but with no other prospect than of making use of the Revenues of the Low Countries [...]uring the minority of their Sovereign. They affirm, that the Paternal, indeed, [...]arried it by his Dignity of Emperour, and [...]he consent of the Flemings accustomed to his administration; and that his Impe­rial Majesty having too much to do in [Page 26] Germany to mind himself the institution and affairs of the Archduke, appointed Chievres in his place to take the care of both. In a word, they will have all ab­solutely believe the truth of what they write, pretending to pass for sincere and disinteressed Historians, if there ever were any, by reason of some disadvantageous particulars to their Nation which they relate, taken from the weaknesses of Fer­dinand in relation to his Domestick Af­fairs: Nevertheless the same Authors err in matter of fact, and are mistaken for want of having seen the piece which de­cides the question they treated about. They knew not that the sudden death of their King Philip the First was not alto­gether unexpected, and that that Prince had not only Civilly, but according to Erasmus, Christianly prepared for death, though he was but seven and twenty years of Age when it hapned: That he made a Testament in ample form; and that the chief Article of that Authentick Act consisted in a most express recommen­dation of his Eldest Son Charles to the most Christian King Louis the Twelfth, In the Testament of Philip the First. and in an ear­nest desire to his Majesty to set over him the man whom he should think fittest to educate him.

The reasons of that disposition pro­bably were, that on the one hand Philip understood the inconstant and prodigal humour of the Emperour his Father, and knew by experience that Maximilian could no sooner be Master of Money but that he squandered it away as fast; and that nevertheless so soon as he was bare again he hunted after it with so much [...]agerness and vehemence, that what way soever he could come by it, right or wrong, all was alike to him: That he had no other motive but that to make him after the death of Mary of Burgundy espouse [...]lanche Sforza the Daughter of a Father [...]d Mother both Bastards, although the [...]ermans entertained a terrible aversion to such a kind of base Alliance: That he had Ostner than once sent and commanded in [...]rson Troops in Italy for the service of [...]ose who paid him dearest for them; [...]d that there was but little hopes that in [...]s old age he would reform a fault, which [...]ll then had been his predominant Passi­on. In the mean time, if he lived after [...]s ordinary rate, when he was Ad­ministrator of the Government of the [...]ow-Countries, he would the more easily [...]ut all things into trouble and confusi­on; that the People there were naturally inclined to revolt, and that they must be [Page 28] governed with a tenderness that hindered them from perceiving that they enjoyed not entire liberty: That the least extra­ordinary Tax that his Imperial Majesty might impose upon them, would stir them up to sedition, and that the constant Re­venue could not entertain him one month of the year: That the Flemings would be no less unwilling that he should lend their Forces against their Neighbours, with an emptier Purse than that of their Enemies, and that which of the two hapned, the Netherlands were almost in an equal dan­ger of changing their Master during the time of a long minority.

On the other hand, the Testator was altogether dissatisfied with the Catholick King Ferdinand his Father-in-law, and to say the truth, not without cause, since the affront he had received from him struck directly at his honour: For when the same Ferdinand resolved to drive the French out of half the Kingdom of Naples, which two years before he had divided with them, he well foresaw that his Forces being in­feriour to theirs he could not be able to overcome them but by joyning Stratagem to Force. He proposed to himself to amuse and deceive them; and that they might not mistrust the snare he laid for them, he thought it best to cloak his [Page 29] treachery under the faith of a Treaty, which is the most sacred and inviolable type of Civil Society; and chose his Son-in-law in quality of Plenipotentiary for the Instrument of his foul play, thinking that if the French did upon any ground conceive suspicion, they would entertain less of a Prince, such as Philip, who was their feudatary, than of any other whom his Catholick Majesty might send unto them. Accordingly Ferdinand entreated Phi­lip to go to the Court of Louis the Twelfth, and make peace betwixt France and Spain, having for that end given him an unli­ [...]nited Commission. Philip found Louis at Blois, and treated fairly and squarely with him. The accommodation was signed on both hands, on condition that the di­vision of the Kingdom of Naples betwixt the two Nations should continue, and that which of the two did invade any part be­ [...]nging to the other should forthwith make restitution. Louis, who out of a [...]rinciple of Religion avoided needless ex­ [...]ence as much as he could, dismissed the Troops that he had raised for maintaining his share; and Ferdinand on the contrary having reinforced his, they beat the French, and drove them entirely out. Louis complained of this to all the World; But Ferdinand having obtained what he [Page 30] desired, put off the Vizor. He disowned what his Son-in-law had done, and laugh­ed at the credulity of Louis. He still re­tained what he had so unjustly usurped when Philip died; who if he had left the disposition of his Son to him, would have given ground of suspicion that there had been a collusion betwixt his Father in law and himself, and that he was not altoge­ther innocent of a cheat which he or his might one day have the benefit of. His memory would have been too much blasted thereby; and the stain was so foul, that he did not think he could shun it but by trusting what was dearest to him to the Probity of Louis, and making by that means some reparation for the injury which he had received by his Ministry. Besides, he foresaw that if he left the ad­ministration of the Low-Countries to the Catholick King, that Prince would em­ploy their Forces against France with so much the more danger to the Flemings; that if they were worsted, he was too far off to assist them; whereas by referring himself to the most Christian King in the choice of a Governour for his Son, they would remain united with France, and thereby maintain themselves in profound peace.

However it be, the Flemings approved the Testament of Philip, and Louis had full liberty to provide for the Education of Charles the young Archduke. He de­termined in favour of Chievres, and what hereafter follows will make it but too evident that he could not have done bet­ter for the Pupil who was recommended [...]o him, nor worse for the Monarchy of France. Chievres employed the first years of his Charge in studying the Geni­us of the young Archduke, and by an unconceivable assiduity and attention [...] finding out in him the little ways and [...]umours that discovered what ground­ [...]ork Nature and Sin had laid there for [...]ertue and for Vice. The fruit of so long labour was, that Chievres discovered that Charles resembled Lands newly dried after they had been long overflowed with the waters of the Sea, which at first pro­duce vast numbers both of good and bad [...]rbs: That in reality the chief perfecti­ons of his most illustrious Ancestors were descended into him, but that in exchange [...] likewise inherited the most remarkable of their imperfections: For as to the Fa­ther's side, if he had the activity of [...]hilip the hardy, he had also his inclination of always pursuing the end which he pro­posed by fetches and by-ways: if he had [Page 32] the undertaking humour of John without fear, In the Lives of the last Dukes of Burgundy. he had likewise his pertinaci­ousness in pushing on to the last the most unjust enterprises: If, like Philip the good, he loved to be fami­liar, yet he did not like, no more than he, that his familiarity should raise or enrich those who were honoured with it: If he was indefatigable in labour, as Charles the terrible, so he exacted, as rigidly as he, the reward of his labours: If he was sometimes merry, even to excess as the Emperour Maximilian, so was he no less insupportable than he in a pensive melan­choly that seized him upon the smallest occasions: And if, as his Father, he was complaisant to those who instructed him, he had nevertheless also a secret contempt of their Persons notwithstanding the good office they rendered him.

On the Mothers side, if like Henry of Transtamare, he had the knack of engaging men of extraordinary merit into his Inte­rests, and to keep them so engaged so long as he had need of them, he had also the weakness to forget them as absolutely as if he had never known them, so soon as they were no more useful unto him. If like John the Second of Castile, he employ­ed more willingly men of low extraction [Page 33] than persons of quality, yet he pardoned no more than he, the least escapes they were guilty of in the execution of his Orders: If, in imitation of Henry the Third of Castile, he prevented as much as [...]y in his power the troubles which [...]reatened the State, he set about it also in the same manner as he, by fomenting [...]e divisions that he found kindled [...]mongst the great men, or by his Emissa­ [...]es cunningly sowing the seeds of them, [...]hen the too good correspondence amongst these great men began to create suspicions in him: If he was as happy as [...]hn the Second of Castile in finding men that gloried to sacrifice themselves to [...] service, yet he rewarded them no more than he, but by caresses and praise: If, as John of Arragon, he entertained no more freiendship for his own, than what decorum [...]uired, without going farther, he cared as little as he, if the Publick was acquain­t [...] with his defect of tenderness: In a word, if, in imitation of Ferdinand the [...]tholick, he exacted from others a punctual performance of their word, and if he could not endure no more than he that they with whom he had to do should [...]eak promise to him, so neither, no more than he, was he a slave to his own word. Not that the perfections and defects [Page 34] which we have now mentioned, and which have been since objected to Charles, were already observed in him, or indeed that he was so soon capable of them: but that the penetrating Judgment of Chievres could even distinguish in the Soul of that young Prince his natural inclination to­wards the good things that charmed him, and towards the bad which were the effects of original sin; and that perspica­city was in some measure like the light which directs Philosophers in discovering effects in their causes, and Astronomers in finding out the insluences in the Stars. Chievres observed that Charles loved glo­ry; and that it was enough many times to make him amend his faults, to threaten him with divulging of them. From thence he concluded that the study and reading of History were absolutely necessary for cul­tivating the good seeds we have menti­oned, and for choaking the bad.

In the first of those two prospects he searched in the Colledge of Louvain for a Tutor to the Archduke, and pitched upon Doctor Adrian who was in great re­putation there, and who notwithstanding his want of Politeness, was nevertheless since promoted to the Papacy; but in the other prospect he was more reserved; and there might be ground to doubt of the [Page 35] truth of what we are about to write, if the Spanish Writers did not therein agree with the Flemings. Chievres looked upon History to be of so great importance for forming of his young Prince, that he durst trust none but himself to teach it him.

For every thing else he assigned him Masters; but as for that he would have [...]o foreign aid, but taught him himself. The truth is, he did it with this circum­pection, that to hinder his Scholar from being tired out with the tediousness of the [...]abour, and from pressing him from time [...] time to break off, he pretended to stu­ [...]y it with him, that he might regulate, [...]s he said, his life at the expence of ano­ther.

The order that he followed in it could [...]t be more methodical, because he be­ [...]n by giving Charles a notion of History [...] general, and then applied him to the [...]istories of the People of Europe with [...]hom one day he was to have affairs to [...]anage; but seeing his chief business was [...] be in Spain and France, it was his Go­ [...]rnours care to acquaint him thoroughly with the History of those two Monarchies. [...]nder that of France the History of the [...]ow Countries was at that time compre­ [...]nded. He would have Charles also [Page 36] [...] [Page 37] [...] [Page 40] [...] [Page 41] [...] [Page 36] read every Author in his own Language and Stile, and not to be discouraged by the barbarisms of most of them, nor by the superfluity of three parts in four of the things contained therein. He convinced him at first of this maxim, That to speak properly, there is nothing useless in mat­ter of History; and that the matters of fact which serve for nothing at all in the notion that one hath in reading of them, will early or late serve for something or other in the notions that one may have hereafter.

In the mean time the Spanish Authors were already too numerous; and those who have examined them in the Library of Cardinal Mazarin, know that the reading of them is not very pleasant, to say nothing more slightingly of them. The number of French Historians was not less: they had no Charms for that young Prince, whose mind was affected with no­thing but what glittered to his eyes: Nevertheless he run them over; and it is to be observed in several passages of his life, that he cited them to pur­pose when occasion offered, and that he had retained what was most important in them.

To make a deeper impression of them in his mind, his Governour failed not to [Page 37] make him observe that for the most part all the good and bad actions of his Ance­stors met with even in this life the recom­pense or punishment which they de­served; And for instance, that Philip the Hardy, Duke of Burgundy, because of his dissimulation in all great actions, and his pretending to have followed the Counsels of others, though no man was more pos­sessed than he of the infallibility of his own, had fallen into a quarrel with the King of Sicily his Brother, and the Duke of Orleans his Nephew, and left the same to his Posterity, which had a long time employed, and at last overwhelmed him. The Excess of his complaisance to the Heiress of Flanders his Lady, because of the Portion she brought him, made that Princess, who was already but too haugh­ty, altogether insupportable, and he him­self was even often constrained to bear her slights and affronts without daring to complain. He was so very revengeful, and nevertheless affected to appear so far from it, that on such occasions he always employed the hands of some unknown Assassins, who knew neither who em­ployed them, nor what was the reason of it, and God Almighty suffered his Son to be killed almost by the same measures. That John without fear was so persuaded [Page 38] that Fortune would change her incon­stancy in his favours, that he bragged he had married her; nevertheless she so far forsook him as to suffer him to mount a Scaffold. After Baja­zet took him Pri­soner. He admired the simplicity of those who trusted to his promises, and he died for having trusted to the promises of another. He had no more of Religion but an outside enough to amuze good men, and he had not time enough to repent of so prodigious an im­piety. By extraordinary means he courted the affection of the Common People, and lost that of the Nobles. That Philip the good aspired to real Grandeur, and never any Sovereign under the degree of a King re­ceived so much honour as he, seeing he restored Popes, Emperours of Germany, and of Constantinople, Kings of England, and of the East. By several Mistrisses he had nine Boys and five Girls; and by two Wives successively during the space of above fifty years, he could have but one Son who was the last of his Family. That in fine, Charles the Terrible sometimes re­proved the Clergy of his Territories when he saw them perform Divine Service negli­gently; and God Almighty in acknow­ledgment of the care that he took of his Glory, rendred him one of the most [Page 39] famous and powerful Princes that never was King. He executed Justice amongst his Subjects with an exactness that can­not sufficiently be praised; and his Sub­jects conceived such veneration for him, that they could not believe that he died miserably before Nancy as they were told, but expected him six years, much after the manner that the Jews expect the Messi­as: However on the other hand he was so cruel in War, as to be reckoned in the judgment of Posterity the first Christian Prince in these last Ages who limited the Law of Nations, at that time of larger extent in Military affairs than it is at present, resu­sing quarters to the conquered who with most profound submission begg'd it; and the Suisse who killed him, In the Journal of the Siege of Nesse. so but cherously mangled his body that it was impossible afterwards to know it otherwise than by conjecture. He framed a design of restoring the Ancient Monarchy of Burgundy upon the ruins of the Monar­chy of France: and he lost himself in attem­pting it by indirect means, when he could not succeed in it by direct.

This was the way of Chievres to in­struct Charles both usefully and Christian­ly in History, by making every consi­derable accident he learn'd contribute to [Page 40] the rendring him one day the better man; And Charles on his part, though he eager­ly studied matters so prepared to his hand, yet did not ply his studies without laying violent constraints upon himself. His thoughts were very apt to ramble, and there needed a great deal of attention to ap­ply so many different matters to their se­veral particular ends, and to burden his memory with the heavy charge of using them in the nick of time. His rambling proceeded from his prodigious activity which could not continue a moment in repose. The famous Brothers Peter and James du puy have given a relation to this purpose which serves no less to inform us of the conduct of [...] than the Tem­per of [...]. The Emperour Max [...] ­li [...]n the [...] had a m [...]nd to have the [...] of his [...] in the Gallery o [...] his Palace in [...], and where to Cheevres [...] to the life as possibly he could, that he might accustom the [...] ­mans by times to the sight of a Prince de­stined to be their Head. Nothing was omitted that could be done in the punctual execution of the orders of his Imperial Majesty, and the famous Albert Durer was consulted about the choice of the Pain­ter: he brought a great many, and all of them had the misfortune to be employed, [Page 41] and to draw one after another without success. They all agreed to lay the blame upon Charles, who still moving some part of his body, and changing his posture eve­ry minute, hindered them from drawing any true Lineament. So that the Picture had not been sinished, though it was sketched by so many hands, if Chievres had not bethought himself of causing four Swords to be brought, and placed round Charles in so exact a manner, that he could not stir without wounding himself.

The Historians of Spain have not dared directly to blame the assiduity which the Governour of Charles exacted of himself History, because the [...] which [...] Prince reaped from it would [...] to have [...] who would have strock at that [...]oot. But they have [...] and by another way pursued their [...]. They [...] ry to Charles; and that the time which he spent in the study of it, had not been all employed, if it had been done without prejudice to other things which in their opinion were at least as needful to him: but they add, that the knowledge of the Latine Tongue was no less necessary to Charles than that of History; and that [Page 42] nevertheless Chievres, whom they repre­sent as the most compleat Courtier that ever was, perceiving on the one hand that his Pupil delighted in History, and that on the other he had an aversion to the Latine Tongue, had greater regard to the inclination of his Prince, than to his own duty. That he wholly dispensed with his studying of Latine; and allowed him to spend the hours that were appointed for that in Dancing, Fencing, and Riding. That Charles paid dear for that negli­gence; and that when he was Emperour, he had occasion to complain of the slat­tering indulgence that his Governour had showed him. That a Latine Speech was made to him one day in Germany which contained matters of very great impor­tance, that required a speedy and positive answer; and that nevertheless his Imperial Majesty was so far from answering the Speech, that he understood it not. That he bore very impatiently the affront which at that time he received; and that wanting an opportunity of revenging him­self for it upon the Person of Chievres who was then dead, he did it upon his mernory, which he branded with an eter­nal reproach.

It is strange that the aversion of these Authors should so far transport them as [Page 43] to make them heedlesly blacken Charles in the very places where they have made his Panegyrick, provided the de­fect which they impute to him rebound upon Chievres; and for justifying both the one and the other, we need only distinguish what is true from what is false in their relation. It is true, Chievres employed Charles much more in Histo­ry than in Latine: but it is not true that both these studies were equally ne­cessary for shaping a young Prince; at least Chievres, who without doubt passed for a man of Wit, Judgment, Experience, and Forecast, was not persuaded of that. He thought it enough for Charles to under­stand the dead Languages, such as La­tine; and that the study of the Elegancy and Politeness thereof, and the opinion of speaking it as it was spoken in Rome in the time of Augustus, should be left to the study of the Criticks of Schools and Uni­versities. He was not singular in his opi­nion; and most part of Persons of qua­lity who lived in his Age, were of the same. It was long after him a Maxim at the Court of France which hath been al­ways the most polished of Christendom, that it was not for the honour of a King to have it said of him that he was an ex­cellent Latinist; and Henry the Fourth, [Page 44] whom no man dare accuse of ignorance in this particular, since Causa­bon says, In the Preface to his Commenta­ries upon Poly­bius. that he had read and admired the French Transla­tion which he made of Caesars Commentaries, used sometimes in Raillery, to call James the First of Great Britain, Master James, because he valued himself too much upon his speaking and writing Latine well; and it is further said, that his most Christian Majesty being informed that that Prince who before was only King of Scotland, was become King of England also, He spake his thoughts of it in his own words, C'st là un trop bon morceau pour un Pedant; That is too good a morcel for a Pedant.

It is likewise true, that Charles had not so great an inclination for the Latine Tongue as for others; but it is not so, that he had an aversion to it, and that Chievres condescended so far to him, as to excuse him from learning it, seeing it is certain that Charles studied it not after the death of Chievres; and though he would have ap­plied himself to it, yet the great and con­tinual affairs that he had afterward, would not have allowed him the leisure. In the mean time the Germans know that he took pleasure in reading of Sleidan the most po­lite Latine Historian of his time; and that [Page 45] he used to say when he called for it, Bring me hither my Lyar; Nor are the Spaniards ignorant neither, that when he retired to the Monastery of St. Just, he commonly read the Works of S. Bernard that were not then translated, which shews that at least he understood Latine; it being unlikely that he would lose the time which he set apart wholly for working out his own Salvati­on, and which he had bought with the price of so much worldly greatness wil­lingly forsaken; nor that he would pre­tend to jeer a Father of the Church in the sense of St. Jerom, St. Jerom said on one, Non vis intelligi neque ego te intelli­gere. by reading him constantly without under­standing him.

To be short, That Juncture, mentioned by the Spaniards, where Charles was put to a stand in Germany for want of Latine, and could neither conceive what was said to him, nor make a positive answer to it, bears more than one character of falshood: For in the first place, we see that he under­stood Latine: In the second place, they who bring him in conferring immediately with a German about important affairs, know not that he never stooped the Imperial Majesty so low; and it is so far from being true that he abased it, as is pretended, by positive answers given upon the spot, and [Page 46] face to face in any matter of consequence, that he carried it incomparably higher than any of his Predecessors had ever done before him, or any of his Successors since. He heard all sorts of business in the publick and private Audiences which he gave in Germany, without any other an­swer at the time than that he would exa­mine them; and, in truth, he took time to speak of them to his Council, or to re­solve by himself what he was to do, there being no instance that ever he did other­wise. Afterward the answer was brought, or sent in his name in writing to such affairs as could in that manner be dispatch­ed, and for others that required answers by word of mouth, the Emperour sent for those who expected his answer, and made his Chancellour always give it them, even when he himself thought it convenient to be present. If the Chancellour was absent or indisposed, the Vice chancellour spake for him; and both failing, he employed a Counsellor of State. So that the passage related by the Spanish Writers, would have been not only irregular, but singu­lar in its kind; and seeing it is not men­tioned in any Author of other Nations, and that it hapned, as they would have it, in a Country far distant from theirs, they ought not to think it strange if we [Page 47] question the truth of their information. In the third place, there is no instance in latter Ages that Emperours have spoken Latine when they treated of affairs; and on the contrary it is very well known that Maximilian the Second, who spake that Language as freely as high Dutch, yet never made use of it in pub­lick Affairs. In a word, all the Panegy­ricks of Charles, and the most biting Sa­tyrs against his Memory, agree in giving him the testimony, that if he did not gra­tisie Chievres as much as he deserved, yet he rewarded him after his way by prai­sing him upon all occasions; and that he never let fall a word to his prejudice, which wholly confutes the matter ob­jected.

When Chievres by instructing the Arch­duke in History had given him those ge­neral lights that he needed for the conduct of his life, he descended to particular Maxims, in laying out to him his true Interests in relation to all the Powers of Europe. He proposed to him two sorts of them; which he represented as not only very different in themselves, but likewise in some manner so opposite, that he would run the risk of undoing himself by mi­staking the one for the other. That he had present interests and future, and that [Page 44] [...] [Page 45] [...] [Page 46] [...] [Page 47] [...] [Page 48] the furure were the same with those of his Grandfathers by the Father and Mo­thers side, which one day he was to in­herit, but that the present were directly contrary to them in that neither the Em­perour Maximilian I. nor Ferdinand the Catholick King lived in good correspon­dence with Louis XII. and that if Charles favoured them abroad, he would draw in­to his Territories the Arms of France, which would infallibly dispossess him of them before he could be succoured, the Catholick King being too remote, and the Emperour having neither Money nor Credit enough for the speedy raising of an Army in case of necessity. Chievres drew from so true a Principle this Consequence, that the Friendship of the French was ab­solutely necessary to Charles, so long as he was no more but what he was, that is, so long as he enjoyed no more but the Suc­cession of Burgundy. That he ought to rest satisfied with external demonstrations of honour and civility, respect and sub­mission in reference to his Grandfathers in all affairs that they might have to dispute with France, but at the bottom he should continue closely united with his most Christian Majesty. That he should carry fair with the Emperour Maximilian, be­cause he could not succeed to him in the [Page 49] Empire if by his means he preserved not the long setled interests, which the House of Austria had with the several Members that composed the bo­dy of the German Empire; and that seeing the friendship of that Prince was to be bought and sold, it was better his Grandson should purchase it than another. That he should not there­fore fail to send him as much money as he could; and that his liberality would not be unprofitable, provided it were managed with three precautions. First, That it should be frequent, because of the con­tinual need of him that received it: Se­condly, That it should only consist in small Sums at a time, seeing his Imperial Ma­jesty was put into as good an humour by giving him but a little, as by giving him much: And lastly, That it should be se­cret, because it would be to be feared [...]hat the People of the Low-Countries might mutiny, if they came to know that what was raised from them served for no [...]ther end but to feed and entertain the [...]rodigality of Maximilian, whose tem­ [...]er they knew to be such that their mo­ [...]ey would encrease rather than cure the [...]isease of that Prince. Chievres added, [...]hat since Charles had much more cause to [...]e afraid of Ferdinand the Catholick King [Page 50] than of the Emperour, he ought likewise to carry to him with greater Judgment and Policy. That the young Ferdinand of Austria, younger Brother to Charles, was born in Spain, and seemed to bring with him from his Mothers Womb all the Spa­nish Inclinations: That the Catholick King was his Godfather, and had given him his name; that he loved him tender­ly, and that it was known from good hands that he had a design to make him King of Arragon, and perhaps of Castile also: That the Spaniards would the more willingly consent to it, that they pre­tended to have a King who might constant­ly live in Spain: In the mean time, if Charles were their King, the multitude of urgent Affairs that would happen to him in all parts of Europe, would oblige him to lead his life, as the ancient Patriarchs did, in a continual Pilgrimage, and so to distribute his cares, time, travels, and presence, that the Low-Countries, Germany, and Italy would have the better share o [...] them, and Spain the least. That there was no other way to ward so dangerous a blow, than by insensibly bringing back the Catholick King into the course that Na­ture and the Law of Nations required of him, and by convincing him by his own experience that the elder of his Grandsons [Page 51] deserved better to succeed to him than the younger, and that so all that Charles had to do was to become more virtuous and better qualified than Ferdinand. Chievres advised Charles, in relation to the two other Crowns of Spain, which were those of Navarre and Portugal, that it would be convenient to continue the Project of the Catholick King for reuniting them to the [...]est of the Spanish Monarchy by means of [...]lliances; but that there was but little appearance that that could be so soon ac­complished, seeing on the one hand Catha­ [...]ine de Frix Queen of Navarre, and [...]ohn d' Albert her Son, had such near Alli­ [...]nces with the Crown of France, that [...]ey would never dispose of their Chil­dren but with the consent and approbation of Louis the Twelfth: And on the other hand, Manuel, King of Potugal, had Five [...]sty Sons by the Aunt of Charles his se­ [...]nd Wife, and that by consequent the [...]aughters of the same marriage could not [...]pect to succeed so soon, but that the [...]gagement of the King of Navarre with t [...]e French might some time or other be [...]nare to him, and that besides, as the [...]sterity of Charlemain was extinct in the [...]ce of Eighteen years, though it was so [...]merous that it consisted of thirty two [...]gorous Princes all married, so that of [Page 52] Manuel might fail by a like or more un­happy Fate.

England was more important in all re­spects to Charles, and his Governour ad­vised him to look upon it at all times as a Kingdom able to do him great services, and proportionably to hurt him; for the Low-Countries, in the condition they were then in, needed not fear to succumb, un­less they had France for their Enemy, and then they could not expect any assistance greater, speedier, more suitable to their necessity, nor nearer at hand than that of the English. That if the necessity of that assistance did not encrease after he came to the enjoyment of the Successions which he expected, it would at least be as great, seeing Spain would then become a Monarchy that might counterpoise France and none but England could be in a con­dition then to turn the balance to which side of the two it adhered. That Charle [...] would always have the advantage of the French when he competed with them t [...] draw England over to his side; since be sides the invincible antipathy betwixt the English and French Nation, and the inve­terate hatred fomented by so many Wars Henry the Eighth of England was marrie [...] to the last Infanta of Spain, Sister to Charle his Mother, and constantly favoured h [...] [Page 53] Father-in-law Ferdinand the Catholick against Louis the Twelfth.

In relation to Scotland it behoved Charles to reason from a quite opposite Maxime; and that he must not expect upon any Juncture that could be offered to him, to engage that King into his In­terests. The Alliance of that Nation with the French, had without interrupti­on continued seven hundred years from King to King, and from Crown to Crown; and though it had not been so old, nor so strict, yet it would be enough for the Scots that Spain courted the friendship of the English to make them declare against it for France, though they had not as yet spoused any Party.

Italy came next in course into the thought of Chievres, of which he only represented to the Archduke four princi­pal Powers from whom the Inferiour were [...] receive their influence, to wit, France, [...]pain, the Holy See, and the Republick of [...]enice.

France held there the Dutchies of Genoa and Milan, Spain, the Kingdom of Naples, [...]e Holy See, ten Provinces, besides the [...]ity of Rome, and the Venetians the State [...]hich is called Terra Firma. The Italians [...]d no reason to fear that the Popes or [...]enetians would trouble their repose, [Page 44] because both had almost an equal interest to preserve it: But if the French and Spa­niards grew weary of Peace, and took up Arms again, they must infallibly have the same success which they already had, that is to say, that the Nation of the two which could get the Pope on their side would overcome; and as the most Chri­stian and the Catholick Kings did not conquer nor divide betwixt them the Kingdom of Naples but by the consent of Alexander the Sixth; as the Spaniards had not driven the French from thence two years after, but in pursuance of a secret Treaty concluded for that end betwixt the Great Captain and the same Alexander; and as the Pope Julius the Second con­tributed most to hinder the most Christian King from recovering what he had lost, by ruining the formidable Army of that Prince upon the side of the River of Ga­rillan, so the Spaniards in their turn would be driven out of the Kingdom of Naples whensoever it should be their misfortune to displease the same Julius, or one of his Successours. So that the Archduke, in the sense of his Governour ought chiesly to apply himself to entertain his Holiness in the good disposition he was in in rela­tion to Spain; and if the matter was not difficult by reason that Julius hated Louis [Page 55] so much the more, that formerly he loved him, no more would it be in regard of succeeding Popes, since on the one hand their State bordered immediately upon the Kingdoms of Naples, and that they were next Neighbours, whereas the Territo­ries of divers Princes lay betwixt theirs and the Dutchy of Milan, and that so the Court of Rome were not so much exposed to be surprised by an Invasion from the French as from the Spaniards; and on the other hand, it was not so much to be appre­hended that the Spaniards would usurp all Italy if they retained the possession of Naples, as it would be that France might reduce Ita­ly into a Province, if they added the King­dom of Naples to the Dutchy of Milan, be­cause then they could march by Land into the Milanese; having only the Alpes and Piemont to cross; whereas the Spaniards could not go thither but by Sea, and have a Voyage of five hundred Leagues to make.

The Republick of Venice according to Chievres was no less to be considered in matter of Politicks than the Court of Rome; but for power it was not so much, since the Holy See, the Emperour, France and Spain having entered into a League to ruine it, Louis the Twelfth alone had defeated all its Forces at the Battel of Giaradadda, and taken from it all it pos­sessed [Page 56] in the Terra Firma. It is true, it afterward recovered part of that State; but seeing it was not so easily regained as lost, and that in all appearance it would be long before the rest could be recovered. The Venetians were too wise to engage in the mean time in any other Affair; and if they were constrained to espouse a new Party, it would rather be against France, which had in one day stripped them of all that in the space of three hundred years they had acquired by extraordinary pru­dence, conduct, and charge, than against Spain, which rested satisfied with the reco­very of the maritime places of Apullia and Calabria without repaying the vast Sums lent by the Republick to the last King of Naples, for which they were morgaged.

There was but one King for the three Kingdoms of the North, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, and that Prince was Chri­stiern the Second of the House of Olden­bourg. His Father and Grandfather had laid up vast Treasures for him: he had for Allies most of the Princes and Hausiatick Towns of Germany: He had a great deal of Authority in several Circles, and espe­cially in that of the Lower Saxony, and if Charles needed not his sollicitation for ob­taining one day the Empire, yet it was of extreme importance to him, that he [Page 57] should not thwart it, because he was sure he could never be chosen so long as he was against him. That was the reason why Chievres advised him to design one of his Sisters for a Wife to that Prince; and the Alliance was the more easie to be con­cluded at that time because the barbarous numour of Christiern which made him lose his Kingdoms, and die in a Prison, was not as yet known. Both Parties were equally persuaded that they would find their ad­vantage in it, because the King of Den­mark, who had had Territories in Germany, proposed to himself not only to preserve, [...]ut also to enlarge them if the eldest Son of his House died without male Issue; by marrying the Emperours Grand-daughter; and the House of Austria also raised the Authority which it had in Germany consi­derably, by disposing all the North to se­cond the Emperour in the Pretensions which he already had of rendering the Empire Hereditary in his Family.

Ʋladislaus, King of Hungary, was also King of Bohemia; and Charles was told [...] his Governour that he was the most [...]oper Prince of all to turn and manage the Germans, provided there were as much Art employed to appease him, as there had been imprudence committed in offend­ing him.

To make this secret of State the more obvious to Charles, Chievres informed him that the Kingdoms of Hungary and Bo­hemia were no less Elective than the Em­pire; and that the House of Austria, du­ring the space of fourscore years had been thinking of appropriating them, for two reasons; first, because they bordered up­on the ten Hereditary Provinces, and could defend and cover them; and se­condly, if that the fundamental Laws of those two Crowns were changed without the raising of any tumult and effusion of bloud, the Germans would insensibly be accustomend to the form of Government that might be introduced into their Circles, and would not think it strange that their Aristocracy turned into an ab­solute Monarchy. There is no mount­ing up to the Thrones of Monarchies, who chuse their Masters by Plurality of Voices, but by Parties and Factions; and the [...] House of Austria had formed two so [...] powerful Factions in the Kingdoms o [...] Hungary and Bohemia, that there was no ground to f [...]ar but when they came to be vacant it would obtain them. Nevertheless the success did not fully answer so quaint a project; and though the measures of the House of Austria had been long before concerted, and laid down with all possible [Page 59] circumspection, yet were they not the Juster for that. Mathias Corvinus, the Son of the famous Jogn Huniades, the terrour of the Turks, stood in competition for these Crowns, and would not be diverted from his Pretentions neither by the most advantageous Offers, nor most terrible Menaces. He had nothing to pretend for himself but the high reputation and merit of his Father: but that merit and repu­tation were so well setled, that they were sufficient to gain the greater and sounder part of the Estates of Hungary and Bo­hemia. The Faction of the House of Au­stria was constrained to submit; and Ma­ [...]hias was so fortunate that the House of Austria afterward desired an accommoda­tion with him. That House waited for another opportunity of competition, and promised it self a more favourable issue: Nevertheless it was as far out in the second [...]s in the first conjecture. It had Ʋla­ [...]islaus for Competitor; and if that Prince [...]ame short of that which caused the Ele­ction of Mathias, he had in lieu thereof [...]ersonal Charms which Nature had de­ [...]ied to all those of the House of Austria. He had no fine nor piercing Wit; and it was not for that that those who were more [...]genious than he esteemed him. They admired in Ʋladislaus an open, free, sweet, [Page 60] and condescending temper, which won upon hearts for this reason alone that there was nothing extraordinary in him, and that every one found in him some­thing suitable to his own humour. All the qualities which were found in him might prove advantageous to those who should chuse him for their King, and he seemed to have none that they needed to be afraid of. They were assured before­hand, that he would not of himself alter any of the Laws which he found esta­blished, and that if they expected any new Law to be made by him, he must be en­treated to do it. So that the sollicitations of the House of Austria hindered him not from being recognized King of Hunga­ry and Bohemia, and put into the possession of the two Crowns; but the Factions that are formed in Elective States cause always unexpected revolutions, when care has not been taken to sti [...]le them so soon as they begin to appear. The Party of the House of Austria in Hungary and Bohemia was grown so strong during the Reign of Mathias, what pains soever that great Prince had taken to break it; and the great men of the higher Nobility of the two Kingdoms who were engaged therein, were so strongly possessed with the Maxims of the House of Austria, contrary to the [Page 61] peace of the Publick, which were forti­fied by the setled pensions that they duly received from thence, that the Austrians hardly met with any opposition when they endeavoured to Arm them against, their own Country. They yielded to the first instance that was made to them for that effect; and gave a new precedent in Politicks. That no men are sooner per­suaded to disturb the Peace of their own Country, than they who are most con­cerned to maintain it. They took the Field: with flying Colours marched to joyn the Forces which the House of Au­stria kept in readiness upon the Frontiers to second their revolt: they joyned them; joyned them; abandoned Hungary and Bohemia to their Pillage; and surprising Ʋladislaus unprovided, reduced him to such extremity, that he was constrained to make a In the Trea­ties betwixt Hun­gary and Austria. Treaty with the Emperour Maximili­an the First, bearing that Ʋladislaus should reign peaceably during life, and that after his decease the Estates of Hungary and Bo­hemia should chuse a Prince to succeed him of the House of Austria: but that Treaty was filled with so many illegal ab­surdities, that no Lawyer who examined it judged it good in Law. Two foreign [Page 62] Princes in respect of Hungary and Bo­hemia had attempted by their own private Authority to overturn their fundamental Laws, and to abolish their Election, to take from the People the liberty of chu­sing their own Sovereign, and to subject them to the Dominion of Austria, without asking or receiving their approbation. And therefore that Treaty subsisted no longer than the violence that had produ­ced it; and the Forces of Maximilian were no sooner dispersed for want of Pay, but that the Estates of Hungary and Bo­hemia, being well assured that for a long time he could not raise others, protested against the transaction made to their pre­judice, without being called to it, as null. King Ʋladislaus was there discharged of the Oath which he had taken, and the two Crowns acted with the same inde­pendence as before in regard of the House of Austria. The People expected not till Louis, the only Son of Ʋladislaus, were of Age to reign to secure him that he should succeed to his Father. They re­ceived him in reversion for all he was a Child, and in that particular violated the custom of their Ancestors, though what they had done might be used as a Precedent against their right of Election.

Affairs were in this posture when Chievres informed the Archduke of his true Interests; and he told him that in so dan­gerous a matter to be stirred, it would not be prudence in the House of Austria to pursue any more by way of Arms its pre­tensions upon Hungary and Bohemia, and that it could not do it without occasi­oning a fearful scandal in Christendom, nor without arming all the Neighbouring Powers against it; but since Ʋladislaus had but one Son and one Daughter, and that his Son was transported with a rashness of courage that would certainly undo him before he had Children, it was extremely important by all means to negotiate and conclude a double Alliance betwixt the Houses of Austria and Hungary by marry­ing young Ferdinand, the Brother of Charles, and one of his Sisters with the Prince and Princess of Hungary and Bo­ [...]emia the Children of Ʋladislaus, to the [...]nd that Ferdinand, or at least his Poste­ [...]ity, might be preserved to the succession [...]f the two Growns when they came to be [...]oid.

In fine, Chievres obliged not the Arch­ [...]uke to make any particular reflection [...]pon Sigismond King of Poland. He only told him that that Prince was so closely united with Ʋladislaus, that as the House [Page 64] of Austria was sure to have the one for Enemy if it attacked the other, so by a contrary conduct it might have both their friendship.

The knowledge of the Families where­of Charles was already Master, or where­of he was one day to be, came immediate­ly after the notices that had been given him of the disposition of Christian Poten­tates in relation to him, and he was parti­cularly informed of the merit and several advantages of illustrious Families. He was given to understand that in that di­stinct knowledge all the Justice which he should render to the great men and Nobi­lity of his Dominions would consist; and that thereby he would insinuate himself more into their affection, than by any other means: that they would not at all value his Liberalities nor the most singular favours that he might heap upon them, in respect of the care he took in main­taining the Lords in the several Ranks and Priviledges which they enjoyed by Birth, and that in so nice a Point he could hardly commit a fault but which would be irre­parable. Charles convinced by the force of these reasons learn'd so well, and so universally retained the honorary Rights of the Flemish, Spanish, Italian, and Ger­man Families, that never any action of [Page 65] that nature was brought before him, but that he was able to decide it upon the spot without the assistance of any other.

The speculations we have been speaking of ought to terminate in practice; and Chievres had no sooner by them shaped the mind of the Archduke, but he put the young Prince upon the practical part of what he had learn'd, though he was but as yet in the age when nothing but pastime and recreation is talked of to those of his quality. He would have him not only be present in his Council, but also that he should be as assiduous in it, or more, than any of his Counsellours of State. He charged him with the examining of all Petitions of consequence that were ad­dressed to him from the Provinces of the Low Countries, and making report of them afterward to his Council; and least [...]e might not heed the matter with all necessary attention, as waiting to deliver his mind concerning it until his Counsel­ours had spoken, to the end he might take [...]he advantage of their stating the affair, and of the reasons they might give to back their opinion, His Governour ob­ [...]ged him regularly to speak his Judgment first.

When any important dispatch came from foreign Countries, Chievres made him lay all things aside to read it, nay, so far, as that if he were asleep, and that the matter required expedition, he awoke him, and obliged him to examine it in his presence. If the Prince hapned to be mistaken in the manner he understood it, or the Judgment he pass'd upon it, he was immediately reproved and corrected by his Governour; and if he was so hap­py as to find out at first the knot of the difficulty, and the expedient for avoiding it, that did not serve his turn, seeing he must besides confirm what he had said by good reasons, and answer pertinently to the objections which Chievres never failed to make to him.

When any long Negotiation happened, and when a foreign Prince sent an Embassa­dour into the Low Countries, Charles had double fatigue, because then his Gover­nour never gave Audience but in his pre­sence, did nothing without him, and dis­patched no business but by him. If the Embassadour presented his Propositions in writing, Charles had the charge of inform­ing the Council of them, and of declaring to them what might be said for or against the matter, to the end that they who spake after him might give their opinion [Page 67] upon full knowledge of the Affair; and if the Embassadour was satisfied to make his Proposals by word of mouth, and that the Affair in agitation was too secret to be entrusted to Paper, Charles must remem­ber precisely and distinctly what he heard, without forgetting one Syllable; other­wise his defect of memory would have been taken notice of in full Council, and his negligence censured in the place where it was his greatest ambition to purchase esteem. Chievres had a care not to inform the Publick of the matters we have now represented, because he would have at­tracted the indignation of those who were not so sharp-sighted as to see at so great distance the mark he aimed at: But it is a thing almost impossible long to conceal the manner how great Princes are Edu­cated, when it is not in all things conform to the Custom practised in their Age. The most Christian King Louis the Twelfth had an Affair to be concerted with the Arch­duke, which required to be managed by so much the more skilful hands that the Emperour and Catholick King were con­cerned in it. Hangist of Geulis, one of the most noted and understanding Gentlemen of Picardy was chosen to negotiate it for two reasons, one because his Person was acceptable to the Flemings, and the other, [Page 68] that being Chievres his Kinsman he might the more easily accord with him; but Geulis was extremely surprised when he found himself obliged to treat hand to hand with Charles, who was then but four­teen years old compleat. He was glad of it, nevertheless, at first, as hoping to make a better bargain of it; but when he found that the Archduke at the Age, and in the State he saw him in was already the ablest Prince of his time in the Art of Govern­ing, he began to suspect the evils that that might occasion to France; and seeing it would not have been civil to have de­clared his thoughts as to that openly to Chievres, he only told him, that he did did not conceive why he put the Arch­duke upon so great an application to Af­fairs of State, since it neither agreed with his tender age, his quality, constitution, nor the profound Peace which the Low Countries enjoyed: that the temper of that Prince was all fire, and that his pro­digious activity was a sufficient proof of it: that nothing was so contrary to Peo­ple of that constitution than a too long and serious meditation; and seeing they spent incomparably more spirits than others in the exercise of their faculties, they proportionably wore out the Organs they made use of, and so hastened either [Page 69] their death, or from a continual speculati­on ran into madness: that the latter of these inconveniences was the more to be feared, that in respect of Charles it was a Family distemper; and that if his Mother was troubled with it without application, he had reason to foresee that the ex­cess of application might produce in him the most terrible and most ignominious of its effects.

Chievres gave Geulis an answer which the Spaniards have reason to match with the Apophthegms of Antiquity. He re­plied, that he had heretofore reflected up­on all that he had said, and often consi­dered of it; but that after all he was per­suaded that it was the chief duty incum­bent on him, and to which he was most obliged in conscience, according to the Commission given him, to put Charles, as soon as he could, in a condition not to stand in need of a Tutor; and neverthe­less he must need one so long as he lived, if he did not accustom him in his younger years to take cognizance of his own Affairs; because if they expected till he was more advanced in age, he would ne­ver apply himself to that so much as was necessary, whether that he would find himself at first overcharged with the mul­titude of Affairs, or that he would be [Page 70] discouraged by the pains he must take in determining them being but a novice therein, and by the frequent impediments they would bring in the way of his plea­sures and recreations. However Chievres read in the thought of Guelis, what care soever he took to conceal it, that he feared the Archduke might become too know­ing, and laboured as much as he could to divert the prejudice that might redound to the Monarchy of France from the Edu­cation of the Prince. Nay, and at first he succeeded in it pretty fortunately; and if after he was dead the affairs which he had well disposed changed countenance, he is no more to be blamed for that than for the evils that hapned before he was born; and those who out lived him gave him the testimony that if his life had been longer, France and Spain had never en­gaged together in War.

Louis the Twelfth had no Son, and by consequent Francis Count of Angoulesm, first Prince of the Bloud Royal, was by the Law of the State next to succeed him. This Prince was brought up at Coignac a Town of Angumeis, but Louisia of Savoy his Mother was commonly at Court. She had quarrelled with the Queen for some reasons that make nothing for the clearing of this History; and there could not be a [Page 71] greater misunderstanding betwixt two Princesses, than when Louis was so ill that the Physicians despaired of his re­covery. His most Christian Majesty a few months before, had concluded two Treaties, the first with the Emperour Maximilian; and the second with Ferdi­nand the Catholick King: both Treaties carried in express terms, That the Arch­duke Charles of Austria should marry Clau­dia of France, eldest Daughter to the most Christian King. France in the present Juncture could not receive a greater pre­judice than by that, seeing the Marriage agreed upon, would one day render it weaker than Spain, and by consequent would infallibly expose it to succumb un­der the first War that might happen betwixt them. Bretagne, a Province of vast extent, and important in situation had for many Ages been dismembred from the Monarchy of France, and with ex­treme difficulty had been reunited to it again. The Conduct of Philip Angust was signal in obliging the Dukes of Bre­tagne, Princes of the Bloud, and of the Branch of Dieux, to perform a regular Ho­mage to France; and when the debate for that Fief arose betwixt John of Montfort and Charles of Blois, King Charles the Fifth evocated the cause to his Parliament, and decided it.

In a word, when there was no Males in the House of Bretagne, and that that Dutchy fell to Female; France by an irregular Conduct of those who governed it under the Minority of Charles the Eighth was at the point of seeing that Dutchy fall into the House of Austria. The French unseasonably declared War against the Bretons, pressed them with extraor­dinary violence in a time when the Laws of War were as yet exactly enough observed, attempted to seize the State of their Heiress without marrying of her, and thereby constrained them to cast them­selves into the Arms of Maximilian of Austria. That young Prince by a strange good luck had married the Heiress of Bur­gundy, and by that means deprived the French of their hopes of adding the Low Countries to their Monarchy. His Wife lived no longer than was necessary to se­cure the property of the Low Countries to the House of Austria, seeing she died within a few years after their Marriage, leaving him only one Son and one Daugh­ter. He was therefore in a condition to engage in a second Marriage with the Heiress of Bretagne, and again to border upon France by Normandy, Maine, Anjou, Touraine, and Poitou, as he bordered up­on it by Picardy, Champagne, and Bur­gundy: [Page 73] That second Match the most con­siderable in Christendom was offered to him a second time, as the first had been, without suing for it, and these latter Ages had not produced any man so fortunate. It would have been folly to have refused a Princess of twelve years of age, the most beautiful of her time, who bestowed her self upon him to save her Portion; and Maximilian had wit enough to accept of her, but he wanted heat enough to go and marry her in Person. He was content to marry her by Proxy, and the Bretons took exceptions at that negligence. The person of greatest credit amongst them was the Mareshal de Rieux, who had not favoured the House of Austria but be­cause he had been ill treated by that of France. He expected that Maximilian would have come into Bretagne with Forces and Money enough to snatch out of the hands of the French what they had taken in the Province; but perceiving that none came in his name but one Lord, so ill accompanied that he durst not make a publick entry into Reunes, and so beggar­ly that the Heiress of Bretagne was ob­liged to maintain him, he repented of what he had done, and was not long in finding out means to make reparation for his fault. He represented to the French [Page 74] the errour they committed in losing Bre­tagne by the same way that they had lost Flanders: He let them know that offen­sive and defensive Arms were useless in a Juncture when the Weapons of love could overcome: he composed the greatest ani­mosities on both sides; and disposed Charles the Eighth not only to become Maximilians Rival, but also to prevent him. So that whilst Maximilian sollicited the Merchants of Antwerp and Bruges to lend him money for his pretended Voyage into Bretagne, Charles went thither, won the heart of the Heiress, banished from thence, and supplanted Maximilian.

A Marriage solemnized by both parties in Person, carried it over another that was on the one side only celebrated by Proxy: & Charles possessed the Heiress of Bretagne and her Country peaceably. He had three Boys by her, who all died Children; and Louis XII. who succeeded him, married his Widow as much through inclination as reason of State. He had indeed the greatest Civil Interest to preserve Bretagne, but besides he had loved the Heiress; and his flame was easily kindled again, though seven years of imprisonment had been used to extinguish it. They add, that he was reciprocally beloved, and that the Widow of Charles the Eighth comforted [Page 75] her self for the loss of him, in hopes that she should still reign in France. She was not mistaken in her opinion; and Louis that he might enjoy her the more speedily, knowing that the dispensation to marry her had been granted him, stayed not till the Legate delivered it into his hands. He took the start and married; and the two Daughters which he soon had, persuaded him of a numerous Posterity, and that after the Girls he would have Boys. Trusting to that supposition he had twice promised his eldest Daughter to Charles the Grandson of Maximilian, but his con­jecture was only verified in part. His Wife was brought to bed of some Male Children, but they died almost as soon as they were born, and he had none remain­ing alive but his two Daughters. Reasons of State and Decorum required that the Count of Angoulesm should marry the Eldest, and the honest Frenchmen pressed the King to it; but the Queen had got so great an ascendant over the mind of her Husband as to keep him from disposing of his Daughter to any person without her consent. The hopeful and lovely presence of the young Count was not disagreeable to her, and besides in that particular she was inclinable enough to the Interests of France: but the rebounds of the hatred [Page 76] of women commonly go farther than those of men. The aversion of the Queen to the Countess of Angoulesm rebounded in a very strange and odd manner upon the Count her Son; and her Majesty made no account of the singular qualities which distinguished him from other Princes of his age, and procured him the admiration of the People. She only considered him in the natural relation and affection he had to the Countess; and as she was not ignorant of the deference that he had for his Mother, so she thought of nothing for the future but that when he was King, he would give her a great deal of Autho­rity in the State; and that so after the death of Louis the Twelfth, the Countess would have as much credit, as the Queen had had during his life. Ambitious peo­ple behold nothing with so jealous eyes, as those who are like to supplant them; and the Queen was in that disquiet condi­tion of mind at the time the King was so ill, that the Physicians despaired of his recovery. It is not certain whether the Queen obliged them to conceal nothing from her of what they thought of him, or that she suspected the worst: but it is certain that she took the same measures as if she had been persuaded of it. She durst not, or would not forsake a Husband that [Page 77] had been so loving to her, but she dreaded as the greatest of miseries to fall into the hands of the Countess. Yet her Maje­sty could not avoid it if her eldest Daughter continued in France until the death of the King, seeing his Successour would not suffer her to depart out of the Kingdom, but would marry her. So she resolved to remove her before, and send her into Bretagne, wh [...] [...]he might dispose of her according to her humour by marrying her to the Arch­duke of the Low Countries, and by rai­sing by virtue of that Alliance an Ene­my that might torment the French Mo­narchy, in such a manner that the Coun­tess should not get much by her Sons be­coming King.

The Court was at Blois, and it was not far from thence to Bretagne; but most part of women are covetous and near, and thereby often lose the occasion of exe­cuting great designs. The fourteen Dukes of Bretagne had for the most part been magnificent, and had left a vast quantity of most rich furniture. The Queen had caused it to be transported into France, and could not resolve to leave it there lest the Coun­tess might make use of it, and at her cost live in the luxury, wherein she so much delighted. That consideration preserved [Page 78] Bretagne to France, because it hindered the Queen from sending her Daughter by Land with a strong Guard that could not be stopt.

Her Majesty thought it necessary that the young Princess should depart with the Baggage, to the end that the respect which would be shewn her might keep it from be­ing searched; and seeing it was not suffici­ently concealed neither as to the quantity nor value when carried by Land in Wag­gons, it was thought more convenient to send it in Boats by Water: but it seldom happens that one woman surprises another that mistrusts her; and the Queen stood in need of too many people to keep her pro­ject hid so long as would have been ne­cessary.

The Countess was punctually informed of all; and seeing her Son was under age, and that she expected to be Regent if at that time he had hapned to be King, she thought she might lawfully anticipate the function in a Juncture that could not be more important. All the Courtiers who were of the humour to prefer the rising Sun before the setting were her friends, and amongst these was the Mareschal de Rene of Ro­han. Gie. Gie was a com­pleat Courtier, and the Fa­vourite of two successive [Page 79] Kings, Charles the Eighth, and Louis the Twelfth, which was rare, and without losing the good opinion which the Publick conceived of his probity during his two­fold favour, which is rarer still. He was a great lover of his Country; and if here­tofore he was the cause that the French at the Battel of Fornona did not cut in pieces all the Italian Forces who attempted to hinder their passage, it was because he thought the Conquerours could not gain so much by far in obtaining a total Victo­ry, as they might lose in the sequel of the fight by reason of the person of Charles the Eighth, who was too deeply engaged in the Conflict. He knew that the Queen designed her Daughter for the Archduke, and was sensible of what consequence it would be for the Kingdom to frustrate the accomplishment of it. So the Countess had no sooner given him notice that Madam was embarked, and sollicited him to stop her as she passed through his Go­vernment of Anjou, but that he consented to it, though he foresaw the troublesom consequences of so bold an enterprise in their full extent.

He omitted nothing that might sweeten the bitterness of it: His respects were most profound in diverting Madam from prosecuting her Journey: He used her and [Page 80] those of her retinue with extraordinary civility: he contracted debts to defray her charges with greater Magnificence, which afterwards encumbred his Estate; but, to be short, if he served the Countess in what she most desired, he provoked the Queen in the point she was most sensible in, and rendered her irreconcilable to him. Her Majesty took it so ill that a Breton, born her Subject, and descended of a Family so often allied to the House of Dreux should dare to oppose what she most ardently de­sired, that at the very instant she swore she would be his ruine, and endeavoured to be as good as her word upon the first occasion that offered.

The King contrary to all expectation re­covered, and by incessant importunities she forced that good Prince to abandon his Favourite. Gie was brought to a trial, In the Memoires of Bretagne. and it appears in the Papers of the Chamber of accounts of Bretagne that the Queen laid out 35000 Livers for carrying on his Process, which at that time was a vast Sum: in the mean time she had but half of her revenge, and the Mareshal was only sentenced to be banished, and to end his days in the lovely House of Verger, seated in the same Province of Anjou, where he had the unhappiness to displease the Queen.

The Countess nevertheless obtained her ends, seeing the chief Persons of the King­dom being assembled by the King's per­mission, presented to his Majesty a most humble and judicious Petition. They earnestly begg'd of him to grant his loyal Subjects the favour which they most ar­dently, and with great Justice desired, which was the marriage of Madam his Daughter with the Count of Angoulesm, to the end that that Princess being one day to inherit in full the Dutchy of Bretagne, and her younger Sister having no claim but to a very little share in the other Estates of her Mother, which might be valued at a Sum of Mony, the whole Pro­vince might be so incorporated with the French Monarchy, that for the future it could not be dismembred from it, though the most Christian Kings should leave none but Daughters. The Juncture was favourable, seeing the French demanded nothing of Louis the Twelfth but what he could honestly and with a good consci­ence grant. The Emperour and Catholick King were the first that had violated the Treaty which promised Madam to their Grandson; and their prevarication in that point was so evident, that all the Poten­tates of Europe were convinced of it. So his most Christian Majesty being dis­charged [Page 82] of his Oaths, listened to the Ad­dress with his accustomed goodness, and pass'd his word that Madam should marry the Count of Angoulesm, and that the Marriage should be consummated so soon as she was of age. The Queen, who could neither break nor defer a resolution which was so odious to her, promised her self to frustrate the accomplishment of it; and they who knew how easily the King had sacrificed to her his Favourite, thought that she proposed nothing in that beyond her power, but the Countesses good fortune levelled that difficulty when at Court it seemed to be insuperable. The Queen who in all appearance, and according to all the Rules of Physick was like to out-live the King, and to hold out to an extreme old age, nevertheless died before him at the age of thirty seven years. The Countess found no more opposition to her designs at Court: The Friends of the Queen courted her favour; and she was presented with what fitted her best of the Furniture and Rarities of the House of Bretagne. Her Son married Madam; and that Prin­cess entertained as great an affection for her Husband as possible could be, though like that of most part of other women, it bordered not upon Jealousie.

Most of the particulars we have now related, hapned before Chievres was Go­vernour to Charles; and those who before him were about that young Prince failed not to represent to him upon all occasions according to the Orders they had received from his two Grandfathers, that the Count of Angoulesm in taking his Wife from him had done him an irreparable injury. That it was an affront not to be suffered with­out infamy, nor revenged but by the bloud of him that had given it. That, the truth was, the Count was at that time below the anger of the Archduke, being but as yet a private person; but that he would not be always so, and that the Mo­narchy of France look'd upon him as Heir apparent. That when once he was King, he ought to call him to an account by the way of Arms, which was the only course Sovereigns had when they intended to re­duce Persons of their own quality to rea­son, and that in the mean time it would be a disgrace to the Archduke to entertain any communication with him. That he ought not to propose to himself the Ex­ample of Maximilian his Grandfather, who shewed no resentment but in word, when King Charles the Eighth robbed him of his Wife Anne of Bretagne, for it was not for want of courage that Maximilian [Page 84] suffered it, but out of an absolute im­possibility of revenging himself in that he was under the power of a Father when the injury was done to him. That the Em­perour Frederick the Third his Father, one of the most husbanding Princes that ever was, refused to furnish him with Money and Forces for that purpose; and that the Flemings his Sons Subjects would not en­gage in the quarrel of a Prince whom they look'd upon as a stranger, since his Wife was dead, and that he was no more but the Father of their Sovereign. That after the death of Frederick when Maximilian had succeeded, the occasion of revenge was lost by the Apoplexy which carried Charles out of the world at the age of twenty eight years, but that the case was not alike neither in regard of the Arch­duke, nor in regard of the Count of An­goulesm. Towards the end of Philip de Co­mines. That the Arch­duke was already Master of the Low Countries. That his Subjects had so great a love for him that they would spend part of their Estates and their bloud in the quarrel: That he would not want neither Spanish Gold, nor German Soldiers; and that, in short, the Count was of too strong a constitution to give any ground to fear that he would die before the Arch­duke [Page 85] had had the satisfaction he desired of him.

These discourses suiting with the revenge­ful humour of Charles, and reiterated to him in an Age wherein the strong impres­sions that then are made commonly last as long as life, had produced their effect, and so animated the Archduke against the Count, that he was impatient not to be in a condition of entering the Lists against his Adversary; when Crievres foresaw the troublesom consequences that an enmity cultivated with so much care might have, and thought it necessary to remedy it be­times, though he made no doubt but that the Emperour and Catholick King would take it ill at his hands, and prove his ene­mies if he succeeded in it.

He had formerly been acquainted in the Wars of Italy with Artas de Goussier Lord of Boisly, Governour to the Count of Angoulesm, and reckoned him the fittest man of the Kingdom for the Commission that was given him. He was persuaded of his great integrity, and promised him­self from that to be seconded in the design of contracting a Friendship betwixt the Archduke and the Count, which might procure to both a long repose, and pre­serve to the Flemings and French the peace which they enjoyed. He sollicited him to [Page 86] this by ways that are not known: but it is to be believed that it was done without engaging the Archdukes honour, and so prudently that neither the Count nor his Governour might draw any advan­tage from it, in case the accommodati­on had not succeded. Goussier on his part contributed thereto all that could be de­sired, and laboured much to blot out of the Count's mind the dangerous impressi­ons of the Archduke which were stamp'd in it, as if he had been his most formida­ble enemy, whilst Chievres on the other side acted efficaciously with the Archduke in convincing him by strong reasons that the injuries of Princes were not to be mea­sured by the Standard of private persons; and that he neither could nor ought to take it ill if the Count had done to him what he would have done to the Count, if he had been in his place.

When the resentment was stifled on the one hand, and diffidence removed on the other, the two Governours sought an occasion to settle a commerce by Letters betwixt their two Princes, which might entertain and encrease their good intelli­gence, and took the first favourable op­portunity that offered. Mere chance brought it so about that it was on the Archdukes side, and that he needed the [Page 87] offices of the Count in an affair of impor­tance. Henry Count of Nassau, who pos­sessed in the Provinces of Flanders, Bra­bant, Holland, and Zealand fair remains of vast Estates which those of his Family had purchased there; had so far insinuated himself into the favours of the Archduke, that he would have been his Favourite if that Prince had been of an humour to have any, and that to caution himself against that he had not taken the same measures almost, which chast men com­monly make use of to fortifie themselves against the lovely eyes of a Lady whom they are afraid to be smitten with; he studied, and played with his Master; and Chievres was so far from opposing that he contributed to it, because making it his business to place about the Archduke young Lords who might not corrupt the good seeds that he endeavoured to plant in him, he thought Nassau not only one according to his mind, but that also he might be useful in confirming the Arch­duke in the exercises of virtue; by [...] ­ring him up by his example to the prac [...] of it.

It was at that time the custom of the Low Countries to marry the eldest Son [...] of Noble Families very young, and Nassau [...] relations courted for him Elizabeth of Cha­lon, [Page 88] Sister to the Prince of Aurange. The Alliance was sutable, and could not cause any umbrage; for besides that the Families of France and of the Low Countries had full liberty to marry one with another without displeasing their Sovereigns, if the House of Chalon had a great Estate in the Dutchy of Burgundy, it had more in the French County, and upon that account passed rather for a Flemish than French Family. All the difficulty lay in the ob­taining of the consent of the King Louis the Twelfth, without which the Father of Elizabeth had discharged her to be given in marriage; and there was but little pro­bability that his Majesty would give it in favours of Nassau, seeing it was con­trary to the reason of State. Prince Phi­libert of Chalon, the Brother of Elizabeth, was the only Male of his Family. He gave no promises of a long life in his youth, though afterward be became very strong, and Politicians looked upon his Sister already as the richest Heiress in Eu­rope. If Nassau married her he was a per­son powerfully setled in the Low Coun­tries, who would not change his Master though the Succession of Aurange should fall to his Wife, and would spend in the Archdukes service the Revenue of the fair Estate of the House of Chalon in [Page 89] France: whereas if the King gave to Eli­zabeth a French Husband, the Estate would not go out of the Kingdom as neither to the rents nor property, and the Husband would employ them in the service of his Majesty. There needed then a strong recommendation to the King to prevail with him, and Chievres advised Nassau to pray the Archduke that in this prospect he would employ the interest of the Count of Angoulesm with the King his Father-in-law. The Archduke wrote ob­ligingly to the Count about it; and that Prince prepared by Goussier answered the Archduke in the same stile. And seeing he already gloried in a generosity too high for the Age he lived in, he granted more than was demanded of him, and surmounted an obstacle which Nassau had not foreseen. He thought it not enough to have obtained his Majesties consent, but further won the Prince of Aurange in favours of Nassau, who had, and always would have opposed him, if the Count had not concerned him­self in it. There had been an ancient cu­stom amongst the four chief Houses of Burgundy, which were Neuchatel, Vienne, Vergy, and Chalon, which in some manner resembled the agreement of some Sove­reign Families in Germany touching their reciprocal Succession.

The custom was that when any one of the four was in danger of being extinct it contracted no Alliance but with that of the three others which it liked best, that the Estates of both might be joyned. Now the Prince of Aurange thought himself ob­liged in down right honesty to follow the example of his Ancestors. In the House of Vienne there was a young Lord who in all things almost sympathized with him in humour. He loved him entirely; and designed his Sister for him upon the same consideration that he would have made him his Heir, if she died before him. Nevertheless the Count of Angoulesm made his application to him in so taking a way, and so dextrously insinuated the pleasure he would do him in giving him an opportunity of obliging the Arch­duke in a thing that he seemed cordially to be concerned in, that the Prince of Aurange to comply with him strained him­self extremely. He broke the custom we have been speaking of, and slighted the Lord of Vienne whom already he had treated as his Brother-in-law. He con­sented to the Marriage of his Sister with Nassau, and laid the foundation of the greatness to which that House has been since advanced. The Archduke there­upon testified all the acknowledg­ment [Page 91] to the Count of Angoulesm that Goussier and Chievres expected from him. He thanked him for it by Letters: He sent time after time Gentlemen to enter­tain a commerce with him: caressed ex­traordinarily those whom the Count sent to him again; and that correspondence was not as yet interrupted, when the Count succeeded to Louis the Twelfth: but the cementing of that perfect intelli­gence we have been speaking of was not the chief business of Chievres out of the Low Countries.

There were two others which de­manded his more assiduous care, and troubled him most of any thing when the least irregularity was committed in them. And that was the friendship of the two Grandfathers of the Archduke, the more difficult to be entertained, that seeing these Princes were of a quite contrary hu­mour, it was absolutely necessary to fol­low a different conduct with them, and nevertheless from that diversity both took occasion at every turn to complain of their Grandsons Governour; for though their Atipathy could not be greater than it was, yet they expected to be treated after the same manner. The Emperour Maximilian was insatiable as to money, and pretended that men should find it for [Page 92] him as easily as he spent it. Ferdinand the Catholick King husbanded his Revenues so frugally that he passed for covetous in the thoughts of those who knew not that he had not the fourth part of what was necessary for the carrying on of his vast designs. He no sooner came to under­stand that the Emperour's wants were sup­plied with money from the Low Coun­tries, but that he represented his own to Chievres, and desired his assistance. It did not serve Chievres his turn to lay before him that the Revenues of the Low Coun­tries could not suffice both the Emperour and him, because then he spake no more of money indeed; but instead of that desi­red the Archduke to engage in his quarrels. It lay upon Chievres then to consider in the impossibilities he saw himself in to comply with their Imperial and Catholick Majesties at the same time; which of the two Friendships it would be most impor­tant for the Archduke, that his Governour entertained.

The Reasons for the Emperour were, that if Chievres resolved not to live with him in a most strict union, that Prince who could not endure to perplex his mind with the thoughts of what was to come; and who forecast no farther for the future, than what his present profit ob­liged [Page 93] him to, would insensibly discontinue to entertain the Party made in the Empire for the election of his Grandson in his place, and would give occasion to the Electors who favoured the House of Au­stria to change sides when they found themselves slighted: Besides if some time or other the French should have a mind to attack the Low Countries, it would be impossible for the Catholick King to hin­der them from conquering them, and the Emperour alone would be capable to cross their design. In the mean while, if he were slighted by the Archduke upon ac­count of striking in elsewhere; He would not do it, considering the temper he was of easie to be disgusted, and more easie still to push on to the utmost extremities the disgust which once he conceived; and though he would do it, yet he could not be any more in a condition, seeing the Germans who esteemed him not so much for his personal qualities as for the profit they were sure to make of him when they were so happy as to be at Court when money came in, would no sooner see the fountain head dried up by the cutting off his regular Supplies from Flanders, but they would begin to slight him, and take no more care of arming for him, nor of bringing Forces to his service when he desired it: whereas [Page 94] if his Grandson's Purse were kept open to him for the future, as it had been former­ly, it would produce this odd effect, that the vice of one man would be the vir­tue of the Family from which he sprung. That the prodigality of Maximilian would become magnificence in the design of those of Austria in that it served to continue the Empire in their Family; and that the Ger­mans would list themselves as readily, and with as little scruple mount on horseback to follow the Emperour into the Low Countries, as they did when he sollicited them to accompany him in the War against the Republick of Venice.

The Reasons that made for the Catho­lick King in the mind of Chievres, were that the Archduke had incomparably more to hope for, and more to fear from him than from the Emperour. His hopes were manifest, grounded upon the Crowns an­nexed to that of Arragon, as well in Spain as in Italy and the Coasts of Africa. The fear was more hid, but the subject of it was neither smaller nor less infallible. It consisted in this, That the Archduke, indeed, expected no other Inheritance of his Grandfather by the Fathers side but the ten Provinces of the House of Austria: but that Inheritance was of such a nature that he could no ways be disappointed of [Page 95] it, provided he out-lived his Grandfather, and that that Prince never disposed of him to his prejudice, neither by Donation, Alie­nation, nor Exchange. The Laws of Ger­many confirmed by all the Emperours who reigned since Charles the Fourth, and rati­fied in all the general Diets assembled since that time, bore in express terms, That the Imperial fees did so certainly be­long to the Males of the House that held them, and had once received investiture of them, that it was not in the power of the Feudatary for any cause or pretext that might be to frustrate his eldest Son, or the Male Children of that eldest Son by giving them to his other Children, nor to deprive the Paternal Cousins, how remote soever, of the same, in favours of their own Daugh­ters. Constant and uninterrupted custom had exactly agreed with these Laws, and no instance could be given that they had ever been violated as to that particular in whole, or in part.

It was not so in the Succession which the Archduke expected from the Catholick King, and he had more reasons than one to fear that he might be disappointed of it, though at first view it appeared to be full as sure as that of the Emperour. For in the first place Ferdinand had sufficiently testified his displeasure that his Dominions [Page 96] one day should fall to the House of Austria, by omitting nothing that could naturally be done to prevent it. He acted not with so much sincerity as the House of Austria in the mar­riage of his Son John of Ar­ragon Prince of Spain. and Daughter Joan of Ar­ragon surnamed the Fool. with the Son Marguerite of Austria. and Daughter The Arch­duke Philip. of the Emperour; and where­as Maximilian had given him an only Daughter, he had only given to Maximi­lian for Philip of Austria the second of his four Daughters. The Eldest he married in Portugal; shewing by so publick a pre­ference, that he had rather his Succession should descend upon a Prince whose Grandfather was a Bastard, and great Grandmother the Daughter of a Shoo­maker Jew, than be wanting in circum­spection to remove his Son-in-Law the Archduke Philip from the succession to the Crowns of Castile and Arra­gon.

His forecast nevertheless was vain, and in a very few years the Emperours Sons Wife became Heir apparent of so many Kingdoms. Any but the Catholick King would in so sudden a revolution have adored the Order of Divine Providence, and wholly submitted to it: Nevertheless [Page 97] that Prince opposed it by a longer and more steady obstinacy than that of Jonas in declining to go to Niniveh. His Wife was no sooner dead, but that he married another in the sole prospect of having a Son by her, and because he drew towards fifty years of age, and that the disorders of his youth gave him ground at that age to distrust his own vigour, he had his re­course to Physick, and took Potions that were thought fit to supply that defect. In the second place, the Catholick King had lusty handsome Bastards; and if he pre­ferred them before the Children of his lawful Daughter in succeeding to the Throne, he would in that do nothing con­trary neither to the Custom of Spain, nor the inclination of the Spaniards. It was no new thing in that Country, the re­motest of Europe on the Affrican side, to promote Bastards to the Throne in exclu­sion of lawful Children, and Ferdinand himself descended in right Line from Henry the Second, who was a Bastard. There was besides another instance of that irregularity in his Family; For his Uncle Alphonso of Arragon, Elder Brother to John of Arragon his Father, dying with­out Children, by Testament which in that part was executed, frustrated John of Arra­gon of the Kingdom of Naples, and left it [Page 98] to a Bastard whom he had by a Person of quality, Educated in that prospect. In the third place, the Catholick King could not only take from the Archduke Arragon and the Crowns that depended upon it; but also he might by the way we shall now treat of hinder him from reigning in Castile, and in the Monarchies annexed to it. This young Prince drew his Title to Castile from Queen Isabella his Grand­mother by the Mothers side; and yet that Princess had not inherited it with­out violence, and encroaching upon the most sacred and inviolable Laws of Civil Society. Henry the Fourth, her Brother, King of Castile, married the Infanta of Portugal, and that Infanta during his marriage with her was brought to bed of a Daughter, the most beautiful, as they say, that ever was born in Spain. This Daughter by the Fundamental Laws of the State excluded her Aunt from suc­ceeeding to so many Kingdoms, because she was nearest by a degree, and repre­sented her Father: Nevertheless the Aunt pretended that her Brother was impotent; and that the Daughter that was fathered on him, was begotten by his Favourite Don Bertram de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque. For that reason, or under that pretext she made a great [Page 99] Party, and raised a War in Castile: But the Party of the Daughter proving the stronger, the Aunt had her recourse to Ferdinand, and gave her self to him, having no other way to engage him to espouse her interest against her Neece. Ferdinand, having married the Aunt transported all the Forces of Arragon in­to Castile. He overcame them who fa­voured his Wives Neece, and disposses­sed her of the Kingdom: But was now in a condition to repay the injury which he had done her, by recalling her into Castile where he had the Power, raising her to the Throne, and marrying her to one of his Bastards.

Upon the Reasons we have been men­tioning Chievres made the reflections they deserved. He long considered with himself the prejudice that might befal the Archduke by not entertaining an entire correspondence with his maternal Grandfather: Nevertheless having put into the balance together the hurt that might redound to that Prince by break­ing with France during his minority, if he Leagued too strictly with the Catho­lick King; and the injury the Catholick King might do him, if he united not so closely with him, he found the first alone to weigh far more than all the [Page 100] others put together, and by the boldest result of prudence that is to be found in the History of Spain, he judged it to be avoided rather than the rest. He kept the Archduke in friendship with the French and Germans: He thought it enough not to give the Ca­tholick King any cause or pretext to complain of him in particular; and in the following Books we shall find that his conduct in that point was as fortunate, as it had been judicious.

THat we may conceive the mo­tives which induced Chievres to prefer the Paternal Grand­father of Charles of Austria his Pupil before the Maternal, and that we may understand the advantages which Charles drew from that preference, we must necessarily presuppose that Ferdi­nand the Catholick King who was the Maternal Grandfather spoken of here, bounded not his ambition within Spain [Page 102] after he had entirely driven the Moors from thence by the conquest of the King­dom of Granada. It troubled him to be confined to one of the extemities of Eu­rope without any appearance of growing greater, seeing he had the Pyrenean Moun­tains for a Barriere; and crossing that Chain of Rocks which Nature seemed to have laid to hinder the two most powerful Kings of Christendom from marrying to­gether, he found on the other side France so powerful in that part where it bordered on him, that there was much greater cause to fear that it might take from him his Territories of Biscay, Arragon, and Cata­lonia if he attacked France, than there was hopes of conquering Guyenne and Lan­guedock in it.

He resolved then to weaken it before he attacked it; and seeing it had got footing in Spain by the acquisition that the most Christian King Louis the Eleventh had made of the Counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne, from whence it might easily seize Catalonia, the places whereof were not at all fortified at that time; he made it his whole care to recover them, and succeeded therein by a way not before practised, Christian Princes ha­ving not been as yet accustomed to cheat under a pretext of Religion.

Louis the Eleventh had bought of John King of Arragon, the Father of Ferdinand, In the Contract of Engagement. the two Counties by a Contract of Engagement which bore that his most Christian Majesty should lend upon the Counties three hundred thousand Livers: that both should be put into his hands for security of the debt; That the King of Arragon should have full liberty to redeem them within nine years to be reckoned from the Date of the Contract, upon pay­ment of the Principal and Interest; but that if he failed upon any cause or pretext whatsoever to do it within the limited time, he should lose his reversion, and the propriety of Roussillon and Cerdagne should remain to France. The King of Arragon let the time clapse through a mere inabi­lity of redeeming the Counties; and Louis the Eleventh perceiving the ninth year almost expired without any offer from the King of Arragon of repaying his Mo­ney, observed a formality, which was not necessary, and served only to give him what in Law is called abundantiam Juris.

He caused the King of Arragon to be summoned by a Herald to redeem the Counties; and that Prince not having done it, his most Christian Majesty united them [Page 104] to the French Monarchy, and left them at his death to Charles the Eighth his only Son. Charles had been already nine years in peaceable possession of them; and seeing by the Law of his State what had been united ten whole years suc­cessively could not for the future be dis­membred, Roussillon and Cerdagne were no more alienable than the other Provinces of France, seeing two most Christian Kings had enjoyed them without molestation during the space of thirty years. But it had pleased Louis the Eleventh to bring up Charles the Eighth in such a gross igno­rance, that he had no knowledge of his own affairs; and Ferdinand taking that young Prince on his weak side, corrupted, as they say, by money Oliver Maillard a Monk of the observance his Confessor. That Cordelier represented to Charles, that Christian Charity allowed not Christians of what quality soever they were to take advantage from the misfortunes of others, and that notwithstanding that was a thing which the late King had done, and which his most Christian Majesty continued to do. That when Louis the Eleventh had caused the late King of Arragon to be summoned to repay the money lent upon the Counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne, he found him in an utter incapacity of satisfy­ing [Page 105] him, and that nevertheless his Majesty had therefrom taken all the advantages that are allowed by the Law of Nations: That the King of Arragon was at that time pestered in a Civil War and a Foreign War both at once; seeing on the one hand the King of Castile, incomparably stronger than he, had entered his Dominions with an Army, and on the other hand the Ca­talonians had revolted: That his Majesty of Arragon died before these Affairs were concluded, and that Ferdinand his Son was no more in a condition than he to re­deem the two Counties, since he was forced to employ all his own Revenue and that of the Queen of Castile his Wife for driving the Mahometan Moors out of the Kingdom of Granada; and that by conse­quent the prescription expired not in re­spect of him, because he was taken up in a Holy War: That his most Christian Majesty therefore was no less obliged in conscience to restore him the Counties; and that though in the Court of Man he had a very good right to demand the Money and the Interest of the Debt which his Predecessor had lent; yet he had not so in the Court of Heaven, since France had recovered more out of the same Coun­ties than amounted to the first Sum lent: That he must not neither make deduction [Page 106] of the Expences that the late most Chri­stian King was forced to be at in raising an Army of forty thousand men even ac­cording to the account of Spanish Au­thors, and sending them into Roussillon for the reduction of the Town of Per­pignan that had revolted: That the Re­bellion of that important place ought neither to be imputed to the late King of Arragon who had no hand in it, nor to Ferdinand his Son that had neither di­rectly nor indirectly countenanced it; and that so Roussillon and Cerdagne ought without farther delay to be restored to him.

Charles who was not sharp-sighted enough to distinguish the truth from the falshood in this Discourse of his Confes­sour, obeyed the Father, but not so im­plicitely as the Cordelier pretended he should. His Majesty, indeed, restored the Counties without receiving either Principal or Interest of the money disbur­sed by his Father, but in return he re­quired two conditions of Ferdinand which would have been no less troublesom to him than the payment of the money, had they been as faithfully performed as they were stipulated in a solemn TreatyIn the last Treaty of France for the Counties.. The first was that Ferdinand should enter [Page 107] into no League offensive or defensive against France; the other, that he should not marry any of his four Daughters neither in Germany, England, nor Flan­ders, and that he should not give them any Husbands without the consent of the most Christian King or his Successours; but before a year was over Ferdinand broke the first condition, and made no more scruple afterward to violate the se­cond. Six months after, he entered into the Pyrenean League of Italy against Charles his Benefactor, and had the greatest hand in robbing him of his Con­quests. Not long after he formed the project of hedging in France on the side of Picardy, Champagne, and Burgundy, as he bordered it already on the side of Guyenne and Languedock, and made ac­count of bringing into his Family the Low Countries, and the ten Hereditary Pro­vinces of the House of Austria. That House was reduced to Maximilian the First the Emperour, the Archduke Philip, and the Archdutchess Margaret his Children. The Archduke was so tender, and had cost so much pains in cockering him during his infancy, that there was no great appearance he could live long enough to beget Children. The Arch­dutchess, on the contrary, was the most [Page 108] vigorous and jolly Princess of her Age; and the Physicians were free enough to say that she would carry with her the rich Successions of Burgundy and Austria to the Family she married into, besides a numerous Off-spring of which she gave no small hopes. Ferdinand grounded up­on that to get her into his Family, and for that end laid the most Artificious and selfish Scheme that can be found in the Records of Spain. He had one Son and four Daughters, the Sons name was John, from the Grandfather by the Father's side, his eldest Daughters name was Isabella, the seconds Jane, the thirds Mary, and the youngests Catharine. The fundamental Laws of Spain gave to the Son all the Kingdoms of Arragon which his Father possessed, and all the Kingdoms of Castile that his Mother had brought with her in Marriage, his four Sisters having no Pre­tensions to any part of them; and if he died without Children, the eldest of his Sisters was to succeed him in full without sharing any thing with the younger. Fer­dinand was very willing that the States of Burgundy and Austria might enter into his Family, but he would not have his own and Wifes Kingdoms to go into a foreign House. That inconvenience seemed ter­rible unto him, and he thought to remedy [Page 109] it by offering only to Maximilian his second Daughter for the Archduke, be­cause in all humane probability the mar­riage of the Infanto of Spain with the Archdutchess could not be barren; and though by the greatest mischance ima­ginable it should happen to be so, yet that of the eldest of the Infanta's of Spain, designed for Manuel King of Portugal, might not be, and by consequent if the Succession of Ferdinand and Isabella went out of the House of Arragon, it would not go out of Spain, which by that means would be almost united into one sole Mo­narchy. His Catholick Majesty then caused a double Alliance to be proposed to the Emperour with this disproportion, that his only Son should marry the only Daughter of his Imperial Majesty, and that nevertheless the only Son of his Im­perial Majesty should marry but the se­cond of his Daughters. The Proposition was in it self ridiculous as contrary to the rules of Decency, the advantage not be­ing equal to both sides, and nothing as yet pressing Maximilian to marry his Children: It was nevertheless accepted by an extraordinary disposition of Divine Providence, which intended to raise the House of Austria by ways unknown to Maximilian and Ferdinand. The Empe­rour [Page 110] thought he had in that double Alli­ance with the Catholick King such as we have mentioned it to be, a present interest which he could find no where else; and which was strong enough to de­termine him.

We have already spoken of his eager desire of money, and how it could not stay with him. He was assured of raising three considerable Sums out of the here­ditary Provinces of the House of Austria and of the Low Countries. The two first Sums were to be given him as a Present for the Marriages of the Archduke and Archdutchess, and the last for the Portion of the said Archdutchess. He got all clear to himself without disbursing a Penny, seeing in the Affair then in agita­tion the Portions of the two Archdutches­ses went in exchange for one another, and that besides he had no charges almost at all to be put to, there being but very little Magnificence at that time in the Court of Spain: whereas if the Emperour settled his Son and Daughter in any other Family of Europe, first, he would not find a double Alliance to be made, and besides, nothing of what the Flemings and Austri­ans might give would come into his Cof­fers. In the second place, the Charges of the Weddings would not be spared, and [Page 111] the Emperour could have no pretext to excuse him from it.

The Subjects of his Imperial Majesty and of the Archduke acted not, indeed, in so interested a view, but a consideration of honour inspired the same thoughts into them. The Princess Isabella the eldest of the Infanta's of Spain was married very young to Alphonso the Infanto of Portu­gal. She was not full Eighteen years of age when she was left a Widow; but that hindered not the Flemings and those of Austria from looking upon it as a thing undecent that the Archduke Philip, who was to be their Sovereign, should be con­tent with the leavings of the Infanto of Portugal: Besides, they knew that the Infanto's Grandfather by the Father's side was a Bastard, the Son of a Jewish Con­cubine; and seeing the People of the Lower Germany conspired with those of the Upper not to suffer their Princes to Allie into Families, and with Persons that had the least blemish; though Maximilian would have desired the eldest Infanta of Spain for his Son, his own and his Sons Subjects would have universally opposed it. Nor would the Princes of Germany have willingly suffered that he should have brought into the Empire the perni­cious example of base Alliances. And [Page 112] Maximilian would have cut out work for himself that he could not be able to make an end of. So the Proposition of the Ca­tholick King was without difficulty ac­cepted, and the two Marriages were con­cluded. There was nothing particular in the Contracts that were made of them, except that Chievres had the care of seeing them drawn, and the Portion as well as the Dowry of the two Spouses was very mo­derate. The King of France, Charles the Eighth, complained in vain of the infraction of his Treaty In the Con­tracts betwixt Spain and Au­stria. with Ferdinand: and the answer which the Spanish Embassadour Ayala made him thereupon seemed to add Railery to the Injury. He maintained that his Ma­ster the Catholick King was free to dispose of his Son and Daughter; and that the Treaty mentioned could not tie his hands, because it was contrary to good manners as well as the Law of Nations; and seeing it would not be taken ill in Spain that the most Christian King should dispense with such an Obligation if it had been put upon him, no more ought his most Christian Majesty think it strange that the Catholick King did the like.

Both Marriages were compleated much about the same time, but they were not [Page 113] alike happy neither in their beginning, nor in their consequences. It may be ob­served in the Life of Louis the Eleventh, that by the last Treaty of that Prince with Maximilian, it was stipulated that the Archdutchess Margarite so soon as she was out of the Cradle should marry the Dauphin of France, who was Charles the Eighth: That she should bring him in Portion the Counties of Burgundy and Artois; and lastly, that it should not be in the power neither of the Father of the Princess, nor of the Flemings to break their Marriage before she was of age to consummate it, and that she should im­mediately after the signing of the Treaty be delivered into the hands of the Embas­sadours of France, who should carry her to the Court of the most Christian King, to be brought up with the Dauphin till both were in a condition to live together. The Treaty was fully and faithfully exe­cuted; and there are some Memoires which mention, that not only the Arch­dutchess was brought up with the Dau­phin, but that besides, the Ceremonies of their Marriage had been solemnized, and that there was nothing wanting but the consummation when it was broken off by this accident.

Maximilian, Father to the Princess, in second marriage espoused the Heiress of Bretagne by Proxy; and thereby rendered himself so much the more formidable to the French, that his first marriage with the Heiress of Burgundy had brought the se­venteen Provinces of the Low Countries and the Franche-County into his Family. They found no other remedy than to ob­lige Charles the Eighth to prevent him by marrying the Heiress of Bretagne, and the Archdutchess was sent home to her Father, who married her, as hath been already said, with the Infanto of Spain. The Ceremonies of the Marriage were performed at Ghent in February One thou­sand four hundred and ninety seven, and the Princess embarked immediately after at Flushing on board the Admiral of the Fleet appointed to convoy her to Spain: but she was no sooner out at Sea, but that she had reason to prognosticate that her Se­cond Marriage was not like to be more fortunate than the First. She was tossed in a violent storm, which still encreasing surpassed the skill of the Seamen, and the experience of the Pilots; all were per­suaded that they could not avoid being cast away, and intimated no less to the Passengers as much by their frighted and ghastly looks, as by their discourse. The [Page 115] Archdutchess alone seemed unconcerned at the dismal news, and feared so much the less to lose her life as she had greater interest than the rest to preserve it. Nay, in so sad a Juncture she was capable of a gay thought which seemed not suitable to an imagination that ought to have been scared with frightful apprehensions. She made a pleasant reflection upon the odd­ness of her adventures, supposing that the like had never hapned in the world, and their singularity in her opinion deserved it should be acquainted with them. She thought that never any woman was twice married and yet died a Virgin, and there­fore to inform Posterity of it she took the following course. She had the curi­osity to make her own Epitaph, and in two Verses to express therein what was most remarkable in her Life. She had na­turally a great disposition to Poetry, and so composed a Distich upon the spot. Manuscripts relate the words variously, though they agree in the sense, and it will not be amiss to transcribe them here as they have been found. The Spanish Manuscripts thus have hem,

[Page 116] And the Flemish Manuscripts.

The sense in English is,

It was not enough for the Archdutchess to have composed her own Epitaph, if she hindered not the Waters, wherein she ex­pected to perish, from spoyling the Paper on which it was written, and therefore she wrap'd it up in Cerecloath. Besides, it behoved her to oblige those on the shoar, who might find her body and Epi­taph where the Sea cast them out, to give a burial to the one, and cause the other to be engraven, and therefore she took out of the Box where her Jewels were the richest Diamond she had, and wrap'd it up in the Paper. After all, care must be taken that that Paper should not be sepa­rated from her Body, and therefore the Archdutchess tied the Cerecloath wherein the Diamond and Verses were fast about her Arm. In that posture, without fear or changing her countenance, she [Page 117] expected when the Ship should sink to the bottom; but her last hour was not as yet come; and the Ship that carried her, after it had been long beaten and tossed by the Winds and Sea, run a shoar upon the Coast of St. Andrews in Galicia. From thence she went by Land to Burgos, where the Catholick Kings then had their residence. Her marriage with the Infanto of Spain was there celebrated; and her big belly, which some time after began to appear, renewed the joy of the Court: but it continued but five or six months, for the Infanto fell sick in the City of Sa­lamanca of a distemper whereof he died the four and twentieth of October the same year One thousand four hundred and nine­ty seven.

The beginning and progress of his di­stemper was discreetly concealed from his Wife, but the same circumspection was not used at last. Instead of disposing her by degrees to receive so strange news, and gradually acquainting her with the loss of her young Husband, they told her plainly and point blanck that she was a Widow. It is not exactly known who it was that was so imprudent as unseasona­bly to tell her the news, because she would never discover it, lest the party might have been too severely punished. [Page 118] But it is certain, that the unhappiness of her second Widowhood brought into her mind In the Latine Panegyrick of that Princess. the injury she re­ceived when Charles the Eighth rejected her, and that the double grief she felt was so violent, that she was brought to bed before her time of a dead Daugh­ter. Ferdinand the Catholick King sup­ported the loss of an only Son, come to the age of ninteen years, three months, and six days, with a constancy of mind, which gave occasion to those who loved him not to suspect him of insensibility. He was convinced by long experience that his Queen Isabella had a mind as great as his own; and yet he thought she could not without falling down dead hear of the death of their Son, if the same fault were committed in acquainting her with it, that had caused the untimely Labour of their Daughter-in-law, and therefore he pro­vided against it by a way that succeeded. He had no other Philosophy but what he had from Nature, and the violent grief wherewith he was then afflicted was the first of that kind that ever he had had: Nevertheless he thought that though the Catholick Queen were told but by de­grees, and little and little of the death of the Infanto, all the Lenitives that could [Page 119] be used in that case, would not hinder the tenderness of a Mother so deeply wound­ed by so surprising an accident from pro­ducing in the body where it lodged an uni­versal revolution, which putting the soul out of condition of exerting its chief functions there, would force it to be gone, and forsake its habitation. On the con­trary, the Catholick King considered that if the same Soul could receive two ex­cessive passions that might succeed one another in a very short time, it could not admit of a third, because the impression that they must have made upon the bo­dy, and the extreme violence that the same body must have been put to in sup­porting of them, would have exhausted so many spirits, that there could not re­main enough for a fresh application of so large an extent. In a word, that Prince made a farther reflection, that if the functions of the Soul were weakened in three violent exercises of the same force, they would be much more weakened, when these exercises were not only diffe­rent, but also contrary, because then the distance would be greater, and the ob­stacles more difficult to be surmounted. From these three Principles Ferdinand concluded, that to prevent Queen Isabella from expiring upon the news of her Sons [Page 120] death, she must first be put into an ex­treme grief upon a false ground: that then she must be carried from the extremi­ty of sadness to that of joy by setting be­fore her sight what she bewailed as lost, and giving her by that means the speediest and most agreeable consolation that she could be capable of: that lastly, the per­son that was dearest to her, next to her Son, should come and tell her that God had removed him, and should sweeten the bitterness of the tidings, by so many reasons and examples, that the grief occasioned thereby might produce no ex­traordinary effects.

So the Catholick King, having taken such just measures that his Wife could not be informed of the death of her Son but from him, caused some persons of credit to go and tell her that the King her Husband was dead of a sudden death. She be­lieved it the more easily that he had al­most all the symptoms of those that are subject to that kind of death. She was as deeply afflicted as she ought to be, and in that condition she was let alone about an hour. Her first transports of sorrow were hardly over, when Ferdinand, whom she expected to see no more, ap­peared in her sight. She was thereupon so ravished with joy, that she could [Page 121] neither think of complaining of the trick that was put upon her, nor of quarrelling those that had imposed it. Her Husband let her alone in this fit of Joy almost as long as she had been in grief, and then with very elaborate mollifying expressions told her that their Son was gone. She was indeed moved at it, but not so much as if it had been done in another manner, and some days after she found her mind so much at ease again as to apply her self to Affairs of State.

The most important Affair was to pre­vent the Successions of Castile and Arra­gon from devolving upon a foreign Family and not a Spanish; and seeing their Ca­tholick Majesties could not compass this design after the death of their only Son but by marrying again their eldest Daugh­ter in Portugal, they intimated to Manuel, who had newly mounted the Throne of that Kingdom, that if he sought her in marriage, he should have her. Manuel was too ambitious to refuse the Match that was offered him; and seeing at that time he had a design of conquering the Indies, and that he foresaw the advantage that the Alliance of the Catholick Kings would afford him in the execution there­of, in the sole prospect of hastening his Marriage, he neglected the usual Cere­monies [Page 122] in the Alliances of Kings. He demanded no security for his going into Castile; but appeared at the Court of the Catholick Kings sooner than he was ex­pected; and there married the Infanta Isabella to the extraordinary joy of the Spaniards, passionate for the great­ness of their Country, who thereby saw all their Monarchies, except that of Na­varre, united into one. The new married Princes were acknowledged for Heirs apparent of In Caramnel. Castile, and presumptive of Arragon, and Ferdinand was so afraid lest the House of Austria, into which his second Daughter was married, might pretend any share in the Succession, that he obliged the Queen his Wife forthwith to assemble the Estates of Castile in the City of Tole­do, where the Queen of Portugal received the Oath of all the Deputies. Immedi­atly after he called the Estates of Arragon at Sarragossa, where the same Ceremony was performed. The joy of the People was redoubled by the Queen of Portugals being with Child, which appeared before they were dismissed. The Catholick Kings were afraid that some inconvenience might befal her if she accompanied the King her Husband who was upon his re­turn into Portugal, and would not suffer [Page 123] her to depart from Sarragossa before she was brought to bed. They chose ra­ther to stay there with her and divert her in expectation that she should give them an Heir; and in the mean time the Castilian and Portuguese Nations conque­red the Antipathy that had continued be­twixt them for so many Ages, and pro­miscuously spent their time at play, Dan­cing, Turnaments, and running at the Ring. The hopes that seemed almost certain of their being one day united contributed much to it; but there have been few of such Festivals, wherein the conclusion answered the beginning. The Queen of Portugal had had no Children by the Infanto Alphonso her first Husband: She was already twenty eight years of age when she was first with Child: Phy­sicians affirm, that on such occasions the pains of Labour encrease proportionably as the woman who is brought to bed the first time is advanced in age; and these three reasons, with a fourth, which mo­desty obliges me to suppress, were the cause that her Portuguese Majesty could not be a Mother but at the cost of her life. She was brought to bed in due time, and of a Son; but she died of it, and all the hopes of the Catholick Kings were confined to their Grandson, who was Christened by [Page 124] the name of Michael. His Grandfather and Grandmother caused him to be ac­knowledged by the Estates of Castile and Arragon; but he was so sickly, that the Spaniards began to look upon the Archdutchess of the Low Countries and Philip of Austria her Husband as the Heirs apparent of their Monarchy. The Catholick Queen was so persuaded of it when she was informed that the Arch­dutchess was on the four and twentieth of February, One thousand five hundred, brought to bed of a Son, who was after­ward the Archduke Charles, to whom Chievres was Governour, that by a spirit of Prophesie she applied upon the spot these words of the Acts of the Apostles, The lot fell upon Matthias, alluding to the Saint whose Feast was that day celebrated in the Church, to signifie that the Child was born in so favourable a Juncture, that he would succeed to her Crowns as well as to those of her Husband. The event soon followed the Prediction; and Charles was not as yet compleat five months old, when the Infanto Michael died the twen­tieth of July the same year at the age of two years. The regrate of the Catholick Kings therefore was not equal, though on both sides it was great, because Queen Isabel­la seeing an absolute necessity that her Suc­cession [Page 125] must devolve upon a German Family, readily submitted to the orders of Divine Providence, and with her own hand wrote to the Archdukes to hasten over to Castile, there to receive the Allegiance of the People as next and immediate Heirs, since she was past the age of having any more Children.

On the contrary, King Ferdinand, who was sixteen years younger than his Queen, hoped to survive her, marry again, and of a second ventre have Male Issue that might exclude the Archdutchess from his Succession. Upon that account he delay­ed as much as he could to desire her to come into Spain, and did not do it till the last push, when his Wife told him that she would of necessity see her eldest Daughter recognized by the Estates of Castile. The Union formed betwixt that Monarchy and the Monarchy of Arragon, required that the recognition should be made in the Capital Sarragossa. City of Arragon immediately after it had been made in the Capital Burgos. of Castile; and the Catho­lick King, who for reasons that shall be mentioned by and by, would not break it, at length consented to what his Queen desired.

The Archdukes passed through France, and arrived in Spain about the end of February One thousand five hundred and two. They were extremely well received by the Catholick Queen, but the recepti­on was not so frank on the part of the Ca­tholick King. The pretext that Prince had to cloak his indifferency was, that the Archduke his Son-in-law brought, with him to the Court of Spain a man that he did not like. That was the famous John Manuel, of whom we shall speak at large in the sequel of this History. His birth was not illustrious; and he owed only to the sharpness of his wit, and the extraordinary talent he had of writing well and fast, the choice that Ferdinand had made of him for his Secretary in those dispatches that required expedition. He had not served long in that Station, be­fore he gave proofs that he was capable of something greater, and his Master sent him Embassadour into Germany to the Court of Maximilian the Emperour, where he concluded the double Alliance of the two Children of his Imperial Majesty with the two Children of the Catholick Kings. He went afterward in the same Character to the In the causes of the banishment of Manuel. Low Countries, where he so dextrously managed the [Page 127] Archduke, that he became his Favourite. This success put it in his mind to devote himself to that young Prince immediatly after the death of the Infanto Michael. He demanded leave to do so from Queen Isabella his Sovereign, who thought she ought not to refuse it him, because it was more ways than one convenient for him to have a Castilian about him, since after her death he was to Reign in Castile. But Fer­dinand, who at that time began to make a distinction betwixt his own Interests and those of his Queen, liked not that a man who knew his secrets, and who be­sides was born a Subject of the Catholick Queens, should have the entire confidence of the Heirs of that Princess, because he foresaw that the desire of governing in his own Country as well as in Flanders, would encline him immediately after the death of Isabella to persuade the Archdukes, not to delay their taking possession of Ca­stile till the death of their Father-in-law. In that prospect he omitted nothing that might oblige the Queen to recall Manuel from Flanders; but the Queen persisted in it that he should continue there; and Manuel on his part neglected nothing that might render his abode necessary at the Court of the Archdukes. He behaved himself there to the full content of his [Page 128] Sovereign; and Ferdinand thereupon con­ceived an aversion to him, which grew to that height that he could no longer dissemble it. He made it appear upon several occasions; and Manuel, who look­ed upon the enmity of that Prince as a torrent of no long duration, that would not overslow unless means were used to stem it, pretended not to take notice of the same. He made it only his business to inform the Archduke in those thirteen months that he was in Spain of the Gran­dees of Castile and Arragon whom he might win over from his Father-in-law to himself, and to teach him the means how he might gain them.

The Archduke had all that was necessa­ry for improving the Councils of Manuel. He was the most affable Prince of his age, and was accustomed to carress all the Flemings almost equally of what condition soever they were, if they had the honour to approach him: However he never made himself so familiar as to render himself con­temptible to the Nobility of Spain, and on no occasion stooped so low as to lose that gravity which they so much esteem. He so tempered his civilities that they had all the success which he expected, and that they who were honoured with them preferred his rule before that of Ferdi­nand. [Page 129] And the truth is, he left Spain so generally beloved, that it was no more in the power of his Father-in-law to discredit him, though he might have had a mind to do it.

Ferdinand suffered him to stay there but as short a while as he could; and though the Archdutchess was brought to bed in the City of Alcala of a second Son, who was afterwards Emperour Ferdinand the First, they stayed not till she was up again to give her Husband the satisfaction of returning in company with her. They would have him go before; and the pre­text that was made use of for sending him back with so much precipitation, was the Commission he was charged with to nego­tiate at Blois where Louis the Twelfth was, an accommodation of the clashing that had happened betwixt the French and the Spaniards about the dividing of the Kingdom of Naples. The Archduke, as hath been said in the former Book, treated like a Gentleman, and took all the care he ought in an Affair that nearly concerned him; since he was already assured to reap advantage from it.

So soon as he set foot in France his most Christian Majesty and he vied in genero­sity. The King sent into Flanders eight chief Lords of his Court, there to remain [Page 130] as Hostages that no prejudice should be done to the Archduke in his passage; and the Archduke, that he might testifie an entire confidence in the Kings word, wrote into Flanders that they should send back the Hostages. The accommodation be­twixt the two Nations was concluded and signed; but Ferdinand disowned the pro­ceedings of his Son in-law, and thereby put an affront upon him, which in the Maximes of the World was too great and too publick to be pardoned. It was to no purpose for Ferdinand to represent to the Archduke that it was he who would reap all the fruit of the perfidious action he complained of, and that thereby he would have the Kingdom of Naples entire. The Archduke was nothing the less offend­ed thereat; and Manuel finding him in that disposition contributed not a little, as they say, to keep him in it, being assured to render himself necessary to his Master so long as it lasted.

There was no more Commerce betwixt the Father and Son in law but what could not civilly be discontinued; and the Arch­duke to make a closer Union with the most Christian King against his Catholick Majesty, made three agreements for the marriage of his eldest Son with Claude of France, eldest Daughter to his Majesty: [Page 131] But the Alliances which are most securely contracted in writing are not those which most frequently succeed best. The death of Queen Isabella which happened the se­venteenth of November One thousand five hundred and four was the cause or pretext that the three Contracts of marriage were not fulfilled; and Ferdinand, for all he was so politick a Prince, could not ward a blow that was so disadvantageous to him, and so favourable to his Son-in-law. In the Testa­ment of Queen Isa­bella. There was indeed a Testament of Queen Isabella found which ordained that the King her Husband du­ring life should have the administration and Revenues of Castile: but the Testa­ment was no sooner examined, than the Courtiers and Lawyers agreed in suspect­ing it to be forged. The Archduke who had a mind to reign, and saw himself ex­cluded for a long time, and perhaps for his whole life by an Act so inconsistent with Motherly affection, had no regard to it; and indeed it was hard to be believed that it could have been dictated and sign­ed by Queen Isabella considering her hu­mour all her life time in relation to her Husband, for there hapned to that Princess what is but too common to Women, who out of a Maxim of State marry Husbands [Page 132] as young again as themselves. When Ferdinand and Isabella were married, Fer­dinand was but sixteen years old, and Isabella two and thirty. Her Jealousie of Ferdinand appeared soon after their marri­age; and it ought to be said here for her excuse that it was not without ground; Ferdinand had slighted her, and been often unfaithful, though she was very beautiful, and besides, no woman living more scru­pulous in the point of Chastity than her self. He had loved other Ladies, by whom he had the Archbishop of Sarragossa, Don Alphonso d' Arragon, and other Bastards, who will be more properly mentioned in another place of this History. Isabella had not therefore behaved her self the worse towards him: but Injuries of that nature which are most patiently born with, are not those for all that which make the smallest impressions in peoples minds, and are soonest blotted out. If Isabella had so much command over her self, as during her life to dissemble the ramblings of her Husband, it is not very likely that at her death she would reward him for them, that is to say, in a Juncture when there is no time for counterfeiting, and when she was no longer to observe measures with him; nor that she would have deprived her eldest Daughter of the [Page 133] enjoyment of the Kingdom of Castile, which Nature, Law, Reason, and the Cu­stom of Spain gave to her, to leave it to a fickle Husband, who would not fail so soon as he should be a Widower to marry again; nor to employ all sorts of means not only to secure to the Children of the second Marriage the Crowns of Arragon, but also, if possible, to procure for them the Kingdoms of Castile in prejudice of the Children of his former bed.

Isabella had cause to fear it, since the Father and Mother of Ferdinand had done as much for him, and that the unfortunate Charles Prince of Vienne, the Son of the first Wife of John King of Arragon had been poysoned to make way for the same Fer­dinand who was only the Son of the se­cond. Be it as it will, the Archduke was not amused by the Couriers whom his Father in law sent to stay him in Flanders, under pretext that it might be prejudicial to the Archdutchess his Wife, ready to lie in of a Daughter, which was Mary Queen of Hungary. He nevertheless de­parted with her for Spain in the month of January One thousand five hundred and seven, and the new Queen of Castile had no prejudice by it.

Chievres was left Governour of the Low Countries, and Manuel accompanied [Page 134] the Archduke. Ferdinand was so ill in­formed of the course his Daughter and Son-in-law took, that he went to wait for them at one end of Spain whilst they landed at the other. All the great men of the Kingdom, except two, declared for them: they were solemnly Crowned: the People swore Allegiance to them, with­out respect to the Testament of the late Queen; and Ferdinand finding himself not to be the stronger, caused an Accom­modation to be proposed to his Son-in-law, seeing he confided far more in his own management than in that of his Agents, he sollicited with so much perse­verance an interview with the King of Castile, that he obtained it: but it cost him dear, and he must first pass through mortifications that were so much the more sensible to him, as that he was the less ac­customed to the like.

He was constrained to go to his Son-in-law, trust himself in his hands, to be sa­tisfied with his bare word for a safe Con­duct, and to present himself in the posture of a Supplicant. He appeared, indeed, in that manner accompanied with a small Retinue without Arms, and mounted on Mules. He could not have a private Conference with his Son-in-law; and Manuel, who was the man in the world [Page 135] he hated most, because he imputed to him all the harshness he found in the King of Castile towards him, made always a third person in the Conference. Ferdinand at first lost his hopes of retaining the admini­stration left him by his Wife, and con­descended at length to accept one half of the Revenues. But he was positively denied any share, and sent back extreme­ly vexed that he had humbled himself in vain.

Cardinal Ximenes, who was no less his Friend though he owed not his advance­ment to him, mediated for him another interview with his Son-in law in the Vestry of the Church of Remedo, a League from Vailladolid. The two Kings discoursed alone without any other Witness but the Cardinal who kept the door. They con­cluded at length, that Ferdinand should absolutely renounce the administration of Castile upon two conditions; The one, that he should enjoy during life the three great Masteries of the Orders of St. James, Callatrava, and Alcantara: The other, that his Son-in-law should pay him yearly at Sarragossa, whither he should immedi­ately after the interview retire, a mode­rate Pension, which amounted but, ac­cording to some, to three Counts of Mara­vedis, or to eight Counts, at most, accord­ing to others.

Ferdinand was no sooner in Arragon but that he laboured to be revenged for the pretended indignities received from his Son-in-law. He supposed that the per­sonal charms of that young Prince would indeed preserve to him the affections of the Castillians in time of Peace: but he doubted that that inclination would not continue in time of War. Upon this he grounded his conjecture; that the King of Castile, as shall be mentioned hereafter, being excessively liberal, there was no appearance that he would moderate that predominant inclination in the midst of Arms, and when every moment he would have fresh occasions of giving. In the mean time the Revenue of Castile, and of the Crowns that depended on it, were so scanty that they could not suffice to carry on a long War, and at the same time sup­ply the superfluous expensiveness of their King. His Majesties Treasury would thereby soon be drained; and if the seeds of a Civil War could be sowed when mo­ney was wanting, a general revolution would quickly follow; and the same Philip, who till then had been the Idol of the Castillians would become their aver­sion.

The measures to be taken for the exe­cution of that project ought not to be [Page 137] managed but by a very cunning person, and for that purpose Ferdinand employed the famous Raymond of Cardonna with the following instructions. In his life in Castillian. It hath been mentioned in the preceding Book that Queen Isabella at first reigned not peaceably in Castile: That her Brother Henry had by the Infanta of Portugal a Daughter, the most beautiful and unfortunate of her age: That Isabella had maintained that Henry was impotent: That Bertrand de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque was her Father; and that by consequent she ought not to succeed to the Crowns of Castile. The probability of that discourse was grounded upon this, that Henry having no Children by the Infanta of Navarre his first Wife had divorced her; and ha­ving been able to get none neither upon the second, the report went, that he had rather that his Favourite La Cueva should supply his defect, than that he should be reckoned impotent. He constantly own­ed the Daughter whom his Wife brought forth for his own; and his Sister Isabella being too weak to make her pass for illegi­timate, had her recourse to Ferdinand, and married him though she was thirty two years of age, and he but sixteen, up­on condition that he would back her [Page 138] interest with the Forces that he could bring from Arragon. Ferdinand in a pitch'd Battel routed those who main­tained the Party of the Princess of Ca­stile, forced her to take refuge in Portugal, obliged the Estates of Castile to declare her Bastard, and maintained himself in the possession of these Kingdoms during the life of Isabella.

But after her death for his own sake, he formed a design of repairing the wrong he had done, and proposed to him­self the marriage of the Princess of Castile, to bring her back by force of Arms into the Kingdoms that had belonged to Henry the Fourth, to raise her the Party there again which before he had suppressed, and there to renew the Civil War, in the opinion that as at that time when the Forces of Arragon in the dispute betwixt the Aunt and the Neece were sufficient to give the Monarchy to her of the two Pretendents they declared in favours of, that is, for the Aunt in prejudice of the Neece; so they would be still sufficient to turn the balance on the Neeces side in prejudice of the Children of the Aunt, when they should awaken the dormant Faction, under the same pretext that had been before made use of, which was that of marriage.

There appeared only two impediments which might cross his marriage to be sur­mounted; for as to the third which was the aversion that the Princess of Castile had to Ferdinand, because he had robbed her of her Dominions, he made account that she would be reconciled to him so soon as he offered to re-establish her in the Throne; and that she would chuse rather by marrying him to recover the fairest Monarchy of Spain, than as a pri­vate person to spend the rest of her days in a forced continence. The first Impedi­ment in the judgment of Ferdinand would be on the part of Pope Julius the second, an undertaking bold man, and ambitious to signalize himself, but scrupulous and reserved in granting favours, upon the sole account of making them the more valu­able. It was to be feared that his Holi­ness would hardly be brought to consent that Ferdinand should marry the Neece of his deceased Wife, and that he would absolutely refuse the dispensation de­manded, were it for nothing else but that he might not fall out with the House of Austria, which would thereby be irrecon­cilably offended. But the enmity that Julius entertained against the French, and the resolution he had already taken by all means to engage Ferdinand to joyn with [Page 140] him for driving them out of Italy, made a stronger impression in the mind of that Pope, than the Canon Laws. He gave intimation to Ferdinand that the dispen­sation should be no hindrance to the marriage that he had in his head; and so all Ferdinands care was to get over the next difficulty.

It consisted in getting the Princess out of Portugal, and by consequent in dispo­sing Manuel to deliver her. Ferdinand expected far less opposition to his designs on the part of that Prince, than he had found from the Pope, because Manuel was doubly his Son-in-law. It hath been said before that Ferdinand gave him in marri­age his eldest Daughter upon no other ac­count but that he might hinder his Suc­cession from falling to the House of Austria, into which the second Daughter was married; and it is to be added here, that Ferdinand's caution proving ineffectual, he farther gave his third Daughter to his Portuguese Majesty, who by consequent, by an odd singularity not as yet to be pa­rallelled in these last Ages, having for his first Wife married his Nephew's Widow, for his second married the Sister of his former WifeHe married al­so for his third Wife the Daughter of the Sister of his two former Wives.. But what appears to Kings most feisible in speculation [Page 141] is not so always in practice, because self-love sometimes represents to them the interests that sets them upon action more urgent than it seems to be to other Sove­reigns, who they think ought to second them in the execution.

Manuel King of Portugal was of the humour of Princes who come to the Crown by chance, and without laying claim to it directly. He was only the kinsman far remote in a collateral Line of John the second his Predecessour, and by consequent he was afraid upon the smal­lest occasions to lose the good fortune that had happened to him contrary to his expectation. He saw no advantage nei­ther present nor future in the proposition made to him of delivering the Princess of Castile; and on the contrary found in it present inconveniences, and inevitable Wars afterwards. If the Princess had Children by Ferdinand, those of Manuel would be the farther removed from the Succession of Arragon: if she had none, and yet out-lived him, she would transfer the Crowns of Castile to him whom she should chuse for a second Husband; and if she married not again, Manuel and his Issue who were not next of kin to her, would not inherit any thing of hers. In the mean time seeing Ferdinand only [Page 142] demanded the Princess of Castile to hinder the House of Austria from settling in Spain; If Manuel granted her, he would raise a Civil War in Castile, the success whereof it was impossible for him to fore­see: If the Arms of Ferdinand prevailed there, his Majesty of Portugal would not be the better for it, since his Father-in-law was neither liberal nor grateful: but if Ferdinand succumbed, Portugal would immediately after have upon its back, besides the Forces of Castile, those of Germany and the Low Countries, which he would be the less able to resist that there was no communication betwixt the Kingdoms of Portugal and those of Arra­gon, to receive Succours from thence. So that the Princess of Castile was fairly In the Manual of Osorio. denied to Ferdinand, who not being able to carry her, despaired of having her for Wife. At the same time he lost all hopes of getting the Kingdoms of Castile from the House of Austria, but despaired not of excluding it from his own Succession; and that he might compass that, he chose rather to court the Neece of his greatest Enemy than to remain a Widower.

John de Foix, Vicecount of Narbonne, married Mary Magdalen of Orleans, Sister to Louis the Twelfth, King of France, by [Page 143] whom he had two Children, the incompa­rable Gaston de Foix, who was afterward killed at the Battel of Ravenna, and Germana de Foix, whom the most Christian King caused to be brought up with his Daughters. Ferdinand pitched upon her for his second Wife; and seeing he commonly proposed to himself more than one end in his acti­ons, he had two in this, as you shall see: The first was, that Germana might one day furnish him with a plausible pretext of usurping Navarre, in that the Vis­count of Narbonne, the Father of that Princess, was concerned in that famous case of conscience upon which Theology had always been consulted, though the determinations thereof were never acqui­esced unto, but always decided by the Sword. This is not a proper place of giving instances of it, and the business here is only to lay down plainly the matter of fact.

Gaston de Foix, Prince of Bearn, had a Son already of his own name, Gaston by Leonora of Arragon his Wife, at that time when she succeeded to the Crown of Navarre, by the death of Charles Prince of Vienne her only Brother, and of Isabella her eldest Sister without Children. Leonora being settled in the Succession of Navarre was brought to bed of a second Son, who was John [Page 144] Viscount of Narbonne. John pretended to the Crown of Navarre in exclusion of his elder Brother as being the Son of a Queen and a King, whereas his elder Bro­ther was but the Son of a Count and Countess. The difference could not be sifted to the bottom, because the elder Brother having married Magdalen of France, Sister to King Charles the Seventh, was put into possession of Navarre, and left it to his Children. The Viscount left also his Pretensions to Gaston de Foix his Son, and to Germana his Daughter, Gaston was of so warlike a temper, that it was easie to be foreseen that he would be slain; and Ferdinand looked upon Germana as a presumptive Heiress that might bring him a Title to the Crown of Navarre, which he well knew how to make the best of in time and place convenient.

The second end that Ferdinand pro­posed to himself in his marriage with Germana, was to strike in with France in a Juncture when possessing no longer the Kingdoms of Castile, he was not now strong enough to return what he had usurped upon Louis the Twelfth in Italy. In the three views then that we have been mentioning, he caused an offer to be made to his most Christian Majesty of treating with him upon two conditions: the one, [Page 145] that he would give him in Marriage Germana his Neece; the next, that if Male Children sprung from that Marriage, that might live to be in a condition one day to Reign, the Kingdom of Naples should belong to them with the consent of France, which in that case should yield to them all the claim it had to it: but if the Mar­riage were barren, or at least as to Male Children capable of reigning, that then the Kingdom of Naples should return to the Monarchy of France in exclusion of the Daughters of Ferdinand's first mar­riage, and of their Posterity. Louis ac­cepted the offer of Ferdinand, because he only considered it on the side it was advantageous to him. His most Christian Majesty had been unfortunate in the Wars of Naples: he had lost three great Armies there: his Treasures were ex­hausted by the prodigious charges he had been at; and his most courteous disposi­tion hindered him from oppressing the People, as must needs have been done to continue that War. The occasion that presented for recovering the Kingdom of Naples was favourable. He had the greater reason to embrace it, that it would not cost him one drop of bloud; and though it was not altogether certain that it would succeed, yet there was but little [Page 146] wanting to make it infallible. The truth was Ferdinand was not old, but his former incontinence had so weakened him that his Physicians durst not hope for any more Children from him. He had entertained frequent and long correspondences with the Countess of Eboly, by whom he had had the Archbishop of Sarragossa, Al­phonso d' Arragon, and a Daughter marri­ed to Bernardin de Valesco Constable of Castile: with the Lady Tole de Bibao, by whom he had had a Daughter that was a Nun in the Monastery of Madrigal: and with a Portuguese Lady of the House of Perreira, by whom he had another Daughter that was a Nun as well as the for­mer.In the Book of Mayerne.

It was to be presumed that that amo­rous inclination, seconded by the plump­ness and vigour of Germana, would quick­ly send Ferdinand into the other world, and that by consequent France would not long expect to enter again into the King­dom of Naples. In fine, the interests of Arragon were for ever, or at least for some time, divided from those of Castile; and France found its advantage in both these Junctures, though it would have found it far more in the first than in the second.

The Marriage of Ferdinand and Ger­mana was no sooner consummated, but that Prince made a project of securing him­self entirely in the possession of the King­dom of Naples, upon pretext of being in a better condition of fulfilling the Treaty which he had concluded with Louis the Twelfth. That Crown had been partly conquered, and partly usurped by the Castillians, which gave them occasion to pretend that it was annexed to their Mo­narchy, and not to that of Arragon. The great Captain Gonsalvo de Cordova had not expelled King Frederick and the French from thence; and seeing he was born a Subject of the late Queen Isabella, and that it was she that had given him the command of the Spanish Army which he had conducted with so much success, it was to be thought that he would have preser­ved the Kingdom of Naples for the Heiress of that Princess, as sixteen years before he would have had the Kingdom of Gra­nada which he had conquered, united to Castile, the Infidels having been chiefly subdued by the Castillian Forces. If any thing could hinder him from doing it, it must be the presence of Ferdinand, and that Prince upon that very account alone did not stand deliberating if he should go to Naples. He departed from Barcelona [Page 148] with his new Queen, and his Voyage was more prosperous than he expected. He found not in Italy the resistance which he expected; and the Great Captain instead of fortifying himself in the Kingdom of Naples against Ferdinand, who carried not along with him Forces enough to drive him out of it, preferred the Grandeur of the Monarchy of Spain before his own interests, merely upon the consideration that he had enlarged it by the accession of two Crowns. He foresaw that Ferdinand would have no more Children; and that his Grandson Charles of Austria succeeding to him, would become the most powerful Monarch of Europe. He also foresaw that if he resisted Ferdinand, Spain would lose the Kingdom of Naples, because the obstinate humour of that Prince would make him rather abandon it to France than leave it in the power of a revolted Subject.

Upon two such Metaphysical Principles the Great Captain of his own accord laid down the Vice-royalty of Naples. He stayed not till Ferdinand should constrain him, but reduced himself to the conditi­on of a private man: He came out of the Kingdom of Naples where he could do any thing; went as far as Genoa to meet the Catholick King, received him at the [Page 149] Harbour of that City, and wholly sub­mitted himself to his discretion. That unexpected adventure was not the passage of the Reign of Frederick that most affected him; he had two others which supervened so pat, that he could not have drawn greater advantage from them, though he had been the Author of the same. The one was the death of the King of Castile Philip of Au­stria. his Son-in-law, and the other the mad­ness of the Queen of Ca­stile Jane of Arra­gon. his Daughter. The King of Castile remaining peaceable posses­sour of that Monarchy by his Father-in-laws retiring into Arragon, minded nothing but his diversions, and lived in too great a freedom with his principal Subjects, not to give them occasion of abusing it. The Go­vernment of Burgos, the Capital City of old Castile, was fallen void, and the King gave it to his Favourite Manuel. Manuel had no sooner taken possession of it, but he invited his Master to a magnificent Feast. It is not known whether the King of Ca­stile eat and drank more than was fit: whether any of his Enemies or Manuel found a way to convey Poyson into the choicest dainties of the entertainment: or whether the great exercise which the King used immediately after so extraor­dinary [Page 150] a Dinner without giving his sto­mach time to concoct, ruined the health of that young Prince, which from his In­fancy had never suffered any alteration: but it is certain that he played long at Tennis after he rose from Table; and that the same Evening, which was the nineteenth of September One thousand five hundred and six, he was taken ill of a Fever. Seeing there appeared a Comet at that time; and that the great men as well as the common people are persuaded that such Stars are not only the signs, but also the causes of the death of Sovereigns; it made so deep an impression upon the imagination of the King of Castile, that during his sickness, which lasted but seven days, he complained at every moment of the Comet. Nor did he lose the fancy of it in the height of a hot fit that seized him two days before he expired; and and when he became light-headed, he cried out in French even to his last gasp with a lamentable tone, Ah Comet, ah Comet. He died the five and twentieth of September, One thousand five hundred and six, at the age of twenty eight years, when he had only reigned two years; and though he was a German by extraction, and a Fleming by birth, and that the Spaniards have a natural aversion to a [Page 151] Foreign Dominion, yet they never la­mented the death of any of their Kings so bitterly as they did his. The shortness of his Reign was probably the cause of it; and there is ground to think by what fol­lows, that if he had lived longer, he had neither been so much, nor so universally regretted. He gave by handfuls, and without distinction of persons. In the distribution of his favours he had not so much regard to merit and services, as to the diligence of those who first presented him their In his Elogy. Petitions; and it is reported of him, that his Council having one day asked him if he had granted the gift that they men­tioned to him, he made answer, that he did not remember; but that they might easily know it of him who they thought had received it, if he had asked the same, seeing in that case he was sure he had granted it.

Jane Queen of Castile loved him with too great a tenderness to be free from Jealousie. She understood whilst she was in Flanders that he loved and was beloved of a Lady of Brabant. That was enough to set her upon a revenge, which was the first sign she gave of a distraction of mind. She went to the place where her Rival was, and called her before her: She ordered [Page 152] two or three of her Servants to secure her hand and foot: She fell upon her; cut off her lovely head of hair, and with her Scissors so disfigured the lovely traits of her face, that the most charming beauty of the Low Countries durst not shew her self any more abroad. The Archduke was extremely vexed at it: but he was constrained to dissemble his displeasure when he perceived that the more he up­braided her with it, the more enraged and furious she grew. He carefully after­ward avoided the giving her the least occasion of Jealousie. By her he had two Sons, who were both Emperours, and three Daughters, who were the Queens of Hungary, France, and Portugal; he left her with Child of a third, who was also Queen of Portugal; and whether her grief for his death overcame her reason, or that it only stirred up in her the dispositions to madness which were transmitted to her with the bloud of her maternal Grand­mother Isabella of Portugal; it is but too true that she lost her Judgment in so dread­ful a manner, that she never recovered a moments use of it during the whole fifty years that she lived after. We leave it to Philosophers and Physicians to exa­mine how the mad Isabella of Portugal could communicate to Jane of Arragon [Page 153] her Grand-daughter the distemper of mind wherewith she had been afflicted, without any blemish to the Conduit that conveyed it; and by what frekishness of nature it happened that Isabella of Portu­gal in the time of her greatest extrava­gance, was brought to bed of Isabella of Castile, one of the wisest Queens that ever was: that amongst the Daughters of Isabella of Castile, the second only was subject to the distemper of her Grand­mother; and that that distemper stopt so precisely at that second Daughter, that neither the two Sons and sour Daughters which she left, nor the numerous Posteri­ty since descended from them have shewn the least sign of it, unless it be her great Grandson the Prince Don Carlos.

We shall only observe here, that the Queen, Widow of Castile, religiously kept the body of her Husband so long as cor­ruption hindred her not from kissing it, and with much ado she suffered it after­ward to be imbalmed, and to be put into a Leaden Coffin: but instead of sending it into the Church appointed for his bu­rial, she kept it by her, and carried it about a long time all over Spain, as if her Frenzy had moved her to verifie one of the oddest Prophesies that ever was. It hath been already said, that the King her [Page 154] Husband was one of the handsomest men of his Age; and it is very well known, that Princes, in whom that perfection sets off the lustre of their virtues, delight com­monly to shew themselves. Philip of Anstria was no sooner peaceable King of Castile by the accommodation that he made with his Father-in-law, which we mentioned before, that he went to see all the Towns and places any way consi­derable of his new Dominion. He joy­fully received the acclamations of the People; but an old woman, having sted­fastly beheld him, thought it not enough, as the rest of the Spanish women, to bloss the Womb of Mary of Burgundy that had born him, but she farther added, that it was to no purpose for him to travel over Castile in his life time; for that he should travel it much more and longer after his death. Which was punctually fulfilled. No less extraordinary was the garb that the poor Queen put her self into for con­ducting from City to City, and from Town to Town her Husbands body. She was cloathed in plain ordinary Mourning; her head muffled up in a kind of Capu­chins hood; her Sleeves covering her hands; and a black Veil much like to that of Nuns, save only that it was much thicker, hindered her no less from seeing [Page 155] than from being seen. She continued to wander up and down Spain till the King her Son shut her up in the Castle of Tor­defillas under the care of the wise Don Fer­rier of Valanca.

Tordefillas was a pleasant and delight­ful place, and besides nothing was omitted that might serve to dispel the melancholy of the Queen: Nevertheless she persisted obstinately in leading the most pitiful and wretched life that can be found in the Histories of Princesses of these latter Ages. She chose the least, darkest, lowest, and most incommodious Chamber of the Ca­stle, there to abide day and night. There she lay upon the ground; and it was after much importunity that she suffered them to lay a board under her covered with a Carpet. She never warmed her self by a fire in Winter: and would not be thicker cloathed in the coldest weather than she was in Summer. She continued frequent­ly three days and three nights without eating or drinking; and when they spake to her of taking any diversion, her con­stant answer was, that it was unseemly for a Widow, and upon that account alone would not. She charged them not to bring her her Victuals but in Earthen dishes; and when a great many dishes of that sort full of meat were brought to [Page 156] her, she would not suffer them to be car­ried away before she had touched them. Nor could she endure either to be made clean, or to have her Chamber kept neat. So that the meat corrupted there, and sent out a smell that none but her self could endure. She had no intervals in her distemper but when her Father the Catholick King was with her. The truth is, in his presence, and so long as he was there, she committed no irregularity: but in exchange the notion that she retained of the respect she ought to have for him to whom she owed her being was so strong, that being neither corrected nor modera­ted by reason, it degenerated into a kind of insensibility that rendred her immovable like a Statue, and took from her the use of her tongue. At other times she was mightily prepossessed with an opinion of the injustice that was done her in detaining her Prisoner; and the head­strong conceit she had of Grandeur, suf­fered her not to forget that she was Queen of Castile by her own right. When she was in her senses, and during the life of her Husband, she had suffered him to Reign, nay, and to Reign alone, and she took no exceptions at all that he gave her no share in the Government: Neverthe­less she became excessively jealous of her [Page 157] Authority when she was no more in a condition of exerting it. Night and day she made her complaints to Heaven and Earth of the inhumanity of those who confined her to Tordesillas. She com­pared her self with her Mother, and thought at least that she had as much prudence as she had for governing. She knew that Ferdinand her Father had here­tofore attempted to take upon himself alone the administration of Castile: That Queen Isabella had opposed it: That she had demanded Justice from the States, and that by them she had been solemnly maintained in the possession of her right; from whence Queen Jane concluded, that since she was no less Queen of Castile than her Mother had been, she ought upon stronger grounds to exert the Functions of Government by reason of her Widow­hood; so true it is that though the desire of independence be the first in­clination that takes possession of the heart of man, yet it is not the last that abandons it.

The Castilians so soon deprived of their new King, and discouraged by the extra­vagance of their Queen, were forced to have their recourse to Ferdinand. There were some amongst them who made some difficulty of resolving upon that: but it [Page 158] ceased when they who knew Ferdinand best, told them that the joy which that Prince would conceive in recovering the administration of Castile would be so great, and that the need he stood in of the Forces of that Monarchy for securing his Dominion in Naples was so urgent, that though he might resent most deeply the sleight put upon him by the Castilians in preferring his Son-in-law before him, yet not only he would shew no outward marks thereof, but would also for the future more cautiously manage that Peo­ple. For then he would be apprehensive through his own experience that as they had once already shaken off his yoke when they found it too heavy, so they might again shake it off with so much the more faci­lity, that Maximilian the Emperour, the Father of their late King, desired no bet­ter than to be called in to supply the place of his Son during the minority of his Grandchild.

Thus Ferdinand, more fortunate than he expected, was invited to retake the Government of Castile, which two and twenty months before had been ignomi­niously taken from him, and did not lose so favourable an occasion. The conje­cture that had been made of his modera­tion proved to be exactly true, and [Page 159] that politick Prince was so far from re­venging himself on those who had thrust him out, that he made it his particular care to gain them; and the first places that fell void, as well as the favours that came to be distributed, were all for them.

So rare and judicious a procedure had the effect that Ferdinand expected from it. The Castilians being persuaded that he generously pardoned because he affe­cted to seem unmindful of their fault, on their part remembred it no more neither but only to make amends for it, and lived afterward in so exact a submission, that during the Reign of Ferdinand they forbore to demand, as it was their custom to do, the Convocation of the Estates for regulating the Government of the Mo­narchy; and if thereafter they were assembled, it was at his desire. None but Manuel, who being more politick, and by consequent more distrustful than the rest, was of a contrary opinion to that of the publick, and would ne­ver trust Ferdinand. He thought that he had too highly offended him to refer himself absolutely to his dis­eretion without passing for an impru­dent man; and the instance of the Great Captain Gonsalvo. [Page 160] whom his Friends proposed to him as a signal proof of the clemency of the Ca­tholick King, wrought nothing at all up­on him. He chose rather to banish him­self from Castile than to live under an offended Master, and quitted the great preferments that he owed to the libera­lity of Philip of Austria, that he might go live without employment in Flanders with the Archduke Charles.

Chievres, who intended to make use of him for the execution of the designs that shall be related in the sequel of this Hi­story, received him as the services which he had rendered to their common Master deserved, and made him his intimate friend. Ferdinand was the more incensed at the retreat of Manuel, because he knew him to be a man capable of forming and keeping on foot, dangerous intrigues against him in Castile, though he was in the Low Countries, and used all means to hinder him from doing so. Neverthe­less his Catholick Majesty thought it not fit to persecute him directly, lest the other Castilians might take umbrage thereat, but thought it enough to attack him by such ways as concealed private revenge under a cloak of publick good. How­ever he deprived him of what he had purchased in Spain; and endeavoured as [Page 161] much as in him lay to reduce him to his first state. The pretext which he took to impoverish him without startling the Ca­stillians deserves to be known. The profuseness of Philip of Au­stria had been so great that it had encroached upon the Crown-Rents of the Kings of Castile, which till then had never been alienated. In the revocati­ons of Ferdinand. Ferdinand took the occasion he sought for to revoke all the Grants made by that young Prince for what cause soever; and reserved to himself the liberty of con­firming those which should appear to him to be just. The Castillians took no ex­ceptions at that order, because it excused them from supplying the ordinary charges of the State, and Manuel thereby lost the great settlements that he had in Castile. He thought it not convenient to make any attempt for retaining them; for be­sides that he foresaw it would be fruit­less, he would not give Ferdinand the sa­tisfaction of refusing him, He suffered himself to be stript of all without com­plaining; and revenged himself after­wards according to the manner of the most refined Politicians, that is to say, by the help, and under the name of ano­ther.

He seconded Chievres in his design of thrusting Ferdinand once more out of Ca­stile by opposing the Emperour Maximili­an the First to him; and the measures that were taken to bring that about were so just, that had it not been for France they had succeeded. The Emperour rejected no proposition that gave him occasion of getting much money with little pains, and upon that weak side Chievres and Manuel attacked him. They caused it to be repre­sented to him by men that seemed zealous for his Interests, that the Catholick King had doubly offended him, first in put­ting upon him so great an affront, that no ordinary Gentleman would sit down with without venturing his life to have satis­faction for it; next in doing him a notori­ous piece of injustice, equally contrary to the right of private men, and to that of Sovereigns. The affront consisted in this, that the Catholick King struck at the Em­perours reputation in supposing him inca­pable of the guardianship of the Children of the late King of Castilē his Son, seeing he had taken from him the administration of the best part of their Inheritance which was the Monarchy of Castile: that the injustice regarded the exclusion of the noble Sex, and the substitution of the more ignoble in the most important of [Page 163] civil actions, which was the Regency of States: That all the Laws and Customs of Europe called the Fathers of young So­vereigns to that Regency, even when their Sovereignties came by the Mother; and that if there were no Father, the Grand­father for the same reason was preferred before the Grandmother, and the Pater­nal Grandfather before the Maternal. Ne­vertheless the Catholick King was gone into Castile, had received the Oath of the People, had put himself into possession of the Guardianship of the Children, and converted their Revenues to his own use: That the People of the Low Countries had so universally acknowledged that they could not lawfully frustrate the Emperour of the Guardianship of his Grand-children, that the seventeen Provinces had by com­mon consent referred it to him; and that if the Castillians had not imitated them, the blame must be cast upon the cunning of Ferdinand who had over-reached them: That there was no more needful to force him once more out of Castile, but to re­present to them that they were outwitted by him; and that if notwithstanding they persisted to own him as Regent, it was easie for his Imperial Majesty to bring him to reason, by sending German Forces into the Kingdom of Naples by the Gulph of Venice.

The Emperour was so much the more sensibly moved with this discourse, that it opened him a way of enjoying almost the whole revenues of his Grandsons, the eldest being maintained by the Flemings, and the younger needing only a small pen­sion for maintaining him in the Colledge of Alcala where he was. His Imperial Majesty sent Embassadours to Ferdinand to bid him leave the administration of Castile, and to declare War against him if he failed to do it within a time limited. Ferdinand knew Maximilian too well to be afraid of him so long as none but he made War against him, because he was sure that in that case his Imperial Majesty would do it but weakly, and but for a short time too: But he apprehended that when the French saw him once engaged in the Conquest of the Kingdom of Na­ples, and reduced to an inability of pur­suing his point through the want of mo­ney, they might treat with him to buy the places he had taken, and hire the Forces employed in forcing them, for in such a Juncture it would be impossible for Spain to preserve that Kingdom.

In that prospect Ferdinand proposed to himself by the means of France to divert the storm that threatned him, and had his recourse to the mediation of [Page 165] Louis the Twelsth to hinder Maximilian from making War once more in Italy. Louis had received causes of dissatisfaction from the Republick of Venice that he could not think of pardoning. It had hindered him from recovering the Kingdom of Naples, wherein had it not been for that Republick he must have succeeded, and they had plainly enough intimated by their Embassa­dours at Paris, that they would engage in all Leagues that might be formed against the disturbers of the peace of Italy. Since their politick resolutions were unalterable, and that there was no other expedient to take them off from the execution of the Counsels taken in the Pregadi, but by attacking them so powerfully that they should have business enough to defend themselves, Louis laboured to turn against them the four most considerable Powers of Europe, which were the Holy See, France, Germany, and Spain. In the causes of the League of Cam­bray. The Union of so many Adver­saries of so contrary hu­mours and interests did not appear very difficult, because there was none of them from whom the Republick did not keep Towns which they would be very glad to recover. In the Ecclesiastical state they possessed the most Important places of the Province of Romania: in [Page 166] the Dutchy of Milan the Towns lying up­on the River of Adda: Istria and Friuli, the places which heretofore the House of Austria had held by engagement; and in the Kingdom of Naples the maritime Towns of Apulia.

France secretly negotiated the Prelimi­naries of that League; and they were al­most agreed, when Ferdinand represented to the most Christian King that if he pre­vented not the misunderstanding that was like to degenerate into an open War be­twixt his Catholick Majesty and the Em­perour; the Union of the four Potentates would be interrupted, and perhaps would not all be formed by reason of the distrust that Pope Julius the Second might have, that if he joyned alone with the French, seeing they had many more Forces than he, they might alone make their prosit of all the spoils of the Venetians. Louis assaulted on the weak side, employed his Ministers to reconcile his two most inve­terate enemies, and bestirred himself in it so vigorously, that by his patience and perseverance he surpassed the great dissi­culties that he met with therein.

The Emperour and Catholick King by his mediation disposed of the Crowns of Castile, to which neither the one or other had any other right but that of conveni­ency, [Page 167] as if they had been uncontrovertibly their own; and though the Laws of the Country called to the Government the eldest of their Grandchildren when he was compleat Eighteen years of age, yet they put him off by their own private authority till he were five and twenty. The Emperour rested content with a Pension of fifty thou­sand Crowns a year for all the pretensions he had to Castile in quality of Paternal Grandfather to the two young Princes who were the lawful Heirs of it; and the Catho­lick King secured himself at so easie a rate; to reign so long as he lived as absolutely in that Monarchy as he did in Arragon.

Chievres with extreme indignation re­ceived the news of the conclusion of so unreasonable a Treaty, and laid two con­siderable intrigues to break it off before it began to be put in execution, the one was at the Court of France by the Countess of Angoulesm the Mother of Francis pre­sumptive Successour to Louis, the other in Germany by Margarite of Austria, whom we have mentioned before. The Coun­tess of Angoulesm represented to the most Christian King that the Accommodation which he had made betwixt Germany and Spain was equally contrary to the Justice which he owed to himself, and to that which he owed to the most illustrious [Page 168] Feudatary of his Crown: That the three attempts made by his most Christian Ma­jesty for the recovery of the Kingdom of Naples in seven years time since he lost it, were sufficient to convince him that he could not succeed in it so long as the Ger­mans and Spaniards acted in concert to hin­der him from entering it, as on the contra­ry their dis-union would infallibly open to him the way; and that notwithstanding his Majesty instead of taking all courses to set Maximilian and Ferdinand at variance, and at least of taking the advantage of the division fallen out betwixt them without his having a hand in it, as he might in Conscience have done, had interposed to make them friends, and that successfully too; which was the more in­supportable to all true Frenchmen, that they were sensible that had it not been for that Mediation, the Kingdom of Naples would have been entirely reunited to the French Monarchy: That the late King of Castile had upon his death-bed left the disposition of his eldest Son to his most Christian Majesty; that besides he held of him, because of his Counties of Flanders, Artois, and Charolois: that he had indeed provided for the Education of that young Prince, but that it seemed at present he had repented of the good he had done [Page 169] unto him, by procuring him at least as much hurt, seeing he frustrated him for seven whole years of the possession of the Kingdoms of Castile, which by nature and the Laws belonged to him. These urgent reasons of the Countess made no impressi­on upon the mind of Louis, because his Majesty neither could nor would undo his own work; and if Chievres was strangely troubled at it, he had occasion to take comfort, in that his Pupil had afterwards the Kingdom of Navarre, which Ferdi­nand could never have seized, had he not been King of Castile as well as of Arragon, in the Juncture that offered four years after. However he left not off to apply himself to the Emperour by the Mediation of Margarite of Austria, whose third Mar­riage with the Duke of Savoy had neither been longer nor more happy than the for­mer with the Dauphin of France, and the Prince of Spain, who represented to him that his Imperial Majesty had rendered the House of Austria the most powerful Family in Christendom; first, by his Alli­ance with the Heiress of Burgundy, and since by the Alliance of his Son with the Heiress of Spain: but that if he persisted resolute in the execution of a Treaty which he might break without being thought unfaithful, since not only he [Page 170] was cheated in it more than the half of the just value but also he reserved not thereby the hundredth part of what be­longed to him, and would ruine the Fa­mily by dividing it, in such a manner as it could never be re-united again: That all Europe was persuaded that Ferdinand loved the younger Son incomparably better than the elder; and that there were such evident marks of that preference, that it could not be doubted, seeing he had given his name to the younger: That he took a particular care of his education: that he visited him time after time in the Colledge of Alcala, where he studied: and that he brought him up in the hopes of being one day King of Castile and Arragon. That it would be very hard to hinder that odd design, if the Catholick King reigned in CAstile till the Archduke were five and twenty years of age compleat, because that long space of time would be sufficient to settle the young Ferdinand so firm in Spain, that though his elder Brother had a mind to force him thence, yet he could not be able to do it; and the hatred of the two Brothers would become indeli­ble, in that the elder would always lay claim to the Monarchies which his younger Brother had usurped from him; and the younger would still be upon [Page 171] his guard against his elder Brother, in the sole prospect of maintaining his Usur­pation: whereas if the Emperour had the administration of Castile during the Mi­nority of the Archduke, he would pre­serve that Monarchy for him, and his Mi­nisters would from thence so carefully watch all the actions of the Catholick King, that it would be almost impossible for him to raise young Ferdinand to the Throne of Arragon. If contrary to all appearance the Affair might still succeed, yet young Ferdinand could not long sit on the Throne to which his Benefactor had raised him, and there would be so little pro­portion betwixt his Forces and those of his elder Brother, that he would be soon subdu­ed: which could not befall him if he pos­sessed the two Monarchies of Castile and Arragon, seeing in that case his elder Brother must cross over all France, to which the most Christian King would never consent.

Maximilian had no more regard to the Remonstrances of Margarite of Austria, than the most Christian King had to those of the Countess of Angoulesm, whether it was that the word of his Imperial Ma­jesty was already too far engaged, or that he apprehended not the inconveniences which Chievres foresaw. His Accommo­dation with the Catholick King was [Page 172] concluded: he had his fifty thousand Crowns a year that were promised him duly payed; and Ferdinand reigned so long as he lived with as much authority in Castile as Arragon, though he had no right over the Castilians and was lawful King of the Arragonese. But it seldom happens that private men concern themselves in the quarrels of their Sovereigns scotfree; for if the Party they adhered to get the better of the other, they seldom obtain a reward proportionable to the greatness of their services; and if they succumb, the unfor­tunate Prince for whom they declared, abandons them to the discretion of the happy Prince whom they have offended, or at least takes no care to comprehend them in his Articles of Agreement, which is almost the same as if he abandoned them. There was no mention neither of Chievres nor of Manuel made in the re­conciliation of the Emperour and Catho­lick King; but the Archdukes Governour sustained no prejudice thereby, and all the storm broke upon the Favourite of his Father.

Ferdinand durst not attempt to remove Chievres from his Grandson Charles, be­cause Louis the Twelfth, who had placed him there, would have been concerned in honour to have maintained him; and [Page 173] besides the People of the Low Countries would not have suffered him to have been deposed, with what pretext soever that change had been coloured. But Manuel, who had not so good a back, remained without a Protector: Maximilian sacri­ficed him without scruple; and Ferdinand made it a Principle of policy to drive him to the utmost extremity. By that means he thought to over aw the more restless spirits of Castile; and to render them so tractable that they would trouble him no more in the administration of their Mo­narchy. It happened however that the People of the Low Countries where Ma­nuel had taken sanctuary seconded but in half the violence of his Catholick Ma­jesty. They consented, indeed, that Manuel should be committed to Prison: but they would not comply with Ferdi­nand to bring him to a Trial before the Supreme Court of Flanders. In vain his Catholick Majesty declared himself Plain­tiff, and offered to make it out in lawful form, that he had been the only cause of the mis-understanding that had been be­twixt himself and the late King of Castile his son-in-law. They shifted his Propo­sition by sending him this positive answer, That it belonged not to the Subjects of the Archduke Charles, such as were the [Page 174] Judges of the Low Countries, to try an Affair that concerned another Subject of that Prince, born in a Country far remote from theirs, and over whom they had no Jurisdiction, the Crimes in question not having been committed in Flanders: That they were willing to believe upon the word of his Majesty that Manuel was guilty, because he had been so unhappy as to give him occasion to think him so; and that it was only upon that account that they had made sure of his Person, that they would keep him in safe custody, and be answerable for him. But that seeing the Archduke was concerned in the Affair by reason of his Fathers repu­tation which might be blemished; there was a necessity of staying till he was of age, and that the Laws of Castile gave him Authority to assist at the Judgment of a Castilian.

Ferdinand was not satisfied with that excuse: But it being impossible for him to obtain any more against Manuel, he did not complain; and the Flemings denied Manuel nothing which he desired to ease the irksomness of a Prison. He continued there until the death of Ferdinand, and came out immediately af­terIn the last Ne­gotiation of Ma­nuel.. His gratitude to the Archduke, who went in [Page 175] Person with Chievres to take him out of Prison was such, that thereafter he stirred up in his favours all the Princes of Italy against the French, and gave him the occa­sion of taking from them the Dutchy of Milan.

The big belly of the Queen Germana was more than sufficient to comfort Fer­dinand, for that the sole Castilian, whom he had proposed to undo, had escaped from his revenge. His Catholick Maje­sty had in the year One thousand five hundred and nine a Son, who without dispute ought to disappoint the Archduke of the Kingdoms of Arragon, Valencia, Majorca, Minorca, Naples, and Sicily. The late King of Castile agreed to that, and the Great Captain had approved for that end the transaction passed betwixt that Prince and his Father-in-law: But it is in vain for men to strive to avoid the Decrees of Heaven. Ferdinand's new Son lived but an hour; and the Catholick King was more sensibly touched with grief at the loss of him, than he had been affected with joy at his birth. He turned his resentment against the Person in the world who had most obliged him; and that Person defended himself in the way that ablest Courtiers take to avoid the in­dignation of their Masters, which is that of a diversion.

Cardinal Francis de Cisneros Ximenes was the man of all the Spaniards whose outside best agreed with the inside, and in whose countenance, those who knew least of Physiognomy could very hardly have been deceived even though they would. He was of a goodly stature; a well proportioned body; a healthful con­stitution; steady gate; strong voice; grave countenance; his countenance was long and withered: his forehead large, and so smooth that age wrinkled it not: his eyes small and hollow, but quick and piercing, though they were always watery: his nose long and aquiline: his fore-teeth set so far outward, that he went by the Nick­name of the Elephant: his lips thick: his chest long, and his head without any future, as it appeared to them who found his Skull forty years after his death when they were repairing the Vault where his body was laid: to which are attributed those fearful headaches wherewith he was so frequently tormented; contrary to Car­dinal Richelieu, who never felt any pain of the head, because he had in his Crown two little holes, through which the vapours exhaled.

The prudence of Ximenes carried it from that of the Cardinal of Amboise, chief Minister of State to the most Christian [Page 177] King Louis the Twelfth. It had always inclined the advantage to the Spanish side against France, when those two Monar­chies fell into competition. The Spaniard was, indeed, slower in deliberation than the French-man, but to make amends for that he prevented him in the execution when once he had taken his side, and ne­ver remitted, as he did, till he had ac­complished what he had begun: difficulties enlivened instead of discouraging him. Choler, to which he was subject, never so far transported him as to make him say any thing, or do any action, that he might have cause afterward to repent of. He was so punctual in keeping of his word, that it never went out of his mind till he had fulfilled it. His deep Melan­choly obliged him to delight in the com­pany of those who used to make Jests: but he himself never spake any, and it was perhaps for fear of meeting with sharp repartees, for he was but the Son of a Proctor of Tortelaguna in old Castile, and he had spent his youth amongst the Cordeliers before that Order was re­formed. The sole consideration of his worth had advanced him to be Guardian and Provincial of his Order; and he actually discharged the last of the two when it pleased Queen Isabella to chuse [Page 178] him for her Confessor. He endeavoured to have excused himself, and did not em­brace it but because that Princess would needs have him to be the depositary of her greatest secrets. Nevertheless one of his most intimate friends pleasantly com­plained of it as of a piece of Infidelity com­mitted towards him, and upbraided him that he forsook him to go to Court. Queen Isabella was sensible already of the reach and ability of his Genius, when by the following accident she was excited to give him the chief Ecclesiastical Dignity of Spain.

Cardinal Hurtado de Mendoza was sick, and the Physicians despaired of his reco­very. Ferdinand and Isabella, who were extraordinarily obliged to him, did him the honour to give him a visit, and Isabella privately conjured him to tell her ingenu­ously if he had no thoughts of any who he desired might succeed to him. The Cardinal answered, that it was indifferent to him, provided his Successour deserved the Archbishoprick of Toledo. Isabella insisted: She conjured him to name to her the Castilian whom he judged worthiest, and the Cardinal without hesitation re­plied, that Ximenes was the man. Isa­bella ravished at that Authentick testimo­ny, which gave her occasion to promote [Page 179] her Confessor to the Archbishoprick of Toledo without giving offence to her Hus­band, caused his Brief to be expeded upon the death of the Cardinal, and shortly after brought him into the Council of State. He acquired a prodigious repu­tation there in respect that all the Coun­sels which he moved or seconded hardly ever failed to succeed; as on the contrary, those which he rejected were commonly unsuccessful: but in exchange he attracted the enmity of the greatest Nobility of Castile and Arragon. No Minister of State in Spain that ever went before him, pos­sessed in so high a degree, that so rare a virtue in a States-man which the holy Scripture calls hunger and thirst after righteousness. He could not endure that great men should oppress their Vassals; and when a poor Peasant applied himself to him to demand Justice for the oppressi­on of his Lord, he rendered it upon the spot, if it depended solely on him, and procured it by all his credit if it was not in his own power without caring for what might follow. The murmurings of the persons of quality were so much the greater at that, that for many ages they had been accustomed to treat their Inferi­ours according to their fancy. That abuse proceeded from the priviledge the Nobles [Page 180] took to themselves because it was chiefly they who recovered the Country from the Moors. Upon that ground alone they were persuaded that all Castile belonged to them by the right of Conquest; and that they did no injury to Catholick Pea­sants, who lived only there by their per­mission, when they left them no more of the Crop they sowed and reaped, but what they pleased.

The Kings of Castile and Arragon had always been indulgent to these petty Tyrants, whether it was that they feared to excite the great men to revolt, who otherwise were but too subject to it, or that they themselves had an interest in the continuance of that disorder, because in their own Lands they used the same vio­lences that the Gentlemen committed in theirs. Therefore the Great men of Ca­stile complained to Queen Isabella oftener than once of the Cardinal, and pressed her to send him home to his Church, where they thought he would not be any more so troublesome to them. But Isabella always cluded their desire by answering, that that Prelate was so useful to her, that though he were at Toledo she must of necessity dispatch a Courrier with Or­ders for him instantly to repair to Court. Thereupon she imparted to them in [Page 181] general the important affairs which re­quired the presence of that Prelate; and if she dismissed them not with satisfaction, yet she took from them the pretext of making Insurrections upon the account their desire had been refused. So they separated, and returned to their Castles without daring to attempt the person of Ximenes; In the Life of Cardinal Xi­menes. for besides that he was more powerful than any one of them in parti­cular, not excepting the Dukes of Alva and Infantado, and never went but well guarded; the People, who acknowledged him for their Protector, were in all places so well affected towards him, that the greatest Cowards in the place where he might have been attacked, would have made no difficulty to hazard their lives to save his. In this condition he continued till the death of the Queen his Benefactrice; and thereafter became so useful during the Reign of Philip of Austria for accommodating him with his Father-in-law, that Ferdinand durst not undertake to disgrace him: but after the death of Philip and the Accommoda­tion betwixt the Emperour Maximilian and King Ferdinand, his Catholick Majesty thought that there was nothing wanting to gain the general good will of the [Page 182] Grandees of Spain, but to sacrifice to them Ximenes. He long considered how he might most securely disgrace him, and at length pitched upon the following method.

He caused it to be represented to him that he had too much wit not to perceive that the hatred which the great men of Castile bore him was irreconcilable, and that it would not fail to break out in time and place convenient: That hitherto they had been restrained by the conside­ration they had for the late Queen, and their affection to Philip of Austria: but that now, that Prince was dead, that his Widow was distracted, without any hopes of recovery, and that Ferdinand only reigned in Castile with the Title of a pre­carious King, that is to say, as Admini­strator of that Monarchy during the non­age of his Grandchildren, his Catholick Majesty durst not promise to protect him for the future against such a multitude of potent enemies: that notwithstanding it would desperately afflict him to have failed in it for two reasons; first, because he was extremely obliged to Ximenes, and then that his weakness would appear too evidently when it should come to be known in Europe that Ferdinand could not snatch his Chief Minister out of the hands [Page 183] of incensed Castilians: That there was no other remedy for that inconvenience but the translation of Ximenes from the chief See of the Churches of Castile, where the Royal Authority would be no more re­spected than as it pleased the Grandees, to the first See of the Churches of Arra­gon where it was absolute, and all that could be done for Ximenes was to oblige the Archbishop of Sarragossa to exchange with him.

Ximenes understood very well that Ferdinand had a mind to his Benefice, and prudently judged that it behoved him at first to put him out of hopes of it. He made answer to this purpose, That for his life he valued it not much, seeing he had taken, and what in him lay executed the design of spending it wholly in the Cloy­sters of Cordeliers: That the Catholick King knew very well how he was pulled out from thence to be made espouse of the Church of Toledo: and that his Majesty might very well remember that oftener than once he had protested to Queen Isa­bella, when she commanded him to take such a Wife, that he would never forsake her till death: that it was to no purpose then to speak to him of exchange, nor to press him to resign, since nothing would be got by it: That if the great men of [Page 184] Castile attacked him separately, they should meet with their match; and if they united against him, he had power enough to prevent himself from being run down at first, till he might have assistance from the King his Master; that if that assistance failed him not, as he had ground to hope it would not, he would easily bring his Enemies to reason; and if it failed him at a pinch, yet he would de­fend himself in his Archbishoprick as long as he could, and if he were reduced to extremity, take Shipping and cross the Seas that he might find fanctuary in ano­ther Country at least, if he were not re­ceived there according to his quality. Ferdinand at first understood not the true meaning of the last words of Ximenes which were faithfully reported to him; but he understood them but too well in the sequel, when that Prelate wrote to the Emperour, and to the Archduke Charles of Austria, that there was an apparent design of turning him out of his Arch­bishoprick, as a punishment for having been the first of the Castilians that owned Phi­lip of Austria for their King, and because there was no hopes for raising to the Throne one of the natural Sons of Fer­dinand in prejudice of the lawful Children so long as he was Primate of Spain. The [Page 185] Letters of the Cardinal grounded there­upon chiefly the protection which he de­manded from those two Princes. But Ximenes wrote a third Letter to Chievres, acquainting him that the Archduke was chiefly concerned that he should remain at the head of the Clergy, and by conse­quent of the Estates of Castile, see­ing Ferdinand would no sooner lose his hopes of raising his natural Son to the Thrones of Castile and Arragon, In the Letters of Ximenes to Chievres. but that he would cast about to promote his younger Grandson in preju­dice of the Elder. That in that second attempt he would infallibly succeed, if baffled in the first, if he made sure of him whom he should prefer in the place of Ximenes to the Archbishoprick of Toledo, because that new Prelate being the chief of the Estates, would sway all the Propo­sitions that might be made there: That the Castilians and Arragonese agreed in one point, though they had a terrible Antipa­thy in all things else; and that that Point was not to admit of a Sovereign, but of one that should always live in Spain: That Ferdinand, who knew their inclination, needed do no more to dispose first the Castilians, and then the Arragonese to sub­vert the order of Nature, but to represent [Page 186] to them, that if they took the Archduke for their King, the Imperial Dignity that was like to descend upon him after the death of his Paternal Grandfather, the hereditary Provinces of the House of Au­stria that he must necessarily enjoy as be­ing the Eldest of the Family, and the Low Countries which he already possessed, would employ him so often, and so long, that very seldom he could come into Spain; and so soon as he were there, he would be pressed again to be gone: That on the contrary, if the two Monarchies of Spain took the Infanto Ferdinand for their King, seeing he would have no other States to govern, he would remain constantly in Spain, and not go into Italy but once at most, and that occasionally as his Mater­nal Grandfather had done: That the Ca­stilians and Arragonese being convinced by that only reason would prefer the younger before the elder Brother; whereas if his Catholick Majesty were not sure of the Archbishop of Toledo, he durst not pro­pose his intention to the Estates of Castile, because he might suppose he would be baffled in it; and that if the Affair passed not in Castile, it would not be in a conditi­on to pass in Arragon.

Ximenes thereupon renewed his Pro­testations of fidelity to the Archduke; [Page 187] and so convincingly persuaded his Go­vernour of the necessity of maintaining him in the Benefice to which he was pro­vided, that Chievres inclined the Empe­rour and Archduke to take infallible mea­sures for protecting him against the Ca­tholick King. And in effect these two Princes wrote in concert to Ferdinand that the reputation of Queen Isabella was con­cerned, that the only person whom she had raised highest should not be depressed; and that it struck also at the honour of the late King Philip, seeing if Ximenes were deposed, it would not fail to be said that it was for having given bad counsels to that young Prince. That if his Ca­tholick Majesty pretended Ximenes had offended him, the Law was open to call him to an account for it; and that neither the Emperour nor the Archduke would take it ill if he brought him to a fair Trial: but that if he took a violent course, seeing he could not do it without raising a Civil War in Castile, and that it concerned the Emperour and Archduke to prevent it, he ought not to take exceptions if they la­boured to do it in the manner they judged most proper.

The threatning which was plainly enough intimated in the last words mentioned, put Ferdinand to a stand, and disarmed [Page 188] his resentment. He foresaw that seeing he had no lawful Male Issue he would commit an irreparable fault if he contented not himself with the administration of Castile, and in reigning peaceably during his life. He made reflection that he was about to deprive himself of both these advantages if he drove Ximenes to extre­mity: that in that case it would cost him more in Castile than he got out of it, and that he would hamper himself in a quarrel that must at least last as long as he: That he would, indeed, have the Nobility of Castile on his side, but that on the other hand, the People and honest men would declare for Ximenes: and that so the Forces being almost equal, the War would be long, and the Issue without doubt un­fortunate. That if his Catholick Majesty were overcome, the high reputation which he had acquired would be wholly blasted; and the Spaniards would no more be ob­liged to him for the Conquests of Granada and Naples, because he would have caused them more prejudice by dividing them than he had done them good by making them great: besides the shame that would redound unto him by being beaten by a Cordelier. So that the least inconveni­ence that could befall him would be to be confined to Arragon for the rest of his [Page 189] days; and that he would have a continual vexation a thousand times worse than death, to see his victorious Adversary possessing in Castile the place which by his own imprudence he had lost. If he triumphed over Ximenes the glory of it would not be great; and seeing the dig­nity and profession of his Adversary would excuse him from venturing his Person, he would have no more to do after his Forces were defeated, but to take Shipping and flie to Flanders. That the Archdukes Letter gave sufficient intima­tion that he would be well received there, and that nevertheless he would not fail to do Ferdinand as much mischief from thence, as he would have done had he been victorious in Castile; that by his in­trigues he would cross all the Projects of his Catholick Majesty: That he would raise him more business than he could make an end of: That by infinite pains and labour he would make him purchase the pleasure of administring the Domi­nions of his Grandchildren; and that per­haps he might dispose the Archduke, who for all he was so young was already through the care of his Governour be come fit to reign, not to stay till he were of age for going into Spain; and for con­straining Ferdinand to deliver up to him [Page 190] the possession of the Monarchy of Ca­stile as quickly and easily, as Philip of Austria had forced him to do it be­fore.

Princes, who comply best with the necessity of their affairs, are such as com­ply soonest; and so soon as Ferdinand was convinced that he must be reconciled to Ximenes, he did it with good grace without employing a Mediator. Ximenes surprised to find himself so soon contrary to all expectation rid of so troublesom an Affair; and not trusting too much to Ferdinand, considered long what course to take for his own security. He sound no better expedient for avoiding the Jea­lousie of his Catholick Majesty, than at his own charge, and by his own credit to raise an Army of sixteen thousand men, and to command them in person for con­quering the Ports of Barbary, that lay most conveniently for the Spaniards. He supposed that by that means he would deserve the universal approbation of Chri­stians; and that if he appeased not the Nobility of Spain, he would take from them even the pretext of doing him any hurt. Ferdinand would have no more cause to envy his vast Revenues, nor to accuse him of ill employing them; and if nevertheless he did do so, he would [Page 191] purchase to himself the indignation of all men. The Vassals of the Archbishop of Toledo would be enured to War; and their Prelate being in the midst of them, would have no cause to fear any thing. If his enterprise in Affrica succeeded, no man in Spain would for the future have the bold­ness to attack him; and if it succeeded not, he would at least have this consola­tion, that his design would meet with so much approbation, that they would still respect the Author though they should hear that he had miscarried in the enter­prise.

So Ximenes levied Forces, fitted out Ships, laid aside the Frock and Ecclesia­stick Habit, armed Cap-a-pee, and crossed over fortunately into Barbary. The Mi­litary Profession was a new thing to him, and he understood no more of it but what he had heard discoursed of in the Council of Spain: yet it happened to him as to Lucullus which the Roman History cannot sufficiently admire. He became a Captain in the short time that he was passing over the narrow Streights which divide Spain from Affrica, In the relati­on of that pas­sage. and at first discharged the most difficult duty of a General, which is by his single Authority to quell seditions come to [Page 192] maturity. He was hardly landed when the most resolute of his Soldiers, who had thought it no small honour to be listed under his Colours, were ashamed actually to serve under a Cordelier. They took the first pretext that offered to decline it, and desired to be carried back to Spain. Ximenes was not startled nei­ther at their multitude, nor their revolt: he rushed into the midst of them: took the boldest of the company by the Collar, caused him to be put to death upon the spot; and so terrified the rest, that they mutinied no more.

The City of Oran, the Capital of a Kingdom to which it gave the name, was afterwards attacked, and taken by storm: Bugy, where the University of the Moors was, and the only place known in Affrica, where they went to learn the little of Arts and Sciences which they have, was as easily conquered. The occasion that Ximenes had of seizing it deserves to be known, were it for no other reason but to convince us, that if Christians took as much care to be informed of the affairs of Infidels, as Infidels take to learn what news happen amongst Christians, we should get more by it than they, and find a a great many favourable occasions which are lost for want of that application.

The Uncle of the King of Bugy by the Father, a few days before the Spaniards drew near that Kingdom, thought it not enough to dethrone his Nephew, but also put out his eye-sight with a hot Iron, that thereby he might render him incapable of reigning, and prevent, according to the Custom of the Country, the designs of those who pretended afterward to re­establish him upon the Throne during the life of the Usurper, or immediately after his death. Ximenes accidentally was in­formed of so barbarous an action, and presently resolved to make his advantage of it. He sent word to the friends of the dispossessed King, that he would ex­emplarily revenge the injury that was done if they would act in concert with him, and there needed no more to raise in the Kingdom of Bugy a second revo­lution as great as the former. The Par­ty that was worsted took courage again, and quickly setled secret correspondences with the Spaniards, who they thought had offered themselves to them out of a principle of generosity. They took so just measures with them that they facili­tated the taking of places that were capa­ble to hinder them from approaching the Capital City; and then brought them into [Page 194] Bugy by means that were kept so secret after the execution of them, that the Spanish Historians disagree about the man­ner. This is certain, that an accident supervened, which was so much the more favourable to the Spaniards for winning that other Crown of Barbary, that not being so skilful in medicine as they had been in the time of Averroes and Avienne, they took it for a miracle.

The red-hot Iron that had been made use of to blind the King by holding it near his eyes a quarter of an hour, had in­deed deprived him of sight, but had not wholly dried up the humours; whether it was that the Ministers of the Usurpers cruelty had taken it out of the fire before it was hot enough for the intended ope­ration; or that it was not put near enough his eyes, and held there a sufficient time for drying entirely up the humidity which serves to the functions of sight. The Spanish Chirurgions perceived it, and un­dertook to cure the Moorish King. The cure was long and difficult, but at length it succeeded, and was look'd upon as well by him upon whom it was wrought as by his Subjects, as an evident mark that it was the purpose of heaven that they should be Tributaries to the Spaniards. The [Page 195] Corsairs of Algiers, In the relation of that Conquest. who till then had with impunity destroyed the Christian Fleets, and spoil'd the Commerce of Eu­rope in Africa, followed the example of those of Bugy, and submitted to the pay­ment of the same tribute. In a word, the Spaniards by an excess of good fortune which they have not had since in their Wars against the Barbarians, made them­selves Masters of the Kingdom of Tripoli; and Ximenes returned to his Church of Toledo with so much glory and booty, that Ferdinand durst think no more of molest­ing him.

In this manner the Archduke Charles reaped so much advantage from the quar­rel of that Prelate and his Maternal Grand­father, that three illustrious Kingdoms and a more famous Republick were there­by subjected to him; and shortly after, in the year One thousand five hundred and twelve, the same good fortune brought under his Dominion the Kingdom of Na­varre, when neither he himself, nor his Go­vernour Chievres had any hand in it. That Monarchy had often fallen to Daugh­ters, and by consequent had successively passed into several Families. By that way it was transferred from the ancient [Page 196] House of Navarre, to that of Leon: from the House of Leon to that of Castile: from the House of Castile to that of Champagne: from the House of Champagne to that of France: from the House of France to that of Evreux: from the House of Evreux to the House of Arragon: and from the House of Arragon to that of Foix-Grailly. Gaston de Foix married Eleanor Queen of Navarre, second Sister to the Father of Ferdinand the Catholick King, by whom he had twelve Children of both Sexes. The eldest Son died at two and twenty years of age, he left a Son and a Daughter whom he had of Magdalen, the youngest Daugh­ter of Charles the Seventh. The Son, named Francis Phoebus, reigned not long in Navarre, and died before he was married. The Daughter named Catharine became thereby the richest Heiress of Europe. She remained under the Guardianship of her Mother, who would never hear of marrying again, though she was a Widow at the age of seventeen years. There were but few Princes in Europe that courted not the Alliance of the young Queen of Na­varre; and the most considerable Hus­band that was proposed to her was the Insanto of Spain, John the Son of Ferdi­nand, who was much of the same age with [Page 197] her. That Prince was the only Son of Ferdinand and Isabella; and if he had married Catharine, all the Monarchies of Spain had been reunited, except that of Portugal. Ferdinand and Isabella designed that chiefly by the Match: But Magdalen of France had not so great an aversion to the House she was come of, as to contri­bute to the raising in Spain a Power almost equal to that of France. She absolutely refused her Daughter to the Prince of Spain; but for all that she had not so much kindness for the House of France as to marry her Daughter into it, as she had not so much affection for her Daughter as to marry her into a Sovereign Family. She gave her to John Son of Alan d' Al­bert a powerful Lord, indeed, in Gas­cony, but who possessed not a foot of Land but what held of the Kings of France in quality of Dukes of Guy­enne.

Irregularities in Politicks are of more dangerous consequence than others; and it is rare to be found in History, that Queens of themselves have married Hus­bands inferiour to them in quality with­out having great occasions of repenting it. John d' Albert seemed born to verisie the old Proverb, That the best men are not al­ways the best Kings. He had all the qualities [Page 198] that could accomplish a private man; but he wanted those which distinguish Sove­reigns from those that are not, and were not cut out for being so. He delighted only in study, and minded nothing by his good will but collecting of Manuscripts, and setting up Libraries. There was not a House of any note in Europe but he could upon the spot blazon its Coat of Arms, and deduce the Genealogy thereof; and though no man knew better than he that Nobility is only the reward of merit, and that he could not more sensibly affront the Gentry of Navarre than by in­troducing amongst them persons altoge­ther undeserving, yet he did but too often give them occasion of vexing at his conduct in that particular; whe­ther it was that he suffered himself to be wheedled by flattery, or that he could not resist long importunities. He had learned in Guyenne to treat with his Vassals as a simple Gentleman; and that familiarity which was reckoned a virtue in him so long as he continued in France, became his greatest vice when he was in Spain, the People of that Country esteeming none more enormous, than that which is most inconsistent with gravity. Royal Majesty was to him insupportable in all the actions that were not of Ceremony: [Page 199] At other times he loved to live in an equal­lity, which he called the Cement of Civil Society: He went willingly to such places where he was invited to eat, provided the company consisted only of Gentlemen of breeding; and the first thing he did when he was come, was to forget for some time that he was King, and to be willing that the Master of the House and the Guests should forget it as well as he, seeing he was very pleasant company, he contri­buted at least as much to their mirth as they did to his; and when he came to know of any feast made in Pampelona the chief City of Navarre, whether out of re­spect they durst not invite him, he invited himself, and put the People to no charges, for then he went commonly alone. He loved dancing the more that in it he ex­celled all the Princes of his Age; and when upon a Journey he found by the way companies of Towns or Country people who diverted themselves that way, he struck in and danced with them. He had so great antipathy against State affairs when he found them thorny, that he abandoned them entirely to the care of his Ministers, who not having the same interest in them as he had, ordered them many times according to their fancy.

The greatest abuse that proceeded from thence was, that the Magistracies, Bene­fices, Offices, and Governments of Na­varre were given to strangers, and that the Remonstrances made thereupon by the Estates of the Kingdom were fruitless. There is nothing Princes ought more to fear than the hatred and contempt of their Subjects: However they may boast that they are not altogether unfortunate when they fall but into the aversion alone, or into the contempt alone of the same Subjects; because if they have only lost their affection, the reverence that remains is sufficient to keep them in obedience; and if they have only lost the reverence affection supplies the defect: but when there is neither reverence nor affection, it is impossible to prevent revolutions in States, and to hinder them from grow­ing universal when once they are be­gun.

John d' Albert was no more respected by the Navarrese by reason of his too fa­miliar way of living, and for all that reigned no less peaceably, because he was no less beloved of the meaner sort whom he treated as his equals, nor of the great men who well enough foresaw that a Prince of that temper would never invade their Priviledges: but so soon as he [Page 201] attracted the hatred of both by prefer­ring before them strangers and persons of mean virtue, nothing was then able to support him, and he succumbed un­der the first attack that was made against him.

For many Ages Navarre had been di­vided into two almost equal Factions in power, the one was that of Beaumont, the other that of Grammont according to the old Titles of the House which still retains that name, and of Grammont according to the modern. The chief of the House of Beaumont was the Count of Lerin heredi­tary Constable of Navarre; and the chief of the House of Grammont was Lord of Tutelle and High Marshal of the King­dom. The Count of Lerin had all the Qualities, or to say better, all the Vices that ancient and modern Histories have observed in extraordinary men who have made themselves Heads of Parties: His mind was the more malicious that neither Humanity nor Religion retained it upon any occasion within bounds. He had killed the Father and only Brother of the Count of Tutelle, and for killing them had profaned what is most holy in the Catholick Religion. The Cardinal de Foix during the preceding Reign had in­terposed to reconcile the Families of [Page 202] Beaumont and Grammont; and thought he had accomplished it when he had obliged the Constable and Marshal of Navarre to promise solemnly that they would for­get what was past, and for the future live in perfect friendship. After that he cele­brated Mass, divided the Host into two, and communicated both Parties: and yet this hindered not but that the Constable as soon as he came out of the Church went and way-laid the Marshal with a purpose to assassinate him. He missed his blow, indeed, but left not off search­ing occasions afterwards of putting it in execution.

The Marshal on the contrary was a frank man; and who in all appearance departed not from the Maxims of Religi­on, but because he was not sufficiently instructed in them. He supposed it was lawful to revenge the death of his Father and Brother, and the murder attempted upon his own Person, provided it were done publickly, and without treachery. The Constable and Marshal had engaged into their quarrel all the Nobility of Na­varre, and their private difference was insensibly degenerated into a Civil War, wherein their Neighbours had taken the part that interest or inclination suggested to them. The French declared for the [Page 203] Faction of Grammont, and the Castilians out of pure antipathy espoused that of Beaumont, which was actually the most powerful in the City of Pampelona, when John d' Albert made his first entry into it. He favoured those of Grammont before he married the Heiress of Navarre; and the effects of it were so visible, that the Com­mon People had as little cause to doubt of it as the Nobility.

Thus the Constable had cause more than enough to distrust the new King, and to fear being born down by him, if he received him at first, and without Condi­tions, into the Capital City of the King­dom. He had thereupon the boldness to shut the Gates upon him; and not to open them till after a Capitulation, where­in John d' Albert obliged himself in wri­ting, not to meddle in the quarrel betwixt those of Beaumont and Grammont upon any ground or pretext whatsoever. John d' Albert granted all that the Constable demanded of him, because otherwise he could not have been Crowned with the common consent of the Nobility of Na­varre: but the affront seemed to him afterward to be too great to be dissembled. He prosecuted the Constable first in the usual course of Law, and then by Arms; but in so just a quarrel he was not seconded [Page 204] as he expected to have been. The Faction of Grammont repaired, indeed, to his Banner, but the Constable also received assistance from two sorts of people which he thought ought rather to have declared against him than for him.

The first were those who feared to be plundered by the Faction that should en­tirely root out the other, and the other those who being accustomed to live under a Monarchy where the Royal Power was almost as much limited as in the Kingdom of Navarre, In the Collection of the Laws of Na­varre. would not have their King become absolute by the overthrow of the Faction of Beaumont, or at least that he should be in a condition of growing so, if occasion put him upon desi­ring it. So that the Party was no less equal when the King sided with those of Gram­mont than it was when the two Factions subsisted only by their own Forces, and the Civil War was no less drawn out in length. John d' Albert being impatient to have an end put to it because it hinde­red him from his ordinary business, listned to the first proposals of peace that were made to him, though they came from a Court every way to be suspected.

Ferdinand the Catholick King being frustrated of his hopes of uniting Navarre to Arragon and Castile by the Marriage of his only Son with Catharine de Foix, waited for an opportunity of seizing it by craft; and finding no more lawful fomen­ted unjust ways. He wanted a pretext of medling in the quarrel of those of Beau­mont and Grammont before the King of Navarre interposed in it, because the Mo­narchs of that time had that deference one for another not to take notice of what was done in neighbouring Kingdoms, un­less they were sollicited to it. But after that the King of Navarre had declared against those of Grammont; and that the Con­stable their head apprehending at long run to succumb under the force of the Gascons, who would flock in to the succour of John d' Albert, had had his recourse to the assistance of the Castilians; Ferdinand let not so favourable an occasion slip, and managed it so cunningly, that at length it produced the effect which he expected from it.

The Constable was his Brother-in-law as having married Eleanor, natural Daughter to the late John King of Arra­gon, and upon that consideration chiefly he grounded his offer of mediation to the King of Navarre for accommodating [Page 206] him [...] his Constable. The King of Navarre, who perceived not the drift of such a Proposition willingly accepted it; and Ferdinand had no sooner drawn him into the snare so cunningly laid, but that he prepared another for him more dange­rous than the former. He passed insen­sibly in regard of his Majesty of Na­varre from a Mediation to a Guarranty, and over-reached him by representing to him by Agents wonderfully cunning, that the Constable was not a man religious in keeping his word; and seeing the most sacred and solemn Tie amongst Christians was not powerful enough to oblige him, he ought to bind him by so considerable a Guarant, that he durst not unsay: That the King offered to take it upon him upon no other motive but of making and en­tertaining peace amongst his Neighbours; and besides, seeing there was no proba­bility that Navarre could be long in re­pose if the Constable departed not out of it for some years, his Catholick Majesty was willing to allow him a retreat in Ca­stile, supposing he should refuse to remove far from his Places for fear his Enemies might seize them in his absence. He pro­posed in the mean time to keep them in Sequestration, and to put into them Gar­risons sufficient to maintain them: In a [Page 207] word, if nothing detained him in Na­varre but the great Estates which he possessed there, he would give him the Equivalentor better in Arragon and Ca­stile.

That overture at first seemed not to proceed but from a meer Principle of ge­nerosity: Nevertheless examine it narrow­ly, and it could not be neither more advan­tagious for Ferdinand, nor more preju­dicial to John d' Albert. For the most powerful Subject of his Majesty of Na­varre was confirmed in his revolt by making him treat on even terms with his Master, and by giving him Castile and Arragon for Guarants of the Treaty which he should make: occasion was given to the most formidable Enemy of Navarre to make the Constable at his devotion when he should be retired within his Territories: that Neighbour was received into the very Centre and best Places of Navarre, from whence he might easily usurp the rest of the Kingdom; and which was the greatest shame in the world, the King of Navarre must consent that the Constable sold himself, if I may so say, to the Catholick King, since it was proposed that he should receive considerable Estates from his Majesty in recompence for his Revenues in Navarre.

Nevertheless John d' Albert signed the Treaty with all the above-mentioned con­ditions, and Ferdinands Garisons took pos­session of the Places of the Constable, who went and lived at the Court of his Brother-in-law. The Catholick King was Surety for him that he should raise no stirs in Navarre, and gave him not only the Re­venue, but also the Propriety of the Mar­quisate of Huescar in the Kingdom of Gra­nada, the Revenue whereof exceeded the Rents which he had in Navdrre. All the Politicians of the Age foretold the ruine of John d' Albert because of that, and to speak the truth, it seemed that it could not otherwise he than as they had pre­dicted: But God Almighty does not al­ways permit that Sovereigns, who are not so skilful in the Art of Government, suffer so soon the punishment of their imprudence; as he does not always neither permit the more subtil in that Art, to reap the fruit of their in­trigues.

John d' Albert took a Journey into Ca­stile to sollicite the restitution of some places in the Principality of Viane, which the Predecessors of Ferdinand had usurped from the Ancestors of the Queen of Na­varre. There he found the Count of Lerin his Constable, with whom he made [Page 209] so sincere a reconciliation, that the Castili­ans were no less surprised than vexed at it. The Constable, who for alliance and gratitudes sake was engaged in the con­cerns of Ferdinand, leapt all of a sudden and without reserve from the Interests of his Brother-in-law and Benefactor to those of his Master, and advised John d' Albert not to listen to the Proposals of the Ca­tholick King which he offered of money to be paid within certain terms for the places that the King of Navarre de­manded from him. It was the Artifice of Ferdinand that having no intention to re­store them, and finding as yet no pretext of detaining them, he would defer the restitution of them to another time, under colour that the War he was engaged in with the Venetians, so employed him that he had no time to examine the que­stion whether he ought in conscience any longer to keep the places they treated about.

John d' Albert, who was not a man to make use of the occasion of constraining him to it, and who besides was not moved with the money which he saw not in ready Cash, returned to Navarre, and the Constable accompanied him thither; whether it was that he knew him so well as to confide in him, or that the love of [Page 210] his Country at that time prevailed with him over all other considerations of policy and convenience. It is not known neither if that frankness stifled all the remains of aversion that John d' Albert might still conceive against the Constable; or if that which is said of his Majesty of Navarre was true, that he easily forgot injuries received when he was persuaded that those who had done them remembred them no more; but it is certain, that after his return into Navarre he lived in so good a correspon­dence with the Constable, that he passed from one extremity to the other; and that whereas till then he had been of the Faction of Grammont; he entered into that of Beaumont which thereby recovered fresh strength. The Queen his Wife de­testing his inconstancy continued firm in the Party of Grammont, but that made nothing the more for her interest, seeing the Nobility of Navarre, seeing the Royal Family divided, took Parties also; and the People thereby conceived a grea­ter contempt of John d' Albert than they had had for the excess of his fami­liarity.

It is said that Caesar Bor­gia Duke of Valentinois, Bastard Son of Pope Alex­ander the Sixth, who had Towards the end of the Life of Va­lentinois. [Page 211] married the Sister of John d' Albert, having made his escape out of Ferdinands Prisons, came at time into Navarre, and made an accommodation betwixt his Brother-in-law and the Queen: That he convinced John d' Albert that he had done wrong in abandoning the Faction of Grammont, and engaged him in it again: but if that be so, the Duke found the less resistance in it, that an unexpected acci­dent wrought in that particular all that he could have promised himself from his Elo­quence.

John d' Albert sent an Officer to the Constable with an Order from his Majesty; and the Constable pretending that the Officer in the discharge of his Commission had not shewn him the respect which was due to the chief Commander of the Ar­mies, caused him to be cudgelled and de­tained Prisoner. The action in it self was insupportable: Nevertheless it is probable John d' Albert would have slighted the affront done him in the person of his Officer, or at least that he would not have driven his resentment so far as it went, if the Duke of Valentinois, whose Crimes God Almighty would no longer bear with, had not offered to cha­stise the insolence of the Constable, and had not obtained permission to do so. [Page 212] John d' Albert granted it more out of importunity than the desire of revenge, and the Duke laid siege to the Castle of Viane which held for the Faction of Beau­mont. The Constable being resolved to raise it, cost what it would, advanced with his Forces within view of the Be­siegers; and the Duke before he had resolved whether he should go out to meet him, or expect him, within his Lines, went out to view them. He met with three Troopers, who killed him, and John d' Albert being informed of his death, changed all of a sudden his inclination. He hastened to his Army, gave no quarter to those of Beaumont; took their Towns and Castles; hanged up or put to the Sword those that defended them; burnt their Farm and Country houses; destroyed their Woods; and his anger transported him so far that in the Town of Lerin, which he took by storm, he ruined the stately burying-place of the Constables Ancestors.

The Forces of Ferdinand came so late to the assistance of those of Beaumont, that the Constable after his overthrow found them in their march upon the rode as he fled to Arragon. Seeing they were not strong enough to buoy up a forlorn cause, he sent them back, and confined himself [Page 213] with his Wife within the Town of Aranda, where some months after both died of grief. Louis of Beaumont, their eldest Son, went to the Court of Ferdinand to sollicite an assistance capable to restore him to the rights of his Family; but he prevailed not until the year One thou­sand five hundred and twelve, when a favourable Juncture of usurping Navarre was offered to Ferdinand.

The hatred which Pope Julius the Se­cond bore against the French was grown to such a heighth, that being neither able to endure them in Italy, nor yet to drive them thence any other way than by the Arms of Ferdinand, In the last Treaty of Julius the Second with Ferdinand. his Holiness acquainted him that he might expect any thing from him, provided he would enter into a League with the holy See against Louis the Twelfth of France. Ferdinand made an­swer, that he would consent to it on con­dition the Pope caused a secret Bull of Excommunication to be expeded against John d' Albert and his Queen, as favourers of Louis the Twelfth, the declared enemy of the Church, and that his Holiness sent it to his Catholick Majesty to be made use of in time and place as he should judge most convenient. The Bull, as it is said, [Page 215] was expeded, and was kept so secret that no man ever saw either the Original or a Copy of it. Ferdinand received it, or pretended he had, and raised a powerful Army, the Command whereof he gave to Frederick de Toledo Duke of Alva, under pretext of attacking Guyenne on the side of Bayonne, whilst Henry the Eighth, King of England, his Son-in-law, should make a descent in that Province at the mouth of the River of Garonne.

John d' Albert was so little apprehen­sive of being attacked, that he had not so much as raised one Soldier, though the Maxims of good Government allowed him not to remain disarmed amidst all his Neighbours in Arms. He suffered the Duke of Alva to advance within Eight Leagues of Pampelona, and never took the alarm till the Catholick King, having with­out any difficulty brought all his Forces into the Centre of Navarre, and taken just measures with the Constables Son, and with the remnant of the Faction of Beaumont, sent a Herald to tell the Queen and King of Navarre, that the King of France and all his Adherents were Excommunicated for having called and held a Council in the City of Pisa in Tuscany against the holy See. That the Pope had given their Do­minions to him who could first possess [Page 214] them, and that his Catholick Majesty had confederated with the King of England for his seizing of Guienne, which lay equally convenient for both: that the English Fleet was to approach thither on the one side, at the same time when his Catholick Majesty entered it on the other; and that to the end Ferdinand might not fail at the appointed time, there was a necessity he should march through Navarre with what Baggage and Artillery were needful for him to lay Siege to the City of Bourdeaux: that the same passage was as necessary for his Armies marching back again to his own Territories; and that for securing it in case he succeeded not in his enterprise as he expected, their Majesties of Navarre must needs give him the places of Esteille, Maye, and St. John Pied de Port for Cautionary Towns: that he promised upon his honour if they were freely granted him, to restore them again faithfully so soon as his Forces were come back again into Castile and Arragon: but if they were absolutely refused, or not presently entrusted into his hands, they must not take it ill if he endeavoured to put in execution the Bull of Excommunica­tion which Pope Julius the Second had just then thundered out against their Majesties of Navarre, as well as against Louis the [Page 216] Twelfth of France. The Queen and King of Navarre gave Audience to the Herald in the Town of Tudelle where their Estates were assembled, and made him answer, That Navarre intended to observe an exact Neutrality betwixt the most Christian and Catholick Kings; and as the Catholick King might have ground to complain of their Majesties of Navarre, if they permitted the French to pass their Country for invading Arragon or Castile, so would the most Christian King also have, if they opened a passage through their States for the Spaniards to enter into Guienne.

The Duke of Alva, who only waited for that answer, marched streight to Pam­pelona; and gave the signal to those of the Faction of Beaumont, who made in one day an Insurrection in all the other Towns of Navarre, in favours of the Spaniards, the two and twentieth of July One thou­sand five hundred and twelve. The Kings of Navarre hastened also to Pampelona, but by another way, where finding the Towns-people disposed to open the Gates to the Duke of Alva so soon as he appea­red before their Walls, they had no other course to take but to fly into the Territo­ries which they had in France None accom­panied them in their retreat but the chief [Page 217] of the Faction of Grammont; because the others being assured that the Catholick King would receive them with open Arms, stayed at home quietly in their houses. What was very strange in so general a re­volution, there was not one Town that shewed their Loyalty to their Prince by enduring a Siege, and the Duke of Alva had no more to do but to appear before them one after another, to have the Keys delivered into his hands. Ferdinand ha­ving conquered so important a Kingdom, caused his Army to stay there for securing it, and failed in his promise both alike to the Pope, and to his Son-in-law Henry the Eighth of England, suffered the English to lie hovering upon the Coast of Guyenne, and did not send them word till the end of the Campagne that they should stay no longer for him, and that if they pleased they might return home.

THE Spanish Historians, treating of the Invasion of Navarre, put it off with a false Jest. Their inten­tion is to take their Readers off from ob­serving too narrowly the manner how that Kingdom was united to their Monarchy; by pleasantly amusing them whilst as ten­derly as they can they touch so nice a point; they say, that John d' Albert being come to the most distant place from which he might still see his Capital City of Pam­pelona, and turning about to take a full view of it, sell a crying bitterly; and that the Queen Catharine de Foix his Wife, offended at so unseasonable an act of tenderness, told him in a disdainful manner, In the relation of the flight of John d' Albert. that he might very well cry like a woman for the loss of a Crown, which he could not defend like a man. But these Authors have not taken [Page 219] notice, That John d' Albert and his Queen departed not together from Pampelona: That seeing the King was more hated there than she, he was the first that con­sulted his own security by flying away about break of day; and that the Queen followed not her Husband till two days after, when he was already entered the Mountains of Aldude.

Ferdinand, after the Conquest of Na­varre, had a greater desire than before to have Children by his second Wife. He was not as yet superannuated; and his failings were only imputed to the disorders of his youth. The Physicians made no doubt but by their Art they might re­trieve his former vigour for some time at least, and taught the Queen Germana how to make a love Potion, which in their opinion would prove infallible. The Queen, who would not venture upon any thing that she might be reproached with, spoke of it to Ferdinand, who bid her take the care of preparing it her self, that it might be kept the more secret. She only communicated it to her Ladies of Ho­nour in whom she had greatest confidence, and they presented it one Evening to Ferdinand when he was going to bed at Carrousillo a house of pleasure, where he spent the spring of the year One thousand [Page 220] five hundred and thirteen. Ferdinand drank up the Potion to the very dregs; but whether the Dose was too strong for the weakness of his Constitution, or that it was not carefully enough prepared, it had a quite contrary effect to the intent of those that gave it. Ferdinand fell im­mediately sick upon it; and his Physicians, who knew the cause of his distemper, were at a stand as to the cure. They caused him to be removed to Megorada, where he was so long and so dangerously seized with all the symptomes that threat­ned an approaching end, that Chievres thought it time seriously to mind the Suc­cession to the Monarchy of Arragon, and the possession of that of Castile.

He was persuaded that his Majesty would use his endeavours to disappoint the Archduke Charles, and settle them upon the Infanto Ferdinand; and since that was the chief thing which he had proposed to prevent, he was of the opinion that the Archduke should send into Spain Adrian his Tutor, who was as yet but Dean of Louvain. The pretext of that Voyage was the Marriage which the People of the Low Countries desired for their own re­pose betwixt the Archduke and Renée of France, second Daughter of Louis the Twelfth, King of France: but in reality [Page 221] the Dean had an Authentick Power, and many blanks signed for taking possession of the two Monarchies in case the Ca­tholick King should die, and at least to preserve that of Castile for the Arch­duke, supposing Arragon should be given by Testament to the younger Brother.

The dispatches were expeded with all imaginable secrecy; but the Catholick King was too mistrustful not to suspect the true reason of the intended Voyage, and seeing what Princes on such occasions do fancy passes in their minds for certain truth, the Catholick King received Adrian so very ill, and so many ways tried his patience, that he tired it out. The Dean for his first essay had undertaken a Nego­tiation a little too difficult; and he could not worthily acquit himself of it, with­out continual attendance at the Court of the Catholick King. In the mean time, his Majesty, who looked upon him as a Spy, would not permit him to wait upon him any whither: Nay, he would have him to return again to Flanders as often as he found himself any way better, so that he was in a condition of travelling abroad in the Country; which the Castili­ans took for an absolute cure. Insomuch as the Dean having to remain at Court [Page 222] exhausted all the excuses that had been suggested to him in his Instructions, found himself reduced to such streights as far surpassed the capacity of a man bred up in the Schools.

The Courtiers whom he knew to be well affected towards the Archduke, aug­mented his trouble by acquainting him from time to time with fresh instances of kindness which the Catholick King shew­ed the Infanto. They magnified them in their notes; took them for so many de­monstrations of an infallible preference; persisted to press him that he would re­medy it; and threatned that if it were not done with all expedition, they would abandon the Party of the Archduke, and strike in with the Infanto. In a word, the Dean in the short converse that he had had with the Catholick King, observed that that Prince had an extreme aversion to Chievres; that he imputed to him the little Authority which he had in the Low Countries: that he was persuaded that his Grandsons Governour had hindered him from Reigning there in the same man­ner as he did in Castile; and that not be­ing able to revenge himself upon the Go­vernour, he would do it upon the Pupil: That that was truly the ground of the misunderstanding betwixt the Grand­father [Page 223] and Grandson, and that Chievres was the Victim to be sacrificed to the re­conciliation of the two: That if he were removed from the Archduke, it was certain that the Catholick King would more wil­lingly listen to Nature, which pleaded with him in favours of the elder of his Grandchildren, that what he said to him suited exactly with his Ambition: where­as if the Court of Flanders continued as it was, that is, in the inflexibility that it had always shewn in giving satisfaction to the Catholick King; that Prince would compleat what he had begun; and by his last Will settle the Infanto Ferdinand so firmly in the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon, that it would be impossible for the Archduke to dispossess him.

This long train of reasonings engaged the Dean into a conduct equally contrary to his humour, and to the gratitude which till then he had manifested to Chievres his Benefactor. He thought at least that the Catholick King ought to be amused with the vain hopes of turning out the Archdukes Governour, if he were not fully satisfied in the point, and in that prospect caused it to be intimated to his Majesty, that if he would act joyntly with him, he promised himself to supplant Chievres, and to put in his place the man [Page 224] whom his Majesty should design for the employment.

The Proposition was so acceptable to Ferdinand, In the causes of the breach be­twixt Chievres and Adrian. that he sent for the Dean to discourse the matter with him hand to hand without Witnesses. The Dean who was prepared to remove, or at least to lessen the chief difficulties in the Affair, delivered himself after his way, and in Articles to his Majesty, that Chievres was not so securely setled but that he might be shaken; and that Louis the Twelfth, who had given him the Com­mission which he discharged, would not live long enough to maintain him in it: That though his Pupil made a shew of a great deal of friendship for him, that was not absolutely to be relied upon, seeing that young Prince was known already to excel in the art of dissimulation, and was besides resolved not to displease the Em­perour Maximilian his Paternal Grand­father, with whom Chievres had always entertained a strict correspondence: but that at the bottom the Archduke was like other young people, and that there was never any Governour who sincerely gained the friendship of his Pupil when he discharged his duty with all strictness as Chievres had done: That many Flemish [Page 225] Gentlemen, Heirs of Families, took it impatiently that a younger Brother of the house of Croy should be preferred be­fore them to the Education of their Prince; and that they would not only be well pleased at the disgrace of Chievres, but also with emulation contribute there­unto.

The Deans discourse produced but part of the effect which he promised to him­self. Ferdinand, who had listened to him with all the attention of a prejudiced man, to whom an expedient was offered of a re­venge, which till then he had in vain sought for, conceived an extraordinary joy at it, yet not without the allays of fear and diffidence. He suspected part of the truth and guessed at the Politicks of the Deans conduct. Nay, he thought him an abler Politician than indeed he was; and imagined that his design was not only to amuse him, but also to oblige his Prince to whom he had preserved his birth-right, and Chievres whom he had served most advantageously by cluding the most terrible effects of the hatred of the Catholick King, under pretext of satis­fying the same.

So Ferdinand replied to the Dean, that he heartily accepted the offer he made him: But seeing the affair in hand was [Page 226] very ticklish in it self, it had need be seri­ously thought of before it was attempted to be put into execution, and that there was no succeeding in it unless such mea­sures were taken as might not easily be subject to change. That the best way would be to put it down in writing by way of a Treaty betwixt his Catho­lick Majesty and the Archdukes Prae­ceptor, to the end that each of them having an Authentick Copy of it, they might have recourse to the same in all the doubts that might arise as to the par­ticular circumstances that they should agree upon.

The Dean very well perceived the snare that Ferdinand laid for him, in re­spect that the Writing which the Catho­lick King might give him would oblige him no more than his word, the Dean be­ing neither of birth nor condition to force him to the accomplishment of it; where­as if Ferdinand had the Deans Writing in his hands, he might make use of it when he pleased to undo him, by shewing that he had without Orders negotiated and concluded the Deposition of Chievres. Nevertheless since the Dean had proposed it; and by consequent that if there were any crime in it, he was the first that be­gan to commit it, he went on, and treated [Page 227] with Ferdinand to supplant Chievres. It is unknown whether there was any neglect on the Deans part in not sending speedy enough advice into Flanders of what he had judged convenient to negotiate in Spain: whether his Secretary was not faithful to him: whether Chievres was not punctually informed by the Intelligences which he entertained at vast charges in Spain of what was hatching to his preju­dice; or whether Ferdinand by a Poli­tick fetch which the Dean had not foreseen was the Author himself of Chievres his being acquainted with it, in prospect of Governing in Flanders when he had set the two most faithful Ministers of his Grand­son one against another. But it is certain that Chievres was punctually advertised from other hands than the Deans, of what he had transacted with Ferdinand to his prejudice, and that thereafter there was no more solid friendship betwixt the Go­vernour and Praeceptor of the Archduke. However their misunderstandings ap­peared not but in such private occurrences as concerned the profit or satisfaction of either of the two; and by the rarest event that, perhaps, can be found in any History it did not the least prejudice to the affairs of their Pupil.

Since it had only hapned by the over­weening application of one of the two, that is of the Tutor to the service of the Archduke, Ferdinand reaped not from it all the fruit which he expected; and the countenance which afterward he gave the Dean procured him many friends at Court, because the Spaniards began to despair of his Catholick Majesties reco­very. He recovered notwithstanding; and since he thought it necessary to de­ceive people by feigning to have recovered his former vigour, he often changed his residence, and used all the other exercises of those who are in health. But the Phy­sicians for all that whispered his friends in the ear that his Dropsie was come to a height, and that some time or other it would carry him off. Chievres was so well informed of it that he advised the Archduke not to be any longer so great a husband of his measures with his Mater­nal Grandfather, but to use all necessary caution to hinder the effect of the kind­ness which he had for the Infanto Ferdi­nand. The most important that he sug­gested to him was taken from the con­sideration that all the Sovereigns of Eu­rope Leagued together in the Year One thousand five hundred and fifteen with the Catholick King against the new King of [Page 229] France Francis the First, who succeeded to Louis the Twelfth, with design to divert him from recovering the Dutchy of Mi­lan. This was the Count of Angoulesm, of whom we have spoken in the First Book; and seeing till then he had made a profession of friendship to the Archduke, it ought not to be interrupted by his ad­vancement to the Crown of France. Gouffiers and Chievres, the Governours of those two young Princes, had united them principally in that prospect; and if Francis was concerned to make sure of not being attacked by the Low Countries whilst he was employed in Italy, Charles was in­comparably more to be in a perfect intelli­gence with the French when ever the Suc­cession of Spain came to be open. For if his younger Brother were preferred before him by the last Will of the Catholick King; and that he offered to the new most Christian King to restore Navarre to John d' Albert, provided France entred into a League offensive and defensive with him against his elder Brother, the Arch­duke would have no other way of re­ducing him but by the Ocean Sea, the more unsafe that it was exposed to fre­quent tempests; and besides it would be the more uneasie to get into Spain that way, that all the Ports would be their [Page 230] Enemies. If the Archdukes Fleet were disabled by the Winds, or defeated by Ships of his younger Brother, it would be impossible for him to fit it out again, seeing the Netherlands were not of the humour to be at the charge of another; and if the Forces that he landed were cut in pieces, he would hardly find any others that would venture upon a second Expe­dition. If the Catholick King left only the Monarchy of Arragon to Ferdinand, he would keep it in spight of his Brother, provided France were not against him. In fine, if the Infanto were omitted in his Grandfathers Will, and nevertheless he did aspire to the Thrones which had been designed for him, the Spaniards who de­sired a King by themselves, would con­tribute what in them lay to raise him to them; and the Archduke would not be in a condition of opposing it, unless assisted by France: whereas by contracting a firm Alliance with that King, those who awakened the Ambition of the Infanto whilst they exasperated the Catholick King against the Archduke, would refrain from both these designs when they saw no hopes of succeeding in them. The Ca­tholick King would not prefer a younger Brother before an elder, when he saw that his preference would serve for no other [Page 231] end than to give occasion to the elder to oppress the younger. The Infanto would submit to the Laws of Spain, when all hopes of violating them securely were taken from him; and whatever unex­pected accident might happen, all the Paternal and Maternal Dominions of the Archduke would be united in his per­son.

The Archduke being persuaded by these reasons, sent Henry Count of Nassau to the French Court, and Chievres framed his Instructions. They consisted of three parts with relation to the three principal Affairs which then were to be adjusted betwixt the Archduke and the most Chri­stian King, with this Artifice that the most important of the three was put in the last place, and appeared only as an accessary to the other two: whereas the other two rightly taken were but an accessary to the last. Chievres then represented in the first place, that it was absolutely necessary for the repose of Christendom that the King of France and the Archduke to the friend­ship that was betwixt them should add a Bond that might render it indissoluble; and that in the Juncture then no such Bond could be but the marriage of the Archduke with Renée of France, second Daughter to Louis the Twelfth, and [Page 232] younger Sister to the most Christian Queen. The Count of Nassau was told that the chief business for which he was sent to Paris was only to make that Pro­posal, and that there seemed only two Obstacles that could thwart it, one arising from the Portion of the Princess, and the other from her Person. As to the first, all men knew that Louis the Twelfth had but two Daughters alive by the Heiress of Bretagne, Claudia Queen of France and Renée; and that Claudia the Eldest, whom the Salick Law debarred from the Successi­on to the Crown, carried by birth-right the two Fiefs, which were in deed and in pretension the Estates of their Father and Mother, to which the younger Sister could lay no claim. The Fief effective was Bretagne, and the pretended, the Dutchy of Milan which Louis had lost three years before his death, and of which Francis the First was about to attempt the reco­very by going into Italy in Person with a powerful Army. But that the Royal Family of Dreux, which for almost three hundred years had possessed Bretagne, and that of Visconti, which had held the Mi­lanese as long, had purchased fair Estates there, with Towns and Castles from se­veral private persons: That these Estates ought not to be considered as Crown [Page 233] Lands in the succession of Louis and Anne of Bretagne, and that by consequent Renée of France ought to come in for a share with the most Christian Queen: That upon that account it might happen that Francis the First would refuse his Sister-in-law to the Archduke, In the Instructi­ons of the Count of Nassau. as appre­hending that one day the Archduke might put him to it in demand­ing too rigorously his share, and in not accepting a valuable consideration, to the end he might reserve to himself entries in­to France by Bretagne, and into Italy by the Dutchy of Milan, supposing France should reconquer it.

The Expedient which Chievres found for that, and which he inserted in the Instructions, was to anticipate and de­clare beforehand to the Council of Francis the First that the Archduke and Princess Renée at their Marriage should renounce the Successions of her Father and Mo­ther for a certain Sum of money; and all the circumspection that was required of the Count was to drive the Sum as high as possibly he could, without breaking up the Treaty. The second Obstacle con­sisted in that the Princess Renée was ugly and ill shaped; which made him fear that the French might take a pretext [Page 234] from thence to condemn her to a single life, for this reason that she would infalli­bly be slighted by him that should marry her. Whereupon the Count of Nassau had Orders to represent, that the Arch­duke was early convinced by his Go­vernour, That Sovereigns married not for their private satisfaction, but for the good of their Subjects: That he was fully in­structed in the duties of marriage; That the Princess and he were of the same age; and seeing the qualities of her mind made sufficient mends for the defects of her body, the Archduke would not fail to love her tenderly, and to use her as kindly as if she were a most charming beauty.

The second Article of the Negotiation related to the restitution of Navarre, be­cause Francis the First, upon his coming to the Crown had declared that he would have it restored to John d' Albert; and that if he could not dispose the Catholick King to it, he would break with him upon that consideration alone. Chievres ob­liged Nassau to wave as much as he could treating of so nice a point, by repre­senting the impossibility of snatching that Crown out of the hands of his Catholick Majesty, by any other course than that of the Sword; and by adding that the [Page 235] Archduke had no hand in that usurpation, and that it depended no more on him than it did on the most Christian King, to restore John d' Albert: but if the Council of France stood upon it, and would not treat without that, Nassau having protested that his Master had no power upon his Maternal Grandfather, which was but too true; should say that the Archduke as to that particular could do but two things, and that he offered to the Christian King to do both. The first was sincerely to use his interest with the Catholick King to dispose him to restore Navarre, and the next to promise faithfully to restore it himself upon the death of his Maternal Grand­father.

The third Article remained which was properly the soul of the Negotiation. It related to the assistance which the Arch­duke thought needful to him for obtain­ing the succession of Spain, and Chievres expressed it in the most civil and reserved terms that could be. No mention was made in it, neither of the Catholick Kings design of frustrating the elder of his Grandchildren of the Monarchies of Ca­stile and Arragon in favours of the younger, nor of the youngers ambitious resolution by all means to comply with the kindness [Page 236] that his Grandfather had for him, though he was sufficiently sensible of the injustice thereof. It was only expressed in general terms, that if, according to the course of nature, the Arch-duke out-lived his Ma­ternal Grandfather, and that he should meet with difficulties in obtaining the Succession of that Prince from what hand soever they might happen; France, who acknowledged the Archduke for next, im­mediate, lawful, universal, and apparent Heir of the two Monarchies to which the Laws in that case called him to reign alone, and in exclusion of all others, should assist him with Forces and Ships till he were peaceably setled in the possession of those two Kingdoms, and should in no manner favour his Competitor, even though he, to engage the King of France more powerfully to his defence, should offer actually to restore Navarre to John d' Albert.

The Count of Nassau acquitted him­self of so thorny a Commission sooner and more easily than was expected at the Court of Bruxelles, because Francis the First persuaded himself that nothing could hinder him from recovering the Dutchy of Milan provided his Expedition into Italy were not diverted by the irrupti­on of the Flemings into Picardy and [Page 237] Champagne; and that then it would be at the option of his most Christian Majesty either to send an Army, or to go in Per­son for the restauration of John d' Albert. In that prospect he offered Nassau six hun­dred thousand Crowns for the Portion of his Sister-in-law; In the Treaties betwixt France and Austria. and Nas­sau the more willingly ac­cepted them, that he would have been content with four hundred thousand, if the Chancel­lour Du Prat, and the Commissioners who treated with him, had stood firm not to give him any more. The second Article was more disputed, because the French were positive that the Archduke should promise to declare for John d' Albert against the Catholick King, supposing he absolutely should refuse the restitution of Navarre. Nassau on the contrary main­tained, that it was no less against nature than good manners that a Grandson should espouse the quarrel of a stranger against his own Grandfather. Francis was so im­patient to conclude, that after long de­bates he remitted it; and the third Arti­cle was at length decided, his Majesty resolving to imitate the example of Charles the Fifth, his great great Grandfather, who, without the assistance of any other Sovereign, had at his pleasure disposed of [Page 238] the Crown of Castile by the Arms of his Constable Du Guesclin. So the Negoti­ation was ended at Paris in the beginning of the Summer One thousand five hun­dred and fifteen; and Stephen Poncher, who had been chief Minister of State to Louis the Twelfth, was ordered to go to Flanders to be Witness to the Ratification of the Treaty. The Archduke was gone into Holland, and Poncher found him at the Hague. He was received there with more Joy than Pomp: but as the Arch­duke had Spies at the Court of the Ca­tholick King, so had the Catholick King at his, who discovered by means which Historians disagree about; that the Grand­son was taken off from the Interests of his Grandfather; and that he had even called him an Usurper, by confessing that he had unjustly seized the Kingdom of Navarre, and by obliging himself to re­store it so soon as it was in his power. They acquainted the Catholick King with it, who confirmed himself in the resolution that, as we said before, he had already taken of undoing Chievres; and frustrating the Archduke not only of what he had acquired by Conquest, but also of what he could pretend to in Spain.

The first step he made in his revenge was to put Navarre in a condition, that though the Archduke would restore it, yet his own Subjects might have right to take him off from it, and to oppose the execution of his intentions. For under­standing of his Intrigue, we must call to mind that the Monarchy of Castile was much more powerful in Spain than Arra­gon was before their union, and that since, Queen Isabella had enlarged it by joyning thereto the Kingdom of Granada. It was more able than Arragon to preserve the Kingdom of Navarre when once that Kingdom were joyned to it; and that was the only motive that made the Catholick King, who till then had held the Kingdom of Navarre annexed to the Crown of Arragon, change his Conduct, and seek ways how he might joyn it to those of Castile. He knew that John d' Albert, with consent of the most Christian King, raised a great Army in the Provinces of France adjoyning the Pryenees, for reco­very of his Crown; and seeing he needed an extraordinary strength to resist him, the States of Arragon and Castile were assembled at the same time, that under one and the same pretext he might raise great Contributions in both Mo­narchies.

The Union of Navarre was offered to both; and it was offered upon so much the better ground, that that Crown on the one side bordered upon Castile, and on the other upon Arragon, so that it lay equally convenient for both. Seeing Ferdinand had a design to impose upon those of Arragon, he would not go him­self to Sarragossa, where the Estates were to assemble, but thought it enough to send thither the Queen Germana in his place. That Princess who had the Art of cares­sing, and who besides for better deceiving the Arragonese was her Husbands blind, made great Journeys, and hastened to Monçon where the Estates had assembled themselves, the Arragonese having declared that it was there, and not at Sarragossa, where according to the priviledges of the Country the Estates ought to meet. She gained the two most powerful Bodies, which were the Clergy and Nobility: She represented to them according to the Instructions which she had received from the Catholick King, that Arragon was much weaker than Castile; and that if heretofore it had resisted it, there were two such concurrent assistances of Hea­ven in the case, that it would be a tempting of God to trust to the hopes of their continuance; the one, that all the Kings [Page 241] of Arragon to the number of twenty eight, were always more witty and vali­ant than those of Castile; and the next, that the Castilians could never make War against the Arragonese longer than two years at a time; and that at the end of that at farthest, they had new Enemies, or new Civil Wars to take them up, which had obliged, or to say better, constrained them to give peace to the Arragonese: That Arragon, indeed, was at present united to Castile, but that it might be again separated from it, and that in that case it would again return to its former state: That to prevent Castile from re­ducing it then into a Province, no better course could be taken than to joyn Na­varre to Arragon, because that encrease would render it so equal in strength to Castile, that the Castilians durst not any more attempt to subject it: That the only means of obliging the Catholick King to that, seeing Navarre was his Conquest, consisted in supplying him with moneys for the preserving it this one time only, that is to say, during the Campaign One thousand five hundred and fifteen, because John d' Albert could make no other effort but that once; and if he suc­ceeded not, France being discouraged by so constant a misfortune would no more protect him.

The Arrogonese being persuaded by a discourse which carried the more proba­bility with it that they presumed them­selves to be better beloved of the Catho­lick King than the Castilians, by reason he was their Country man born, and their Hereditary King, willingly taxed them­selves, and furnished a vast Sum of Money considering the barrenness of their Country. So that Queen Germana would have acquired a great deal of glory by her Negotiation, had it not been for an adventure from which persons of her quality might seem to be exempted. Anthony Augustine of Arragonian extracti­on, but born in Catalonia, had through his merit raised himself to the dignity of Vicechancellour of Arragon according to most Historians, or of Chancellour ac­cording to others. His Faction and Ca­bal was then strongest in the States, and if one was not sure to obtain by his means what was desired, it was certain at least there was nothing at all to be ob­tained if he opposed it. The Queen, who knew this very well, made it her particular care to gain him; and succeeded therein beyond what she expected, seeing she made the Chancellour in love only by endea­vouring to encrease his zeal for his Masters service.

Princesses have this unhappiness as well as other of their Sex that are inferiour to them, that they cannot always captivate those whom they would, and catch some­times those whom they would not. The Queen was so free in her ci­vilities to the Chancellour; In the History of that Chancellour. and the Chancellour so well disposed to love the Queen; that he was not aware of the Trap when his passion already bordered upon extravagance. And the truth is, instead of striving against it, he applauded himself therein, and valued himself most when he ought to have reckoned himself a fool. He flattered himself with the hopes of a success which he had neither ground nor occasion to pro­mise himself; and fell into the extremity of doting, by fancying that the Queen would be overjoyed to cherish the flame which she had kindled: That the Interest of that Princess concurred in a very nice point with the passion which she had rai­sed: That she had no Children, and that there was a necessity that by all means she should: That it was but too apparent that she could have none by her Husband: but that if she had so much modesty as not to court the help of another, perhaps she would not have enough to refuse it when freely offered: That there were [Page 244] some Junctures wherein if necessity lessened not the Crime, yet it served to render it more excusable; and that the Arragonese would not much care how they came by a Prince, provided they had one; because whoever he should be, he would serve their ends in dividing them from the Castilians with whom they could not en­dure to beunited, and give them a Master that would far more depend upon them, than they upon him.

It is the blind side of love to believe the things which one desires, though ne­ver so incredible, as firmly as those where­of we are most convinced. The Chan­cellour observed no measures in declaring his passion to the Queen; and her Majesty though thereby provoked to the highest degree, yet durst not treat him as he de­served. She considered that her honour was concerned in managing dextrously so nice an affair, and that though the Cri­minal could never be sufficiently punished for the fault he had committed, yet the rebound of the punishment inflicted, if it were not kept very secret, would infallibly hit the person offended. In that prospect she thought it enough to let the Chan­cellour know immediately, and without being perceived, the just resentment she received of his impudence, and in all [Page 245] things else carried fair with him so long as the States of Monçon lasted: but after they were ended, she returned to the Catholick King her Husband, and in­formed him of the folly of the Chancel­lour. The King commended the Queen no less for her Prudence than her Loyalty. He waited for another opportunity of revenging himself upon that Minister; and caused his Conduct to be so narrowly observed, that some misdemeanours were found against him, which yet reached not his life. Upon the account of those he was arrested without violating the Pri­viledges of Arragon, and clapt up in Prison, where he lay so long as Ferdi­nand lived, and Queen Germana was in authority.

The Estates of Castile ended not so quickly as those of Arragon; and the Ca­tholick King had got what he expected from these; when he proposed to the others what he really designed to do for them. He spake big to them of his Con­quest of Navarre, and declared that he had taken all that pains for them: He offered to them, without any condition, to unite that Crown to their Monarchy; and having gained them by a Present of that importance, conjured them to assist him in the preservation of it. Hereupon [Page 246] Navarre was in due form incorporated with Castile. The Estates gave the Ca­tholick King thrice as much as he had received from those of Arragon, and that liberality served him for an excuse to his Hereditary Subjects for his breach of promise to them. He sent them word, that what they had granted him not be­ing sufficient to defray the charges of the defence of Navarre, he had been con­strained to accept the offers of the Castili­ans, and the condition they had imposed upon him: That he had, indeed, united Navarre to their Monarchy, but that he had done nothing in that but what his Councils of Conscience and State had advised him to: That his Counsel of Con­science had determined, that since the Kingdom of Navarre was conquered by a Castilian General the Duke of Alva, by an Army almost all native Castilians, and by the Money which had been contri­buted by the States of Castile, His Ca­tholick Majesty could not, without an evident piece of injustice to them, refuse to unite to their Monarchy a Conquest made at their charges: That his Council of State had sesolved the same; though upon another Principle: That he foresaw that John d' Albert finding himself too weak for recovering the Crown of his [Page 247] Queen, would in despair be obliged to make over to France the Rights that he had to it; and that in that case France having none to make head against it but the little Monarchy of Arragon, would very easily snatch Navarre from them: whereas the most Christian Kings would find incomparably a harder labour of it, if they must fight a King of Castile, whose Dominions were as large as their own, since they comprehended two thirds of all Spain.

It is to be believed, that the Arragonese were not satisfied with that off-come, and that they were not willing so to be paid for the ready money which he had filily drawn out of their Purses by the sham­offer of an imaginary promotion to Grandeur. But their resentment came not to the height of an Insurrection; and that which stopt their sliding into so slip­pery a Precipice, was the reparation for the injury done unto them, that they expected from the Successour of the Ca­tholick King, perceiving him now drawing towards his end. We cannot but mention briefly in this place for the full clearing of this Hi­story, In the first Pe­tition of the Arra­gonese to Charles the Fifth. though the Occur­rences which we are about to describe concern it but [Page 248] indirectly, that the Army raised by John d' Albert for the recovery of Navarre, had no success but in the beginning of Action: that is was afterwards unfortunate; that being unluckily divided, the Forces of the Catholick King beat part of it; that the rest perished by Famine; that John d' Albert died for grief upon it; and that Catharine de Foix his Wife out-lived him but a few months; that their Succession descended upon the eldest Son of four­teen Children which they had, who was not then of age to carry Arms, and that in this world the good fortune of the Ca­tholick King in his usurpations lasted as long as his life.

The submission that he found in Arra­gon, inhabited by a people most jealous of their Priviledges, on an occasion whereon no instance could be shewn that they would have suffered any such thing from the Kings his Predecessors, fully persuaded him that he would meet with no opposition when he should demand of the Arragonese, that they would prefer the younger of his Grandsons before the Elder; and that then the Castilians would imitate their example in that particular, with so much the more facility, that it was no new thing to them, and that their Hi­story afforded an instance of a like ran­versing [Page 249] of the of the order of nature. He there­upon, on the fifteenth of June One thou­sand five hundred and fifteen made an Au­thentick Testament after his own way, and couched it so artfully, that his inten­tions therein appeared exactly conform to the Precepts of the Gospel.

In the beginning he premised that his affection for the Castilians and Arragonese whom he had governed two and forty years, overswayed with him all other hu­mane considerations; and he took God to witness that what he was about to do, proceeded solely from that Principle: He added, that he had never seen the Arch­duke Charles; and that on the contrary, the Infanto Ferdinand could not be better known to him than he was: that he was born in his Palace; that he was his God­father; had given him his name; bred him; placed about him such persons as would take care of his Education; and that above all things that could endear the Infanto to him, he was his own Picture, and much more resembled him than any of the Children whom he had immediate­ly begotten: That he had his Air, Coun­tenance, Shape, Humours, and even his Gate; and that all Courtiers observed his Genius to be the very same: but that nevertheless nothing of all that inclined [Page 250] him to prefer him before the Archduke That he had three such prevalent reasons for it, as he was willing to make publick; to the end unprejudiced Posterity might judge of his conduct. The first was, because his Catholick Majesty had always been crossed in the care that he would have taken of the Archduke, and thence it was that that young Prince was not fit to govern the Spaniards: That in spight of him they had set over him Chievres a Fleming, who not only was unacquainted with the Spa­nish manners, but besides, had a fearful An­tipathy to them: That this Governour had made it his whole design to get so absolute a sway over the Genius of his Pupil, that he was become all at once, his Governour, Chamberlain, High Steward, and Favourite: That if the Arch­duke Reigned in Spain, that Gentleman alone would make up his whole Coun­cil, and the Spaniards would be gover­ned by a stranger, which never hap­ned since the usurpation of the Moors: That their Laws and Customs would be changed, their Priviledges abolished, their Magistracies sold, and the Com­merce of the Indies transported to the Low Countries.

The second reason was taken from hence, In the first Te­stament of King Ferdinand. That if Castile and Arragon had stood in need of a resident King whilst these two Monarchies were divided, they had much more need of one since their Union; and there was no doubt to be made but that the absence of their Monarch would cause Revolutions amongst them, seeing it was a certain truth that they never failed to suffer Commotions that shook the very Foundations, when their Sovereigns were in the least absent. Nevertheless nothing was more certain than that the Archduke would neither live always, nor yet long at a time in Spain, supposing he were their King: That it would be unjust, and indeed foolish to expect it: That he possessed the Low Countries which lay too conveniently for France and England not to be usurped by one of those two Monarchies, if their Master budged from thence; and besides, he was in Germany to succeed to the ten Hereditary Provinces of the House of Austria, which would no less absolutely require his presence: whereas the Infanto his Brother, who was to have no more but the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon, would live six months of the year in one, and the other six months in the other.

In fine, the third reason alledged, That it would be a greater prejudice to the Archduke to leave him the Monarchies of Spain than to frustrate him of them, seeing in the first case the Germans would be sure not to chuse him Emperour in place of his Paternal Grandfather, and would ground his Exclusion upon their fear, lest being otherwise so powerful he might attempt the changing of their Ari­stocratical State into an absolute Mo­narchy, as it hapned to all those Nations who had chosen Sovereigns that were able to subject them; whereas the Archduke having no more but the Low Countries, and the ten Hereditary Provinces of the House of Austria, though he was more powerful than any Prince of Germany con­sidered separately, yet he would not be near so strong as all of them together; and by consequent durst not molest any of them, for fear they might all League against him, depose him, and having di­vided the Empire among themselves, dis­possess him of his Hereditary States.

In the next place, the Catholick King disposed of the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon by the chief Article of his Will, in the same manner as if they had both equally belonged unto him. He left them purely and simply to the Infanto [Page 253] Ferdinand his Grandson after the death of the Queen his Mother. He supposed that the Distemper of that Princess would last as long as she lived; and would have the Archduke to rest satisfied with the Succession of his Father, of which he was fully in possession, and that of his pater­nal Grand-father which he would not miss of; as if it had been in the power of his Catholick Majesty to make a lawful com­pensation of inheritances that did not at all belong to him, with these whereof he was but proprietor in part.

The Testament was not kept secret, whether the Catholick King sought for an opportunity of revenging himself upon his elder Grandson and his Governor, by the trouble it might give them, or that he did not so much stand in awe of them as to conceal what he had done to their prejudice. The Infanto Ferdinand, his prin­cipal Servants, the Councils of State of Ca­stile and Arragon knew it, and the news of it was soon brought into Flanders. All the Archdukes comfort was, that by the assistance of the French he might recover what was unjustly given away from him; and Chievres had not leisure to make all the Reflections which so extraordinary a Case deserved, because he was obliged to make it his business to break the most [Page 254] dangerous Conspiracy that ever was hatch­ed against the favour of a man of his qua­lity.

It is not known whether the Catholick King lookt upon him as the greatest Ene­my that the Infanto Ferdinand could have, or that he judged it absolutely ne­cessary to turn him out, not only of place but of life also, to the end that his Maje­sties Will might be punctually accomplish­ed: But it is certain that no measures that could be taken were omitted to oblige the Arch-Duke to put away his Governor, or for undoing the same Governor, in case his Pupil were obstinate in keeping him about his Person. The manner how this was set about deserves to be particularly mentioned, were it for no other end but to observe the degrees by which the malice of Man advances to the greatest of Crimes, when once it comes to deceive it self under a cloak and pretext of Devotion. It was impossible to reach Chievres by the way of Law and Justice, because his integrity that was known to all men secured him from any such attempt; though after a frequent and most critical examination of all that had been acted in the Low-Countries wherein he was concerned, no­tice was taken of the Ceremony which the Arch-Duke by the advice of his Governor [Page 255] had established in admitting new Knights into the Order of the Golden Fleece.

By the Laws of Institution of that Or­der approved by the Holy See, it is pro­vided that the Knights should be chosen out of the Noblest Families; and it was pretended that Chievres had contravened this, by proposing to the Arch-Duke in the last Chapter that was held for making of Knights, some whose No­bility was not sufficiently made out. In the constitutions of the Order of the Golden Fleece. It could not be denied but that those Men were of greater merit than the others who had been excluded, because it was so evi­dent a thing that it would have served to confound the Enemies of Chievres; but the words of the Institution must exactly be stuck to, and it was maintained that Chie­vres was guilty in not having exactly ob­served them.

Upon this, these Cases of Conscience were proposed to several Divines of Spain: Whether Chievres by disposing his Pupil to give the Order to such kind of Persons had not mortally sinned against God: Whether there were not three different sorts of Injustice in the sin he had com­mitted; first, in regard of his Divine Ma­jesty, who is jealous that the Ordinances authorised by his Church should be pun­ctually [Page 256] observed; secondly, against the Or­der of the Golden Fleece, of which the most important Statute was violated; and lastly, against the Nobles of Flanders accustomed to draw the chief proofs of their Nobility from those of their Ancestors who had had the honour to receive the Order of the Fleece: Whether Chievres was not obli­ged to make restitution of the Salaries paid to those undeserving Knights; and lastly, whether he was not an accomplice in the false proofs of Nobility which they had produced before they were received into the Order.

The Divines decided all the Cases to the disadvantage of Chievres, and their re­solutions were immediately sent into Flan­ders to the Ambassador of the Catholick King, who shewing them to the Archduke pressed him on the part of his maternal Grandfather, that he would at least send the guilty person home to his house seated in the Province of Haynauld, if the Ser­vices which he had rendred him protected him from being punished in a more exem­plary manner. The Archduke instead of having any respect to the Proposition of the Ambassador and the authority of the Casuists that back'd it, defended his Go­vernor upon the spot by two reasons; first, that if there had been any fault commit­ted [Page 257] in the creation in question, he was as much to be blamed as Chievres, seeing they had examined the proofs together; and that if they had been surprised in it, the surprize was no less common to both: Secondly, that though Chievres were more guilty than he, yet it followed not that he ought to be banished the Court, and that a little mistake should make him forget the long and indefatigable pains of his Education. The Catholick King, who managed the whole Intrigue, though he acted only by such instruments as seemed to have no concerns with him, being un­successful in his first essay, changed Bat­tery, and applied himself to Henry the Eighth, King of England his Son-in-law. He represented to him that the greatest interest of his English Majesty consisted in opposing by all means the Alliances be­twixt the French and the Flemings: That the wisest of his Predecessors had laid down that maxim as a fundamental in their Politicks: That they found the advantage of it so long as they practised the same, and that on the contrary, they lost all for having neglected it: That the late King, Henry the Seventh had exactly observed it in the beginning and towards the middle of his Reign; but that he had omitted it towards the end, when old age and the ex­traordinary [Page 258] infirmities it had brought up­on him, had rendred him unable to apply himself long to business: that nevertheless that was the Juncture when he ought to have eluded the Article of the last Will and Testament of Philip of Austria which en­treated Louis XII. King of France to take the care of the education of his eldest Son: That his Majesty had opposed it with all his might because he foresaw the dangerous consequences thereof, but that he could not prevail for want of the assistance of En­gland: That the most Christian King had placed Chievres about the Archduke; and that Chievres being in that nature obliged to France, strove to shew himself but too grateful: That it was not enough for him to adjust all the affairs of the Archduke to the Interests of Louis his Benefactor so long as that Prince lived, but that after his death he had continued the same con­duct in regard of Francis the First his Suc­cessor: That the Treaty of Marriage of the Archduke with Renée of France was an undeniable proof of it: That there was no doubt to be made but that that Marriage would be accomplished, and that by consequence France and the Low Coun­tries would act joyntly so long as Chievres were about the Archduke: That his Ca­tholick Majesty had made it his business [Page 259] to oblige the Archduke to remove him, and that there wanted only the Offices of the King of England for succeeding in it.

Henry the Eighth, with extreme trou­ble understood that Francis the first, for his first Essay had recovered the Dutchy of Milan. He imputed the easiness of that young Prince's Success to his having employed all the Forces of France in Italy without being obliged to leave Troops for the Guard of his Frontiers of Picardie and Champaigne. The last Negotiation of Chie­vres with his most Christian Majesty was, in his Judgment, the cause of it, and the Marriage of the Archduke with the Sister-in-law of Francis the First, was like so to secure him in his Conquest, that neither Spain, Germany, nor Italy could snatch it out of his hands.

These four considerations inclined his Majesty of England to send to the Arch­duke, and to represent to him by the Am­bassador which he had at his Court, that seeing he had more wit for his age than any Prince mentioned in History ever had had, and that he was already capable of Reign­ing alone by himself, it was not only use­less, but also disgraceful to him to retain at his Court such a man as Chievres, who so long as he continued there would ec­clipse his Reputation: That Politicians [Page 260] who could not call to mind that ever they had seen or read of a Prince that at the age of fifteen years, had more prudence, rea­diness of wit, address, and experience than the eldest Monarchs of Europe had, would never believe that the Judicious Councils taken in Flanders about the ni­cest matters of State, came immediately from him: That they would always ima­gine Chievres to be the Author of them; that he suggested them; found out proper expedients for putting them in execution; and that being now satisfied with the glory which he had already acquired in Govern­ing the Low-Countries during the non-age of the Archduke with so great wisdom that the Flemings had found no effects of the minority of their Prince, he acted like a compleat Courtier in endeavouring to pro­cure by times a high Reputation to his young Master by attributing to him all the projects and important resolutions that came from himself: whereas, if Chievres were consined to his House in Haynauld whereof he carried the name, there to spend the rest of his days in quietness; or if it were thought fitter to send him to the Emperors Court there to manage the Ger­man Princes for the future Election of his Pupil to the Empire, Men would do Ju­stice to the Archdukes merit, and nothing [Page 261] would hereafter hinder the People from admiring him as he deserved.

Henry the Eighth added that he was his Neighbour, and more, his Uncle; and that in both these respects he could not endure that Chievres should continue at the Court of Bruxelles: That that Fle­ming, to say no worse of him, was too much French; and that as thereby he was become suspected to England, so Spain would less suffer him to remain the chief Minister and Favourite of him whom they looked upon as next apparent Heir of almost all their Kingdoms.

The Archduke made answer to these so urgent reasons, that the fairest reputation he could acquire was that of being grateful, and that he neither ought, nor would be thought so, if he were not so in reality: That he could not tell whether he was more obliged to those who had given him life than he was to Monsieur de Chievres who had brought him up, and that it would not vex him if he continued all his life-time in that doubt: but that he knew very well that there was no man living to whom he had more disinterested obliga­tions, and that he should be guilty of the blackest ingratitude, if he made it not known in the world, not only by words and declarations, but in effect and deeds: [Page 262] That the least of these effects was to con­tinue not to undertake any important Affair without acquainting him with it; and that he was willing his Majesty of England should know that he was so punctual in concealing nothing from his Governour, that he had shewed him the Letter which he had received from him: That he knew Monsieur de Chievres so well, that he would answer for him, that he was no more Frenchified than he had reason for; and that after all, God had been so gracious to him as to make him a Sove­reign: That he was free to admit of such persons into his Council as he thought capable: That his Neighbours had no right to take exceptions at that, provided he did them no injustice in the case; and that his Majesty of England had far less than the rest, since he acknowledged in his Letter that Monsieur de Chievres was a man of parts and honesty notwithstand­ing all that he subjoyned to his prejudice; That he had rather believe the best than the worst; and that the esteem which he had for his Majesty was concerned that he should do so.

Nothing so much afflicts those who are extraordinarily sensible, as Kings for most part are, than when they see that their firm resolutions of ruining the fortune [Page 263] of a Favourite, encreased instead of lessen­ing the same. The Archdukes answer to Henry was conceived in such terms as made it sufficiently apparent that nothing was to be got by persisting to press him to remove Chievres; and they who examined it were so well convinced of that, that their hatred to him transported them to the utmost extremity. They resolved by all means to dispatch him; and seeing the extraordinary care that the Archduke took of his Governour from the time of the Letter we have been speaking of, put him without all danger of being assassi­nated, they had recourse to the way of Poyson. Diligent search was made in Flanders for those who were discontented at Chievres, and seeing it was difficult considering the place he held, but that a great many thought they had reason to complain of him, because, as we shall see hereafter, the Archduke took pleasure to bestow the chief Charges and richest Be­nefices upon the Relations of his Gover­nour without being sollicited by him, there was a Conspiracy formed to poyson him. All measures for that end were taken; and the day appointed for putting it in execution drew nigh, when God, who suffers not always innocence to be oppress'd, were it only that persons but [Page 264] of ordinary virtue should not be too much scandalized, permitted Chievres to be in­formed of the mischief that was a pre­paring for him. He acquainted the Arch­duke with it, but in so unconcerned a manner as if he had not spoken in his own Cause. He told him that he had bad news to inform him of, and that he would not do it but upon condition that he should shew no more resentment of it than if he were ignorant of the same, or as if it did not at all concern him: That there were some crimes that out of a principle of Policy ought to pass unpu­nished; and that as God did not always punish the most enormous faults here in this world, so neither did he sometimes take it ill that Sovereigns should refer the punishment of them to him who would not fail to do exemplary Justice in the other world: That the Poysoning in question was one of these; and that it ought of necessity be winked at, seeing it must have been dissembled if it had taken effect: That the enquiry made into it must either be exact, or but superficial; if it were exact, it would be to no purpose on the one hand, because the quality of the parties guilty would of it self exempt them from all sorts of Process; and on the other hand it would [Page 265] do infinite prejudice both to the Archduke who might pretend to be offended at an unseasonable time, and to his Governour who would be exposed to a second attempt better concerted, and by consequent more inevitable than the former. If the en­quiry were but superficial, it would still exasperate the Poysoners as much, and be no less inconvenient for him who had escaped their rage: That in an indictment and trial wherein the Publick was so much concerned, informations and other pro­ceedings would go too far, and insensibly pass from the Actors to the Authors: That perhaps, these might be found to be so nearly related to the Archduke, that the disgrace inconsiderately put upon them would reflect upon himself; and that in a word, there was nothing to be done but to have a care for the future of the like in­conveniences; that is to say, to be so vi­gilant and circumspect that if he must needs still fall, it might be by such an un­avoidable fate as humane prudence could not prevent.

The Archduke more out of com­pliance than inclination followed the counsel of his Governour: but though the matter was not brought to a trial, yet it broke forth, and was so well known, that the Historians of Spain have not dared to [Page 266] smother it, though they speak of it in most general, and consequently most insignifi­cant terms. The rebound of so great a mischief nevertheless must needs hit the weaker Party, and it was the misfortune of Chievres to be in that case at that time. The Catholick King uncertain whom to be revenged on because Chievres was not banished, made Dean Adrian smart for it, whether it was that he suspect­ed him of having thwarted his design, or that he accused him of not having se­conded it with the credit which he had acquired at the Court of Bruxelles. He confined him to Guadalupa, where he hoped that his abode would be so uneasie as to make him desirous of returning home to the Low Countries; but his Ma­jesty did not foresee that his own life would be too short to tire out the Deans pati­ence. He had desired heretofore his Ho­roscope to be cast, and God who punishes Sovereigns that are addicted to Judicial Astrology more severely and universally than private persons, either because he is more Jealous upon their account for the attribute which according to Scripture raises him highest above them, I mean the knowledge of things to come, or that the scandal they give in that particular is more insupportable to him, deferred not [Page 267] the punishment of it till the next World. He began it in this, by blinding the understanding of King Ferdinand, and permitting the Astrologers to tell him part of the truth. They assured him that he should die at Madrigal, and that Predicti­on which seemed not at all equivocal, was by his Majesty interpreted in the most natural sense. He thought it ought to be understood of the Town of Madrigal in Castile, upon so much the better ground that there was no other Town of that name in all Spain. This put such fancies in his head, that he thought he should not die but when he had a mind to it, and to express it plainly in his own meaning, that he should live till he were weary of life. One of his Courtiers had confirmed him in that opinion, by telling him that he had visited a Lady in the City of Avila, whom the Publick had Sainted in her life­time, and who in Spain was honoured as the Saints in heaven: That he had had the happiness of a quarter of an hours discourse with her, and that he had not failed to recommend the Catholick King to her Prayers: That the holy woman had answered him, that his Majesty should not die till he had conquered the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and that she had not en­joyned him to keep that revelation secret. [Page 268] There needed no more for taking off Fer­dinand from seriously thinking on his lat­ter end; and to compleat his blindness, that which ought to have excited him to it, served only to divert him from the same. After the drinking of the Love­potion we mentioned, he had been often taken with such terrible fits, that the Physicians thought he was ready to ex­pire: Nevertheless he came to himself again so well, that next day after he em­ployed himself in Affairs of State as for­merly. He thereupon fancied that the fainting fits that now and then seized him, would be of no dangerous consequence; and when Father Martin of Matience, a Monk of the Order of St. Dominick, his Confessour came to attend him on Holy days, he asked him if he had any Memoires to communicate to him; and no sooner had the Confessour answered no, but that Ferdinand presently dismissed him. Being thus prepossessed he was inform­ed that the best Commandery of the Knights of Callatrava was vacant by the death of Guttierez of Padilla, and resolved immediately to confer it up­on Ferdinand of Arragon, lawful Son to the Archbishop of Sarragossa his na­tural Son. He could not do it accord­ing to the Constitutions without calling [Page 269] the Chapter in that sole prospect upon the place, In the instituti­on of the Order of Callatrava. and therefore he set out upon his Journey thither. But about the end of the month of Janu­ary One thousand five hundred and six­teen, when he was come to the Hamlet of Madrigalejo, through which he must of necessity pass unless he went a great way about, his dissentery grew so great, that it was impossible for him to proceed any further. That Hamlet, the least in all Spain, stood within the Precincts of the Town of Trugillo; and that was all which rendered it considerable. Ferdi­nand was no sooner informed of the name of it, but that he found his mistake in the interpretation he put upon his Ho­roscope, and that he had in vain with so much care shunned to go to the great Madrigal, since he must end his days in the little one, Madrigalejo in the Spanish Tongue being a diminutive of Madrigal. He sent for the knowing men of his Re­tinue; enquired of them whether that Hamlet where he was had not always gone by the same name since Castile was delivered from the Tyranny of the Moors; and when they had made him answer that it had never changed name; and that it was so inconsiderable that no [Page 270] man durst venture to put it into the Map, he told them, then Ferdinand is gone.

He sent for his Confessor, and discoursed him in good earnest about the affairs of his conscience, and having ordered them, he called for three of his ancientest and ablest Counsellours of State, who were the Licentiat Zapata, Doctor Carvaial, and the Treasurer Vargas. He asked them what he had more to do for the good of the Spanish Monarchy, and told them that they might speak with all freedom. These Spaniards were so aged that they could have no interest in the affairs that might happen after the death of Ferdinand. They expected not to out-live him long, and therefore his Suc­cessour was a thing indifferent to them. They had no cause to fear any change in their fortune, because they knew that the beginnings of the most severe Reigns were always easie; and they expected to die in the beginning. Besides, they fore­saw that which soever of the two Grand­sons of the Catholick King should suc­ceed to him, he would not turn them out of his Council; seeing if it were the Archduke, he could not for a long time do it because of his absence; and if it were the Infanto Ferdinand, he could less do it by reason of his minority. Nothing [Page 271] then swayed with them but the inclina­tion which in latter Ages had been so absolutely predominant, and is still so predominant in the Spaniards, that hardly does History mention one who hath been free from it. And that is so violent a love for their Monarchy, that it always prevails with them over the most natural and just considerations; which is of so vast an extent that it com­prehends the whole Earth; so constant, that it encreases rather than is diminished by bad success; and so nice and Meta­physical that it makes always a distincti­on betwixt the Monarchy and the Mo­narch, and never confounds the incli­nations for the second with the interests of the first. The Catholick King during the two and forty years that he had Reigned, had so accustomed those whom he admitted into his Councils to lay down the universal Monarchy of Spain for the ground of all their deliberations, that the three Ministers whom he con­sulted agreed in this sentiment that now was the Juncture when Spain was to Reign all over Europe; and that if the opportunity was not then nicked what­ever might happen, perhaps it would never offer again. That we may more clearly express their thoughts, they [Page 272] supposed, that if the Archduke should to the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon unite the Low Countries, the Empire, and the Hereditary Provinces of the House of Austria in Germany, it would be his own fault if he conquered not the Kingdom of France, and that after­ward the rest of Europe would make but a weak resistance: whereas if the States, to which the Archduke ought to succeed, were divided, and if the Te­stament of the Catholick King which continued him to the Inheritance of his Father and Paternal Grandfather held good in that particular: If the Infanto Ferdinand had Spain, and if by that means variance entred into the House of Austria; not only the greatness of the Monarchy of Spain would be at a stand, but also it would lose all that it held in Italy, and in the Neighbourhood. It was only then in that prospect, and without any respect to the Archduke and his personal qualities, that Zapata, Carvaial, and Vargas, declared in his Favours, and the advantage he reaped from it is no less singular for the causes of it than it is in it self.

The three Ministers represented to Fer­dinand, that seeing his Majesty thought fit that they should continue to speak to him [Page 273] with open heart as they had been wont to do, He would still have the goodness to take in good part the liberty they took to tell him that he seemed to have changed his Conduct at the end of his life, and by his last Will and Testament condemned his most considerable Actions, and which had acquired him greatest Reputation: That he had done them the honour to declare when he called them to his Council, that his only intention in this World was the enlargement of his Territories; and that though he had not expressed himself so plainly, yet there needed no more but to study his past life to convince them of it: That no Man in Europe was ignorant how Ferdinand the Catholick at the age of fif­teen years had espoused the Party of the late Queen Isabella sister to Henry the fourth of Castile against the Infanta Jane the Daughter of that King; in no other view but because Isabella by bestowing herself upn him, had offered to unite the Crowns of Castile to those of Arragon; and that if Jane had been so well advised as to have preferred his Alliance before that of the Prince of Portugal who sought her in Marriage, her Party would not have succumbed, and she had not past for a Bastard: That after the union of Castile and Arragon, for adding the Kingdom of [Page 274] Granada to them, Division had been sown betwixt him who was King of it and his brother; and the more powerful was so weakned by supporting the weaker against him, that both at length were oppressed: That for an accession also to Arragon by joyning thereto the Kingdom of Naples, in the City of Tarento the Prince who car­ried the name of it, and who was the on­ly Son of the King of Naples was Besieged: That he had been prevailed with to re­lie upon the Faith and Truth of the Spani­ards, whose General the Great Captain had sworn to him upon the Holy Sacra­ment to leave him in liberty; and that notwithstanding he had been detained Prisoner, and under a sure Guard sent into Spain where still he remained in Prison: That, in a word, a pretended Bull from the Pope had been made use of for seizing the Kingdom of Navarre, and for driving from thence John d' Albert who had Mar­ried the Heiress of it: In the mean time his Catholick Majesty destroyed his own work by preferring the younger of his Grandsons before the elder, and laid an everlasting impediment to the greatness that Spain began to be raised to, by kind­ling betwixt the two Brothers a War which would not end but by the entire ruine of him that should be overcome, [Page 275] and such a weakning of the Conqueror, that Spain would be so far from expecting new Conquests under him, that it would become a Prey to the first who should in­vade it: That since the Spaniards had be­stirred and delivered themselves from the Slavery of the Moors, they had been oftener subject to Civil Wars than Foreign, for no other reason but that the Nobles had been too powerful, and more apt to give Laws to their Masters than to receive them from them: That they had not be­haved themselves more modestly nor re­servedly under his Catholick Majesty, but because after his Marriage with Queen I­sabella the Nobility of Castile were ap­prehensive of succumbing under the Forces of Arragon which they doubted not but would pour in upon them, and that the Nobles of Arragon had had a juster cause to fear their being run down by the Arms of those of Castile: That if young Ferdi­nand were King, one of the two would have time during his minority to take measures against him; and would retain so little respect for his Person because he was but fourteen years of age and was not so well brought up as his elder brother, that they would oblige him at least for some years to leave the publick admini­stration to the Grandees of Castile, and [Page 276] the chief of Arragon, which would in­fallibly renew Civil Wars in Spain: That if his Catholick Majesty suffering things to go according to their ordinary course called the Archduke to his Succession, the Gentlemen of Castile and Arragon would want both a pretext and means of revolt­ing: A pretext, in that the Archduke at sixteen years of Age, was no less able to govern them than the wisest Kings of Spain have been: And means, seeing their Rebellion would instantly be crushed by the Forces which that Prince would raise in Flanders and Germany, and might easily bring into Spain by occasion of the Treaty which he had ratified with the new King of France.

The Catholick King strangely surpri­zed, and nevertheless convinced with this discourse, made answer, that seeing he could not conveniently leave Castile and Arragon to the Infanto, In the last Council given to Ferdi­nand. He must at least resign to him the three great masteries of the Order of St. James, Ca­latrava, and Alcantara, the Revenue whereof would be sufficient for the subsi­stence of a Prince of his quality: That his Majesty at the same time he resolved to make him his Heir, had written to the Court of Rome, to have him invested into [Page 277] these three headships of Orders: That the Affair had been negotiated first with Julius the second, and since with Leo the tenth; and that the chief difficulty that those two Popes had found in it proceed­ed from a Bull granted before by Julius, to the Commander Padilla which assured him of succeeding to his Catholick Maje­sty in the great Mastery of Calatrava, pro­vided he outlived him: That the Bull of Julius was insignificant, since Padilla was dead, and that so nothing now hindred the expedition of that which allowed his Majesty the resignation of the three Ma­steries in favour of the Infanto. But the three Counsellors of State, being encou­raged by the success of their Remonstran­ces, and perswaded that having obtained the chief point, his Majesty would not long refuse to grant them what was but accessory, replied to the Catholick King conjuring him to call to mind that when he and Queen Isabella his Wife had pressed the Holy See to unite in their Royal Per­sons the three Masteries in question, the most important reason specified in their address was, that if none of the great Ma­sters separately were so powerful as their King, yet all three together were far more powerful. Whence it hapned that when they who were invested in those dignities [Page 278] confederated together to turn against their Masters the Arms, Wealth, Vassals and Credit, which the Piety of Believers had left them for acting against the Infidels, they reduced them to the necessity of granting whatever they demanded with­out distinction and reserve. That the Pope at that time touched with the force of that reason had written to his Nuntio in Spain to inform himself exactly if the matter were indeed so: That the Nuntio had sent him answer that it was but too true, and that thereupon the three Maste­ries according as they became vacant, had been conferred upon his Catholick Majesty. Whereupon they took the liberty once more to remonstrate to the King that the brothers of Princes were sometimes so strongly tempted to Reign, that nothing hindred them from succumbing under so nice a temptation but the inability to which the Laws thought it necessary to reduce them, by cutting them short of the means of succeeding in it: That there were so many instances of it in all the Monarchies of Spain that 'twould be superfluous to alledge them; and that without judging of the thoughts of the Infanto, it was sufficient to observe that if one day he might have a mind of revolting against his Elder Brother, no Prince ever had or might have a fairer [Page 279] pretext, or more infallible means of Suc­cess, provided he were invested in these three Masteries. That the pretext would be that the Infanto had right to demand a lawful share in the Succession of his Fa­ther actually dead, of his Uncle dead in Law, and of his Grandfathers when they should be no more in being: That neither the Roman Laws, nor those of the places where the Estates lay, nor the Customs which in such cases stand instead of Laws having precisely enough regulated that legal Portion, it would depend upon the good or bad inclination of the Infanto to raise his claim so high that his elder bro­ther could not consent to it; and in that case the quarrel betwixt the two Brothers would degenerate into a Civil War so much the more to be excused on the part of the younger, as that he would only seem to demand his Portion. That he would not want means of getting men and money, seeing all the Commanders, Offi­cers and Knights of the three Orders whom he had preferred to Places, and be­sides depended on him, would mount on Horseback upon the first notice he should give them; and bringing their Vassals with them would form so considerable an Ar­my, that his elder Brother would have much ado to be able to meet him with [Page 280] the like: That it was impossible to di­vine what the success of that War might be; and all that could be affirmed before­hand was, that it would be an everlasting Reproach to the memory of his Catholick Majesty, that he had been at least the oc­casion of a War betwixt two Brothers by rendring the younger so powerful, that he might think himself in a condition of offending his elder Brother with safety.

Though ambition be one of the first pas­sions that takes possession of the hearts of great Men, yet it is the last that leaves them; and as that had always been predo­minant in the Catholick King, so it made its last effort upon him to stisle the favou­rable thoughts that remained in him to­towards the Infanto. Not but that he still loved him as much as possibly he could, nor that he had any inclination for the Archduke; but the Idea of an universal Monarchy, flattering him at that moment above what can be imagined, without great reluctancy he sacrificed the Infanto to the Archduke in the extremity of his sickness, when he foresaw that he could not long enough outlive what he was about to do to be in a condition to make reparation for it.

We must however subjoyn in this place that before he absolutely determined to [Page 281] disinherit the Infanto, he made another instance to his three Ministers in his fa­vours. he told them that he was ex­tremely troubled to leave him in so poor a condition; but they replied positively that the greatest and sole riches of the younger of his Grandsons ought wholly to consist in the favours of his elder Brother; In the relation of that Conference. because that ha­ving nothing to pretend to but by that way, he would be the more diligent in acquiring them, and more assiduous in preserving the same. The Catholick King had hardly testified by his silence that he had nothing to re­reply, when they went to his Cabinet to look for the original Will which he had made seven months before, and they burnt it before his face without any shew of regret on his part. He dictated and signed a new Will, so disadvantageous to the Infanto that he made no mention of him, but only to leave him, as if he had been a Ba­stard, an alimentary Pension of fifty thou­sand Crowns upon some Lands in the King­dom of Naples.

The Archduke was declared sole and universal Heir of the Monarchies of Ca­stile and Arragon, and of the Crowns an­nexed to them without any mention of the restitution of Navarre, whatever [Page 282] Historians, who are not Spaniards, say to the contrary. The three great Masteries were resigned to the Archduke; and the Infanto, who had been as near a Throne as one could be without mounting it, was put off with a Pension of fifty thou­sand Crowns, that bore no proportion to the vast Estates whereof he was disap­pointed.

The Catholick King was not quitted for having stifled in his brest the three most vio­lent of his inclinations, which were his affe­ction for the younger of his Grandchildren, his indifference for the Elder, and his ha­tred of Chievres, who, next to the Arch­duke, profited most of any by the second Testament, seeing he was sure under him to govern Spain so long as he lived. Able Ministers never stop unseasonably in the middle of their enterprises; and Zapata, Carvaial, and Vargas, finding their Ma­ster in a disposition to grant them all that would have been denied them in another Juncture; pressed him in the last place to use a violence upon himself, which in pro­bability must have cost him more than all the other three put together. It hath been observed in the foregoing Book that the Catholick King could not have a grea­ter nor more deeply rooted aversion to Cardinal Ximenes than he had: That he [Page 283] had used all means to get him deposed: That he had raised persecutions against him of a very long continuance; and that the Cardinal had not so much maintained himself by his parts and reputation as by the advice which Chievres had given the Archduke to support in the person of Ximenes an intelligent and steddy Mini­ster, who would always oppose the de­signs of the Catholick King upon Castile if he found them not to be conform to the Laws of the Country. To speak the truth, His Majesty had succumbed in the quarrel, seeing he had been forced to let the Cardinal live in peace; and his enmity thereupon was encreased towards him, whether he apprehended the resentment of that Prelate, or that he could not think of it with patience be­cause it never came into his mind, but that it seemed to upbraid him with the want of power to undo him. Nevertheless these three Counsellours took a resolution to oblige Ferdinand to pardon the Cardi­nal in the most glorious manner that could be imagined for that Prelate, that is to say, in leaving him the full administrati­on of Arragon and Castile till the Arch­duke should arrive, and he put in possessi­on of them. They thereupon represen­ted to his Majesty that one thing still re­mained [Page 284] to be done by him for the entire tranquillity of Spain after his death, and for obliging the People whom he had so long governed in peace to bless his memo­ry for ever: That the Archduke was not in Spain, and that in all appearance could not suddenly be, what diligence soever he might use, seeing it behoved him to give Orders for the Affairs of the Low Coun­tries during his absence, Chievres being too much a Courtier to remain behind, and not to follow his Master: That in the mean time the Council of Spain having no more authority would no lon­ger be sufficient for the Government of the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon, there being no instance that ever it had attempted to give Orders during the in­terval betwixt two Reigns, and before the lawful Successour had been owned for King in the Estates of the two Monar­chies: That therefore it was necessary to name one or more Regents: That if more than one were named, it would strike at the most important design of his Catholick Majesty, which consisted in uniting all the Monarchies of Spain in so strict a manner, that they could not for the future be divided again: That by disusing the Castilians and Arragonese from living under one and the same ad­ministration, [Page 285] they would call to mind that heretofore they had been two diffe­rent Monarchies, and have reason to think that still they might be; and seeing both the one and other desired nothing more passionately than to return to their former state as to that particular, they would by that means be touched in the most sensible part, and seeds of revolting be sown amongst them which would not fail to break out in time: That nevertheless there was nothing more difficult than to find out a single person capable of the whole Government of Spain; and that if he were chosen from amongst those of inferiour quality, the Nobility were too haughty to obey him: if he were taken out of the body of the Nobles, In the last Re­monstrance of the three Ministers to Ferdinand. he must either be a Grandee, or meaner Gentleman: If he were a Grandee, seeing there was no other Pro­rogative in that Order but only the erecti­on into Grandeeship, the other Grandees if they were more ancient in dignity than he that should be Regent, would refuse to submit to him; and if they were not, they would pretend that the Regency which was but a transient Commission, would not sufficiently authorise him to command them: That thereby a plau­sible [Page 286] and lasting pretext would without minding it be furnished to the restless Spaniards of revolting, and to the wiser of forbearing to declare themselves till they saw to which side victory should in­cline: That to remedy that there was a necessity of pitching upon a man, who on the one hand was not noble, and on the other was raised above the Grandees by the eminent dignities which he might be invested with, and for which he was only indebted to his own merit, his incompa­rable personal qualities, and the impor­tant services which he had rendered to the State: That there was none other but Cardinal Ximenes, Primate of all Spain, in quality of Archbishop of Toledo; and that to make a true estimate of that great Man, either there would be no inconve­nience in trusting him with the admini­stration in question, or if there were any it would be incomparably less in him than in any other who might be pre­ferred before him, whether within or with­out Spain.

The Catholick King was never more surprised than when he heard Ximenes named to govern Spain after his death. He thought less on the injuries he had done than on those which he had received; and seeing he concluded that though the [Page 287] Cardinal and he were reconciled, yet he was still offended with him because he would have taken his Archbishoprick from him, he did not look upon him as his friend. Upon that consideration his Ma­jesty replied to the three Ministers in extra­ordinary disorder; That they must needs have forgot what had past betwixt the Cardinal and him during some years, that they proposed to him of all Spaniards the person whom he had greatest reason to di­strust: That he might tell them again upon his deaths bed what he had so many times represented unto them, that Ximenes was an ungrateful man, who being obliged to him for all his fortune had refused him to make an exchange of the Archbishoprick of Toledo for the Atchbishoprick of Sarra­gossa; but the Judgment-Seat of God, be­fore which he was going to appear to give an account of his actions, put into his mind thoughts more abstracted from self­love: That he was willing at present to acknowledge that in the quarrel he had had with the Cardinal it was not altoge­ther clear which of the two was in the right; nay, and if it were still alledged that his Majesty had been in the wrong, he was ready to acknowledge it: but that it was for the very same reason he main­tained that of all the Spaniards Ximenes [Page 288] was the last whom he ought to design for the Government of Spain during the ab­sence of the Archduke, seeing he was a person offended: that he had been put to it at an unseasonable time; that all means had been used to depose him, instead of giving him rewards suitable to his great Services, and that he had been reduced to sue for Foreign protection: That he would not fail to suspect when contrary to his expectation he should learn that he were named Regent, that it was only for fault of another subject as capable as himself of so different a Commission; and that therefore he would not only think himself not at all obliged to his Ca­tholick Majesty for it, but would also think of revenging himself upon him in the persons of his Grandsons: That he might very well give way to the tempta­tion of raising the younger to the Throne, were it for no other reason than in that particular to cross the last Will of his Ca­tholick Majesty; and that though he might not be so bold as to attempt it, nor so wicked as to put the same in execution, yet the least inconvenience to be expected from him, would be that when he found himself in power, he would labour so to settle himself in the Government, that it would be impossible for the Archduke to [Page 289] take it from him when he had a mind to it; and seeing that Cardinal was a man of ex­traordinary ability, either the thing was ab­solutely unpracticable, or else he would succeed in it.

The Counsellours of State made an­swer that the probity of the Cardinal so well known to all men that even his own enemies agreed in it, made him in­capable of so horrible a piece of injustice; and that though he were, yet his former conduct had put him out of a condition of governing Spain any other way than under the pleasure and authority of ano­ther: That he proposed to himself at first to cross the Grandees of Castile; and had attracted their aversion in so implacable a manner, that it would be impossible for him for the future to be reconciled unto them though he laboured it with all the policy and perseverance that are natural to him: That not having the Nobi­lity on his side, In his life by the University of Al­cala. and that bo­dy the most considerable of the State failing him when he stood most in need of them; if notwithstanding he endea­voured to continue his administration as long as he lived, his efforts would only serve to make him succumb the sooner.

The Catholick King agreed with them in the opinion of the Cardinals integrity; and the Ministers finding him give that [Page 290] testimony to the truth, added that this Prelate had two other qualities besides which rendered him no less considerable; the one, that he had always had a great zeal for the enlargement of the Mo­narchy of Spain; and the other that he had no Relations, and that his Family ending with himself, as it had begun by him, nothing would take him off from procu­ring by all means the interests of the Archduke. The Catholick King pres­sed by his Conscience to be sincere at least in the last moments of his life, agreed also in the second and third commendations which his Ministers gave the Cardinal; and he had no sooner done so, but that they drew the conclusion from thence; That seeing there was no other Spaniard bred up in the Maxims of the present Go­vernment who had the same qualities, as he had, his Catholick Majesty ought for the good of the Spanish Monarchy which he had formed, to sacrifice the small resent­ment which he entertained against Xime­nes, and nominate him Regent of Spain du­ring the absence of the Archduke.

The nearer People approach to death, the less able are they to resist importunities, and the Catholick King at length yielded to the Sollicitations of his Ministers. He put the last constraint upon himself; and pardoning him whom of all men next to [Page 291] Chievres he hated most, he trusted him with that which was dearest to him in this world, that is to say, the Supreme Autho­rity. Three or four hours after he died; and it is not doubted but that if he had done what we have related by the motives of the Gospel his end had been happy. San­doval, the Bishop of Pampelona, must needs have imagined so, since he positively affirms that Ferdinand went streight from little Madrigal to Paradice.

They who had the care of the Educati­on of the Infanto so little apprehended that the late King had suppressed and altered the Testament which he had made the seven and twentieth of June One thousand five hundred and fifteen in favours of that young Prince, and whereof he had sent them a Copy, that they thought them­selves the Masters of the Government, when they were informed that his Catholick Majesty died an hour and a half after Mid­night the three and twentieth of January One thousand five hundred and sixteen. They spent no time in considering with Christian contemplation, that a Monarch who had conquered three whole Kingdoms was dead in one of the wretchedest houses of all Spain. They left that reflection to those who had a mind to check their own ambition, and thought of nothing but of putting themselves as soon as they could [Page 292] into the possession of the Authority which they pretended to be devolved upon them. They framed a Letter for the Infanto to the Counsellours of State of Spain, wherein he spake to them as their Master, and com­manded them to come to him to Guada­luppa.

History and the Manuscripts have not retained the name of him to whom it was directed to be communicated to the rest, and no body can tell whether it was not to one of those three who had done the In­fanto the bad office we have been speaking of; but it is certain, that he suffered not the Courtiers of young Ferdinand long to flatter themselves in their imaginary good fortune. However having conferred with his Colleagues he judged it not fit to an­swer in Writing, because that would have seemed in some sense to have approved the Contents of the Letter; and besides, it would have been very hard to have found terms that would not have given the In­fanto ground of offence if the answer had been Categorical. The Minister therefore made answer only by word of mouth, that the Council should not fail to come with all expedition to Guadaluppa, and discharge themselves to the Infanto of the duty they owed to the only Brother of their Sove­reign: but that seeing the Infanto was too much a Gentleman to pretend to any [Page 293] thing more, the Ministers took the liberty to tell him that they owned no other King but Caesar. So plain a Declaration that pass'd since for a Prophesie when the Archduke was chosen Emperour, so strange­ly surprised the chief Servants of the In­fanto, that they remained immovable whilst the Council of Spain took necessary measures for establishing the Archduke in the Monarchy which they had saved for him. The Infanto himself, though too young to lay to heart discontents of the nature of that which he had received, was neverthe­less so touched with it, that he fell into a quartan Ague, which held him a long time.

The first care of the Council was in all haste to send for Cardinal Ximenes and Doctor Adrian, In the History of his Education. who in Spain went by the name of the Dean of Louvain. So soon as they were come the Late Kings Te­stament was opened in their presence; and the Dean was no less astonished to find no mention of himself in it, than the Cardinal was to see himself named Regent. The Dean supposed that since his Catholick Ma­jesty at his death had rendered Justice to the Archduke, he should have crowned the work by leaving the administration of the Spanish Monarchy to the sole Minister of the Archdukes in Spain, which was himself; and the Cardinal could not sufficiently [Page 294] admire that good fortune had advanced him to a dignity, from which no man in Spain seemed more remote than himself. But at the very instant he intended to take possession of it, the Dean opposed it in a manner that would have long perplexed the Ministers, if he had not remitted after that it had been represented to him that an Affair of that importance so happily carri­ed on till then, would go near to be discom­posed by the least resistance on his part. However he shew'd them a Commission in ample form from the Archduke for govern­ing in his name the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon in case the King his Grandfa­ther should die; and demanded at least that he might be allowed to execute one half of his Commission with the Cardinal, seeing the occasion was come, and that they would not suffer him to execute it alone: But the Cardinal, who was not a man to yield, replied, that it should cost him his life, but that the Will of his Catholick Ma­jesty should be fulfilled in its full extent. The Council of Spain, who knew him well, had no hopes of bending him, and did not indeed think it convenient to endeavour it. They thought it better to apply themselves to the Dean; and to tell him that in Spain they were so well satisfied with his great integrity, that they could make him Judge in his own cause, they were so well assured [Page 295] that he would condemn himself when he should be convinced of the badness of it. That they thought it not strange that he who was a Fleming, and by consequent born in a Country far distant from Spain, was ig­norant, that Queen Isabella foreseeing the distemper of mind to which her eldest Daughter had some disposition, had substi­tuted the Archduke her eldest Son to her, upon two conditions; first, that he should not reign in Castile before he were twenty years of age compleat: and secondly, that he could not during his Minority trust the administration of that Monarchy in the hands of any stranger: whence it was neces­sarily to be concluded, that seeing the Dean was debarred from the Government of Ca­stile by so plain an Exclusion, he could not as a man of honour pretend to it.

They further added, that he was no less formally excluded from the administration of Arragon, seeing the late Catholick King to whom it belonged as Castile had belonged to the Queen his Wife, had left the Govern­ment of it to Cardinal Ximenes. That if not­withstanding he undertook to make use of his Commission which he brought with him from Flanders, he would raise a Civil War in Spain, and must answer to God for all the murders and other crimes that might be committed in it, as he himself had acknow­ledged beforehand in his excellent Com­mentary [Page 296] upon the Master of Sentences, where he taught that a man raising trou­bles in a State when he could hinder them without injury to his Conscience or his Honour, was answerable for all the evils that might thereupon ensue.

We have taken notice before that the Dean was an honest man, and that he un­derstood not fully the Trade he medled in. He was so charmed with the deference that the Spaniards testified for him in referring to himself an Affair wherein he was a Party, and with the honour they did him in citing the Writings which he had here­tofore dictated in the University of Louvain, and caused afterwards to be Printed, that he promised to submit to what the Council of Spain should determine, provided an ex­pedient might be found to secure his repu­tation, and might not expose the Commis­sions of the Archduke to be thought ridi­culous. The Council of Spain, who did not expect that the Dean would condescend so far, took him at his word, and proposed to him to be satisfied with some share that the Cardinal should give him in the Go­vernment. The offer was plausible in ap­pearance, but in effect was doubly captious: For in the first place to share the Regency with a native Spaniard was to make him his Master, seeing his Sentiments in the Council of Spain would always prevail [Page 297] over those of a Fleming; and in the second place, the reputation of the Cardinal so far surpassed that of the Dean, that whatever might be his merit, yet it was only to fore­see that if there were two Regents, it would happen in Spain as it commonly happens in the Heavens, that the light of a higher Planet wholly obscures that of the lower Star, and that the Dean would have no greater share in the Government than if he were not at all associated in it.

Nevertheless he condescended to the ex­pedient on the terms proposed to him with­out desiring time to write about it to the Archduke and Chievres, and without wait­ing for the resolution which the Council of Bruxelles might take upon an Affair of that importance. And, indeed, he was the first that repented of his precipitancy, because he had no sooner consented that the Cardi­nal should act joyntly with him in the ad­ministration of Affairs, than that Prelate left him no more but the name of Regent. He dispatched without him all Affairs that concerned not the Sovereign Authority, and for the others he did indeed propose them in the Council where the Dean was present, and they were exactly enough examined there. If the resolution that was taken in Council were equally con­form to the mind of the Car­dinal and Dean, In the Deans com­plaints to the Arch­duke. it was the [Page 298] better for the Dean whose opinion was then followed. But if the Cardinal and Dean were of contrary opinions, as it hapned but too often, the Dean must comply with the Cardinals opinion, and if he did not, yet the business still went as the Cardinal decided in it. The Dean was then obliged to sign in the second place the Acts that pas­sed against his advice; and if he persisted to refuse to set his name to the resolutions which he had disapproved, they were for all that put in execution. It was to no pur­pose for him to take exceptions at it: his complaints were patiently heard; and that was all the satisfaction he had, seeing after all there was no more regard had to them than if he had held his peace.

They shewed him a little more respect in the dispatches that were to be sent to the Low Countries, and none were sent thither unless he had signed them: but that Society was prejudicial instead of be­ing advantageous to him, since most of the Affairs that were treated there were not moulded as the Archdukes Council would have had them. That Council instead of imputing all the fault to the Cardinal, who alone was concerned in it, attributed it to the Dean as thinking him sufficiently au­thorised to have prevented if he had plea­sed the Archduke from being importuned with such like dispatches.

Chievres nevertheless spied in the Cardi­nals Conduct that it aimed at fixing him­self during life in an administration which was only given him during the time of a short minority; and at rendering the Arch­duke contemptible upon his coming to the enjoyment of the two chief Monarchies of Spain, when he stood most in need of pur­chasing the esteem of his new Subjects. It was evident that a condescension in that case would have been equally mean and dangerous; and the expedient which Chievres devised to remedy it as quietly as he could, was to counsel the Archduke to multiply the number of Regents in Spain. The reason he gave for it was, that so long as that dignity was only exercised by the Cardinal and Dean, the first of the two would always carry it over the second be­cause he had the better of him in all re­spects. That nevertheless he must have a care not to recal the Dean, seeing the Spa­niards being generally too quaint and sharp-sighted in their conjectures, would presently guess that the Council of Flanders were sensible of, and endeavoured to re­pair the fault that they had committed in sending into Spain a man absolutely inca­pable of discharging the Commission that was put upon him: but that if a new Col­league more cunning in intrigues and ex­pert in business than himself were joyned [Page 300] with him, the Cardinal durst not dare to refuse the admitting of him into the Coun­cils; and the Flemings having there two voices to one, would become the absolute Masters of all the resolutions that might be taken there.

The chief difficulty that appeared, was the choice of the Minister that should dis­charge the place of a third Regent: and by this means it was mastered. The Archduke had no sooner been informed of the death of his Maternal Grandfather but that by the advice of Chievres he went and took John Manuel, of whom we have already spoken, out of the Prison where he had lain so long through the obstinate resolution of the Catholick King that he should be kept there: The pretext that was made use of for giving that Spaniard his liberty, was the kindness that the Archdukes Father had had for him, and the important services that he had rendered to him: but the true cause was, that Chievres intended to oppose Ma­nuel to the Cardinal, and by means of this man to hinder him from taking to himself greater Authority in Spain than it was con­venient for the interests of the Archduke that he should have. Chievres his conjecture was not ill-grounded, seeing the Cardinal had crossed, as much as lay in his power, the promotion of Manuel. He had attempted to have obliged Philip the First to turn [Page 301] him away: he had since openly persecuted him; and if he did not put the late Catho­lick King upon obliging his Grandson to commit, and detain him long in Prison, yet at least it was believed that he had been assistant in confirming his Majesty in the re­solution he had taken about it: Neverthe­less Chievres changed his opinion after­ward, and thought he had reason to do so. It would be hard to tell precisely whether he did well or ill in that particular: but if he did well, Posterity ought not to find fault with his Conduct; and if he did ill, his fault was lessened by the cause that Manuel gave him not to look upon him any more as his friend.

No men in the world are so impatient of imprisonment as those who are cut out for Intrigues, because they then reckon for lost all the Minutes of their life which have not been employed in actions that are inconsi­stent with a Prison. Manuel had been a Pri­soner ten whole years, and that was more than enough to put him out of humour, and the rather that during so long a space he had lost all the acquaintance and corre­spondence that he had made and entertain­ed in Spain and the Low Countries. He knew not whom to blame for it; and it was more for want of another object than the con­viction of the pretended infidelity of Chievres that he suspected he had aban­doned [Page 302] him. He thought that if there was no malice on the part of that Governour, yet at least there was negligence; and that in either case he was to be blamed, though nothing near so much for the latter as for the former. The friendship of Politicians is more inconstant than that of other men, because it is hardly ever proof against the least suspicion. Manuel quickly added a se­cond thought to his former, much more disadvantageous to Chievres, in supposing that he had suffered him to languish in a Prison, for fear lest if he had taken him out, or that if he had procured his deliverance, he might have supplanted him by becoming the chief Minister and Favourite of the Archdukes as he had been of his Father. So that when Chievres went to wait upon the Archduke when he set Manuel at liber­ty, Manuel embraced him not so kindly as he used to do, and that was the first mark of his indifference. The second appeared in that he would have no particular corre­spondence with Chievres; and the third in that, that at the time when he was enlarged, finding the Archdukes Court divided into two Factions, one which stuck to Chievres and the other that had forsaken him, and owned the Bishop of Badajos for chief, Manuel, having regained his liberty, instant­ly took his Party, and declared for the Bi­shop against his Benefactor.

That was enough to give Chievres cause to foresee that if Manuel were sent into Spain he would make his reconciliation with Ximenes: He would second his opi­nions in the Council, and render those of the Dean ineffectual. That was the real cause of the Archdukes refusing to give him the Commission, though he sollicited it with extraordinary importunity; and the Archduke to comfort him told him, that he thought him so necessary about his person, to consult with concerning the dispatches that came to him from Spain, and the Answers that he was to make to them, that he could not resolve to part with him out of sight.

So that for a third Regent was chosen the Lord de la Chau, of younger standing than the Dean in the Council of Flanders, but more knowing in Politicks, and more accustomed to dissemble than he. La Chau was without difficulty received by the Cardinal and Dean for a Colleague; but he was not the more advanced for that, and Affairs went no better for the Flemings in the Council of Spain. Ximenes was no less powerful there than he had been before; and as his sole voice carried it from the Dean when he had no other Colleague but him; so it carried it still notwithstand­ing he had two Flemings against him in most Affairs that came under debate. [Page 304] The Dean was so well accustomed to that usage, that he was scarcely any more scan­dalized at it, and perhaps it was by that compliance that he obliged Ximenes to give him the Bishoprick of Torlosa in Cata­lonia: But La Chau could not endure not to enjoy the full exercise of his Commissi­on, after that his Letters Patents for it were verified. He complained of it next day after; and upon the refusal of the Justice which he demanded, he wrote to Chievres a full account of the affront which the Archduke received in his Person, and in the Person of the Bishop of Torlosa his Colleague.

The Archduke and Chievres were put to an extraordinary plunge what to do. If they offended Ximenes, they would afford him the pretext which, perhaps, he look'd for of revolting, by reducing him to a necessity of raising the Infanto to the Throne, to the end he might main­tain himself in his Regency; and if they offended him not, they would give oc­casion to the Spaniards so to slight the Archduke, that that people persuaded naturally that Sovereigns ought not to suffer any thing but what they cannot avoid, would of themselves desire the Infanto for their King. There was much casting about for a mean that was equal­ly distant from those two dreadful ex­tremes, [Page 305] and Chievres having weighed the matter well, at length found out two.

The first was to refuse Ximenes what he most sollicitously demanded of the Archduke. This cannot be well under­stood without observing that the late Ca­tholick King in complying with the advice of the three Ministers who counselled him to give the Regency to Ximenes, had done it after the manner of Kings, who are not much troubled that Posterity should know, that their last Wills have not been altoge­ther free. He had limited the Regency of the Cardinal with so many restrictions, that hardly had he authority enough to make the Archduke be obeyed in Spain when he should send such Orders as required an ex­traordinary severity. The three Ministers perceived that very well, In the last Will of Ferdinand. but they judged it not per­tinent to insist upon the en­largement of the power of the Regent, either because they had no hopes of ob­taining it, or that they thought Ximenes a man able enough in the process of time and affairs to give a sufficient extent to the Au­thority which was left him with too great limitation. The Catholick King died in the interim; and Ximenes having taken possession of the Regency had dispatched many Couriers to the Archduke, to desire [Page 306] that the restrictions whereof he com­plained, might be left out in the confir­mation which was to be sent him from Flanders.

He had represented that the Spaniards, who outwardly boasted of an entire sub­mission, not only to their Monarchs, but also to those who had the honour to repre­sent them, were inwardly more reserved in matter of submission than any other People in Europe: That they would not punctu­ally obey but in things that they could not avoid, and that in all things else the great Men of the Country would pretend the Royal Authority was devolved upon them, and that so there would be an Anarchy in Spain, from which the least mischief that could ensue would be a Civil War.

The Archduke and Chievres did not dis­agree but that the reasons of Ximenes were strong and true; but they were so prepos­sessed with an opinion that that Cardinal would abuse the Royal Authority if it were wholly put into his hands, that the Letters of La Chau made them absolutely resolve to send no more to Ximenes but a bare con­firmation of the power which he had from the Catholick King without addition, dimi­nution, or alteration of any thing in it, and the Cardinal was as much nettled thereat as they who mortified him intended he should: but as on the one hand to shew [Page 307] any resentment would have encreased their Joy, and that on the other, he would have discovered thereby his weakness to the Spa­niards, who would not have failed to make their advantage of it, so he hit upon an ex­pedient which alone might rank him above all the Politicians that went before him. He pretended to have received from the Arch­duke an unlimited power, and governed in as absolute a manner as if he had really ob­tained it. In the mean time he doubled his instances at the Court of Flanders for pro­curing it in a more ample form; and plain­ly declared to the Archduke, that if it were obstinately denied him, he would neither answer for Castile nor Arragon. But the Grandees of Spain were too impatient to re­cover the credit they were fallen from du­ring the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, to be long led by the nose by the Cardinal.

Their Friends at the Court of Flanders gave them advice that the Prelate was not in so great favour there as they imagined; & that so far from enlarging the power which the Catholick King had left him, as with much ado it was confirmed, nay, & in danger of being recalled. This was pleasant News; and the Grandees no sooner received it, but they met to consult what use they should make thereof. They unanimously resolved, that three of the greatest quality, who were the Duke of Infantado, the Constable of Ca­stile, [Page 308] and the Count of Benevent, should go to Ximenes, and ask him by what authori­ty he who was but a Priest, and held the Regency only of a bare Administrator of Castile, yet disposed of all things as Imperi­ously as if he were the Archduke himself.

Ximenes, who had Spies amongst them, was acquainted with the deputation almost as soon as it was resolved upon, and prepa­red to elude it in the manner following. He would not exercise the Regency in the City of Burgos, because he foresaw that his Person would not be secure there, and had chosen Madrid for that purpose, a Town which properly belonged to the Archbishoprick of Toledo. He had put himself in a condition there of withstanding any Riot, and as to an open War he had taken other measures, as we shall see in the sequel of this History. The three above mentioned Grandees went to him there, and discharged their Commis­sion after their way, that is, in a very haugh­ty manner. Ximenes commanded his passi­on so much as not to reply to them in the same strain, & only told them civilly that he held his power of the late King of glorious memory, to whom the Monarchy of Spain was sufficiently endebted to oblige them to fulfil his last Will, though he was but Admi­nistrator of Castile. The Grandees were not satisfied with the answer of Ximenes, yet they durst not neither contradict it openly. [Page 309] They replied, that the Testament he spake of did not give him authority to govern in a more absolute manner than the Catholick King had done, whose Commissioner never­theless he only pretended to be, in deroga­ting from the custom introduced by that wise Prince and Queen Isabella his Wife into the Council of State, by proposing matters there only superficially, and as of course, and then in deciding them by himself alone, with­out respect to the plurality of voices.

Ximenes made answer without any grea­ter heat, In the Collection of the Sentiments of the Cardinal. that seeing the Or­der of the late King their common Master seemed not sufficient, he would shew them another. Having spoken these words, he led them to a Window of the Hall of Au­dience, from whence might be seen what was in the back Court of his Palace, and there let them see ten or twelve Pieces of Cannon mounted on Carriages, and all sorts of fire-Arms ready to discharge. He had no sooner given the signal but they who ex­pected it fired, and during the space of more than a quarter of an hour nothing was to be heard but a terrible noise. Ximenes and the Grandees changed countenance then, and the Cardinal looked as if he had been all on fire. He uttered not one word, but the spark­ling of his eyes sufficiently supplied the use of his tongue; and made them sensible [Page 310] that they had provoked him as much as possibly he could be.

The Grandees on the contrary were as low as they had been high before. They spake no more than the Cardinal did, but their silence proceeded from another cause. They had declared themselves his enemies, forced him out of patience, come to his House to threaten him; and they judged their death the nearer that they had heard the most astonishing forerunners of it. But when the noise was over, Ximenes reassured them by telling them in a Magisterial tone that the Artillery which they saw was the amplest power that he had to shew them. That they who would suffer him to act with that extent of power which was ne­cessary for the good of Spain in general, and for the interests of the Archduke in parti­cular, should have no cause to be affraid: but that he was willing to let them know and give them notice beforehand, that the Artillery whereof they had now heard the roaring, was designed to thunder against those who having no sufficient title to ask him a reason of his Conduct, were never­theless so pragmatical as to do it. He there­upon dismissed the three Grandees, and such a bold action of a man bred up amongst Cordeliers as cannot be paralelled by any other in the History of Spain, was of no hurtful consequence to its Author.

The other mortification that the Arch­duke and Chievres thought fit to give to Ximenes, was to render his Regency ridi­culous by dividing it amongst too many. We have already mentioned that the Bishop of Tortosa and La Chau were put upon him for Colleagues; and these two Ministers be­ing neither able to counterpoise his Autho­rity, nor to lessen it by sharing therein, they gave him a fourth Colleague more daring than they, and less reserved when it came to the push of putting himself into the pos­session of the full power that might be gi­ven him. His name was Amerstorf, descend­ed of one of the most ancient and illustri­ous families of Holland. He was a man of wit, and the humour of his Country incli­ned him never to give over what once he had undertaken. His arrival at Madrid was acceptable to Ximenes instead of being troublesom to him, because he furnished him with the pretext which he had been long looking out for of ridding himself of the Bishop of Tortosa and La Chau. The truth is these two Ministers though they were more submissive than he durst have pro­mised himself, were nevertheless very un­easie to him, seeing it was still to be feared that they would shake off the yoke. He re­ceived then Amerstorf with as much civili­ty as he had received the other two, and brought him into the Council of Spain; [Page 312] but afterward he took his time privately to represent to all the Spanish Ministers of State who had the honour to sit there; That the Archduke, who was not as yet their King, began to strike at the most con­siderable root of their Priviledges, which consisted in not being governed by stran­gers: That already two Flemings and a Hol­lander were slipt into the Council; and if that encroachment were not instantly op­posed, others would be sent over in so great number that they would exceed the native Spaniards: That the inconvenience could not be avoided but by hindering the Coun­cil of Flanders for the future from intro­ducing into that of Spain as many persons as they pleased, which could not be accom­plished but by two means: First, not to communicate Affairs of greatest impor­tance to the three foreign Regents; and se­condly, not to suffer them to sign dispatches. That the first might easily be brought about by referring the most important matters to be adjusted in secret meetings which should be held in the Cardinals Palace, and by re­serving only smaller businesses for the Coun­cil of State. For the second, there needed no more but to make the Castilians com­plain of the multitude of persons who must sign all that was granted them in favour or in justice; and to put them in the head of grounding their grievances upon the op [...] ­sition [Page 313] that their Predecessours made to the designs of the Catholick King, when after he had married Queen Isabella he would have signed with her the Grants and Expeditions that concerned the Monarchy of Castile.

The Council of Spain acknowledged the expedients proposed by Ximenes to be ne­cessary, and consented that there should be Cabinet Councils in the Cardinals Palace. Soon after the Castilians were heard to mur­mur about the tediousness of expeditions which they imputed to the number of those who were to sign them, and thereup­on Ximenes was prayed to sign them alone. None but the Bishop of Tortosa and Amer­storf opposed it; but the Council baffled their resistance by asking them the questi­on if they were willing alone to bear the blame of an insurrection which was like to happen all over Spain, in case the people of that vast Country were refused the sa­tisfaction which they desired.

The Archduke and Chievres being in­formed of the attempt of Ximenes, and of the affront they received in Castile, be­thought themselves a long time of means how they might punish the first, and re­venge the second. But having reflected up­on the matter as seriously as so nice an Af­fair deserved, they thought best at that time to wink at it; seeing all the threat­nings that could be imployed without [Page 314] having power in hand to force them, would only serve to confirm the Spaniards in their bad intentions if they had any, and make them more remiss in the good which they might have. Immediately after an occasion offered wherein the Court of Flanders had so much need of the Cardinals wisdom, and of the authority which he had acquired, and retained in spight of them, that though they had made a publick rupture with him, they must have been forced to have court­ed his friendship. It ran in Chievres his head that so long as the Archduke was sa­tisfied with the Title of Heir apparent of the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon, he would not be sure of succeeding to them; and that the Spaniards might think them­selves in right to prefer his younger brother before him, founded upon this, that the case had not as yet hapned since they had shaken off the yoak of the Moors, that a stranger had reigned over them. That it was convenient then to ply them on the side of conscience, and to oblige them to the Archduke by a particular Oath, engaging them to acknowledge him for their King, before he was actually so by the death of his Mother the Queen. That could not be done but by the resignation of that Prin­cess; for though she had lost her judgment in so deplorable a manner that her ordina­ry employment was to fight with Cats, [Page 315] in which ridiculous Combat she received scratches that disfigured her face, yet she retained so lively and present an Idea of the Grandeur to which she was advanced by the death of her elder Brother and Sister without Children, that she continually thought on it, and never confounded it with any other fancy: as if it had been the design of God Almighty to shew in her by the most evident and remarkable instance that ever was, that the deepest wound that ever was, that the deepest wound of origi­nal sin consists in the desire of indepen­dance, and that that remains when all the rest are cured, or cease through the incapa­city of their subject.

Jane the foolish in the height of her ex­travagnncies remembred very well that she was in her own right Queen of Castile and Arragon; and though the extraordinary love she had for her Husband kept her from taking it ill that he gave her no share in the Government of Castile, yet after his death she was not so complesant to her own Father; and told those who wondered at it, That near was her smock, but nearer her skin.

Seeing it is the most usual mark of mad­ness in those who are altogether so, to think themselves very wise; Jane could not endure that the Catholick King had con­fined her to the Castle of Tordesilas, and [Page 316] kept her there shut up contrary to her in­clination. She called him her Tyrant in­stead of her Father: She called all the Ca­stilians that came to wait upon her Rebels; she never beheld them without upbraiding them with disloyalty, and constantly ex­pected that they should rise in Arms to deliver her out of captivity, and to place her on the Throne. Her passion to Reign instead of diminishing as she grew in age, encreased by the death of the Catholick King, which was not thought necessary to be kept from her. Then she pretended to the Sovereignty of Arragon as well as to that of Castile; and when she was put to it, as many times she was, what share she would give her Children in it, it was her constant answer, that seeing she had long expected the death of her Fa­ther, who was but Administrator of Castile, that she might reign in it, it was but reason that her Children should wait for hers with so much the less impatience that she was equally proprietary both of Arragon and Castile, and that they had no right but by her to either of the two Monarchies.

Chievres, who was ignorant of none of those particulars, well foresaw that the Queen could not be induced to resign her rights; and to say the truth, though she could have been prevailed upon to do it, yet it would have signified nothing, seeing [Page 317] the Spaniards would have judged it null, all that knew her being witnesses of her civil incapacity of contracting. There was a necessity then of making application to the States of Castile and Arragon, but in that Chievres foresaw no less difficulty in respect of the three bodies of which they were composed: For on the one hand it concerned them not to condescend to a sharing in their Sovereignty, which might give occasion to an infinite number of trou­blesom accidents; and on the other hand there had no like case hapned since the Christian Religion had been established in Spain. The interest as to the Clergy consi­sted in the three Masteries of St. James, Callatrava, and Alcantara, which had been seized by the Catholick Kings Ferdinand and Isabella, though their Predecessours had left them to the ordinary course, and the use of those for whom they were de­signed. These dignities the richest and most considerable in Spain next to the Royal, because of the multitude of Commanderies they had the disposal of, had as well as the Commanderies always been reckoned Ec­clesiastical Revenues and Preferments; and they who were invested in them in that quality had place in the body of the Cler­gy, and rendered it incomparably more powerful than the two other Estates. Ne­vertheless it was but too probable that [Page 318] the design of the Catholick Kings in impro­priating those three great Masteries, was in process of time to secularise them, under pretext that they were no longer necessary after that the Moors had no more domini­on in Spain. If that design were put in exe­cution, the Clergy lessened to a half by so notable a retrenchment, would no more be respected in Spain, as it was wont to be, and would fall to be the last of the three Estates, from the first that it was before. If the Archduke succeeded to the Crowns of Castile and Arragon immediately after the death of his Maternal Grandfather, he would be powerful enough at the Court of Rome to obtain the entire secularisation of the three Orders: whereas if his Mother were inviolably maintained in her right of reigning fallen to her by Nature and Law, as it was known by experience that fools and mad people were long lived, so the Clergy would have time to sollicite the ho­ly See that these Masteries might be re­established into their Primitive State.

The Nobility had lost no less of their lustre than the Clergy, and were no less sollicitous to recover it. They had been more the Masters than Subjects of their Kings before the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella; and there needs no more but to read their History to be convinced that they oftener revolted against their Kings, [Page 319] than they had sought against the Moors. But they had been since constrained to shew their Inferiours an example of an implicite submission to their Sovereigns; and their condition in that particular was become like to that of the meanest Pea­sants, though they had made it their glory to be distinguished from them principally in that they would securely revolt, and that others always bore the punishment of their rebellion. In fine, the people had been exceedingly burdened under the late Reign. He foresaw that the Archduke would not ease them, seeing he would flatter himself with the glory of prosecuting the ambiti­ous designs of his Maternal Grandfather: whereas seeing all that was required of Spain during the Reign of Jane, was to maintain it self, the ordinary Revenues of Castile and Arragon would be sufficient for that Princess; and besides, they who should govern in her name would rather receive the Law from the Estates, than the Estates from them.

The pretext was not a little plausible of refusing the Royalty to the Archduke, seeing it would be taken from the funda­mental Laws of the two Monarchies, which so precisely called to the Crown the next Heir of the King deceased, that so long as that Heir lived it would be Treason to acknowledge a more remote for their [Page 320] Monarch. The Laws in that respect made no distinction betwixt Sexes; and so the elder Brother and Sister of Jane were n [...] sooner dead, but the three Estates of Ca­stile and Arragon, assembled upon that sol [...] account, had acknowledged her for Hei [...] apparent in the presence of her Father an [...] Mother. She had come expresly from Flanders, where she was married into Spai [...] to receive their Oath. They had solem [...] ­ly given it her, and nothing could discharg [...] them from it so long as she lived. The Oat [...] had been confirmed immediately after th [...] death of Queen Isabella, and the right o [...] Queen Jane had been consummated whe [...] she took first with her Husband, and sinc [...] by her self alone, the actual possession o [...] Castile.

THE difficulties that I now mentioned were not so insupe­rable, but that Chievres procu­red the Archduke Charles to be acknow­ledged King of Castille and Arragon, du­ [...]ing the life of Jean his Mother, to whom [...]ese Monarchies belonged; and seeing [...] nice an affair could not be brought [...]out by ordinary methods, Posterity [...]erhaps will not take it ill that here I re­ [...]te the singular course that was taken [...] it.

The first step was on the side of Maxi­ [...]ilian the Emperor, to whom Chievres [...]aving communicated his design, sent [...]im word, that the greatest Humane [...]ncern his Imperial Majesty had, was [...]o employ all his Power in the advance­ment [Page 354] of the Archduke his Grandson; and that he ought the more willingly to contribute to it, that what was desired of him was only a bare Title. That it was to be feared that the Archduke ha­ving frequent calls to go from Spain to Italy, the Low-Countries and Germany, if he were no more but Governour of Ca­stille and Arragon for the Queen his Mo­ther, the Spaniards impatient at his too frequent absence, might chuse another Governour, who might in the sequel take measures for changing his Dignity into that of a Monarch. That there were but too many instances of the like attempt in Spain, and that the only way to avoid it, was to bind by a solemn Oath the Spaniards to the Archduke as soon as possible, and to oblige them presently to own him for their King; because no Nation in Europe being more jealous of their Reputation than that People, and less able to endure to be upbraided with the violation of a publick Oath, they would be true to that which they made to the Archduke, what occasion soever he might give them by his ordinary re­moves. That in all times it belonged to Emperors to adjust the Titles of other Christian Soveraigns; and that it would not be thought strange if his Imperial [Page 355] Majesty made use of that right in relation to the Archduke. That in the mean time his example would pass for a Law all over Europe; and that other Poten­tates would not refuse to give the Arch­duke the Title of King, when they saw that the Emperor had done so.

Maximilian found no inconvenience in the Proposition of Chievres; In the Letters of Maximilian the First to his Grandson the Archduke. and for direction of the Let­ter which immediately after he wrote from Vienna to the Archduke the Twentieth of June, One Thousand Five Hundred and Sixteen, he wrote with his own hand, To the Catholick King, and in following Letters continued to give him the same Title. The rumor of it presently flew all over Europe; but other Soveraigns refused to imitate the Empe­ror, because it was not his Court then that the Reputation of Princes issued from, or that distributed the Titles of Honour which were due unto them, and that many Ages were already past since the Holy See was in Possession of that Prerogative. Chievres was sensible of the necessity of that, and in the second place addrest himself to Pope Leo X. He knew that his Holiness was extreamly vexed that the French had recovered the Dutchy [Page 356] of Milan the Year before, One Thou­sand Five Hundred and Fifteen, and that he sought for an occasion to drive them thence, as Julius his Predecessor had done. Chievres his Agents thereup­on represented to him, that the executi­on of his design depended solely on the greatness of the Archduke; and that if that Prince were in possession of the Kingdoms of Castille and Arragon, with­out expecting the death of his Mother, he would be in a condition to help the Holy See to purge Italy of the French: Whereas if he were necessitated to follow the course of Nature, either he would not at all be King of Spain, the Infanta his Brother wanting neither Inclination nor Friends to supplant him; or it would be so late, that the French would in the mean time have more than enough of time so to fortifie themselves in the Mila­nese, that it would be impossible after­ward to get them out of it.

The Reason of Chievres appeared to the Pope so solid, that he wrote to the Archduke, exhorting him to take the Title of Catholick King, and gave it him. There remained a third step which Chievres found to be incomparably more difficult than the former two. It stood upon the Spaniard's giving the Arch­duke [Page 357] the Title of King immediately after the Imperial Court and that of Rome; because if it had been demanded before of other Courts, and that they had refu­sed it, the Spaniards, who were not very inclinable to grant it, would take that pretext for their excuse. Neither was it necessary in desiring that favour to give them ground to think that it depended wholly on them, because they would have drawn their advantage from that; and if once they refused it, there was no after attempt to be used, and there would have been a necessity to wait till the death of Queen Jean. But there are few Cabinet affairs, which a Prudence refi­ned by long Experience cannot unravel.

Chievres drew up a Letter so artifici­ally, and got the Archduke to sign it, that on the one hand the Archduke inti­mated of what importance it was for the Spaniards, that they should give him the Title of King, yet without desiring it or exposing himself to a denial; and on the other hand, he so put them to it, that they could not excuse themselves with­out putting into compromise the thing in the world that was dearest unto them, which was the Glory of their Monarchy. He insinuated at first into their minds, without abating any thing of his Gravi­ty, [Page 358] and then acquainted them, that his Grandfather the Emperor and the Pope had represented to him, that it was ab­solutely necessary for the honour of God, for the ease of the Catholick Queen in the infirmity wherewith Divine Majesty had thought fit to visit her: for the re­pose of the Monarchies of Castille and Ar­ragon, and for preventing the designs of their Enemies, that he should presently joyntly with his Mother, take the name of King, and discharge the duties of it: That he had put an extream violence upon himself, Amongst the Letters of Charles to the Spaniards. in consenting to it; and that he had not yielded to the importunities of the two Heads of the Christian Religion, for the Spiritual and Temporal, till after he was convinced of the Maxim which Queen Isabelle his Grandmother had so often in her mouth, Los Reyes no tienen parien­tes. That those who were called to the Go­vernment of People had no Kindred: That he was willing to acquaint the Spaniards with it, not that he thought he needed their appro­bation, but because he knew that his conduct in that particular would not be unacceptable to them, and that he ho­ped to find them in a perfect submission.

The Letter was sent to Ximenes, with orders to communicate it to the Spani­ards, after he had taken such necessary cautions as might hinder them from be­ing exasperated by it; but the Cardinal perceived at first that the words, joyntly with the Queen, which were inserted in it, were only a cloak for the ambition of the Archduke; seeing it was certain, that so soon as the Spaniards had owned and sworn to him as King, all the share of Royalty that he would leave to the Queen his Mother, would only be to put her Name with his own to the be­ginning of publick Acts, and in all things else he would Reign as absolutely as if he had no Mother at all. That so no sooner would he have set his Foot in Spain, but that the administration of Ximenes would entirely cease, & no greater part be allow­ed him in the affairs of State, than what he had during the Reign of the late King, from the time that he had refused to resign his Archbishoprick. But whe­ther it was that he foresaw that he should immediately die after the arrival of that young Prince in Spain, as the Professors of the University of Alcala, who have written his Life, suspect; or that he en­tertained such another thought, as that of the famous Agrippina the Mother of [Page 360] Nero, that she cared not though it cost her her life, provided her Son Reigned, he approved of the Letter which tended to his deposition; and that he might compleat his victory over himself, he employed all his credit with the Spani­ards, that it might obtain the effect which Chievres expected from it. Wherein it cannot be sufficiently admired, that this Prelate, who had acted so many diffe­rent parts for gaining an unlimited Au­thority during a Regency of short conti­nuance, and for maintaining himself in­dependent of all when once he had ac­quired it; could so easily, and without constraint become in a trice so unlike to himself, as to consent to a Recognition which he foresaw must reduce him to a private condition; and which is worse, to make himself the Solicitor of it, as be­ing convinced that it could never suc­ceed but by his means. All that can be said of it is, that as there never was any machine which hath not sometimes been out of order, or at least whose springs that put it in motion, have not at some time been unbended; so neither is there any Humane prudence which by invo­luntary irregularities that now and then escape it, does not in spight of it self ren­der homage to the wisdom of God, [Page 361] which is so much the more eminently above that of Man, as that it is always uniform in its conduct. Ximenes pre­sented the Archdukes Letter to the States of Spain, with all the circumspection that makes the most difficult affairs succeed. He made use of the Counsellor of State, Carvaial mentioned before, who by a premeditated discourse maintained in the Assembly, that the Archduke demanded nothing that was unjust or new. The first part of his Proposition he proved by the extraordinary high parts, whereof that young Prince had given so many marks, and by his Education, which had rendred him at sixteen years of age as capable of Reigning as the ablest Prin­ces, who have governed at a more ma­ture age. He touched only by the bye at the infirmity of Queen Jean, neverthe­less he said enough to insinuate that her distemper was incurable; and that by consequent there was ground more than enough to look upon that Princess as if she were no more in Being, though she were still alive, and in appearance like long to continue so. He farther added, That it was more to be feared that her folly would degenerate into madness and fury, than it was to be hoped that it would lessen with age. Thereby he pre­tended [Page 362] to oblige his Auditors to make this Conclusion, That the unfortunate Queen was civilly Dead; and that in respect of her, the same measures were to be taken, as if Spain had already lost her. The second part of the discourse of Carvaial was grounded chiefly upon an example taken out of the ancient Chro­nicles of Spain, which seemed exactly to quadrate with the case in question, though to speak the truth, it was much disguised. Alphonso the Seventh, King of Castille and Leon, had been by the Estates put in possession, and acknow­ledged for King of both the Kingdoms, in the life-time of Queen Ʋrraca his Mo­ther, to whom they belonged. They who were throughly acquainted with the History of Spain, might have replied to Carvaial, that he was not very knowing in the Politicks of his Country, or that he impudently abused the honour which the chief Heads of Castille and Arragon did him in listening to his discourse: For Queen Ʋrraca was only a fool in her love, and acted only by that principle, that is to say, like a woman who had wholly renounced modesty. She entertained in sight, and to the extream vexation of her Subjects, a simple Gentleman called Don Pedro de Lara: She had got her self to [Page 363] be unmarried; that she might live with him in all licentiousness: She had propo­sed to her self to raise him to the Throne in exclusion of her own Son Alphonso; and the misfortune of that young Prince, who had deserved no such thing, and who besides was of Age and very capable of Reigning, had wrought upon the Estates of the Country. They met to­gether for preserving the Crown for him; and seeing they could not do it, but by dividing the Royal Authority betwixt his Mo­ther and him, In the History of Urraca by Moralez. because if she had retained it wholly, she would have infallibly made use of it to oppress Alphonso, they acknowledged him for King joyntly with her.

There was nothing like to this in the affair of the Archduke in the manner as Carvaial had stated it. Queen Jean thought so little of frustrating him of the Succession, that in her greatest extrava­gancies she never failed when she spake of him, to call him Prince of Spain, that is to say, that she acknowledged him to be her only next lawful Heir; and though she had had a mind to disappoint him, it was evident she could not do it, her distemper not suffering her to dispose of her self, and far less of her Crowns. Be­sides, [Page 364] she had till then led a life without reproach, and her folly hindered her not from being still a pattern of Chastity. The sad condition she was in spoke elo­quently enough in her favours to oblige the Spaniards to preserve to her the Mo­narchies that were fallen to her by the Successions of her Father and Mother; and to take it strictly, they could not ex­cuse themselves from doing so, without committing a great injustice, seeing by owning the Archduke for King during the life of his Mother, they put him actu­ally in possession of a right, which by the consent of all civilized Nations, did not belong to him till after the death of that Princess.

So that neither the factions of the Car­dinal, nor the reasons of Carvaial were sufficient to render the Archdukes party the stronger. The Admiral of Castille, and Duke of Alva declared openly, that it was not in their power to grant the Archduke what he demanded: That twelve years ago, upon the death of Queen Isabelle, they had received and sworn Allegiance to Jean her eldest Daughter as their only Sovereign: That it would be a violation of their Oath to make her eldest Son her Colleague, who was not to Reign till after her death, [Page 365] and would furnish Historians an ample ground of blackening their memory: That the Archduke had gone too far in taking of himself the title of King; and that if the Queen recovered her health, Nature might very well make peace be­twixt them, without any necessity of a Foreign mediation or intercession: But if the chief men of Castille and Arragon fa­voured him in that excess of boldness, they run the risk of being abandoned by himself, and by consequent of being lookt upon as Rebels.

The Marquess of Villena started a se­cond Opinion more politick than pru­dent, and more proper for avoiding than resolving the difficulty. He said, that seeing the Archduke did not demand their counsel, he thought it not fit that they should give it him, nor that they should expose themselves to the inconve­nience just before mentioned. The first of the two Opinions appeared to be so just, and the second so safe, that the one or other of them had infallibly prevailed in the Assembly, if the Cardinal, who foresaw it, had not put in practice a piece of boldness that succeeded with him. He interrupted the course of Voting, and told them that it was not the case in hand to deliberate about a thing to be done, [Page 366] but to approve of a matter already done. That if the Archduke had done him the honour to have proposed to him the de­sign which he had of taking the title of King, he would perhaps have endea­voured to disswade him from it; but since he had proceeded in it without communicating any thing of it to the Spaniards, their glory and interest were equally concerned, not to make a young Prince, born to be their Master, ridicu­lous upon his first entry into the World, seeing he was bred up in the best disposi­tions that ever were for enlarging one day the Spanish Monarchy. That to ob­lige him to quit the name and ensigns of Royalty when once he had taken them, would draw upon him the contempt of all the Nations of Europe; render him the object of their scorn, spoil his credit with them as long as he lived; and so baulk his courage, that he would not dare for the future to undertake any thing, either for invading or resisting an Enemy. That he, Ximenes himself, thought it fit to take the Assembly off from committing a mistake, by inform­ing them of that most important Truth, that in that juncture there was no mean betwixt taking from the Archduke the title of King, and declaring him abso­lutely [Page 367] incapable of Reigning one day in Spain when it came to his turn; and that if the Spaniards were so imprudent, as to make the first of those two steps in relation to him, it would be impossible for them to clear themselves of the se­cond, and not to submit hereafter to the rule of a Prince, whom they had shame­fully degraded.

Ximenes having spoken in so positive a strain, gave not them the time of taking the Votes. He sternly commanded Don Pedro Correa, his intimate friend, whom he had made Corregidor of Madrid, To go and proclaim through the Town Queen Jean and Don Carlos her Son joyntly Kings of Castille and Arragon. The Corregidor, who was one of the Assembly, and who apparently had put all things in a readiness for execution of the orders which he had received, went out immediately, and soon after the so­lemnity of the Proclamation was heard. The Deputies, who had not as yet given their Votes, seeing that if they spake against what was actually a doing, they would instantly occasion a Civil War, for which they and their relations must be accountable, approved the Cardinals discourse, and the Orders that he had given.

Thus the boldest project that hath happened in the memory of man, In the act of Proclamation. was brought about with little intrigue, and without any opposition; and the Bishop of Tortosa gave account of it to the new Catholick King, whom hereafter we shall name Charles, and to Chievres, without robbing Ximenes of the praise he merited by it. Both of them were so well satisfied with it, that they heartily pardoned that Cardinal for all that had displeased them in his former conduct; and all the business in Flanders was the hastening of Charles his voyage into Spain, for taking possession of the Kingdoms he now was installed in. They foresaw but one impediment to it, which concerned the Treaty concluded with France by the ministry of the Count of Nassau. It hath been said before, that Charles, when as yet but Archduke, had engaged himself to restore the Kingdoms of Naples and Navarre to the most Christian King, and to John d' Albert, so soon as the Catho­lick King his Grandfather were dead. The condition was come, and the French Ambassador at Bruxelles pressed the ac­complishment thereof. There was no pretext of delaying the restitution of the two Crowns, seeing if Charles did not [Page 369] resolve to do it willingly, and frankly to perform his promise, Francis the First was in a better condition to force him to it by way of Arms, than ever he had been before, or perhaps, than ever he could be for the future. He had at the field of Warignan quelled the insuppor­table pride of the Swisse; and forced that warlike Nation, who thought they could domineer over Kings, to make peace with him as he himself had desired. He had recovered the Dutchy of Milan from Maximilian Sforza. He had con­firmed himself in that Conquest in the year One Thousand Five Hundred and Sixteen, by the utter overthrow of that formidable Army which the Emperor had led in person into the Milanese. The Forces of his most Christian Majesty, which he had opposed against that Ar­my were still on foot; and it would have been easie for him to have taken Flanders, by causing them to march thither as soon as Charles were gone. In the mean time his Catholick Majesty was not in a con­dition to ward so dangerous a blow. He had no more Soldiers than were necessa­ry for his Convoy in his voyage to Spain; and the Flemings would not have assisted him in levying of more, if they should have known that he only needed them for [Page 370] maintaining the usurpations of Naples and Navarre. So they would have been exposed to the invasions of Francis the First, and Charles would have lost incom­parably more than the two Crowns we last named were worth. Nevertheless, in the juncture that then happened, he could not restore them, nor so much as pretend it was his intention, without entirely forfeiting the Succession of his Mother: For if he had attempted of his own Authority, and without the con­sent of the Monarchies to which the two Kingdoms were annexed, to write to the Viceroys to restore them, they would not have obeyed him; and if by Proxy he had demanded the consent of the Estates of Castille for the restitution of Navarre, and the approbation of the Estates of Arragon for rendring Naples It would not only have been denied him, but more, the two Monarchies would have joyned in an interest common to both, and passed immediately from Dis­obedience to a Revolt. There was a ne­cessity then of waiting till the Catholick King were in possession of his Kingdoms of Spain; and till he had taken such just measures for the Restitutions in questi­on, as might assure him of success; and upon so well grounded reasons Chievres [Page 371] wrote to Gouffier, great Master of the Houshold to the most Christian King, That it was absolutely necessary for pre­serving peace betwixt the two young Kings, whom they had had the honour to Educate, that they should have a con­ference together; and that they should adjust a Treaty so advantageous to their Masters, that neither of them might be [...]empted to violate it, what favourable occasion soever might present. Gouffier [...]hew'd the Letter to Francis the First, [...]ho thought it not enough to approve [...]he interview, but besides proposed the [...]lace where it should be, and for that [...]nd named the Town of Noyon in Picar­ [...]y, which was accepted of in the Coun­ [...]il of Bruxelles.

Chievres on his part disposed Charles to [...]ve him an unlimited power; and as if [...]e two Kings had agreed to leave to the [...]scretion of the two persons, who had [...]een their Governours, all the prelimi­ [...]ary difficulties to the Negotiation, they [...]justed them after their own way to [...]e satisfaction of the Councils of both [...]ings. In consideration of the more [...]vanced age of the most Christian King, [...]e preference was given to Gouffier, [...]at Chievres went to meet him at Noyon, [...]here he staid for him in the beginning [Page 372] of Summer One Thousand Five Hun­dred and Seventeen; and their ancient Friendship hindred them not from main­taining with equal vigour the Interests of their Masters. They were longer than was expected in agreeing about their Af­fairs, and Gouffier pretended that the Crowns of Naples and Navarre should be restored before the Catholick King went over to Spain.

His Reasons were, that his Catholick Majesty was engaged to it by the Treaty of the Count of Nassau, and that it was not the business to Negotiate of new, In the Negoti­ation of Noy­on. but only to put in execution what was in for­mal terms resolved upon: That the honour of Francis the First was concerned in the speediness of the Resti­tution; and that if it was deferred, the delay would be imputed to the weakness of his most Christian Majesty, and by consequence would redound to his shame: That the Kingdoms of Naples and Na­varre had both been Usurped, the first by the Infidelity, and the second by the Jugling of the late King of Spain; and that the matter was so evident, that no man in all Europe doubted of it, what care soever that cunning Prince had ta­ken to dazle the eyes of the World by [Page 373] Manifesto's stuft with Falshoods, and the discourses of his Agents: That it was enough to France that Naples was directly Usurped from them, and that John d' Albert had lost Navarre upon the only consideration that he would not break with Louis the Twelfth, to make them with equal zeal solicite, that the first of the two last mentioned Kingdoms should be restored to the King of France, and the second to his Ally; and that see­ing there was no appearance that France could be in a better condition for the fu­ture than it was then in for recovering them, nor that the Catholick King could be in a worse state for maintaining them by the way of Arms, as wanting both men and money; Francis the First would be for ever blamed if he let slip so favou­rable an occasion, and Gouffier would in History pass for a notorious Prevarica­tor, if he contributed to it in any man­ner whatsoever.

Chievres, who had no satisfactory an­swer to make directly to such solid mo­tives, thought it enough to reply indi­rectly, that the King his Master had the best and most sincere intentions in the World as to the matter in hand; and see­ing he knew him better than any man else, he ought more to be credited than [Page 374] those who might have insinuated contra­ry thoughts into his most Christian Ma­jesty: But that Sovereigns as well as other men were liable to necessities; and that that to which Charles was then redu­ced was the more excusable in that it was extream. That it was true indeed, he had fallen to a very large Succession: but that it would wholly escape him, if it were not managed with all imaginable care and industry: That Navarre lay so very conveniently for the Monarchies of Castille and Arragon, that they had no cause of fear from abroad, but from thence, and that the Pyrenean Moun­tains, and the two Seas secured them on all other hands: That as their Enemies being Masters of Navarre could presently bring whole Armies into the heart of their Countries, so without that they could but weakly attack their Frontiers: That, to judge things aright, the King­dom of Naples was of no less importance to them, seeing if they lost it, they were certain not to keep Sicily long: That ne­vertheless that was the Kingdom from whence Spain had Corn in the frequent scarcities to which it was subject; and that these two motives would be enough to engage the Spaniards in a general Re­volt, if their new King obliged them [Page 375] presently to restore Naples and Navarre: That it would be thought stranger, that he should meddle in so nice an Affair up­on his coming to the Crown, in that he was a stranger: That during the space of a Thousand years Spain had not been governed by Monarchs of that kind: That they had never as yet seen Charles; and that hardly any thing could make them endure that an absent stranger, be­fore he had taken possession of his Crowns, should cut them short by two: That before any such thing was attemp­ted, an infinite number of cautions must be taken, and that he must begin the work by obtaining from the Estates an unlimited Authority: That afterward a powerful Faction should be formed in the three Bodies which make up his Estates, for disposing them to give an entire sa­tisfaction to the most Christian King: And that in fine, when the Catholick King were once assured of obtaining what he desired by proposing it, the matter should be varnished over with so plausible colours, that if it were not frankly consented to, yet at least it should pass in Form, and without Sedition: That the Catholick King expected an happy success in this, provided he were suffered to take his own way in Negotia­ting [Page 376] it, and that Chievres durst under­take for it upon two conditions; one that his Master were allowed time to go to Spain, and there to dispose the minds of the People; and the other that the promise of restoring in convenient time the two Kingdoms to the most Christian King, and John d' Albert should be kept so secret, that no Spaniard might dive in­to it.

The discourse of Chievres, if rightly taken, was captious, seeing he deman­ded a present and most important favour, such as the security of the Low-Countries during the absence of Charles, for hopes so much the more uncertain, that the fulfilling of them was remote, and would absolutely depend upon the faithfulness of his Catholick Majesty, who having obtained beforehand all that he could have desired, perhaps would not take much care of performing his promise. Nevertheless, whether it was that Gouf­fier did not sufficiently reflect upon that, or that he yielded to the importunities of inferiour Ministers, who were appoin­ted to Negotiate under him, whom Chievres had charmed with his caresses; the Court of France committed an irre­parable fault, and suffered themselves to be choused by a man whom then they [Page 377] had but too great ground to distrust. They consented that Gouffier and Chievres should confer together about finding out an expedient that might a little more bind the Catholick King, and neverthe­less leave him as much liberty as he desi­red for disposing his new Subjects to sa­tisfie France. Several were proposed; and that which the two Plenipotentiaries at length agreed upon, was, that there should be two Treaties of Noyon of the same date; one which should be kept se­cret by the Parties concerned, until the time of its execution; and another which should be made publick so soon as it was signed. By the first, In the two Treaties of Noyon. Charles obliged himself not to lose any time in the resti­tution of the Kingdoms of Naples and Navarre, after he had taken possession of his maternal Crowns; and to do it himself by his own absolute Au­thority, if he could not obtain the con­sent of the Spaniards. But the second only contained, that the most Christian and Catholick Kings should agree upon Arbitrators, who within a prefixed time should declare, whether the Crowns of Arragon and Castille had any right or not to Naples and Navarre. That if these Arbitrators decided in favour of Spain, [Page 378] the two Kingdoms should remain united to it; and that if their Sentence were to the disadvantage thereof, the Catholick King should instantly restore them.

The other Articles of the two Trea­ties were in all things alike, which may have given occasion to think that there was but one. The three most conside­rable were, that until the Arbitrators should decide to which of the two, France or Spain, the Kingdom of Naples belong­ed, the Catholick King should pay to the most Christian King one hundred thousand Crowns a year as a quit-Rent: That the Catholick King should espouse Lovisia of France, who was yet but a year old; and that if that young Princess di­ed before the Marriage were consumma­ted, the Catholick King should Marry another of the most Christian King's Daughters, in case he had more; and that if he had none, the Marriage of the Catholick King with Renee of France, Sister-in-law to his most Christian Maje­sty, should be accomplished, as it was agreed upon in the former Treaty: That in fine, the Emperor Maximilian should restore to the Republick of Venice the City of Verona with this caution, that he should put it into the hands of the French, who should immediately after [Page 379] deliver it over to the Venetians; and that the Senate of that Republick should pay to the Emperor two hundred thousand Crowns, to reimburse the charges he had been at in Conquering that City.

Gouffier in this matter concluded the Treaty of Noyon; and Politicians judged that he lost in it as much reputation as Chievres had acquired. And truly if we may judge of the satisfaction of the two Kings, with their Plenipotentiaries, by the reward which they gave them; it is certain on the one hand, that Gouffier re­ceived none of Francis the First; and on the other, that Chievres was so well re­compenced by Charles, that he became the richest Subject in Christendom. Maximilian the First and Philip had al­ready given him the forfeiture of the Estate of the house of Gaure, the Go­vernment of Nivelle, the Collar of the Golden Fleece, the great Bailliage of Haynault, and two thousand Crowns for his extraordinary Embassy in France in the year One Thousand Five Hundred and One, where he had made himself known to Louis the Twelfth, according to his value, though there was nothing concluded in the Peace which he went to Negotiate betwixt his most Christian Majesty and Ferdinand the Catholick [Page 380] King. Charles added to these, by his Letters Patents of the twenty third of June, C [...]e Thousand Five Hundred and Seventeen, the charges of High Admi­ral of the Kingdom of Naples: of Cap­tain General of his Armies by Sea, of al [...] the Kingdoms, Territories and Princi­palities of his Catholick Majesty: o [...] High Chamberlain: and of chief Mini­ster of State: and by other Letters Pa­tents of the fifteenth of December the same year, the Dutchies of Sovia and Atri i [...] the Kingdom of Naples: the particula [...] Government of the Town of Escluse it Flanders: the erection of the Barony o [...] Arscot into a Marquisat: a Company o [...] an hundred Armed men maintained i [...] time of Peace, as well as War; and lastly, the erection of the Lands of Beau­mont into a County.

The multitude of these favours is upo [...] two accounts remarkable: First, be­cause Charles was not liberal; and that besides, he had the more reason to divid [...] his bounty amongst several persons, tha [...] never Prince was so well served as he was, and by consequence was obliged to give so many Rewards as he: and se­condly, because Chievres, as hath been observed before, never begg'd any thing of him, neither for himself nor his Rela­tions, [Page 381] and thought it enough to deserve from a grateful Prince the Favours that he heaped upon him.

Seeing the accommodation of Noyon had surmounted all the obstacles that could obstruct Charles in taking possession of his maternal Estates, he had not so great cause any more to fear the excess of Authority which Cardinal Ximenes took to himself in Spain; and Chievres was of the opinion, that he should be let alone to do so, provided his actions struck neither directly nor indirectly at the per­sonal advantages of his Catholick Maje­sty. The Cardinal on his side vied in gratitude; and served Charles with as great application, as if he had been in­debted to him for the Regency. He ob­liged the Grandees of Castille to receive his Orders, and to execute them with as much expedition and submission, as if they had had their King in the midst of Spain; and seeing he foresaw that those Grandees, who had a design to revolt, could find but two plausible pretexts for so doing, one upon account of the Queen Germana, and the other on the part of the Infanta; he caused both to be so nar­rowly observed, and yet treated them so civilly, that he took from them no less the occasions of attempting against [Page 382] his administration, than the grounds of complaining of him.

It hath been observed, that Queen Germana de Foix was not tempted with ambition, and coveted no more, but to live pleasantly, and without trouble, in Feasting and Dancing. The late Catho­lick King left her at his death by a Codi­cil, fifty thousand Ducats of Rent, (be­sides her Dowry) assigned upon the Kingdom of Naples; and if she had not been punctually paid it, the Arrago­nese would have taken it ill, as an affront done to the memory of their Hereditary King, and have revenged themselves by raising troubles in Castille, or by fomen­ting those which they found raised there to their hand. In the mean time King Ferdinand on the one hand had left the Royal Treasury empty; and on the other the Kingdom of Naples, as affairs stood then, was not able to pay the Catholick Queen the Summ that it was Rated at; because the French having marched into Italy for the recovery of the Dutchy of Milan, Raimond of Cardonna, Vice-Roy of Naples, was apprehensive that they might march next against him, and that he might not be surprised, had made ex­traordinary levies of Soldiers, which had drained not only the Revenues of the [Page 383] Crown, but also the purses of all the pri­vate persons who had been willing to lend him money. The question was, how all these Creditors should be payed; and if it had not been done with all ex­pedition, considering the juncture of a minority, they would not have failed to have risen. All that Spain had from Naples was set apart for their re-imburse­ment; and Cardinal Ximenes, as bold as he was, durst not have employed so ne­cessary a Fund for other uses. Never­theless the Queen importuned him to be payed quarterly; and the only expedient he found to satisfie her, was to pay her with his own money, upon assurances which Chievres sent him under the hand of the Catholick King, that what he laid out for his Majesty upon that account, should be faithfully repaid him.

The Infanta put the Cardinal to grea­ter trouble, because he was still possessed with a fancy, that he should one day Reign in Castille, and that others labour­ed to feed him in that conceit. Whilst he was a hunting, an Apparition had pre­sented it self before him in the shape of a Hermit, which told him as from God, that he should be Monarch of all Spain, and presently disappeared, having left him in an anxious expectation of the fu­ture [Page 384] His Vision he had communicated to the Marquess Denia his Governour, and to the Bishop Alvaro Osorio his Tu­tor; and as men easily believe what they desire, and are not undeceived but very late, so the Governour and Tutor pro­mised themselves the chief Dignities of Spain upon that idle Prediction. Their whimsey was not the less durable for be­ing so ill grounded; and neither the last Will of King Ferdinand, nor the publick recognition of the Archduke Charles, as King by the Estates of both Monarchies, were sufficient to undeceive them. They constantly solicited Ximenes to give them leave to carry back the Infanto to the Town of Simancas, appointed for his Education; and though this Cardinal did not as yet foresee their real design, yet he suspected it, and plainly told them that the person of the Infanto was so dear to him, that there might be fault found with his administration, if he let him go out of his sight. It was soon after dis­covered, that his distrust was not with­out cause; and that it was the intention of the chief Officers of the Infanto to ex­pect at Simancas the favourable juncture which Heaven had promised, and in the mean time to engage into the parties of that young Princes as many of the Gran­dees [Page 385] as possibly they could, without dis­covering themselves too much: The Spies whom the Cardinal entertained about them, informed him of all the pro­ceedings of the Marquess and Bishop; and in all appearance it was to make such reports continue, that he long detained the Infanto at Madrid under various pre­texts. But when he would no longer amuse him, he told him plainly, that his presence was so necessary for the publick good, that he would not absent himself from the place where the Council of State was kept, without disobliging the Catholick King his Brother. When he thus spake, he observed the looks of the Marquess and Bishop; and perceiving that it put them to extream pain, he took measures to prevent the Infanto's being carried away from him. The cautions that he used were so quaint, that this young Prince and his Servants were un­der restraint without perceiving it.

So that there being no more danger from the two chief persons of the State; the Cardinal in the following manner re­duced into order the most considerable of the Grandees. This was Don Pedro Por­to Carero, called the Deuff, who had car­ried on a long intriegue to get himself chosen Great Master of the Order of [Page 386] S. James after the death of King Ferdi­nand. In the motives of the disgrace of the Great Captain. He was Brother to the Duke of Escalone, and an intimate friend of the Great Captain Gonsalvo, who had made him privy to the Bulls which heretofore he had obtain­ed from Pope Julius the Second, for that Mastery, in case he out-lived the Catholick King. The Great Captain dying before his Majesty, Porto Carero supposed that seeing the Court of Rome had granted Gonsalvo the Bulls we have been mentioning, it appeared that that Court had a design by all means to dis­unite those three great Masteries from the Crown of Castille; and that by con­sequence such a favour having been gran­ted, not so much in consideration of the particular merit of him that had obtained it, as for fear of rendering the Kings of Castille too powerful, Porto Carero had ground to hope for it, though his perso­nal qualities came not near those of the Great Captain. He had credit at the Court of Leo the Tenth; and he em­ployed it so dexterously, that he obtain­ed from his Holiness Bulls conform to those which had been granted by Julius, but upon condition still not to make use of them till after the death of Ferdinand. [Page 387] He had not as yet received them when his Catholick Majesty died, but a few days after they arrived; and there being no juncture more favourable to him, than the division betwixt the Cardinal and the Governours of the Infanto; he wrote to all the Commanders of the Or­der to meet in the City of Compostella in Galicia, there to hold a Chapter for re­ceiving him in quality of Great Master, conform to the Bulls sent him from the Pope. The chief Commanders were his Kinsmen or Allies; and besides, it was so much their interest, that the Great Mastery should be cut off from the Crown, that they made no scruple to obey him, seeing in that case there was none of them who might not hope to be raised to it, either by merit or faction: whereas they must all be frustrated, if it continued united to the Crown.

However the Assembly could not be kept so secret, but that the Cardinal had notice of it; and since there was a neces­sity of carrying high to chastize the at­tempt of Porto Carero, or not at all to meddle in it; he sent the Alcaide Villa­fanno with Forces to put a stop to the Chapter by fair means or foul. The Commanders, who were not prepared to fight, separated so soon as the Alcaide [Page 388] had signified to them the Orders of the Cardinal; and pretended to submit wil­lingly to the Authority which they would not have regarded, if it had been unarmed. The Cardinal having sent them back to their several Commande­ries, caused them to be so narrowly ob­served there, that it was impossible for them afterwards to meet again, till the new Catholick King had obtained from the Pope the three great Masteries, as vacant by the death of his Grandfather. But the counter-blows in Politicks are sometimes more dangerous than the blows.

The Nobility of Castille took it ill that the Cardinal had so imperiously dis­persed the Assembly of Galicia, and ac­cused him for having in that particular usurped a power which was not given him, neither by the Testament of the late King, nor by the Laws of the Mo­narchy whereof he was the Regent. The Grandees made it a point of honour, not to suffer the continuance of a proce­dure so unsuitable to a Priest and Monk, and took the first occasion that they found to shake off a yoke which they called Ty­rannical. The occasion was this, It had come into Ximenes his mind at an unseasonable time, to endeavour the re­formation [Page 389] of three abuses, which in all likelihood ought to have been born with in the absence of the Sovereign, if the Maxims of common Politicks had been followed. The first was of some Offi­cers of Court, who by favour had ob­tained an augmentation of their Salaries: the second of Pensions granted to Cour­tiers of Castille and Arragon, who were known not to be deserving, or not to have merited them by honest courses; and the third consisted in recovering Crown Lands that had been alienated, upon occasion of the Conquests of Grena­da, Naples and Navarre.

Before Ximenes put his design in exe­cution, he had demanded the advice of Chievres, who counselled him to stay till the Catholick King were come into Ca­stille: But whether it was that he thought himself strong enough to bring about so bold a project without the assi­stance of his Master, or that he imagined Chievres envied him the glory which he might thereby obtain; he went on still with his work. He moderated at first, with pretty good success, the new aug­mentations of Salaries; and the Gran­dees of Spain were very well pleased with the reduction of Wages to the Ancient standard, because on the one hand the [Page 390] high Nobility had hardly any concern in that; and on the other, those who were prejudiced by the Cardinals regulation, were satisfied to repine at it in secret. The retrenching of Pensions caused him more trouble, by reason that the mur­muring was more universal and more publick: But the recovery of the Crown Lands reached too high not to meet with terrible impediments at the very first step. It was pretended that the Ca­tholick King must not only enter again into the Lands sold at an under-rate, or given in gratuities, but also into those which the detainers could not make out to have been alienated by good Con­tracts, and for lawful causes. There were but few Lords of the high Nobility, who possessed not some of this nature; and if they had no favour shew'd them, it was almost certain they would be exci­ted to a Revolt. Nevertheless they were summoned as well as others, and a short­enough time assigned them for making good their Titles. The indignation that this wrought in them gave occasion to Pedro Giron, eldest Son to the Count of Ʋregna, to think that the time was now come for recovering the Dutchy of Medi­na Sidonia, which he had been turned out of.

For understanding this Affair which raised all Spain almost, we must know that Don Juan de Gusman, Duke of Me­dina Sidonia Espoused in first marriage the eldest Daughter of the Duke of Bejar, by whom he had a Son called Henry, and a Daughter named Mentia: Henry was importent, and Mentia married to the Count of Ʋregna, had by him Pedro Gi­ron. The Duke of Medina Sidonia en­joyed not long his first Wife, having lost her the third year after their Marriage. He was still young, and his first alliance had given him often occasion of seeing the second Daughter of the Duke of Be­jar his Sister-in-Law. He had been ex­treamly much taken with her; and if the inclination that he had for her re­mained within the bounds of a bare re­spect so long as he was married to her Sister, it degenerated into love so soon as he became a Widower. He was with­out contradiction the richest Lord of An­dalusia, had lived very well with his for­mer Wife; offered to marry her Sister upon the same conditions, that is to say, without a portion: The great men of Spain minded not much at that time the proximity of bloud in their Alliances; and the Duke of Bejar had a numerous Family. These five considerations mo­ved [Page 392] Bejar to condescend to accept of Me­dina Sidonia for his Son-in-Law a second time; and seeing all ways were taken for obtaining a dispensation from the Ho­ly See in the most favourable Form that then was in fashi­on, In the History of Medina Si­donia. it was at length gran­ted. Of the second Marri­age he had a Son famous in History, by the name of Alvaro de Gusman; and the Duke his Father bred him up as the next lawful Heir of his vast Estate, so soon as the impotency of Henry de Gusman, the only Son of his first Bed, came to be known. Alvaro grew to be so accom­plished a Lord, that the Catholick King Ferdinand pitched upon him for a Hus­band to Anne of Arragon, lawful Daugh­ter to Alphonso of Arragon his Majestie's Natural Son: But there are few signal Incests amongst Christians, which whol­ly escape unpunished till the other World; and God commonly begins in this by dreadful chastisements, to shew his aversion to such promiscuous mix­tures, which he only suffered in the be­ginning of the World, and for the mul­tiplication of Mankind. Pedro Giron, eldest Son of Mentia, Daughter by the first Marriage to the Duke of Medina Si­donia, claimed to be sole and universal [Page 393] Heir to his maternal Grandfather, and alledged for his reasons, that Alvaro de Gusman his Uncle was illegitimate: that he was the odious off-spring of a mon­strous conjunction: That Divine and Humane Laws equally condemned the Marriage of two Sisters; and that if they had been sometimes suffered in Christian Religion, it was only for causes that con­cerned the publick, certain and present good of the State, and Royal Persons: That there was no such thing in the case in question, and that by consequence the Dispensation obtained from Rome was null. But for all that the Catholick King gave his Grand-daughter to Alvaro Gusman, and made answer to those who would have disswaded him from it, that it belonged not to Pedro Giron to quarrel at the Dispensation obtained by his Grandfather; and that though there might be ground to find fault with it, yet the presence of his Majesty and of the Queen Isabelle, who signed the contract, had supplied all defects of Law and Fact that would have intervened.

The Duke of Medina Sidonia died sometime after the Marriage of Alvaro his Son, who took possession of all the Estate of the Family, without any other opposition than that of some protestations [Page 394] in writing made in behalf of Pedro Giron. But after the death of the Catholick King; when Alvaro had lost in him his greatest supporter, Pedro Giron thought the time was come for him to take pos­session of the Estate of the Family of Me­dina Sidonia. He got of his Friends what money they thought fit to lend him: he implored the assistance of his nearest Relations, his Father excusing himself to engage in the quarrel, because of his great Age: He found a great ma­ny young men, who had known him in the Armies, disposed to assist him; and from those three stocks he procured For­ces enough to lay a regular Siege before St. Lucar, one of the most noted Towns of Andalusia, because of the commodi­ousness of its Harbour. Seeing it pro­perly belonged to the Dukes of Medins Sidonia, and that it was part of the En­tail of their eldest Sons, which could nei­ther be sold nor morgaged; the Kings of Castille had no Garrison in it, and only kept one in the Castle which comman­ded the place, nor had they done so, till first they gave the Dukes of Medina Sido­nia authentick Declarations, that it was not for any pretensions they had to it, but only for the security of the Coast of Andalusia, the most important of their [Page 395] Monarchy. Alvaro put himself into the Town to defend it; and received there so great a re-inforcement by Pontio d'Ar­ [...]os his Cousin German, that Pedro Giron despairing to take it in a long time by the usual ways, endeavoured to corrupt Go­nez de Solis, who commanded the Castle. Solis was inflexible; and all that Pedro Giron could draw from him, was that [...]he late Catholick King, when he put [...]im in St. Lucar, had commanded him [...]o live in good correspondence with the Duke Alvaro, and to act joyntly with [...]im in all things that were not contrary [...]o the interest of the Monarchy of Spain [...]n general, and of Castille in particular. He told him that he could not excuse himself from obeying that Order, until [...]e had another from Flanders, or that [...]he Cardinal commanded him to obey Pedro Giron; and that there was no other [...]xpedients but these for entering into St. Lucar, unless he thought it better to [...]orce his way in.

Thus the Siege drew in length; and Kimenes being perswaded that the dispo­sition of the late King must by all means [...]e maintained, wrote to Chievres, that [...]hat was the only way to hinder the No­bility of Spain from rising; and that as [...]hey were naturally inclined to Idleness, [Page 396] so they would infallibly betake them­selves to it again, when they saw their first attempt suppressed with as much au­thority in the absence of the Catholick King, as if his Majesty were present, and acted in person. The Cardinal then prayed Chievres to procure what he was about to do, to be approved in the Coun­cil of Bruxelles, and enclosed a Letter for the King, In the Letters of Ximenes to Chievres. which contained the same thing expressed only in more respectful terms; and without any other caution, in a few days he mustered together the old Troops which he kept in several places in a readiness; and sen [...] them so suddenly to St. Lucar, that they fell upon Pedro Giron before he had no­tice that they were in the field. The consternation which seized the Besiege [...] at the sight of them, in a moment broke all the measures that had been taken for carrying the Dutchy of Medina Sidoni [...] Don Pedro was abandoned of all his Sol­diers, and himself forced to flie to a Country-house, where he was no [...] known to be, there to continue till his Friends should make his peace with Xi­menes. The cause of so odd an adven­ture was, because most of the Besiegers were Voluntiers, and only served in [Page 397] hopes, as they were made believe, that the Cardinal would approve what they did. They knew him to be extraordina­rily jealous of his Authority, and inexo­rable when once he had been constrained to come to force. From thence they concluded, that if the Besiegers were de­feated, those of them that remained would suffer by the hand of the Executi­oner. By their small number in compa­rison of those who came to the assistance of Duke Alvaro, they judged that the match was not equal, and thereupon dis­banded themselves, expecting till Pedro Giron could make his party stronger. They were not altogether mistaken in their conjecture; and the Enemies of Ximenes laboured with so much applica­tion and success to make him receive an affront in the affair of Medina Sidonia, that Giron thought, having got his Uncle the Constable of Castille, and many other Grandees to League with him, that he had no more to fear, and that he might securely brave the Cardinal. He went to Madrid, supposing that that Pre­late extraordinarily nice in matter of offence, and easie to be provoked by slights offered to his Dignity, would send him Orders to be gone with all expe­dition, & thereby furnish him with a pre­text, [Page 398] as he desired, to complain of him. But the Cardinal, who saw into Giron's thoughts, carried himself as if he had not known of his arrival at Madrid, or as if he had not been concerned at it. He gave him time to try his patience; and Giron finding his first trick baffled by the affected insensibility of Ximenes, inven­ted a second. He sent word to the Car­dinal, that he was come to Madrid, up­on no other design, but to visit his Rela­tions and Friends, and that he would re­turn immediately after. He expected that the Cardinal would have replied to the Gentleman who brought him that word, That Giron was not so great a man, but that he might have come him­self, and given him the first notice of his arrival: But the Cardinal dissembled still, and made no other reply but, In a good time.

Nothing so much displeases those that seek for a quarrel, as a moderation pra­ctised most unseasonably as to them, that is to say, at the time when they are most exasperated. Giron whom Ximenes punished more severely by neglecting him than if he had put him in prison, resolved to have his turn, and to be even with him by a third way. He told be­fore some, who he knew would acquaint [Page 399] the Cardinal with it, the true cause why he had not gone to see that Prelate, say­ing, that it was to put a difference be­twixt the Catholick King and those who had the honour to represent his per­son; because the Grandees of Castille, as often as they passed by the place where their King was, were accustomed to vi­sit him; and if they did so in respect of the Cardinal, the Catholick King might have cause to find fault with them for it. That was reported to Ximenes, who wondering no more at that than at all the rest, forced Giron to attack him in a fair way, by making a great party against him upon the old pretexts of discontent which the high Nobility had against him. The Constable of Castille was the first that engaged in it, because there was a talk of taking from him a Royal right which he had upon the Coasts of Andalusia: The Duke of Bonevento was drawn in next, out of spight, because he had been hindered to finish a Fort which he had begun in the Territory of Cigalez: The Duke of Albuquerque, and the Duke of Medina Coeli followed their example, because of Rents which they had out of the Crown Lands; and the Bishop of Signensca was the fifth, upon the account that being born in Portugal, he appre­hended [Page 400] to lose his Bishoprick lying in Castille, supposing the Cardinal might be inclined of himself, or might be desired to re-establish the Castillians in the posses­sion of one of their fairest Priviledges, which consisted in that neither their Of­fices nor Benefices could be held by stran­gers.

There remained no more to raise the other Heads of the high Nobility, but to gain the Duke of Infantado, the chief of the Family of Mendosa, to whom the other Lords of Spain yielded in Birth, Estate, Riches and Merit. It seemed no difficult thing to dispose him to a Revolt, by reason of what had passed betwixt Xi­menes and him. He had heretofore courted the Alliance of that Cardinal; and had offered to him notwithstanding the extream disproportion of their Fami­lies, to marry Diego de Mendosa his Bro­thers Son with Isabelle of Cisnero, the Cardinals Niece. It is not known whe­ther or no the Duke was tempted with ambition, or that he only intended to unite more closely with that Favorite; or lastly, if he acted in prospect of aug­menting the vast Estates of his Family, by joyning thereto the great Treasure which the Cardinal was thought to have, with his Heiress: But it is certain that [Page 401] the Duke himself one day made the pro­position to the Cardinal; and that he surprised at the honour that was done [...]im, incomparably greater than he durst [...]ave hoped for, and wanting time to [...]ok upon the reverse of the Medal, which was shown him by the fair side, granted the Duke's desire. But he re­ [...]ented it so soon as going into his Closet, [...]nd calling to mind what had befallen [...]im; he found that he had made too much haste, and that self-love had so far [...]linded him, as to make him guilty of a [...]ross fault against the maxims of quain­est policy. He had exposed himself by [...]iving his consent too soon to the jealou­ [...]e which Ferdinand the Catholick King [...]is Master, who was then alive, had al­ [...]eady conceived of him, when his Majesty [...]hould perceive that he renounced his [...]ncient maxims; and that instead of [...]ontinuing to declare himself against the [...]igh Nobility, he began at long run to Ally with them, by giving his Niece [...]nd Heiress to the Nephew and Heir of [...]he Duke, who had all the Lords of Spain for his Kinsmen or Allies: Whence Kimenes concluded, In the Elogies of the House of Mendosa. that if is Majesty had endeavou­ [...]ed to depose him, when he [...]ad no reasonable cause for [Page 402] it, he would for the future set about it with so much the more ground, that all the Spaniards were perswaded, that if the Treasure of the Cardinal, which was given out to be sufficient to raise and maintain a formidable Army, were joyned to the power and credit of the Duke of Infantado, the Heirs of both to­gether might render themselves Masters of Castille, if they had the ambition.

That was enough to make the Cardi­nal eat his words; and seeing he never wanted ways to retrieve a false step when he had time to do it, he excused the ir­regularity of his word in so many diffe­rent manners; that if the Duke was no [...] fully satisfied, yet he had no sufficient occasion to break with him. They were then, to speak properly, neither Friend nor Enemies when Giron's party propo­sed to have the Duke to head them; and the six afore mentioned Grandees wen [...] upon that design to wait on him in the Town of Guada Caira, where he past the Winter in the year One Thousand Five Hundred and Seventeen.

They represented to him, that the Spanish Nobility had gained a great repu­tation in the World, by delivering their Country from the Tyranny of the Mores, but that they were about to lose it, i [...] [Page 403] they persisted in the insensibility that at present they were in: That they had already suffered but too long a man of base birth, who had judged himself so incapable of commanding, that he had made a vow of obedience so long as he lived; and who having only learnt to govern in the Cloisters where Authority is wholly absolute, imagined that the Grandees of Spain were to be Ruled as absolutely, as Cordeliers of the strictest observance: That if the power he took to himself had any ground in the Laws of Spain, it ought to be submitted unto; but that these Laws favoured not a Monk, who had only raised and did maintain himself by violating them: That he could shew no other title for his pretended Regency, but the Article of the last Will and Testament of the late Catholick King, which bequeathed it to him; but that there were three things to be found fault with in that Article, the least whereof was sufficient to evacu­ate the execution thereof. First, that it was suggested by Carvaial the Counsellor of State, to whom the Cardinal for re­ward had promised the Bishoprick of Siguença, so soon as he had outed the Portuguese Prelate, who was provided to it contrary to the custom of Castille. Se­condly, [Page 404] that the Cardinal stretched his power infinitely beyond what he said was given him, which stood in need of no proof, seeing it was a thing so publick that no body was ignorant of it; and lastly, that granting it were true, that the late Catholick King had granted him the Regency in the full extent that he ex­ercised it in, yet he ought not to be suffe­red to enjoy it, seeing by the fundamen­tal Laws of the Monarchy of Castille, the Royal Authority devolved upon the high Nobility during the time of minority or infirmity of their Kings, when they were of long continuance; and if the Nobility condescended that the late King Ferdinand should retain the Government for life, yet it followed not that they had given him leave to dispose of it after his death.

The Duke of Infantado answered, that he had at least as much ground to com­plain of the Cardinal, as any other Gran­dee of Castille; and that his Ancestors having left him considerable Estates of that nature, which was pretended to be Lands of the Crown; by consequence he had occasion to be apprehensive that they would begin at him in retrieving them, that others might think it the less strange when they were dispossessed [Page 405] next, that no favour had been shown to the most considerable Lord of Spain. But that notwithstanding he was not of the opinion that any thing should be attemp­ted in prejudice of the last Will of the late King, nor contrary to the orders of the Catholick King Reigning, though it was known that they were only provi­sional in what concerned Ximenes: That that Cardinal had more experience and more ready money than they; and that there was no doubt to be made, but that he would root them out altogether, if they gave him occasion to put the people on his side, by letting them know that the Lords of Castille struck at the memo­ry of the late King, who had chosen him for Regent, and at the Authority of the new King, who had confirmed the Re­gency unto him: That it was then abso­lutely necessary to find out another expe­dient, than that of violence for degra­ding of him; and that when such an one were found, the Duke of Infantado should willingly declare himself for the common cause against the Favourite.

That was not an expedi­ent to be fallen upon at first; In the Chro­nicle of the M [...]ndosa's. and the Lords of Castille af­ter many days thinking of it, found none other that could relish [Page 406] with the Duke of Infantado, but a Peti­tion to the new King Charles, which all of them signed, beseeching him to give them another Regent than Ximenes. It was an easie matter to foresee that it would not be granted; and that his Ma­jesty would wave giving an answer to it untill his arrival in Spain, whither he promised to go day after day. The Car­dinal was so sure of it, that he did not give himself the trouble of writing about it, neither to the King nor Chievres. Nay, his foresight went a little further; and as he was exceeding watchful to make the best of occurrences that were capable to encrease his Power, so the Conspiracy of the Nobles offered him two means for that, which he did not let slip. The first was to lay before Chievres in a long Letter the absolute necessity of his Catholick Majestie's sending him an [...] unlimited power, if it was expected that he should in a signal manner reduce so many malecontents to reason: And se­condly, to put himself in a posture, not only not to be surprised, but also to stifle the Sedition so soon as it should begin to break out.

Seeing it had been chiefly by the va­lour of the Castillian Nobility that the Mores were driven out of Spain, they [Page 407] [...]ad for a long time enjoyed the privi­ledge of carrying Arms both for them­selves and Attendants, which Towns­ [...]eople and Peasants had not, but when [...]hey were employed by Gentlemen. If [...]hat custom had continued, the Cardinal [...]ad one time or other been opprest, because he could not be able in all places [...]hrough which he was to go, to have Armed men enough in readiness to resist [...]he frequent attempts of the Nobility up­ [...]n his person: Whereas if he put Arms into the hands of the Plebeians, he would [...]repare for himself in all places a vast [...]umber of Guards, who would think themselves exceedingly obliged to him [...]or that favour, and would not be wan­ [...]ing to him in time of need. He took [...]he occasion from the descent that the [...]amous Corsair Barbarossa had then made [...] the Kingdom of Granada, from whence he had carried away several [...]housand Spaniards; and thereupon he [...]ublished an Edict in name of Queen [...]ean and King Charles, hearing that since [...]he Nobility whose Lands were upon the Coasts of Spain, and the Garrisons which [...]he Catholick Kings were wont to main­ [...]ain there, were not sufficient to hinder [...]he spoils of the Infidels, it was necessa­ [...]y to remedy such surprises for the fu­ture, [Page 408] by opposing so many men capable of resisting the Turkish Pirats, that they should not dare to set foot on Shore in a Country which they should find so well guarded: That their Catholick Maje­sties had not thought it fit to Arm the Peasants, because that would take them off from labouring the Land, nor all the Inhabitants of Towns neither, by rea­son that Commerce might thereby be in­terrupted; but that they had only cho­sen the honest Burghers, who having much to lose, would take the greater care to keep it: That those who would list themselves in that Militia, should be exempted from the harder offices of the State: That they should afterwards have priviledges granted to them pro­portionable to the Services which they rendered: That care should be taken to set Officers over them to instruct them; and that all that was demanded of them at present, was to perform exercise eve­ry Sunday.

The Nobility at first perceived the in­tention of Ximenes, and with all their might opposed it. The Towns where they had got greater credit than he, would not suffer the Commissaries ap­pointed for the Musters, to put the Edict in execution, and the others received [Page 409] them with open Arms; for besides that they were acceptable to the Burghers for the novelty of the Order which they brought them, they rendred them ma­sters of the State, and opened to them the fair way, which was that of Arms, of raising themselves above the condition wherein they were born, and of merit­ing the most important charges in the Monarchy: which in progress of time would have so debased the Nobility, that scarcely would there have been any more talk of them.

Thus Castille was divided into two Fa­ctions; and as there are Mountains that cut it almost into two equal parts, so the other side of the Hills was almost wholly for the Nobility, and this side for Xime­nes. The Cardinals party was not the least, seeing he had the bravest and most expert Soldiers of his Country-men for him; and the only circumspection he was to use, was to hinder his Enemies from possessing the Court of Bruxelles with bad impressions of his design. In prospect of that he wrote to Chievres, praying him to represent to the Catho­lick King in full Council, that there was no other expedient than what he had put in practice, for preserving his two Mo­narchies entire for him, and without a [Page 410] farthing charge, until his arrival in Spain: That it was no new thing in Ca­stille to Arm the People; and that the Kings his Predecessors had done it as of­ten as it was necessary to stop or punish the insolency of the Nobility: That King Henry the Fourth, his Grandfathers Bro­ther, had put it in practice; and that the Historians of Spain impute all the misfortunes that befel him to no other cause, but the pernicious counsel that was given him, and which he had fol­lowed, in disbanding the Plebeian Troops which he had raised, and putting Gentle­men in their place, who had shamefully betrayed him.

Chievres approved the project of Xime­nes, and got it to be approved by Charles, but it was for another reason than what the Cardinal had mentioned in his Let­ter. The actual possession of the Low-Countries, the Hereditary Provinces of the House of Austria in Germany, which were to fall to his Catholick Majesty af­ter the death of his paternal Grandfather, and the Empire which he intended to canvass for, were three very important motives that suffered him not to make a long stay in Spain, and would in all ap­pearance call him from thence as soon as he should be acknowledged there for [Page 411] King: Whence Chievres concluded, that it would be impossible then to conceal it from the Nobility, that they could not long enjoy the presence of Charles; and that in that case they would make it their whole care to deliver themselves from the subjection under which they pretended the late Kings Ferdinand and Isabelle had held them, and to re-esta­blish themselves in the right; or to say better, in the licentiousness which they had taken to themselves many Ages be­fore, of securely revolting when ever the whimsey took them in the head. Their Rebellions, indeed, had been fre­quent, yet they never proceeded to the deposition of Kings; because these Prin­ces having never gone out of their Ter­ritories, came seasonably enough to the places where the Revolt had begun, to suppress it at first; and as they had al­ways reserved to themselves Friends amongst the discontented Grandees, so their defection was never universal: Whereas if they had a mind to rise in the absence of Charles, nothing could cross their union; and the Infanto Ferdinand being amongst them, they would chuse him for their King, which must needs give birth to a War that could no other­wise be ended, but by the death of one [Page 412] of the two Brothers, whom the Castillian Nobility had set together by the Ears. It was therefore, in the opinion of Chie­vres, a master-piece of State-policy, above all things to prevent that Revolt of the Nobility, by means the less suspect­ed, that the Catholick King had no hand in it; and the means offered freely without being invented or sought out by the Council of Bruxelles. There was no more to be done, but to confirm by Roy­al Authority the Militia of the honest Burghers, which in every Town would oppose the attempts of the Nobility, and keep the People in duty; and as Ximenes denied not to be the inventer of it, so would he bear all the hatred, and all the benefit thereof would redound to his Ca­tholick Majesty,

This discourse animated with the vi­gour which Chievres used to back the propositions that he would have pass without contradiction, was applauded so in the Council of Bruxelles, and the conduct of Ximenes, as that the setling of the Militia of honest Burghers in Castille, was unanimously approved. He recei­ved praises for it; Letters were directed to the Kings Officers to see it put in exe­cution; and those that opposed the same, were declared guilty of High Treason, [Page 413] of what quality soever they were. Ayala was sent to the Cardinal to carry him the News; and the Nobles seeing them­selves abandoned of the Court, were soon divided. The Constable was the first of them that made his reconciliation with Ximenes; and the rest, in stead of taking it ill that he had forsaken their company, prayed him to make their peace. He served as Mediator for the Grandees of his Faction; and the Car­dinal having embraced them, thought it necessary for hindering them from ruining his work, when any occasion of­fered, to establish in every Town of Spain four new Syndicks, to take care of the subsistence of the Militia, and to in­form the Court of any enterprise that might be made for suppressing it. It is amazing, that the greatest men as well as others should sometimes be subject to the fault of being more touched with in­juries than favours, and more apt to take offence than to be grateful. Xime­nes knew very well, that he owed the preservation of his Dignity, and per­haps of his Life also, to the last Letters written in his favours from Bruxelles; and that if they had not seconded him according to his desire, he must have been over-poured in the business of the [Page 414] Militia: But instead of taking it by that handle which shew'd his own weakness, he took it by another that pleased him. That was the obligation which the Ca­tholick King had to him, for having so entirely brought under the Nobility of Spain, that his Majesty might for the time to come absent himself from his Ma­ternal Dominions as long as he pleased, and take his own time to canvass for the Empire. He thought that having done so much for his Master, that young Prince ought to do any thing for him; and renewed his instances for obtaining an unlimited Power, not with an express declaration as he had hither to done, that he would take that savour as a pure grace of his Majesty, but in the strain that he used to demand those things which were his due.

Chievres knew the temper of the Spa­niards, to be apt to pass from a haughti­ness that is natural to them, to an ex­tream contempt of their Sovereign, so soon as ever they think they have per­swaded him that he cannot be without them. He told the Catholick King, that if in the present juncture he granted Ximenes what he desired, he would ren­der him insupportable, and confirm him in an absolute independance on his [Page 415] Majesty. That he would consult him no more, but as in course; concerning what he was to do: That he would not read the Orders which he might receive from him; or if he did read them, it would only be after he had acted in his own way, and meerly out of curiosity to see if they were conform to what he had done: whereas if the power of the Car­dinal were at present left within the li­mits to which the late King confined it, & from time to time afterward augmen­ted, according as circumstances might re­quire, as had been done in the case of the Militia; the Cardinal would be more pliant, and the Gentlemen would not so impatiently bear his administration. The Catholick King judged the advice to be sound, and refused Ximenes, who suspecting that Chievres had been against him, reciprocally opposed Chievres in an affair that follows.

The Indians were too weak to support the digging in Mines and other painful labour that the Spaniards put them to. They commonly died within six or seven weeks after they had been employed in that drudgery, and the strongest of them in that case did not out-live two months. Most frequently they were forced to la­bour; and the inhumanity of constrain­ing [Page 416] them in this manner to shorten their days for the profit of others, obliged Chievres to look out for means of easing them. He hit upon a great many; and that which he most approved, because it was least chargeable to the Spaniards, was to procure them other slaves at a cheap rate. The greatest traffick on the Coast of Guinee consisted in Men, whom they went to buy from all parts of the World. Fathers sold their Children, and the Husbands their Wives. And these Slaves being Blacks, they were cal­led Negroes: They were strong: la­bour, how hard soever, was no strange thing to them, because they were ac­customed to it from their youth: They were subject to few diseases; and though they were exposed to all the injuries of the Seasons, yet they lived long, and by consequence enriched those who bought them for a Crown a head, provided they were not used with too much severity: But if they were so used, they immedi­ately destroyed themselves, by stopping their own breath upon no other account but to vex their pitiless Masters. Chie­vres caused six hundred of them to be bought, and sent into America, where the Spaniards who lived in that new part of the World were informed of the ad­vantage [Page 417] they might have in making use of those Black Slaves, seeing they might have them so cheap. But Cardinal Xi­menes found a great deal to be said against it; and pretended that if the Spaniards by not making use of the Slaves of Guinee had the displeasure to see their Works many times unfinished, they had, to make amends for that, the satisfaction to be assured that the West-Indians, whom they brought into their Houses, would never wrong them, by conspiring and rising against them: Whereas the Ne­groes, who were as malicious as strong, would no sooner perceive themselves to be more numerous in the new World than the Spaniards, but that they would lay their heads together to put the Chains upon them, which now they car­ried for them.

Ayala was sent back to the Court of Bruxelles to exaggerate that inconveni­ence, but Chievres was not satisfied with it. He thought it was something else that set Ximenes at work, and attributed to him a more refined consideration. He drew it from the jealousie of the Spani­ards for the Indies, which went so far, as not to suffer any other Nation but themselves to set footing there, lest they might have a mind to divide the Wealth [Page 418] thereof with them. Nevertheless if Ne­groes were transported thither, there was ground to foresee that they would encrease and multiply much; hard la­bour and bad usage not hindring that people from being extraordinarily fruit­ful; and it being the interest of those who bought them to marry them toge­ther, thereby to augment the number of their Slaves: It would no longer then depend on the prudence of Spain to resist the multitude of Negroes. They would no sooner know their own strength, but that they would think of recovering their liberty; and if their Insurrection prospe­red in one Region of America, it would soon become universal, by the assistance that those who had freed themselves would give to the rest, to make them re­volt after their example.

Besides, the Spaniards were not sit for transporting of Slaves from one extremi­ty of the World to the other, and had not shipping enough to supply America and Peru with sufficient numbers; whence it followed, that in that case they stood in need of the Flemings and Hollanders, the Subjects of the Catholick King; and that so those People getting more knowledge in the Indies than it was fit they should, would infallibly la­bour [Page 419] to settle there. However the Ca­tholick King notwithstanding the Re­monstrance of Ximenes, sent to the Island of Hispaniola the Negrees which Chievres had caused to be bought: But sive years after he had occasion to repent of it, because the Negroes revolted; and had infallibly taken the Island, if by sin­gular good fortune just when their Re­bellion broke out, two Spanish Captains, Melchior de Castro, and Francis d' Avila had not come, and more by cunning than strength put them again into Chains.

That irregularity of Chievres was pro­bably the cause that he afterwards se­conded the Cardinal in the execution of a design which appeared not to be much juster, nor less interested, and of which nothing but humane malice hindred the success. The Indians complained that they were used by the Spaniards like Beasts, and the complaint was but too true. There was no Justice nor Magi­strates for them: They preached the Gospel to them in a manner that might make them abhor it: No great care was taken to Baptize them; nor were they more kindly used after they had received it. Ximenes proposed the sending of Commissioners to them, Louis de Figue­roa, Alphonso of St. John, Monks of the [Page 420] Order of St. Jerome, and the Alcaide Manzanedo, for setling amongst the In­dians Subjects of the Monarchy of Spain, a Policy much like to that of the Pesants in Spain; as if the three persons named had been sufficient for a work of that importance. In the relation of the Fathers of St Jerome. However Chie­vres got it to be approved in the Council of Bruxelles, and the Commissioners set fail from the Coast of Andalusia. They arrived without any hinderance in Ame­rica; but there they found so great oppo­sition from their Country-men, that they put hardly any thing of the Order which they had received from Ximenes in execution; those who ought to have aid­ed them by their Authority being the first that constrained them to Embark again, and return back to the place from whence they came.

John d' Albert had no success in the recovery of his Kingdom of Navarre, though the Treaty of Noyon had facilita­ted his entry into it; and, indeed it must be acknowledged for the justification of Chievres in the juncture we are to speak of, that it was not his fault that that dis­possessed King was not restored. The mea­sures that had been taken for that great design were so just, that nothing hindred [Page 421] them from succeeding, but the ill luck or bad conduct of John d' Albert. King Francis the First had suffered him to raise in the Provinces lying betwixt the Loire and the Pyrenean Hills, an Army almost all old Soldiers, and so much the better disciplined, that they were punctually paid out of the moneys borrowed upon the Jewels of the Crown of N [...]varre. If it had marched into that Kingdom, the Towns and Forts would have striven who should first have opened their Gates; because four years subjection to the Mo­narchy of Castille was sufficient to make those of Navarre come to themselves again, and find their deplorable mistake in delivering themselves up to their an­cient and irreconcileable Enemies. They could not endure that their King­dom should be reduced into a Province; and as it was the Faction of Beaumont which had been the cause of it, so they also were the first that endeavoured to repair the fault. The chief Gentlemen of that party wrote so submissive Letters to John d' Albert, that in every line there appeared evident marks of sorrow for what was past, and of more than ordina­ry obedience for the future. They con­jured him to return into Navarre; assu­red him that assoon as he were over the [Page 422] Pyrenees he should find it all in Arms, and ready to encrease his Forces: They promised to make him Master at first of one half of the Kingdom, and did not think the rest could hold out above two or three months longer. But it is not al­ways true that the mutual love of marri­ed persons surpasses that of their Coun­try; and there may be found in History almost as many Wives who have betray­ed their Husbands for the good of their Country, as have sacrificed their Coun­try to the welfare of their Husbands.

The Hereditary Constable of Navarre, Son and Successor to him who called the Spaniards into it, had gone so far as to resolve in time and place convenient to put himself at the head of a party formed to drive them out of it. It consisted of twenty thousand men; and which was very strange, there was not one Soldier of all that great number, who discovered the conspiracy to the Spaniards. Had the Constable married a Navarrese wo­man, Navarre would not have been re­duced unto a Province to Castille, but his project was discovered by the Castillian whom his Father had chosen him for a Wife. Pedro Maurique, Duke of Nagera had a fair Estate in Castille, upon the bor­ders of Navarre. The leading men of [Page 423] the Faction of Beaumont could find a re­fuge there in case they were too much pressed by the party of Grammont, or by John d' Albert; and the Constables Fa­ther had no other view but that, in mar­rying him with Briande, Daughter to the Duke of Nagera. But that signified nothing to him when he had put Navarre under subjection to Ferdinand the Catho­lick King, and to compleat the misfor­tune of the young Constable his Son, it proved his utter ruine. There was a necessity seeing he was to form a revolu­tion in his Country that might repair his Fathers fault, by restoring John d' Albert, that he must write an insinite number of Letters, and receive as many. It is not known by what accident, but one of them came to his Ladies hands, who without deliberating and considering the consequences of what she was about to do, carried it to Ferdinand d' Acugua, Viceroy of Navarre, who in all hast sent it to Ximenes.

The Cardinal perceiving that the Conspiracy was ready formed, and that it would suddenly break out, took two extream resolutions very hard to be excu­sed, especially in a man of his character. He sent into Navarre all the Forces he could draw together under the command [Page 424] of Ferdinand Vilalva, the best Officer in War that he knew; and gave him or­ders at first to labour only to disperse the Faction of Beaumont without making the leading men prisoners, to the end he might not lose the time which he might more usefully employ in guarding the passage of Roucevaux. If he were so successful as to defend it, and there to cut in pieces the Army of John d' Albert, as the Gascons heretofore had defeated the Rear-guard of Charlemagne; he had Orders, upon his return only, to raze all the strong places of Navarre, except Pampelona, which he should secure with a good Cittadel; that if at any other time the Navarrese might have a mind to revolt against the Kings of Castille, they might be diverted from it by the consideration, that having no Fortresses, they would be opprest by the Spaniards, before the French could come to their succour. But if he could not, upon what occasion soever, hinder John d' Al­bert from passing the Pyrenees, he should in all hast march back again, and set Fire to all the Towns, Castles, Bur­roughs, Villages, and Country-houses of Navarre; to the end that the French finding no subsistance there, might re­turn as fast as they came.

Vilalva obeyed the Cardi­nal, In the Chro­nicle of Vilal­va. and yet put in executi­on but the first of the Orders which he had received, be­cause the extraordinary confidence of his adversaries gave him an easier opportu­nity of overcoming them than he hoped for. John d' Albert being come to the foot of the Pyrenees on the side of France, divided his Army into three Bo­dies; and gave the first, wherein was al­most the whole Faction of Grammont, and the other Navarrese, who chose ra­ther to be banished than to be disloyal to him, to be commanded by Don Pedro Pe­ralta, Mareschal of Navarre. The se­cond, which was the main Body, was commanded by the Count and Cardinal de Foix, the Paternal Uncles of Queen Catherine of Navarre; and John d' Albert, who by the maxims of Military disci­pline at that time, ought to have been there, yet kept in the reserve. He made a stop very unseasonably with the Rear to besiege the Fort of St. John, when he ought to have followed close the Van and main Body, to oblige them by his pre­sence to stand the better upon their guard; and the first Body knowing that the Faction of Beaumont was for them, and by consequence not expecting to find [Page 426] the passages of the Pyrenees guarded, marched with so little circumspection, that they fell wholly into the Ambushes that Vilalva had laid for them. The Spa­niards besetting them on all hands, for­ced them to yield upon discretion, ha­ving scarcely fought for it: Vilalva sent the chief of them, with the Mareschal, prisoners to Castille, where, by their own hands, or through misery, they perished. He put the rest to the Sword, because there needed more men than he had to guard them; and falling immediately after upon the main Body, he put it to the rout. The fugitives coming to the reserve where John d' Albert was, put them into such a consternation, that they immediately raised the Siege of the Castle of St. John, and retreated into the Prin­cipality of Bearn. John d' Albert either could not or would not out-live a second misfortune: He died for grief at Pau, and the Queen his Wife lived but seven months after him.

Vilalva returning victorious, obeyed but too punctually the Orders which he had received from Ximenes, in demolish­ing the strong places of Navarre, seeing it cost him his life. Only one escaped his fury, which was that of Marsilla. It belonged to Anne de Velasco, Marchioness [Page 427] of Falsez, who was there when one of the Commissioners for the demolitions demanded entrance. She refused him admittance; and gave this reason for it, that she would faithfully keep to the young Catholick King Charles the Oath which the late Marquess her Husband had taken to the late King, of preserving to him the Castle of Marsilla in the con­dition he had received it. The Con­stables Lady had so much credit with Xi­menes, by means of the Duke of Nagera her Brother, to whom the Cardinal im­mediately after gave the Vice-Royalty of Navarre, that she saved her Husbands person and Estate: Nevertheless, she was so strongly perswaded that he would never pardon the offence that she had gi­ven him in discovering the Conspiracy, whereof he was the Head, that she left him presently after she had revealed it, and went to her Brothers house, where she continued till she died, without ever suffering any motion to be made to her of returning to her Husband. It appear­ed by the sequel that her fear was not ill grounded, seeing the Constable having one day met Vilalva near his Castle of Lerin, which they had been demolishing and silling up the Ditches of, invited him to dinner in his House. Vilalva at [Page 428] that time stood in extream need of such an invitation, and besides he could not in civility refuse it. He was but half way on his journey, and had still a long way to go before he could come to the Castle of Eteille, whither he was going. He therefore accepted the Constables offer, and dined in the Castle of Lerin: But he had quickly cause to repent it, see­ing he died upon his arrival at the Castle of Eteille, in the opinion of being poison­ed. There was no great care taken in sifting the matter; and the Constable was thought sufficiently punished by the inability he and his Faction were redu­ced to, of any more rising against the Castillians, for want of places of retreat. Thus Navarre was preserved to the Ca­tholick King, and neither his Majesty nor Chievres had any hand in it; and Ximenes thinking nothing impossible for him after the success of such an enter­prize, thought he might take his own course, and do his worst to the Queen Dowager Germana de Foix, by wholly depriving her of what rendred her consi­derable in Spain after the death of King Ferdinand her Husband.

It hath been mentioned before, that that Prince sent her to hold the Estates of Arragon; and the certain advice that [Page 429] she received of the extremity to which he was reduced, had obliged her to make all hast back again unto him. She came only a few hours before he expired, and nevertheless timely enough to represent to him that she was in great danger of be­ing miserable, and even of wanting ne­cessaries for her subsistence, if he provi­ded not against it before his death: That he was obliged to do so in Conscience, seeing she was upon no other account de­prived of the Estate which belonged to her Family in France, but because she had married him: That the late most Christian King Louis the Twelfth, her Mothers Brother, who had promised himself great advantages by marrying her to his Majesty, had on the contrary found that that Alliance was more than one way fatal to him; and that Francis the First his Successor looked upon her as another Helena, who had brought Fire into her Country: That the last of these Monarchs had given all the Estate which she ought to inherit, to the younger Brothers of the Lautrec As­parant, and Le­scun. House, and that there was no more support for her in France: Lautrec in the d [...]nations of Francis the First. That all the Friends she had in her own Country were dead, with [Page 430] Gaston de Foix her only Brother; and that if his Catholick Majesty were taken from her, she could find none, neither in Spain under the Reign of young Charles, seeing he would not look upon her but with horror, when he should call to mind that she was within an Ace of de­priving him of the Succession of Arragon, and perhaps also of that of Castille, which he would not have obtained if the Son she was brought to Bed of had lived, to whom besides, the Succession of Navarre was due. That in fine, to put so un­welcome an object out of her sight, she earnestly besought her dear Husband to leave her in the remotest corner of his Kingdoms, which was that of Naples, an alimentary Pension sufficient to main­tain her in Widowhood for the rest of her days, according to her quality: That there she would prepare to follow him to Heaven, by praying incessantly night and day for him, and by leading a life as much as lay in her power suit­able to the purity of the Gospel. So pa­thetick a discourse prevailed with Ferdi­nand, to leave the Queen Germana, be­sides her Dowry, thirty thousand Du­cats a year upon the Kingdom of Naples; and the Article of the Testament, as it was changed, came immediately after [Page 431] that, which gave Castille and Arragon solely to Charles. But the three Mini­sters whom we mentioned before were not pleased with it, though they thought it not proper at that time to oppose it; the thing being but a trifle in comparison of what they had obtained of King Fer­dinand, which was the preferring of the elder of his Grandsons before the young­er, not only as to the Monarchies last named, but also as to the three great Ma­steries.

Ximenes, who had approved no more than they that Pension for life, saw him­self no sooner in a condition to revoke the grant made to Queen Germana, by a Husband who otherwise had never been liberal, but that without any scruple he both attempted and performed it. It is true it was not done after his way, that is to say, openly, and without fetching a compass; seeing he thought it enough at first to pray Chievres to represent to the Catholick King that the Kingdom of Naples had been a long time French, and that the Faction of Anjou was not as yet wholly extinct in it: That it was too dangerous to suffer a French Queen to have any Revenue there, because she might foment discontents in it, and en­crease the number of his Majesties Ene­mies: [Page 432] That the thirty thousand Ducats ought to be allotted her upon another Fund, and that Fund to be pitched upon in the middle of Castille: That in all times the Towns of Arevalo, Olmedo, Madrigal, and St. Mary of Nieva, which came to the same Revenue, had served for Dowry to the Dowagers of Castille: That by good fortune they were not en­gaged to any Grandee of Spain; and that Queen Germana could have no cause to find fault that they were given her in ex­change for her Pension out of the King­dom of Naples.

Chievres thought Ximenes was in the right, and was confirmed in his opinion, when he understood that Queen Germa­na weary of Widowhood thought of marrying the unfortunate Prince of Ta­rento, the only Son of Frederick King of Naples, whom the Great Captain had made prisoner, and sent into Spain, after he had sworn upon the Holy Sacrament to leave him in liberty. The occasion that offered was the most favourable that could be desired, because it was unseemly for the Catholick King to meddle with the Testament of his Grandfather, which was so advantageous to him, and for Chievres to propose it, since he had Ne­gotiated the Treaty of Noyon, whereby [Page 433] the Kingdom of Naples was to return to France: Whereas the Cardinal acting immediately of himself, and of his own proper motion, would solely also procure the envy to which his action might be exposed, and the hatred of Queen Ger­mana. Chievres gave it that cast to his Catholick Majesty, who failed not im­mediately to write to Ximenes, that he might act in that point as he thought best, In the Letters of Charles the Fifth to Xime­nes. provided he acted as of himself, and without dipping the Royal Authority in the least in it. Ximenes immediately put the Officers of Queen Germana into possession of the four Towns which we have named, and re­united to the Revenue of the Crown the thirty thousand Ducats assigned to that Princess upon the Kingdom of Naples. But the Queen was beyond imagination vexed at it; and expressed her resent­ment with the less reserve, that she thought no body to be blamed for it, but Ximenes. She saw her self obliged to spend the rest of her days in Spain; and to make her Court to her Husbands Grandchildren, by whom she never ex­pected to be well looked upon. She made no doubt, but that their design was to oblige her to a single life, by let­ting [Page 434] her see the impossibility of ever find­ing a Husband of the quality of the for­mer: and as Women wounded in so nice a point, give way for most part to the temptation of having recourse to in­direct means of revenge, when the di­rect are wanting; so Queen Germans, not being able of her self to hurt Ximenes, espoused the contrary party, and in­triegued with his most dangerous Ene­mies, who were the Governour and Tu­tor of the Infanto Ferdinand. She pro­mised to back them with all her credit against the Cardinal, and offered them the four Towns that were given her, to serve them for a refuge in case of necessi­ty. But the Cardinal's Spies pried into the secret of that new intelligence, and made him sensible that he had committed a signal fault in matter of Politicks. He ingenuously confessed it to the Catholick King and Chievres, in the first Letters which he thereupon wrote to them, and solicited both of them to help him with all diligence to repair it. He granted that his memory had been treacherous to him; and that he had not called to mind the example of John King of Na­varre and Arragon, Father to King Fer­dinand, and great Grandfather to his Catholick Majesty, who holding the [Page 435] four places which were given to the Queen, made use of their situation, and the Works that he added to them, for maintaining above thirty years a Civil War in Castille: That the same thing was to be feared from Queen Germana, and perhaps a worse in the present jun­cture: That she kept intelligence with those whom the late King had entrusted with the Education of the Infanto; and that the inconveniences which might arise from thence, to the disturbance of the publick tranquillity, could not too soon be prevented.

The Cardinals Letter was examined in the Council of Bruxelles; and Chie­vres found the affair to be difficult, not only in it self, but also in respect of the persons that were concerned in it. For if the Testament of King Ferdinand were twice on end disappointed, his Successor would pass for ungrateful, and his Mini­sters for fickle, and not well seen in the interests of their Ma [...]er. The Spanish Counsellors of State, who were already but too jealous of them, would thereby take occasion to decry them; and to ren­der their conduct so odious, that their reputation would be lost when they ac­companied his Catholick Majesty into Spain: Whence it would follow, that if [Page 436] he intended to satisfie his new Subjects, he would be obliged no more to consult the Flemings, whom he brought along with him. If the Cardinal were refused, they would provoke him at an unseason­able time, and discourage him from put­ting in execution the resolution which he had taken of opposing all that was great in Spain below the King, which was altogether advantageous to his Ma­jesty during his absence: They would be exposed to the danger which Ximenes foresaw, and kindle a fire in Castille of long continuance before they could ar­rive to quench it.

The expedient that Chievres found out to avoid splitting upon either of these two rocks, was to write an answer to Ximenes, that the Catholick King thought it not fit to meddle a second time with the affair in question, until he himself were arrived in Spain: But that nevertheless the Cardinal might put into Arevalo and Olmedo, which were the best of the four places, so many trusty persons, that he might be sure to be Master of them, in case Queen Germana attempted any stirs: That the two other places would be use­less to her without them; and that the surest conduct that he could then fol­low in relation to that Princess, was to [Page 437] observe her narrowly, but without gi­ving her cause or pretext of complain­ing.

Ximenes was not satisfied with this ex­pedient, yet nevertheless he put it in exe­cution, because it answered in some mea­sures his ends, by putting his adversa­ries out of condition of doing him preju­dice. He made himself insensibly the stronger in Arevalo and Olmedo; and the intriegue he used for slipping into those two places near a thousand Soldiers disguised, of whom he was sure, was so neatly managed, that Queen Germana perceived it not. He visited from time to time Queen Jean in the Castle of Tor­desillas, where the late King her Father had shut her up, and with extream trouble found that the folly of that Prin­cess encreased with Age. The distem­per was incurable; but for want of a cure, which was not possible to be effect­ed by humane means, he found ways of easing the Patient. He attentively stu­died her humour, and observed that of all the passions to which she had been subject, whilst she had the use of reason, there remained none, now her Reason was gone, but Ambition, whether that had been then her predominant passion, or that the Organ that served to retain it [Page 438] was alone preserved free from the altera­tion wrought upon all the other Organs of the rational functions. By that he en­deavoured to dispose her to suffer her self to be made clean from the filth she was encompassed with, In the last years of the life of Jean. and that they might dispel at least for some hours of the day, that Hypochondriacal Me­lancholy which infes [...]ed her, and which nevertheless she cherished instead of sha­king it off.

He caused several persons who had a way of fooling with them, tell her Maje­sty, that the Castillians were sorry they had not acknowledged her for their only Sovereign from the time that Queen Isa­belle her Mother died; and that the Ar­ragonese were mad with themselves, that they had fallen into the same fault after the death of her Father: That both of them were about sending Deputies to beg her pardon for it, but that it beho­ved her also on her part to put her self in a condition to receive them, as it became a great Queen: That her Apartment was so nasty, that it would turn their stomachs to come into it; and that it would be convenient to begin by times to make it clean, to the end no offence might be given to their Eyes and Noses: [Page 439] That they must be received by her in great pomp, and by consequence with good company: That her Majesty gave access but to too few people about her, and that she must admit of a more nume­rous Train: That she ought to Eat in publick at least once a day; and that that was the time when the Musicians desired by their harmony to dispose her stomach to a more quick and easie dige­stion.

He made her afterwards accept of cer­tain pleasant companies of both Sexes, instructed to imitate her extravagancies, and above all things to contradict her in nothing directly; and not to cross her humours indirectly, but by making her believe that they suited not with the Ma­jesty of the greatest Queen in the World. He so tamed her by that means, that she was checked with the least wink of an eye of Ferdinand Talavera, whom the Cardinal placed about her, instead of Leo Ferriera, too old and grave for the dis­charge of the Commission of Governing her, which the late King had given him; and at length they accustomed her on Sundays and Holy-days to hear Mass in a Church at some distance from Torde­sillas, upon pretext that she would re­ceive by the way, and on the place, the [Page 440] acclamations of God save the Queen, from people who were drawn thither out of curiosity to see her, or who were desired to be there on purpose, to the end her weak mind might be convinced, that these were undoubted signs that she was acknowledged for their Sovereign.

Ximenes received for this more ac­knowledgments of gratitude, than for any other of his actions, though it was not the most important of all. The Ca­tholick King thanked him for it in wri­ting: Chievres complemented him in the same manner: Spain resounded his prai­ses; and the Grandees were so satisfied with it, that they were not heard to murmur any more against him. But shortly after there happened a revolt in the Kingdom of Granada, the more diffi­cult to be quelled, because the Council o [...] Bruxelles fomented it when they thought of no such thing. It was the Law o [...] Spain, that the Admirals of each King­dom, which reached to the Mediterra­nean Sea, or to the Ocean, should have their Judicatures fixed in the most fre­quented Ports of their Coasts, and that their Judges should there try all Crimi­nal and Civil Causes that happened to Sea-men, Soldiers on board of Ships, Passengers, and to the Militia appointed [Page 441] for the guard of the Sea-ports: But in process of time an abuse had crept in, which grew daily more and more insup­portable. The Coasts of Spain upon the Mediterranean Sea were not now so much exposed to the incursions of the Infidel Pirats, after that Ximenes had ta­ken Oran, and the other places on the Coast of Barbary, which we have men­tioned, and by consequence had no more need of so many Vessels nor Soldiers to guard them. So the number of Justice­able persons in the Admiralties was di­minished; and the multitude of their Officers not having been proportionably supprest, their Courts for most part had nothing to do. They were therefore re­duced to seek for practice, if they had a mind to exercise their Jurisdictions, and they found some, by a means that tended to the establishment of Impunity for all sorts of Crimes in the Towns where it was in use. Those who had been guilty of enormous Crimes, and were by Royal Justice condemned to Death, found ways to prove, that they had been Sea­men, Soldiers, Passengers, or Coast­guards, and under that pretext deman­ded to be referred to the Courts of the Admiralty. It durst not be refused them, because the Admiral would have imme­diately [Page 442] interposed in the affair for the pre­servation of his Priviledges, and would have had it examined in the Supream Council of Castille and Arragon. Ne­vertheless so soon as the Prisoner was re­moved unto the Prisons of the Admiral­ty, he was almost sure of his life, seeing a little money could always bring him off. In the com­plaints of the Malaguins. The Town of Malaga, in the Kingdom of Granada, had the greatest Traffick of any, because of its excellent Wines; and as strangers came there in greatest numbers, so the Officers of the Admiralty there absolved also more Cri­minals. The Burghers had often com­plained of it to King Ferdinand; and had besought him entirely to abolish the Courts of Admiralty, or to diminish the number of the Judges: But his Ma­jesty had had no regard to their petiti­ons; whether he feared to disoblige all the Admirals of Spain, whose cause in that particular was common with the Admiral of Granada; or that he thought the Burghers of Malaga would be too free, and by consequence grow insolent, if the Court they complained of were abolished. But after his death the Burgh­ers of that Town applied themselves im­mediately to the new Catholick King, [Page 443] without first addressing themselves to Ximenes. They demanded of him no more the alternative of the suppression of the Offices of the Admiralty, or of their reduction to a smaller number, but purely the total suppression; and by their Deputies, whom they sent to the Court of Bruxelles, maintained, that since the reasons which heretofore obli­ged the Kings of Spain to enlarge the priviledges of Admirals, ceased, these priviledges ought to be reduced to Com­mon Law. The new King caused their [...]proposition to be examined in his Coun­cil; and Chievres thought it not conve­nient, either absolutely to grant their petition, or yet to defer the answering of it. The first seemed to him to be too severe and mortifying, and the next too uncivil. He gave advice to answer the Malaguins, that his Majesty at such a di­stance could not determine what was to be reformed in the Admiralty of Grana­da; but that he would quickly be upon the places, and there endeavour to give satisfaction to his good Subjects of Mala­ga. The advice was followed; and the Cardinal had no sooner learnt it, but he wrote positively to Chievres, that he had committed a considerable Error, and that it would not be long before he had [Page 444] cause to repent it. That he was not well enough acquainted as yet with the Genius of the Spaniards, and that that Nation haughty towards all kinds of men, became infallibly insolent towards their Superiors, when they seem to be afraid of them, by managing them with too much circumspection: That he thought he had only written a comple­ment in the last words of his answer to the Malaguins; but that he would soo [...] see them explain those words as seriously as if they were part of the chief Article of a Treaty, nay, and give them a more ample signification than he had intended. The event was more troublesome that Ximenes had predicted; and the Mals­guins imagined that they had obtained what they desired, for this only reason that on the one hand it had not been re­fused them; and on the other, that they had been civilly answered. They there­upon made an Insurrection; banished the Officers of the Admiralty; they con­verted to other uses the places of Judica­ture, threw down their Gibbets; and left neither in their City nor Precincts any mark of the Jurisdiction of the Ad­miralty. Ximenes made an offer of re­claiming them by mildness, sending peaceful men to represent to them, that [Page 445] seeing the Council of Bruxelles had re­ [...]erred them to the arrival of the Catho­ [...]ick King in Spain, they ought not till then have made any innovation: but the Malaguins perswaded that the Car­dinal sent messengers to him meerly out of jealousie, for the favour which they pretended to have obtained, grew more [...]utragious, and made their Rebellion publick. They took Arms against the Government; chose Commanders; mounted upon their walls what Artille­ [...]ry they had; and cast a new Piece of a prodigious size and length, with this Inscription, In the relation of that Insur­rection. The defenders of the Liberties of Malaga will speak by my mouth.

The Cardinal who at first had only used lenitive medicines to convince the Council of Bruxelles, that they would encrease rather than cure the evil, sent strict orders to the Militia of the King­dom of Granada, to draw together into a Body, and under the Command of Anthony de la Queva, an experienced Commander, march instantly to reduce the revolted Malaguins. The Militia drew out into the Field, with as much expedition, as if they had been a Body of old Troops separated for a week or a [Page 446] fortnight into quarters of refreshment. They advanced as far as Antequerra, in so good order, that the Malaguins all of a sudden changed from the extremity of presumption in their strength, into a ge­neral despair of being able to defend themselves. They prayed La Queva to put a stop to his march, and to permit them to send two Deputies to Ximenes, for imploring his mercy, and freely sub­mitting to his discretion. La Quev [...] was for some time irresolute what to do, seeing on the one hand the Cardinal was of an inflexible temper; and on the other, it concerned the Monarchy of Spain not to ruine the richest Town of Traffick it had at that time, the Indies not having as yet enriched Seville. Ne­vertheless he enclined to clemency, and stopt till he should be informed of the effect of the Deputation. The two wretched Malaguins, who in a most humble posture presented themselves be­fore the Cardinal, expected to be made Sacrifices for their Country, and in that prospect cast themselves at his feet. They begged his pardon in a discourse mingled with sighs at every word, and that he would vouchsafe at least to pre­serve Malaga from violence, bloud, fire and plunder. The Cardinal who preten­ded [Page 447] to use indulgence, thought it enough to give the Deputies a severe reprimand, and sent them back to Malaga, with Orders to repeat the same to their fellow Citizens. Immediately after he wrote to La Queva to enter the Town; and after he had caused five of the most guilty Burghers to be hanged, and the Juris­diction of the Admiral fully restored, to proclaim a general pardon there. La Quiva acted his part incomparably well, and the blessings of the Malaguins was not the only advantage that Ximenes got by remitting severity in such a juncture. He took besides, the liberty to represent to Chievres, and afterwards to his Catho­lick Majesty, that it was the interest of the Monarchy of Spain to support him in all things that were not contrary to the service of the King. He protested that so long as he were Regent, his Authori­ty should go along with the Royal Au­thority: That the rebound of the one would infallibly glance upon the other: That his own and Masters Reputation went hand in hand; and that having so signally re-established it in regard of the Malaguins, he had reason to hope, that if at any other time it were to be put into the balance, they would consider a little better on't first in Flanders.

He went farther in the following Or­der which he received from the Catho­lick King; and it was upon so nice an occasion, that he let fall one of the best sayings that is to be found in the Chro­nicles of Spain, though those that have read them know they are full of such. His Catholick Majesty ordered him to reduce the expences of the Crowns o [...] Castille and Arragon to their ancient state that is to say, to the rate they were at be fore they were united. He found it to be very hard; and complained of it with the more reason, that thereby he was rendred the object of all the Courtiers hatred, and constrained to fall out with those Friends he had still remaining i [...] both Monarchies, by cutting them short of what they yearly received out of the Royal Exchequer. Nevertheless he punctually obeyed; but before he set about it, he thought fit to acquaint the Catholick King, that it was not the want of foresight that made him so im­plicitly obedient to his commands. He wrote to his Majesty, That he did with him as God did with the Devil, and that he always made use of him when people were to be afflicted and pu­nished, In the collection of his sayings. but never employed him when there was a de­sign [Page 449] to save or bestow favours upon them. He still continued for all that to Govern [...]fter his own way, in rewarding merit [...]ven when he discovered it in those [...]hom he did not take to be his friends. He procured a Cardinals Hat for the Bishop of Tortosa, who was afterwards [...]ope, by the name of Adrian the Sixth; [...]nd desired Doctor Mota for his Co-ad­ [...]tor in the Archbishoprick of Toledo, [...]hough he was perswaded that both of [...]hem were in Spain upon no other ac­ount, but to spy his actions, and thwart [...]hem; which to speak sincerely, was [...]ue enough. The Order is still to be [...]en which Chievres for that end expe­ [...]ed to the Bishop, by command of the Catholick King; and as for Mota, he was a Spaniard, born in the City of Bur­ [...]os, of no Estate, but by his parts ca­ [...]able of acquiring one. There was not [...]n Castille a more profound Divine than [...]e, nor a Preacher more generally fol­lowed: He spake his own Language ele­ [...]antly and neatly; and that was princi­ [...]ally the reason why Philip of Austria, Father to the Catholick King, who aspi­ [...]ed to the purity of the Spanish Tongue, [...]ook Mota for his Preacher, and for con­ [...]ersing familiarly with him at his leisure­ [...]hours. King Ferdinand, Philip's Fa­ther-in-Law, [Page 450] consented to it, and recei­ved no prejudice thereby, so long as Queen Isabelle his Wife was alive: But after the death of that Princess, he had cause to repent of it, seeing Mota was one of those who most zealously seconded Philip in the design of sending Ferdinand his Father-in-Law home to Arragon. That design was fully put in execution, but Mota, who had most contributed thereto, though only in secret, had not time to make his advantage of it. Phi­lip died before he had done any conside­rable thing for him, and Ferdinand re­turned again to the administration of Ca­stille. Mota finding himself exposed to his resentment, and there being no secu­rity for him to stay in his Country with­out support, bethought himself of look­ing out for a protector abroad: He wrote to the Emperor Maximilian, Philip's Fa­ther, that it belonged to him to Govern Castille and Arragon, during the infirmi­ty of his Daughter-in-Law, and the mi­nority of his Grandchildren: He suppsi­ed him with a great many Articles of Castillian and Arragonese Laws, which deferred the Regency to him in the case then in question: He gave him the in­stances of it, that were to be found in the History of the Country: And intimated [Page 451] to him, that his reputation would be blasted, if he suffered the Catholick King to supplant him. It is not known by what trick the Letter came to be inter­cepted: But certain enough it was; and that Mota being afraid of his life, or at least of his liberty, sought for a refuge out of Spain, though he well foresaw, that if he left his Country, he would de­prive himself of the best quality he had for advancing himself, which was that of Preaching before those who perfectly understood Spanish. It came first into his mind to withdraw to Rome, but he rejected that notion, because King Fer­dinand was too powerful there. Nor could he six upon France or Germany, where his Catholick Majesty was not be­loved, because he was afraid not to find means of subsistence in either of them; but out of meer necessity chose the Low-Countries. All the caution he took for being the better received there, was to procure from the Grandees of Castille, Letters of recommendation to the Arch­duke and Chievres, to the end he might receive from the Son a reward for the ser­vices rendred to the Father. But his proceedings were so nearly observed, that King Ferdinand knew upon the spot, from whom he had received his Letters [Page 452] of recommendation, and the Box he had put them in. His Majesty was not trou­bled that he went out of Spain, seeing he expected more hurt than good from him if he continued there. He valued him not so much as to get the ill will of the Castillians, by stopping him, or at­tempting upon his life, and would not commit a crime upon his person. So that he thought it enough to frustrate him of his Letters of recommendation; and wrote to Bernardin de Velasco, Go­vernor of Burgos, who had married one of his Natural Daughters, to take such measures, as that Mota might go out of Spain, without Letters of recommenda­tion, and yet still believe he had them. Pickpockets in Spain are cal­led Knights of Industry. Velasco treated with some Knights of Indu­stry, who pretended to tra­vel the same way as Mots did, insinuated into his acquaintance, contracted a kind of intimacy with him: knew the Box by the marks that were given them: pickt it, took out the Let­ters of recommendation, put as many Blank-papers made up in the same fashi­on in their place; locked the Box again with so much art, that it appeared no [...] to have been opened; took their leave civilly of Mota; returned to Burgos, and [Page 453] delivering to Velasco what he had deman­ded of them, received the money that they had agreed with him for. Mota con­tinued his journey, and in Galicia em­barked for Dunkerk, where he landed without any other misfortune. He went streight to Bruxelles; but when he was about to present his Letters, he found none in the Box where he had put them; and that had infallibly put him into de­spair, if Chievres, who was informed of the acciddent that befel him, had not been so civil as to comfort him. He got the Archduke to settle a considerable Pensi­on upon him; and after the death of Fer­dinand, procured him a Commission to go into Spain, where the Cardinal know­ing his value, made him Bishop of Bada­jox, and endeavoured to make him Co­adjutor of his Archbishoprick of Toledo.

There are but few people so ill-natured as to envy the rewards which they see given to the rarest merit, and the Gran­dees of Spain made the promotion of Mota a pretext for letting Ximenes alone peaceably to Govern Castille and Arragon, so long as he was fortunate: But from the first misfortune that befel him, they took fresh occasion to endeavour his de­gradation. Horuc the elder Brother of Barbarossa, had seised Algier in Africa: [Page 454] From thence he ravaged and molested the Coasts of Spain; and threatned to take from the Spaniards their Conquests in Barbary. He blocked up their places; and the Cardinal, who was the more zealous to preserve them, as that it was he that had conquered them, sent thi­ther under the Command of General Ve­ra, an Army, which without trouble, raised the Blocade of the Infidels, be­cause Horuc not daring to stay, shut him­self up in Algiers upon the approach of the Spaniards. But Vera instead of be­ing satisfied with that success, pursued his advantage as far as Algiers, and laid Siege to it, without considering well enough if he wanted nothing that was necessary for a regular Siege in the mo­dern way: Horuc who was an expert Soldier, at first amused the Besiegers: Then weakned them by frequent Sallies: Tired them out by false Alarms, which the Mores ever now and then gave them both by day and by night; and at length defeated them in a general Sally. With much a do Vera saved himself; and the Cardinal was more blamed for that vain attempt, than he was applauded for the Conquest of Oran, so unjust are men in their Judgments. His Enemies at the Court of Bruxelles stood not so much in [Page 455] awe as they had done till then: They moved that he might be sent home to his Church, and turned against him the greatest part of the Counsellors of State, who were offended that he would not share the principal Functions of the Regency with any one of their number, whom they had sent him for Col­leagues.

The Cardinal withstood not that shock in the same manner as he had hi­therto maintained himself. He abated a little of his haughtiness; and justified himself from the slight which he was ac­cused to have put upon his Colleagues, by shewing Authentick proofs, that he had acted joyntly with them, so long as his Dignity, which was no more esteemed than as he could make it to be valued, could suffer him; and that he had not separated from them, but by their own fault, and when he was con­strained to it, that he might not break with the Court of Rome. He unfolded this little Court-mystery, by adding, that they had had the impudence to sign before him the dispatches of the Council of Spain, though one of them was as yet but a Dean, and the other a Lay-man: That if that injury against the Roman Purple, with which he had the honour [Page 456] to be cloathed, had been suffered, there had been ground for divesting him of it; and that all Spaniards, as well in general as particular, not excepting his own Enemies, had so much approved that his Colleagues should be chastized, by hindring them to exercise their Commis­sion; that none took exceptions at, or complained of it.

As to the Regency the Cardinal wrote to the Catholick King, importuning him to discharge him of it, and to suffer him to withdraw to his own Diocese, there to mind the Spiritual concerns of himself and his Flock: That he had rai­sed himself too many Enemies, to be for the future in a condition of rendring his Country the same services, which till then it had received from him: That he foresaw Civil Wars like to break out again in Spain, which for so many years had been so fatal to it, and yet so com­mon; and that it was very decent for a Prelate, such as he was, to be no more but a spectator of them.

The Catholick King, before he had examined the Letter of Ximenes in the Council of Bruxelles, shew'd it to Chie­vres, who supposed that since the Cardi­nal himself solicited his own deposition, he must of necessity have certain infor­mation [Page 457] that a storm was gathering in Spain, which he despaired of being able to dissipate: That if he judged himself unable to resist it, he was without doubt more convinced of the insufficiency of him that should be given him for Suc­cessor, and that by consequence, what way soever the matter were examined, there could be no hazard in continuing the Cardinal in the Regency; seeing if he appeased the Tumult he spake of, there would be no cause to repent of ha­ving continued him in Office; and if he quelled it not, this would be their com­sort, that it was certain none could have succeeded better in it than he. Upon that consideration then, his Catholick Majesty made answer to Ximenes, that Spain had more need than ever of his administration: That he prayed him as a Cardinal, and commanded him as a Spaniard not to abandon publick affairs: That he promised him nothing of reward, because there was none but what was too low for him; and that he thought it enough therefore to tell him, that if he stood no more in need of his Catholick Majesty, his Catholick Majesty stood extreamly in need of him.

Ximenes of all the Ministers that went before him, or that came after, until [Page 458] Cardinal Richelieu the ablest in Negotia­ting with their Masters; called then to mind the Spanish Proverb, That well-grounded Fortunes are not safely shaken, and that every time men fail to overturn them, they fix them the more. He resol­ved to make his advantage of all the at­tempts that had been made to depose him; and the more earnest the Catholick King shew'd himself that he should re­tain the Regency, the more solicitous he seemed to be discharged of it. Many Letters went to and fro upon so new and nice a subject; and the end of the Co­medy was, that the Cardinal condescen­ded not to continue as he was, till after he had treated on even terms with his Master, and by the mediation of Chie­vres, articled with him, that the Ca­tholick King should reserve to himself the disposal of Bi­shopricks, In the compa­risons of the Cardinals Xi­menes and Ri­chelieu. Comanderies, Be­nesices, Military Orders, and of the Revenue of the Crown Lands of Castille and Arragon; and that the Cardinal should have for his share the entire and unlimited disposal of Magistracies, places of Judicature, go­vernments of Provinces, extraordinary Revenues, of the Soldiers and their Offi­cers in both Monarchies. Ximenes kept [Page 459] the Catholick to his word so long as he lived, and yet never abused that half of Royal Authority which was given him: But Humane Providence is almost ever defective in those things which men think they have examined with greatest exactness. From that extraordinary power which the Cardinal had cunning­ly snatched from the Court of Bruxelles, there happened an inconvenience the more terrible, that it seemed God inten­ded to shew him, that he is as jealous of the Sovereignty which he communicates, as of that which he reserves to himself; and that he does no more willingly suffer, that men born for a private life should offer to Govern independently, than he endures Creatures to rob him of his Glo­ry.

No sooner had the Courtiers of Brux­elles had intelligence of the death of King Ferdinand, but that immediately they conceived hopes of dividing amongst them the chief Dignities of Castille and Arragon, as soon as they became vacant. The Regency of Ximenes had not unde­ceived them, because they thought it would cease upon the arrival of the Ca­tholick King in Spain: But when they understood that his Majesty had tied his owns hands in favour of that Cardinal, [Page 460] and had remitted to him the more sub­stantial part of the Government, until he was compleatly of Age, they were as much offended thereat, as if their Master had robbed them of what he had put him­self out of condition of granting to them. They foresaw that Ximenes would bestow no favours but upon Native Spaniards; and the fear they were in of dying before their Master was of Age, made them ha­sten to be rich before that happened. They knew that the Revenue of the Low-Countries would suffice to maintain him so long as he were in Flanders; and in that prospect they inclined him to grant them by way of gratuity almost the whole Revenue of the Royal Demain of Castille, the Revenue of Arragon remain­ing in the hands of the Estates of the Country, by the fundamental Laws of that Monarchy, till the new King went tither in person, and had solemnly sworn to maintain the priviledges of the Arragonese.

The money which the Counsellors of State of Bruxelles drew from Castille, en­creased their greediness instead of satisfy­ing it; and gave the Spaniards the grea­ter disgust, that they had never till then seen the publick Revenue go out of their Country. They would have suffered it [Page 461] nevertheless without repining any other way but in secret, if the Flemish Cour­tiers had stopt there, and been satisfied with the Revenues which their trusty Receivers transmitted to Antwerp by Bills of Exchange: But shortly after they added the Sale of places and Simo­ny to their avarice, in such an excessive manner as we shall now relate.

Amongst the Graces which the Ca­tholick Kings had reserved to themselves, there were many whereof Native Spani­ards were only capable; besides the Commanderies which ought solely to be conferred on them by the Institutions of the Orders of St. James, Calatrava, and Alcantara. The Flemings though they could not be ignorant of this, yet for all that were not willing to consent that those two kinds of profits should escape them; and when they came to be va­cant, and that Spaniards came to Brux­elles to sue for them, they prevented them by procuring blank Provisions, and afterwards filling them up with the name of him that offered most money. They acted almost in the same manner in relation to Benefices, not excepting Bishopricks; and when Ximenes com­plained of it, they stopt his mouth by answering him, that since he was not [Page 462] contradicted in the exercise of the share of Royal Authority, which had liberally been granted him, he had no reason to find fault that his Majesty took his own way in disposing the other part which he had reserved to himself, as a supply to his bounty and magnificence.

THE Spaniards, who for want of money had not obtained the Charges and Benefices which they had gone to Bruxelles to solicite for; and those of the same Nation, who had straitned themselves by purchasing them for ready money, returned for most part both alike dissatisfied. They conspired in like manner to revenge themselves of the repulse they had sustained, and of the draining of their Purses, by publish­ing, that that which Jugurtha, a King of Numidia, said heretofore of the City of Rome in particular, That it was to be sold, was exactly true of the Monarchies of [Page 464] Castille and Arragon in general; and that it was the good fortune of Rome that it found no buyers: whereas to the ill luck of Spain, its own Inhabitants con­sumed their Revenues, and impoverish­ed themselves to purchase it: That Be­nefices were no more gran­ted to Piety and Learning, In the first Ma­nifesto of the Spaniards a­gainst the Fle­mings. nor any favour depending on the Catholick King Charles of Austria, given as a reward of Virtue and Merit: That in the most eminent Functions of the Ec­clesiastical Hierarchy none for the future were to be seen but Simoniacal and Im­pious persons, nor in the chief Magistra­cies but unworthy men; and that the Flemings received too great profit from these counterband Goods, that it should be hoped they would refrain from that infamous Traffick for the time to come: That the Chancellor John Savage. of the Low-Countries alone had in the space of four months already got by it Five Hundred Thou­sand Crowns; and that if the rest of the Courtiers of Flanders made their advan­tage accordingly, Spain could not dis­agree about it, but that they would be reduced to slavery: That there was no other way to avoid that inconvenience, [Page 465] but to oblige the Catholick King to make no more use of Flemings for Counsellors of State and Favourites, and not to dis­pose of the Graces of Castille, but by the advice of the Council of Spain.

These discourses at first whispered only in the Ear, and afterwards spread in publick Assemblies, and even in Ser­mons, made so great impression upon the Cities of Leon, Burgos and Vailladolid, that they resolved to send Deputies to the Catholick King, for the universal and absolute removing of Flemish Mini­sters, and for the distribution of Grants by the advice of the Council of Madrid. It was to no purpose for Cardinal Xime­nes to represent to them that they offered too much for the first Essay, by attemp­ting to bind the hands of their Sovereign in such a manner as had never as yet been practised in Spain: That if he had not the liberty to chuse those of his Council, nor to do kindnesses to whom he pleased, he would be more unhappy than the meanest of his Subjects, who fully enjoy­ed both these priviledges; and that it was not always necessary for remedying of publick no more than of natural evils, to cut off even to the root.

So great was the obstinacy of the People, that the Cardinal not being able [Page 466] to bend it, imitated the skill of Pilots, who yielding in part to the violence of the Winds, make use of them for con­veying them to the Ports they are bound for. He wrote to Chievres, that a Con­vocation of Estates must be allowed the Spaniards: But that it behoved also to be in such a manner as that the Catholick King might receive no disadvantage thereby: That it should be put off until his Majesties arrival in Spain, which would not be before Autumn, One Thou­sand Five Hundred and Seventeen: That his Catholick Majesty in all appearance would be ready to part about the middle of Summer, and that upon that design a Fleet should be sent to expect him upon the Coast of Flanders: That the plea­santness of the Season would infallibly shorten his Voyage, and that on all ha­zards the Harvest Season was the most secure, provided it were in the begin­ning of it: That the Spaniards would be so charmed with the presence of their new King, that they would have no more thoughts of limiting his power, nor any thing else; and that the Assem­bly of the Estates would be wholly taken up in reciprocal civilities of the Deputies to his Majesty, and of his Majesty to the Deputies.

The Convocation was in effect pro­claimed to be held in the end of Septem­ber the same Year, and the Spanish Fleet parted from the Coast of Galicia in July; But the Grandees of Castille, who did not foresee that the power of Ximenes would last no longer than till the com­ [...]ng of his Majesty, resolved to rid them­selves of that Cardinal beforehand; and [...]e of all others, The Duke of Infantado. who till [...]hen had appeared most [...]oderate, put himself at [...]he head of the rest. We have mention­ [...]d that Ximenes had disobliged the Duke [...]f Infantado, by refusing his Niece to [...]is Nephew; and it is to be subjoyned [...] this place, that a Law-suit having [...]appened betwixt the Duke and the Count of Castro, the Cardinal, who [...]ould not let slip the occasion of exerci­ [...]ng his Authority in so rare a juncture, [...]ould have the deciding of it. The [...]uke, who took him for his Enemy, [...]rote to Flanders to the Catholick King, [...]aying him that he would suspend the [...]ecision of the cause, until his Majesty [...]ere present in Council, where the mat­ [...]r should be examined. The King wil­ [...]gly granted it: But the Cardinal ha­ [...]ng complained thereof, as a contra­ [...]ntion of the power which had been gi­ven [Page 468] him; and Chievres being of the opi­nion that he should be permitted to act, the case was decided, and the Duke cast. He did not presently resent it; but some­time after he took the occasion when the Cardinal sent a Promoter from the Town of Alcala where he was, to Guadalàj [...]a, about some formalities of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. Bernardin de Mendoza the Dukes Brother, was Archdeacon of the place; and the Duke took a pretext, that the Promoter had invaded the Ju­risdiction of his Brother. He caused him to be cudgelled, and threatned him with worse if he came again. The Pro­moter complained to Ximenes, who the more willingly promised him the Justice which he demanded, for that the Duke in causing him to be abused, had commit­ted two crimes; one in opposing the execution of Ecclesiastical Justice, for which he had incurred the Censures: and another in using uncivilly an Officer of the Regent of Spain, in the execution of the Orders which he had received, and in becoming thereby guilty of Treason The Duke exasperated, that Ximenes ha [...] threatned him with a double punishment sent his Chaplain to tell him what th [...] most envenomed Satyrs reviled him with. It was a harder part to be acte [...] [Page 469] than one was aware of, and the Chap­lain only accepted it for fear of losing his place. He went and fell on his knees before Ximenes, and begg'd his pardon for the injury that he was constrained to do him: Having used that caution, he repeated word for word all that he was charged to tell him; and the Cardinal, who no less admired the simplicity than the blind obedience of the Church-man, heard him as peaceably as if he had been speaking verses to his praise. He did not interrupt him; changed neither countenance nor posture; and replied only two things with as moderate a tone, as if what he had heard had been altoge­ther indifferent to him; first, That a Priest as he was, ought not to have under­taken a Commission so mis-becoming his character; and next, that he should make hast back again to the Duke; and that he would find him sorry for the im­pertinent words that he had put into his mouth. It is not known what ground there was for the prophecy, but it is cer­tain it proved true. In the relation of that quarrel. The Duke whose passion had hindred him from reflecting upon the command that he had given to his Chaplain, judged it ridiculous so soon as it was over. He chid those that [Page 470] were then about him, for having suffered him to do it, and hardly forbore punish­ing his Chaplain at his return, for ha­ving so readily and faithfully obeyed him. He sent him back immediately to make an Apology to Ximenes, who still remem­bring the obligation that he had to the Duke, for having refused to engage in the interests of Pedro Giron, consented that the Constable of Castille should in­terpose for an accommodation. It was no hard matter for the Constable to con­clude it, seeing both parties desired it with equal earnestness: But just as the Articles were finished, a circumstance intervened that was within an Ace of breaking it up in an irreparable man­ner.

The Cardinal and Duke had their in­terview at Fon-Carrallio, where the two parties and Mediator judged it not fit to bring almost any body along with them, to the end they might confer together with greater freedom. The Cardinal had even concealed the matter from Don Juan de Spinosa, Captain of his Guards, who coming to know of it by another way, thought that his place obliged him to go and Guard him at least upon his re­turn, since he would not be attended when he went. He caused his Troop to [Page 471] mount on Horse-back, and arrived with it at Fon-Carrallio about the end of the interview. The Duke and Constable no sooner heard the Neighing of the Horses, and the Trumpet that sounded before the Troop, but they imagined that Ximenes dealt treacherously with them, and had ordered Forces to come and seize their persons. They openly re­sented it; and Ximenes who knew him­self to be innocent, fell a laughing at their panick fear. He lookt out at the window; perceived Spinosa, made him a sign to come to him; sharply reproved him for his unseasonable diligence; threatned to turn him out if he did the [...]ike again; and sending him presently [...]ack as fast as he came, he returned some time after with the Duke and Con­stable.

He came not off so soon, nor so easily [...]n another clashing that he had with the Count of Ʋregna, seeing in all appea­rance the poison that was given him pro­ceeded from that. There was a cause depending betwixt the Count and Quichada, for the property of Villa fra­ [...]re near Vailladolid; and the Count who was more powerful and of greater qua­ [...]ity than the other, had by his own Au­thority put himself into possession of the [Page 472] controverted Estate. So he pleaded with a full hand; and Quichada who had the better title, demanded that the Estate might be put into sequestration. The Council of Spain granted the peti­tion, and Ximenes sent a Messenger and Serjeants to take up the Rent of Villa­fratre. These inferiour Officers of Ju­stice were abused in the execution of their Commission by the Son of the Count of Ʋregna, assisted by his Friends, wh [...] were the Sons of the Constable, Ad­miral, and of the Duke of Albuquerqu [...] The Messenger on whom blows had not been spared, complained of it to the Court of Vailladolid, which forthwith ordered the Militia of the Country to g [...] and be assistant to the Officers of Justice. The Bishop of Malaga President of that Court went to command them; and the Constable of Castille, who saw his Son for company-sake, engaged in an ugly business, went himself to take it up a [...] Villa-fratre, where the young Lords for­tified themselves with their Fathers Vas­sals, whom they had called to their as­sistance. His Authority over his Son his perswasions to the other Lords, hi [...] Prayers, importunities and menaces prevailed upon them at length to com [...] out of the place, and to leave the Bisho [...] [Page 473] in full liberty of executing the Sentence of the Court, whereof he was Commis­sary; and seeing that Prelate was a mo­derate man, he stopt there; that is to say, there was no prosecution on his part against the young men, who had beaten the Messenger and the Serjeants.

It is to be believed, that if Ximenes had been of his humour, there would have been no more of the matter: But there was not in all the world two men of a more different temper, though other­wise they were intimate friends. Xime­nes thought there could not be a more enormous fault in Politicks, than any way, or for any cause whasoever, to connive at attempts against the Sovereign Power, and in such a case never made any distinction betwixt high and low conditions. The Bishop on the contra­ry was possessed with an opinion, that there was flesh and bloud in actions against Sovereignty, as well as in others; and that though the consequence of the former required a greater severity to be used against them than against the latter, yet it followed not from thence that pity and mercy should be absolutely banished from them. So Ximenes ordered all those who had resisted Justice, to be ap­prehended, and sent the Alcaide Sarmi­ento [Page 474] to prosecute them, with orders, nei­ther to make an end of, nor desist in the Suit, until the Criminals were brought to exemplary punishment, and Villa­fratre, which had served them for a place of retreat, demolished.

By that means all the high Nobility were attacked; because there was not a Lord in all Castille, who was not related, either in bloud or affinity, to these four young Lords, or at least who aspired not to be so. And, indeed, the Criminals fearing to be apprehended in the Field, or in the Castles of their Fathers, retur­ned to Villa-fratre, which they defended stoutly enough: But Sarmiento laid a formal Siege to them, and in process of time reduced them to great extremities. He bore with all the railleries that they put upon Him and Ximenes, whose Ima­ges they dragg'd about the Streets; and put them so hard to it, that they were come to the last bit of Bread, when find­ing by chance a quarter in the Lines worse guarded than the rest, they forced through with Sword in hand, and so sa­ved themselves in the mountains of the Asturias.

Ximenes having missed the prey which had escaped from him, turned his anger against Villa-fratre, which he caused to [Page 475] be demolished to the very foundations. By his orders the place where it stood was Ploughed up, and Salt sown there­in. Seven of the chief Burghers were whipt, for having affronted the Messen­ger whilst they were a beating of him; and a Servant of the Admiral of Castille was served in the like manner, for ha­ving carried Soldiers to his Masters Son. The Grandees of Spain incensed at this rigour, wrote both publickly and pri­vately to their King in Flanders, impor­tuning him by all means to deliver them from the tyranny of Ximenes. They prayed Chievres to joyn his credit to their requests; and this is a proper place to convict the Historians of Castille and Ar­ragon of falshood, who pretend that the Cardinal had not a greater Enemy at the Court of Bruxelles than Chievres. Cer­tainly if his aversion had been such as they set it forth to have been, Chievres found the most favourable occasion that he could have wished for, for supplan­ting of Ximenes, seeing he needed not so much as to be seen in the disgrace of that Cardinal. He had no more to do, but to stand aside, and leave him alone to de­fend his Cause against so many Enemies combined for his ruine. He would in­fallibly have lost it, and the Catholick [Page 476] King seeing himself reduced to the ne­cessity of discontenting irreconcileably the Nobility of Castille, or of sacrificing Ximenes unto them, would have prefer­red the second before the first: But Chie­vres forsook not the Cardinal at such a pinch, where he absolutely stood in need of assistance to save him from an utter disgrace. He represented to his Catho­lick Majesty, that now it was his true interest more than ever to support Xime­nes; and if he yielded but the least in that point, he would immediately have cause of repenting it. That so long as the Cardinal was protected, the Royal Au­thority was in no danger in Spain, see­ing on the one hand he would keep the Nobles in their duty, by a strict obser­vation of the Laws; and on the other hand the People loved him too well, and were too much obliged to him for the Justice he rendred them against the Nobles, to make any Insurrection, or to second the discontents of the great men: But if it appeared that the Cardinal were no more in so great favour at Court, the Nobility would instantly rise in Arms, under pretext of deposing him, but in reality to raise the Infanto Ferdinand to the Throne; and the People beginning to despise the Regent, as they common­ly [Page 477] do those who are out of favour what way soever their misfortune befal them, would be less reserved in following the example of the Gentlemen.

Chievres's discourse had the effect which he promi­sed himself; In the Letters of Charles the Fifth to Xime­nes. and the young King approved the Cardi­nals conduct so stedfastly, that the Grandees of Castille having in vain solicited the Citizens of Leon, Bur­gos and Vailladolid, who remained in obedience, were forced to receive the Law which the Cardinal was pleased to impose upon them. It appears not neither by the Orders which at that time he received from the Court of Bruxelles, nor by the Letters that Chievres wrote to him, that he was enjoyned to manage the affair that then was upon the stage with more moderation than he was wont to do: Nevertheless he did it, and the clemency which he used was the more admired, that he had never till then practised the like, nor did ever any more for the future.

He at first rejected the overtures of ac­commodation which his friends made to him in favour of the four Criminals; and seemed so inflexible to those who spake to him of pardoning, that they de­spaired [Page 478] of disposing him to it. The Cri­minals were forced by their own Fathers to go and deliver themselves up to prison in Vailladolid, and to submit to what the Magistrate should order concerning their persons. The Sentence of the Judges was conform to the severity of the Laws; but Ximenes, who had the Royal Autho­rity in his hands, grew milder when it was least expected. He not only suspen­ded the execution which would have drawn tears from all Castille; but gave them an absolute pardon; and did it in so noble a manner, that the severity, whereof he had given so many instances, appeared not to be natural to him; and that if he used not indulgence often, it was because he thought it not possible to keep the Castillians from abusing it under a Regency.

He had the better on't also of the Duke of Alva, in a controversie they had together about the richest Priory of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem that was in all Spain. Anthony of Zuniga had been provided to it in the usual forms, but King Ferdinand had taken it from him by his own absolute power, and given it to Diego of Toledo, third Son to the Duke of Alva, by reason of the services which that Duke had done him in the Conquest [Page 479] of Navarre. Ximenes so much hated In­justice, that he could not suffer it even in his Master, though otherwise he was ex­treamly obliged to the Duke. He heard favourably the complaint that Zuniga made to him, of being contrary to all right, turned out of his Benefice, and pro­mised to do him justice. The Duke of Alva, who was sufficiently perswaded that the Cardinal would be as good as his word, would not suffer his Son to ap­pear before the Council of Madrid, at the day to which he was cited by his ad­verse party. He evaded the decision of the Process by all the tricks of Law, and in the mean time made friends with the Catholick King, to have the Cause evo­cated to the Council of Bruxelles. He could not, indeed, obtain it, because his Majesty, as hath been said, was en­gaged to Ximenes, not to allow any more evocations from Spain to Flanders. But notwithstanding there was so great a fa­ction. for the Duke of Alva, that the Kings of France and England wrote to the Catholick King in his favours; and their Ambassadors in their Masters names solicited Chievres to use his inte­rest, that Diego of Toledo might not be molested. The same Kings pressed Xi­menes also to suspend the decision of the [Page 480] Suit till the arrival of King Charles in Spain: But the Cardinal, who made no doubt but that Zuniga as being the weaker would be cast by the Catholick King, caused the Process to be tried be­fore his Majesties coming; and repre­sented so strongly to the Judges, that they ought to consider nothing but right, that the Son of the Duke of Alva was cast by unanimous voice. However it was not so easie a matter to put the Sen­tence in execution as to pronounce it, because the Son of the Duke of Alva ga­thered together Forces, and took the Field to preserve his Priory: But the Mi­litia of the Country falling upon him be­fore he had taken his measures for the de­fensive part, so totally defeated him, that he was obliged in his turn to submit to the discretion of Ximenes, who used him with no greater severity than he had treated the four young Lords we menti­oned before. That was the last action wherein the Cardinal employed all his power to make himself to be obeyed; and it so awed the Spaniards, that he found them afterward as flexible as if he had been their lawful Monarch. But it is with humane prosperities as with bo­dily health: The more setled they seem to be, the nearer they are to an alterati­on.

Ximenes having speeded out the Fleet from Spain, for convoying the Catholick King from Flanders to Galicia, was ta­ken up about two necessary affairs; the first was to cause all the Sea-coasts where his Master might land, to be exactly visi­ted, that he might discover if the ru­mour that was spread abroad of the Plagues being there was true or not, that so he might give him notice in that case to put in at other places: And the other, to send into the Sea-ports that should be found clear from suspicion, all [...]orts of refreshments, that so the Court might find them ready at hand in case [...]hey put a shore there. Upon that de­sign he came to Tordelagula, the place of his Birth, and went to dine in the Bourg de Bos-Eguillas, where he had sent word [...]o Manguino Provincial of the Cordeliers, [...]o come and meet him. The Provincial was upon the Rode when he met a Horse-man unknown to him, who bid him hasten his pace, and if it was possible get to Bos-Eguillas before Ximenes sat down to Table, that he might give him notice not to eat of a great Trout which would be served up to him, because it was poisoned: That if he came too late, [...]he would exhort the Cardinal seriously [...]o mind his Conscience, because there [Page 482] was no remedy for him. The Gentle­man having said these very words, spurr'd a way so fast from the Provincial, that he was quickly got out of sight, and the Monk made so much hast, that he was all in a sweat: Yet he came not to Ximenes till he was just rising from Table, when the Fish had wrought its first effect, which was to draw from him a great deal of bloud by the Ears, and the parts where the Nails touch the flesh. Carillo, who had tasted the Trout, was also ill; bu [...] because he had not eaten so much of that Fish, he recovered, after a long and dangerous sickness. The Provincial stil [...] out of breath, told Ximenes the adven­ture he met with; and the Cardinal be­ing convinced by these three evidences, that his life was gone, answered like a Christian, that he was ready to part from it when it pleased God. He made no more of it; and employed himself as formerly, about business of State, during the intervals which the Poison he had ta­ken gave him, till it had wholly bere [...] his Body of his Soul: Which it did but slowly, because the constitution it met with was exceeding strong.

It was certainly believed, though the matter was not made out, that Barracal­do, Secretary to Ximenes, had conveyed [Page 483] the Poison into the dish where the Trout was: Nevertheless the Cardinal still made use of him as before in his most se­cret affairs, until his very last breath. The great difficulty was, and still is, to know at whose solicitation it was that Barracaldo poisoned his Master. The Flemish writers maintain, that it was by the intriegue of the Grandees of Spain; and prove it as well by the quarrels which we related before, as by a Letter of the Constable of Castille intercepted by Chievres some days before. The Con­stable expressed himself, that he was not sincerely reconciled to the Cardinal; and that he was no less heartily his Ene­my, though he had pretended to be neu­tral in the quarrel that his Son had had with him.

The writers of Spain on the contrary publish, that the Flemish Courtiers of their King were the Authors of such a villany; and in their turn prove it by a Letter of Ximenes to the Catholick King, wherein that Cardinal used all endea­vours to dispose his Majesty to make use of none but Native Spaniards in his Councils and Negotiations. They add, that Ximenes the very same day that he ate the poison at Bos-Eguillas, told those that were about him, that that was not [Page 484] the first time that it had been given him; and that two or three months before, opening a Letter that came to him from Flanders, in his Closet at Madrid, a very subtil powder which seemed to have been dusted upon the Paper to dry the wri­ting, had by his Nose mounted up to his Brain; and that since he had been con­tinually troubled with insupportable pains in the head, which encreased with time rather than diminished, and that he told his Physicians over and over again, that he should die by the hands of strangers: But however it be, what fol­lows will make it appear, that the Car­dinal did not suspect Chievres to have had any hand in his poisoning, seeing he employed the last of his remarkable acti­ons to satisfie him in the thing that he most ardently desired, which was to put the Infanto Ferdinand out of condition of pretending any thing in the succession of his maternal Grandfather and Grand­mother.

For understanding this intriegue which is not sufficiently cleared in the History of Spain, we must know that Ferdinand the Catholick King having a design, as hath been said, to raise the Infanto to the Thrones of Castille and Arragon, had pla­ced thirty two Servants about him, pickt [Page 485] out of the quaintest wits of Spain, to bring him up in that prospect. These Servants had not deceived him in the Commission he gave them; and seeing he had distributed the Offi­ces of the Infanto's houshold according to the capacity of his Servants, In the History of the Educa­tion of the In­fanto. the four prin­cipal were given to men who discharged them to all the intents and purposes that were proposed in be­stowing of them. The Governour of that young Prince was Pedro Nugnez de Gus­man, already invested into one of the chief dignities of the Order of Calatrava, which is that of Claviary, or chief Cham­berlain: His Tutor, Alvaro Ozorio, Bishop of Astorga, who had been a Monk of the Order of St. Dominick: His Cham­berlain, Gonsalo de Gusman; and the Steward of his houshold, Sancho de Pa­redez.

Men never serve better, than when they act for their own interest in doing what they are bid; and the Servants of the Infanto being sure of the most impor­tant Offices of State, as fast as they fell, so soon as their young Master should be King, took all occasions to inspire into him the thoughts of Sovereignty which were desired he might have. They con­tinued [Page 486] till the death of his Catholick Ma­jesty, who by an omission, which it cost trouble enough afterwards to repair, put not into his last Will and Testament, that the Servants of the Infanto should be changed, a thing absolutely necessary, seeing he deprived him of the Crowns which he left him by his former Will; and in so contrary a disposition, policy required that such persons should be pla­ced about that young Prince, as might make him forget what was past, and pa­tiently support the strange revolution of fortune that had befallen him. It is not known whether the three Counsellors of State, who suggested the last Testament forgot to propose that caution; or that not judging it so necessary, as indeed it was, they thought it enough that they had obtained the chief, which was to exclude the Infanto from the Throne, and neglected the accessary that consisted in putting new Servants about him: But it is certain, that whatever Ximenes could do afterward, he could not whol­ly remedy that inconvenience: For though he obliged the Infanto to live al­ways with him, and employed more time in observing the Servants of that young Prince, than in all the other affairs of State besides; yet he could not prevent [Page 487] but that Gusman his Governour treated secretly with the chief Lords of Arragon, who promised that if he could cunningly get his Pupil away from the Cardinal, and bring him to them, they would im­mediately place him upon the Throne, and acknowledge him for their King.

The Bishop of Astorga, the Infanto's Tutor, Negotiated also with the Empe­ror Maximilian, to perswade him to come to Spain, and depose Ximenes, and pro­posed to him the two motives which he thought would be most prevalent to en­gage him to that expedition; one, the [...]eizing of the Royal Treasury, which [...]he frugality of Ximenes had filled; and the other the marriage of his Imperial Majesty with Queen Germana, whom the Bishop had entirely engaged into his [...]nterests, by promising to make her Em­peress.

The two Treaties were already far ad­vanced before the spies of Ximenes disco­vered that of Gusman with the Arrago­nese, and informed him of it, eight or ten days before it was to be put in execu­tion. The Cardinal took two measures to render it ineffectual; one was to send a Copy of it to Chievres; and the other to double his diligence in observing the Infanto and his Servants.

The Negotiation of the Bishop of Astorga was discovered by another way. Maximilian, who bordered upon sixty years of Age, was but weakly tempted to marry again; and to rouze him up to take Queen Germana for a fourth Wife, there was a necessity that she should have had for portion six hundred thousand Du­cats in ready money, as Bonna Sforza his third Wife had; or that she should have brought along with her the Low-Countries and Bretagne, as Mary of Bur­gundy his first Wife, and Anne of Dreus his second had done. In the mean while Queen Germana, who was no less liberal in her way than Maximilian was in his had saved nothing of the gratuities that she had drawn from the Catholick King her Husband; and besides, though she had succeeded to the Estate of Gast on de Foix her Brother, who was killed at the Battel of Ravenna, yet Francis the First, as we shall see more at length in the fol­lowing Book, would not consent that she should sell it and carry the money to the Emperor, for fear that Prince might take a conceit to lay it out to the disad­vantage of France. Maximilian, more­over was as bare of credit as of money; In the Titles of the house of Foix. and seeing he could not borrow so much [Page 489] money as he needed to make a journey into Spain, with an equipage suitable to his dignity, he was forced to lay aside his design of marrying Queen Germana. He was not very reserved naturally; and it being to no purpose for him to conceal any longer the intriegue of the Bishop of Astorga, he imparted it to Chievres; and by so doing absolutely convinced him, that for the interest of the Catholick King it was necessary to remove from the Infanto all the Servants whom the late King had placed about him, and to give him others that should be devoted to the Court of Bruxelles. He had writ­ten to Ximenes several times to that pur­pose, who acknowledged the necessity which Chievres represented to him, but excused himself from undertaking the execution of it so long as he was in health: Whether it was that he feared to attract the hatred that would rebound upon him from so rigorous an action; or that he foresaw that the Catholick King would not have so much need of him af­ter that the Servants of the Infanto were sent home to their houses, as he had whilst these Servants were a Bugbear to the Council of State of Bruxelles. But when he found himself consumed by an internal heat, which the prodigious quan­tity [Page 490] of water and other cooling things he drank did but more and more aug­ment, he observed no more measures, but sent word to Chievres, that he was ready to fulfil what was desired of him. The only condition which he required was, that the Catholick King should write him a Letter according to the draught that he sent, without altering a syllable in it. The draught contained an absolute and precise order to Ximenes, to remove from the person of the Infanto his Governour, Tutor, Chamberlain, and Steward of his Houshold, by ma­king known to these four Servants, that if his Catholick Majesty sent them home to their houses, it was not that he was displeased with them, and that he ap­proved not the conduct which they had hitherto observed in his Brothers service; but only because he had respect to their Age, and that he might not be accused of inhumanity, if he gave them not time to take their ease when the Infanto, who was entred into the sixteenth year of his Age, needed no more their presence about him: That he should remember their services, and reward them in such a manner as should shew that he was not ungrateful.

The draught added, That for the other Servants of the Infanto, his Maje­sty left it to the disposition of the Cardi­nal, to dismiss or entertain them as he should judge convenient. Chievres failed not to expede the Letter in the precise terms demanded, and to send it to the Cardinal. But too much caution had like to have spoilt all, not only by ren­dring the Letter useless, but also hurt­ful. Chievres who knew the importance of it, recommended it particularly to the Courier, who was to Post it through France, that he might carry it with greater expedition into Spain. The Courier discharged his duty, and deli­vered faithfully the Letter to the Post­master: But withal forgot not to tell him, that Chievres had recommended it to his particular care; and upon that ac­count alone the Post-master imagined, that it was the advice which the Catho­lick King sent to Ximenes, that he was actually embarked for Spain. The Car­dinal at that time was in the Monastery of Aguera, where it was a hard matter to speak to him, because he was under a course of Physick. The Post-master took that pretext to excuse himself for not car­rying him the Letter, and kept it full five days. He sent in the mean while [Page 492] to the houses of all the Grandees in Spain, to give them the false news that the King was at Sea, because it was the custom of the Spanish Lords, to make Presents to those who told them the news of any ex­traordinary good fortune, that concern­ed the State. That buffle-head to heigh­ten his imprudence on the fifth day car­ried not the Letter directly, according to its address; but delivered it to the Bishop of Tortosa, thinking that Ximenes, who whilst he was in health, commu­nicated to him none of the principal af­fairs of the Regency, would not take it ill that he were acquainted with them during his sickness, were it only to ease himself of so much pains. The Bishop instead of acknowledging the obligation which he had to Ximenes for the Cardi­nals Hat, which he had procured him in the promotion of one and thirty Cardi­nals made by Leo the Tenth, thought it not enough to open the Letter, but be­sides, show'd it to the Infanto, who on that sad occasion reflected with trouble upon all the displeasures he had received since the death of his Grandfather, and was convinced that he was about to be totally deprived of the infallible hopes, and even of the certain Inheritance which he had by Birth. He communi­cated [Page 493] the matter to his four principal Servants, who having greater interest [...]n the affair than himself, and resolving [...]o animate him for their own preservati­ [...]n as much as he could be; thought it not enough to confirm him in the opini­on he had already, and which was so fa­ [...]ourable to them. They added that the [...]lteration in hand must not of necessity have come first, neither into the thoughts of the Catholick King, nor of Chievres, [...]or of the Counsellors of State of Ma­drid; because if the matter had happen­ [...]d any of these three ways, the order for [...]utting it in execution would not have [...]een solely sent to the Cardinal, but to [...]he two other Regents with him, or at [...]east to one of the two, that an alterati­ [...]n of such importance might not be left [...]o the ministery of a dying man. They concluded that the overture came from Ximenes; and that he had made it to Chie­ [...]res his Correspondent in terms that inti­mated, that none but he was capable of putting it in execution. That he could not give a more evident proof, than that of his terrible aversion to the Infanto; seeing instead of employing in the works of Repentance the little time he had to [...]ive, he lost it for ever, by spending it in reducing a young Prince born and bred [Page 494] up to Reign, to the condition of a pri­vate man.

The Infanto by this discourse concei­ved the greatest indignation imaginable, and went instantly to make his grievan­ces known to Ximenes. He resolved to have two at least to accompany him, who might serve for witnesses of what past in the conference; and seeing his Gover­nour was sick, he took his Tutor, and sent to pray the Cardinal of Tortosa to bear him company. The Cardinal declined it; and to say the truth, he wanted confi­dence to appear before Ximenes, having so offended him, though it was only by a mistake. He had opened the Packet, and shew'd it to the Infanto, without foreseeing the advantages which the Ser­vants of that young Prince might draw from that previous light, in engaging their Master in their interests; and so soon as he was sensible of his fault, he had sent the Packet to Ximenes, with most humble excuses for having opened it. So that the Infanto having by all means essayed to get the Cardinal of Tortosa to accompany him, In the Life of Adrian the Sixth. was forced to go with his Tutor, with­out him, to the house of Xi­menes. He hardly had the patience to salute him, but made his [Page 495] complaint, with Tears in his Eyes, of the wrong he did him, by depriving him at an unseasonable time, and without cause of his good and faithful Servants. He added, that he would not have thought such a procedure so strange, if it had come from Chievres, or the other Ministers of Bruxelles, seeing he was born in Spain, and that it was but too well known in the World, what Antipathy there was betwixt the Flemings and Spa­niards: but that it was insupportable to him to find himself ill used by Ximenes, whom he had till then lookt upon as his best friend. He prayed him to leave those about him who were men without reproach, and with whom he was fully satisfied, and adjured him to do so by the memory of Queen Isabelle his Grand­mother, to whom he had so often ac­knowledged, that he was solely indebt­ed for his Fortune.

Ximenes carried it high proportionably as the Infanto humbled himself: For be­sides, that he was perswaded that the af­fair must be managed with the height of Authority, and that he would spoil all, if he abated in the least; he was also of the opinion, and the event shewed, that he was not mistaken, that if in so nice a juncture the Infanto was treated with [Page 496] as much severity as the other Subjects of the King his Brother, he would think on't so long as he lived, and that he would begin betimes to obey him as im­plicitly as if he were infinitely above him in birth. And, indeed, Ximenes spent no time in telling the Infanto the reasons why his Catholick Majesty would have him part from his Servants. He pre­tended that that young Prince ought as all other Spaniards, to suppose that all the resolutions flowing from his Maje­sties Counsel were just; and upon that ground alone made him answer with a firm and sedate voice, that his condition was not so deplorable as he gave it out to be, and that what he judged at that time to be bad & insupportable, would one day redound to his Glory and advancement provided he chearfully gave the other Subjects of the King his Brother an ex­ample of perfect submission, and taugh [...] them, that as he had the honour to be the first Subject of the Monarchy of Spain [...] so also he gloried in obeying his Monard more implicitly than the rest. That h [...] was not sensible of any injury done unt [...] him, by taking from him his old Ser­vants, and giving of him new: That h [...] was old enough, and had sufficient expe­rience in such kind of Politick affairs [Page 497] and that he ought not to be blamed for it, more than a great many others who were not so much concerned as he, for the real greatness of the Infanto: That the kindness he shew'd to his Servants would be commendable on other occasi­ons; but that it was not to be put into the balance with the submission which he [...]ought to have to the most powerful King of Christendom, In the relation of that confe­rence. whose Or­ders it was neither reason­ [...]ble nor safe to resist; and [...]hat, in short, if he persist­ [...]d to complain out of time, and shew his [...]iscontents at the last Order come from [...]landers, he would endanger his Person, is Quality, his Hopes, and those whom [...]e obstinately protected.

The Infanto, who was not accustomed [...]o such free repartees, replied to Ximenes, That he had heretofore felt the effects of is good will, but that at present when [...]e stood most in need of it, he found him wholly changed as to him: That he had [...]ense enough, as young as he was, to [...]now that Ximenes was the Author of [...]he affair in agitation; seeing by suspen­ [...]ing for some time the execution of the [...]rders of Court, he would give the In­ [...]nto leisure to remove those dangerous [...]mpressions which the Catholick King [Page 498] had of his Servants: That that was the only favour that was demanded of the Cardinal: And that if he refused it, he hoped he would not take exceptions if the Infanto and his Servants took their measures, for securing themselves against the ruine wherewith they were threat­ned.

Ximenes not so much startled at this menace as he made shew of being, cun­ningly made use of it to break up the conference. He pretended to be in so great a passion, that he could no longer continue it, and only told the Infanto, that he might do as he pleased; but that he swore to him by the life of the King his Brother, their common Master, that before to morrow night his Orders should be punctually obeyed. The In­fanto perceiving that that was all he could get of him, left him, and returned to his house. He was no sooner at home again, but that Espinosa and Cabanish Officers of the Cardinals Guards, invest­ed him with their Soldiers in the same manner, as if they had had a design to force his house. Yet all they did was to hinder the Infanto and his Servants from coming out, and entertaining any com­munication with others abroad, and cause Victuals and all other necessaries to [Page 499] be brought them by trusty persons. The rest of the day and all the following night past in a profound silence without, and in an extream agitation within. Nei­ther the Infanto nor his Servants went to bed, and he deliberated with them du­ring all that time what he had best to do. The first hours were spent in threats against the life of Ximenes; and in this they continued till a more sedate temper gave them leisure to think that they were not in a condition of putting their me­naces in execution. Then were propo­sed all sorts of expedients, good and bad, ordinary and extraordinary, rational and whimsical, lawful and prohibited, that could fall into the imagination of man for declining their obedience; but they stuck to none, whether that they disli­ked them, or that they judged them in­sufficient. One thing only was agreed upon, which was put in execution upon the spot. And that was, that the Infan­ [...]o should oblige himself in writing to eve­ [...]y one of his Servants in particular, to take them again so soon as ever he had [...]he liberty, and to reward them accor­ding to the services they had rendred [...]im. He was a long time in signing [...]hose promises in the Air, which were [...]ever accomplished; and no sooner was [Page 500] it day, but that the two Officers of Xi­menes his Guards pressed the Servants of the Infanto to leave the house, carry or cause to be carried out what things they had, to separate, and all return to the condition they were in before they en­tered into his service. Then had the In­fanto recourse to his last expedient, which was to send and intreat the Council of State and the two Nuncio's of the Pope, who then were with Ximenes, to come to him. Ximenes suffered them to go; and the Infanto in as sad a posture as he had been in with the Cardinal the day before, but not with Tears in his Eyes, as he had then had, told the Council and the Nuncio's that the Catholick King his Brother had ordered all his Houshold to be changed: That he could not without putting extream violence upon himself, comply with so strange an order: That nevertheless he would obey: But that in quality of Infanto of Castille he prayed the company by Letters to complain with him to his Catholick Majesty, of the in­jury that was done unto him, and to de­sire that the Order might be recalled The company willingly undertook that Office, which was but civil; and Xime­nes immediately upon it sent for the Go­vernour, Tutor, and Chamberlain o [...] [Page 501] the Infanto, who were now turned out, to come to him to the Monastery of Aguil­leria. He there received them with looks that shew'd neither grief nor joy for their misfortune; and shew'd them what concerned them in the Kings Letters, which they had sufficiently ex­amined before. He listened to the com­plaints they made thereupon, and fell into a conference with them, wherein he made it his business to justifie the conduct of the Court, which was indeed his own. He suffered them to reply; but his de­sign was to have caused them all three to be arrested, if they had not before they took their leave of him seemed wholly submitted to his pleasure. The Officers of his Guards, who were present, wait­ed only for the signal to seize their per­sons, and it is not known whether the Infanto's Servants suspected it or not: But it is certain there was no necessity of coming to that extremity, seeing they ended the conference with a protestation to Ximenes, that they were ready to do all that he commanded them; and that they only prayed him to have some re­gard to their honour and interests, when he should write to the Catholick King.

At this rate they were suffered to go free out of the Monastery, and they faith­fully [Page 502] performed the promise which they had made. All the other Servants were next sent a going, one only excepted, who by good luck was neither exposed to the aversion nor jealousie of Ximenes. And that was the famous Alphonso Castil­lego, who was in his time, what Lopes de Vega was in the time of our Fathers. As he was more happy than all other Spa­niards in the Poetry of his Country, so he gave himself wholly to it, and spent therein all the hours wherein he was not obliged to attend the Infanto. For that end he lived in his Masters house much after the manner of a Hermite; and medled in nothing but versifying, when he was in the vein, and in polishing them when his rapture was over. He was so far from intrieguing in other mens af­fairs, that he wholly neglected his own; and Ximenes, who knew him to be a man of that temper, had no mistrust that he could inspire into the Infanto any other sentiments but for the Muses. He con­tinued him in his place of Gentleman ordinary, and augmented his Salary, that he might make it appear, that at the same time when he chastized the ambiti­on of thirty two Servants of the presump­tive Heir of the Monarchy, he also re­warded the moderation of the three and [Page 503] thirtieth. He cast his Eyes upon Alphon­so Tellez, one of the wisest Signiors of all Spain, for succeeding to Gusman in the place of Governour to the Infanto, upon the only account that Chievres had re­commended him to him. But because Tellez was then at Bruxelles, whither the Catholick King had called him, Xime­nes in expectation of his return, put in his place the Marquess of Aguilat, who afterward got so much into his young Masters favour, that he continued to be chief Governour: The Infanto some­time after having begg'd of the King his Brother to continue him in the place he had about him, which was granted. All the other new Officers of the Infanto were chosen by the Cardinal, who in an action of that importance trusted no man but himself. None were preferred but for merit; but in the preference of merit, Ximenes followed two measures, first, that they should be of mean extra­ction, and then that they should be ob­liged to no man but himself for their for­tune. He thought that these considera­tions would be sufficient to take them off from cabelling, wherein their predeces­sors had imprudently engaged; and if they were not sufficient, yet on all ha­zards it would be the easier to turn them [Page 504] off also, that they had no relations to pro­tect them.

The Spaniards seemed very indifferent as to the alteration of all the Servants of the Infanto, save only in the removal of the young Viscount of Altamira. He was of the same Age with his Master, and was placed about him as a Page of Honour. They at first contented them­selves to play together at the Infanto's vacant hours: But afterward the Sym­pathy of their humours had linked them into a stricter friendship, than their young years and the disproportion of their quality seemed to allow of. The truth is, the Viscount had extraordi­nary complaisant dispositions to engage his Master. He was a perfect Courtier before he knew what was fit to be done to become so, & without any other guide but nature and his duty: It was not enough for him to second the inclinations of the Infanto with all imaginable exactness; but he prevented them by his foresight, and he was observed never to have propo­sed any thing to him but what was agree­able. The Infanto, who on his part loved him most ten­derly, In the Elegics of the Alta­mites. used all means pos­sible to retain him. He be­sought, wept, importuned, and for the [Page 505] space of twenty four hours refrained eat­ing and drinking: But Ximenes was as inexorable upon the account of that Ser­vant, as he had been in respect of the rest. The Viscount had an original sin which barred him from all favour. He was the Nephew of the Bishop of Ozorio the In­fanto's Tutor; and if he had lived with that Prince, he might have inspired in­to him such sentiments as his Uncle plea­sed. The fear of this was not without ground, and Ximenes sent the Viscount home to his Father with Orders to tarry there, until the arrival of the Catholick King in Spain. Thus the boldest action that was ever seen in Castille since the Mores made no more war against it, was put in execution by a man who hardly shew'd any more signs of life, but in en­during the sharp pains which he felt; and that with such absolute Authority, that he would employ none in it but him­self alone. Posterity perhaps will find it now difficult still to believe what we are about to relate: But it is so true, that there is no circumstance nor evi­dence of truth wanting to it.

Chievres had wisely apprehended that Ximenes was not powerful enough to change the Infanto's houshold at his plea­sure; and the reason of his fear was, [Page 506] that the Governour and Tutor of that young Prince had for kinsmen and inti­mate friends two Spanish Lords of great credit and resolution, who would not suffer without raising some Tumult, that men from whom they expected much, in case of a revolution in affairs, should be turned out of place. These two Lords were the Marquess of Astorga and the Count of Lemos, both which, allied to many Noble Families of the Country, personally valiant, and expert in War: If they were to be kept in their duty, it could only be by Letters, which the Ca­tholick King should write to them with his own hand, to inform them, that fo [...] the good of the Monarchy he had resol­ved to order Ximenes to change all the houshold of the Infanto his Brother; and that his Majesty looked upon the Mar­quess and Count as faithful Subjects, who would be so far from opposing the execution of his pleasure, that they would facilitate it as much as they could. The two Letters were sent open to Xi­menes; and it was referred to his discre­tion to cause them to be delivered, or to suppress them as he should judge conve­nient. But he was offended at it, an­swered haughtily, that he could do very well without them, and threw them into [Page 507] the fire. It appeared in the sequel, that [...]e had no better opinion of himself than [...]e ought to have, seeing the Marquess [...]nd Count did no more but murmur [...]gainst him in secret; and perceiving [...]hemselves watched by Soldiers, who [...]vaited only for the least stirring on their [...]art to apprehend them, they took no [...]xceptions outwardly at the disgrace of [...]heir friends.

In fine, Ximenes having preserved to [...]pain the Town of Algiers, had the good [...]ck also once more to save Oran, which [...]as besieged by the Mores. He received [...]he news of it a few days before he had [...]he intelligence that the Catholick King, [...]ho had embarked in the beginning of [...]eptember one thousand five hundred and [...]eventeen, in the Fleet which he had [...]ent to him, was about the end of the [...]ame month landed in the Coast of the [...]sturias. He was so overjoyed thereat, [...]hat for some days he seemed to have re­ [...]overed his health: He rose out of the [...]ed, where it was expected he should [...]ave died, said Mass, applied himself [...]o publick affairs, and ate with the Cor­ [...]leliers in their Refectory. At that time [...]e received a Letter from Chievres, who [...]onsulted him about two businesses of ex­ [...]ream importance: One, to know what [Page 508] should be done with the Infanto; and the other, if the Catholick King should visit the Kingdoms of Arragon before those of Castille. The reason why Chie­vres doubted of the first point was, that it did not seem probable on the one hand that the Infanto could be left in a Coun­try where he had been brought up in al­most certain hopes of Reigning, with­out exposing the people to a perpetual temptation of revolting: And on the other hand, it was not secure for his Br [...] ­ther the King, to send him into any other of his Dominions. For were it into the Low-Countries, the Flemings would make him their Sovereign, were it for no other reason but to hinder their Country from being reduced into a Province of the Sp [...] ­nish Monarchy; and if it were into It a [...] they who loved their freedom would so­licite the Infanto to seize the Kingdom [...] of Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Majorca an [...] Minorca; to the end that in a Country which was heretofore head of the World there might be no foreign Sovereign bu [...] the King of France, who holding n [...] ­thing there but the Dutchy of Milan might easily be driven from thence.

As to the other point Chievres repre­sented that his Catholick Majesty having by storm been forced upon the Coast o [...] [Page 509] the Asturias in Castille, and necessitated [...]o land there, the Castillians might think [...]hemselves slighted, if he went out of [...]heir Country to go to Arragon, before [...]e were acknowledged amongst them. That they would ground their discon­ [...]ents upon that pretext, that their Coun­ [...]ry was in all respects more considerable [...]han that which was seemingly preferred [...]efore it; and that their grievances would be the more universal, that they would be reckoned just. But to look [...]pon the reverse side of the Medal, Arra­ [...]on dreaded nothing so much, as to be [...]o closely united to Castille, that there was no more distinction made betwixt [...]hem. It had many times testified a di­ [...]trust of this to the late King; who to re­move the same had united the Kingdom of Naples to the Crown of Arragon, not­withstanding it was chiefly conquered and preserved by the Forces of Castille. It was to be feared that this apprehension might again be revived, if the Catholick King held the Estates of Castille, before those of Arragon; seeing the Arragonese, who would then suppose that the preference was due to them, In the last Let­ters of Chie­vres to the Cardinal. by reason that their Monarchy was more ancient than that of Castille, [Page 510] would imagine that there was a design of incorporating them into one: Whereas if they were first visited, and the preservation of their priviledges so­lemnly sworn to, whereof the principal was to leave them in the state they were in, they would continue in that profound tranquillity which it was the Kings in­terest to maintain them in, that so in the process of time and affairs they might not cross his designs.

Ximenes made answer, that there was reason to consider what was to be done with the person of the Infanto, and that that was the thing which had most per­plexed him during his Regency. That that young Prince alone had cut him out more work than all Spain together, but that he ought not to create so much trouble to the Catholick King his elder Brother and Master: That his Majesty would do well once for all to take a course as to that, and that he agreed it was not fit to send him into any of the Dominions whereof he was actually in possession; but that he ought to be sent and setled in Germany, so that he might there render the house of Austria more considerable by forming a second branch which might constantly remain there, whilst the first made its ordinary abode in Spain: That [Page 511] the ten Hereditary Provinces were a ve­ry handsom allowance for a younger Bro­ther; and that the Infanto ought to rest satisfied, provided his Catholick Maje­sty consented that he might have them upon condition that he should renounce the successions of his Father and Mother: That by means of these Provinces the In­fanto might marry the Princess of Hun­gary and Bohemia, and one day facilitate the Election of the Catholick King to the Empire: Whereas if he were dispo­sed of in any other manner whatsoever, the advantages would not be the same, [...]either as to the house of Austria in gene­ [...]al, nor to the Spanish branch in particu­ [...]ar.

As to the Monarchy which the Ca­tholick King ought first to honour with his presence, Ximenes wrote to Chievres, that it was not a thing to be deliberated about; and that seeing it was the good fortune of the Castillians that he landed first in their Country, they might have occasion to take it ill, if he denied them that preference which the storm that forced him thither had given them: That the same consideration would hinder the Arragonese from repining at it; and that however it was, his Catholick Majesty would never Reign absolutely in Spain, [Page 512] unless he laid down this as a fundamen­tal Maxim of Policy, That Arragon was but as an accessory in respect of Castille, which was to him in place of a principal; and that since the two Monarchies were united, and that Navarre was incorpo­rated into Castille, the Arragonese would be so invested by the Castillians, that up­on what occasion soever they might re­volt, the Forces of the Castillians alone would be sufficient to reduce them to obedience. Whereas if the discon­tent of the Castillians might at any time break out into a Rebellion, who just [...] unjust soever the cause might be, not on­ly the Arragonese would be too weak [...] quell them, but besides, no human means appeared capable to hinder the Ar­ragonese from imitating them in their In­surrection; and then his Majesty would utterly lose Spain, without any hopes o [...] recovering it again.

The advice of Ximenes was exactly fol­lowed in these two Articles; but thoug [...] the Catholick King had so great a dese­rence for him; yet it was very difficu [...] for the Spaniards, who expected hi [...] death every minute, to preserve the sam [...] reverence towards him, which till the [...] they had had. Anthony de Rojas, Bisho [...] of Granada, President of the Council o [...] [Page 513] Castille, bore envy to Ximenes, which [...]s but too common to those who having but the second place in a famous Society, think however that they deserve [...]he first. He valued himself at least as much as he valued Ximenes; and imagi­ned, that if that Cardinal had died be­fore the coming of the Catholick King [...]nto Spain, he would have succeeded to [...]im in the Regency. He had been also [...]etled that Ximenes had done a great ma­ [...]y important businesses without commu­ [...]icating any thing of them to him, and [...]eeing the death of Ximenes would have [...]eprived him of the means of resenting [...], he resolved not to stay for that. He [...]id hold on the occasion that he judged [...]ost proper for baulking Ximenes; and [...]epresented in Council, when the Re­ [...]ent was not in a condition to be present, [...]hat seeing they had the Royal Authori­ [...]y in their hands, they ought to make [...]ll hast to go meet the Catholick King to [...]emand of him the confirmation thereof. That it mattered not much whether Xi­ [...]enes was or was not at their head, when they discharged themselves of that [...]rst duty, because his Regency also was [...]xpired by the Kings arrival in Spain, or [...]t least so diminished, that he was no [...]ore to be considered but upon the ac­count [Page 514] count of civility: That the sickness of Ximenes afforded him a good excuse, so long as he pleased, for not rendring in person his duties to his Majesty: but it was not the same case with the Council, which ought always to be in action; and lost proportionably its lustre as it con­tinued absent from its Master.

It was not the Presidents interest alone, who spake to this purpose, to make all hast to Court, the other Coun­sellors of State were no less earnest to ap­pear there. They knew that there had been a resolution taken of reducing their number to one half, that as many Fle­mings might be put into their places; and since none of them in particular were sure of staying in, all of them took their measures already, to go and solicite to be continued in Commission. So they all accepted the offer of their President, who to render himself the more acceptable or to give a more authentick proof of his power, endeavoured to have carried the Infanto with the Council. But it was not in his power, as it would have been had Gusman been still Governour to tha [...] young Prince; and in that juncture the foresight of Ximenes was chiefly admired [...] for the Marquess of Aguillar, who hel [...] the place of Gusman, and found himself [Page 515] only indeb [...]ed to Ximenes for his dignity, made answer to the President of the Council, That the Infanto should not part without orders from the King his Brother, or from the Cardinal. The President notwithstanding set out on his journey, until Ximenes stopt him, by sending him the Kings Letters, which served for a regulation of the action he was about. His Majesty in express terms declared, that he would not see the Council, until Ximenes were in a condition to come at their head. The President nevertheless obeyed not as yet, because he had his excuse ready, that Xi­menes was so bad, that he could not be brought before his Majesty; and that in the mean while the Council of Castille thought it inconsistent with their digni­ty, to suffer, that many Lords of the Country should anticipate them, in ren­dring their duty to the King. But Xi­menes being informed, that the Council went on in their journey, dispatched a Courier to Chievres, and complained to him of the slight put upon his person. He sent him word that the affront would reflect upon the King: He assured him, that the arrival of his Catholick Majesty [...]n Spain, was the sole cause of the bold­ [...]ess of the Council in general, and of [Page 516] the President in particular; protesting, that if before, they had had the boldness to disobey him, he would have instantly deposed them all, as he had changed the Servants of the Infanto; and desired that he might have leave to conclude his Re­gency with the same ascendant as he had begun, and till then continued it.

Chievres found nothing in the Letter of Ximenes but what was just, and was of opinion, that the King should in that particular give him all the satisfaction he desired. His Catholick Majesty there­fore sent commands to the President and Council, to return back the way they came: To meet as formerly in the City of Aranda, near the Convent of Aguille­ra, where Ximenes lay sick; not to budge from thence without new orders; and above all, not to appear before him, un­less Ximenes were at their head. This was an extream mortification to the Pre­sident and Council; but Ximenes in stead of augmenting it, by insulting over them at their return, as they apprehended diminished it as much as possibly he could. The Admiral of Castille, and other Grandees being vexed at the affront which the President and Council would have put upon him, offered to accompa­ny him when he should go to wait upon [Page 517] the King: But Ximenes was too wise to run the risk of giving his Master jealousie, by accepting of an unseasonable atten­dance of persons of such quality. He thanked them for their civility; and told them, that as he had found fault, that the Council went without him to kiss the Kings hand, so his Majesties Council of State might have reason to take exceptions, if he went without them. He therefore prepared to part with the Council upon the first orders; and seeing he perceived his end drawing near, he could never have thought that his life should out-last his favour. In the mean time he found it but too true; and since it is in this place that the Spanish writers fall foulest upon Chievres, it is fit we should know what hand he had in the disgrace of Ximenes.

It is certain that this Cardinal, whe­ther it was that he had a singular affecti­on for his Country-men, or that he thought they could not suffer strangers to have any authority in Spain, had writ­ten oftner than once to the Catholick King, that he should bring with him no Flemings at all, or that he should bring so few as might give no umbrage. His Majesty, who kept nothing from Chie­vres, had shew'd him the Letters of Xi­menes, [Page 518] and Chievres at first was not scan­dalized thereat, because he did not think they concerned him; whether he groun­ded his thoughts upon the alternative, contained in them, in these words, That his Majesty should bring no Flemings at all, or that he should bring but a few, and that he judged that that alternative ought to be understood of him, and the rather, because the Spaniards had no reason to think it strange, that their King was accompanied by him who had been his Governour, granting he were no Spani­ard; or that he wholly confided in the friendship that Ximenes had expressed to him, and in the good offices which he had rendred him. But he changed his opinion, when he came to understand that Ximenes was out of all patience, that his Majesty before he parted from Brux­elles, had there chosen the Council, which he was to make use of in Spain, and named all the Ministers whom he was to employ in it. Not but that a great many Spaniards were chosen among the rest: But besides, that there were more Flemings than Spaniards; he had also admitted into his Council Germans, who were altogether as unacceptable to the Spaniards as the Flemings were.

The Catholick King had done the same as to the principal Offices of Castille and Arragon that were not Hereditary; which was the more unsupportable to Ximenes, that during his whole life he had been extraordinarily jealous of the grandeur of his Nation. He thought it so great an evil, that in his opinion there was no other remedy for it, but to bar all strangers in general from place in Council, and from the Offices of the Monarchy of Castille, and to leave them none, but such as concerned the Catho­lick King, as he was Archduke of the Low-Countries. There was no appearance that Chievres was excepted out of that re­gulation, seeing he was the first that was provided for, and that he actually enjoy­ed the two fairest places of the Royal Fa­mily, which was that of high Steward, and of Comtador Major, which answers to that of Lord high Treasurer; and that by consequence, if the reformation began at him, the other Officers would have no cause to think it strange, that it came next to them: Whereas if any re­gard were had to his merit and services [...]n so nice a juncture, the rest would not [...]ail to pretend also that respect should be had to theirs.

Thus Ximenes finding no mean be­twixt those two extreams, fell a solici­ting the Catholick King to send home to Flanders all the strangers without excep­tion, who had accompanied him to Spain. He was the most forward man in the World, to put in execution what he undertook; and so soon as he had once opened his mind to his Master, he wrote to him so often about it, that he became troublesome. Chievres, whom Ximenes would have ruined, and wh [...] could not maintain himself, but by un­doing Ximenes, made his advantage o [...] the occasion, which he afforded him o [...] heaving at him by turn. He represented to the Catholick King, that the violence of Ximenes was become so excessive, that it concerned the Royal Majesty to put a stop to it: That it was convenient to suffer that Cardinal to act in his own way so long as there was no King in Spain because then the Sovereign Authority was to be entrusted into the hands of on [...] or other, and that there was no Spani­ard in whose hands it run less risk: Bu [...] that at present, if his Majesty still acte [...] by his Councils, his Country-men would be accustomed to acknowledge no othe [...] King but him: That there was no in­stance in History, that a Sovereign had [Page 521] been constrained to change his Council and Houshold upon his succeeding to new Dominions; and that if his Maje­sty subjected himself to so hard a Law, he would be in a worse condition than pri­vate men, who take those whom they love for their Servants, and without di­stinction or reserve consult those whom they esteem: That he must betimes make the Spaniards sensible, that they ought to submit to the pleasure of their King, and not their King to receive the Law from them; and that the shortest and easiest way of accomplishing that, was to begin with Ximenes.

The Catholick King had a particular kindness for his Country-men; and though he used all imaginable circumspe­ction to conceal it, yet those who saw him often, believed it to be no less than that which Ximenes had for the Spani­ards. He was not as yet possessed with the Maxim of Queen Isabelle his Grand­mother, That Kings ought not to be touched with the sentiments which Na­ture inspires. No body had put him up­on the chusing of his Council after the death of his Grandfather. He had done it of himself; and the sequel made it ap­parent, that it was done with greater prudence than his Age seemed to allow. [Page 522] In the mean time he would have been reckoned imprudent, if he had turned off and sent home into the Low-Countries so many deserving men, from whom he expected no less services than his mater­nal Ancestors had received from the Spa­niards. It would have so reflected upon his reputation in his entring into the World, that it would have been hard for him to have retrieved it again; and nevertheless it was absolutely necessary for him to have it unblemished in the de­sign which he had already conceived of taking just measures for succeeding to his paternal Grandfather in the Em­pire.

So that the answers he made to Xime­nes were not positive; and that Cardi­nal being perswaded, that his Eloquence would carry what his Letters could not obtain, pressed the King to suffer him to come to him with all expedition; and to allow him long and secret Audiences, wherein he might inform his Catholick Majesty of many things, which he could not exactly learn but from his mouth. But his Majesty made answer, That his health was too precious to the State not to be minded, and that he thought it not fit to expose him to a long journey, which would too much incommode him. That [Page 523] the Court should suddenly draw near to the Monastery where he was; and that then his Catholick Majesty would not fail to see and confer with him as long as he should think it convenient, and to make use of his Councils.

Ximenes perceived very well then that his desire was eluded, but he was better perswaded of it, when he was informed that his Catholick Majesty resolved to call the Estates of Castille without asking his advice about it. He concluded that he would not have been neglected in an affair of that importance, unless he had been disgraced; and nevertheless, the fault that they were about to commit, seemed to him to be so considerable, that [...]e thought he ought to make an effort for preventing it. He wrote not to Chievres, from whose hand he supposed the blow to come, but immediately to the King, to represent to him, that it was now more necessary in Spain than elsewhere, that the first interview betwixt a Sove­reign and his subjects, should be on the one hand with much affection, and on the other with great submission; and that it had been ever observed in all the Country, and especially in Castille, that the Reigns had always continued as they [...]ad begun: That in the mean time the [Page 524] Castillians were not so calm as to be safely assembled; and that it was the more dangerous to grant them the Convocati­on of the Estates, that they were more pressing in demanding it: That they pretended to have the same liberty again, which they had before the Reign of Fer­dinand and Isabelle, and that they had drawn up the Articles of it: That they would press his Catholick Majesty to sign them immediately after the opening of the Estates; and that if he signed them, all the labour of his Grandfather, Grandmother, and of the Regency, would be utterly lost; if he refused to sign them, he would engage himself in a civil War.

Ximenes added, that the sole expedi­ent to be taken, was to Reign absolutely at first: Not to grant the Spaniards the Convocation of the Estates; and so to accustom them to the yoke during the first years of his Catholick Majestie [...] Reign, that they should have no ground to think it strange, when they might have occasion to complain of it. It is no [...] known how Ximenes came to discove [...] the disposition of the Castillians, but i [...] the sequel it appeared to be but too true Nevertheless he was but little credited because it was thought that he had onl [...] [Page 525] written out of interest; and that he only endeavoured to put off the holding of the Estates, because he foresaw that all that could be done for lessening his Authori­ty, yet he must still retain a good deal of it till then, the King without him not being able to determine the affairs of consequence that were begun during the Regency: Whereas he would be no long­er necessary to his Catholick Majesty, after he had given an account of his ad­ministration in the Estates.

His Majesty then persisted in the reso­lution of calling them; and it being out of the power of Ximenes to delay the ex­ecution of it, he laboured to obtain that at least a place that might be convenient for him might be chosen: He did not himself propose his Metropolitan City of Toledo; but he brought it about, that the Inhabitants of that City went and re­presented to the Catholick King, that they had been almost in continual posses­sion of having the Estates, and desired that that favour might be continued to them. But it was not thought fit to call them in a place where Ximenes was too powerful; and it was feared that the Grandees, who were not fully reconciled to him, would take it ill. So that the City of Vailladolid was chosen; and Xi­menes [Page 526] no sooner knew of it, but he sent to hire for him the house of Doctor Bernar­din, commodious for a sick person, be­cause it was out of the hearing of noise, and yet near enough the Hall where the Assembly was to sit: But Terremonde, a Flemish Gentleman, provided to the charge of high Marshal of the Court, ap­pointed it notwithstanding for another; and that the Cardinal might have less pretext of complaining of it, that house was appointed for Queen Germana.

Ximenes being perswaded, that since he had taken the Lodgings, he was con­cerned in honour to keep them, wrote to the King, and complained of the harsh­ness of Terremonde, sending withal a Gentleman to Queen Germana, to pray her to have some respect to his indisposi­tion. The King did him justice; and the Queen civilly sent him word, that she would rather lye in a Cottage than dislodge him. His house was then pre­pared for him; but Terremonde put ano­ther trick upon him worse than the for­mer. He appointed Lodgings for Xime­nes his Train in a little Town at a pretty distance from Vailladolid, to hinder his Servants from giving him the attendance that was necessary for a sick person; and Ximenes being informed that this last af­front [Page 527] was put upon him at the solicitati­on of the Duke of Alva, In the relation of his disgrace. was the less able to dissemble it. He lost patience, and was heard to say with a sigh, That he had ne­ver been so treated at Court, when he follow­ed it in the bare quality of Confessor to Queen Isabelle, nor even when he was under the disgrace of King Ferdinand. That he had oftner than once been present at the Estates in those two times; and that his Servants were always left about him, though the Court of the Kings of Castille was then more numerous than that of their Grandson, and that they had more Horse and Foot Guards than he had: That that was not a reward suitable to the importance of his Services; and that calumnies must have been more be­lieved than they ought, since he was used so ill.

There is nothing more dangerous to disgraced Favourites, than to complain, because they who have supplanted them commonly envenom such kind of com­plaints. It is probable the same course was taken with Ximenes, since the dis­advantageous relation that was made of it to the Catholick King, procured to the Cardinal that terrible Letter which dispatched him: But there is no positive [Page 528] proof that it was Chievres, rather than the Cardinal of Tortosa, the Chancellor Savage, Lanoy Master of the Horse, the Referendary Galtinara, and the other chief Courtiers of his Majesty, who knowing that Ximenes struck no less at them than at Chievres; and finding that they were not so able as he to maintain themselves, were so much the more con­cerned to prevent the di [...]mission where­with they were threatned, by the dis­grace of him who demanded it.

However it be, occasion was taken from the words which, as we said, had escaped Ximenes, to represent to the Ca­tholick King, that that Cardinal was a man the more to be feared, that he could never be dispossessed of his prejudices; and that having once disapproved the Convocation of the Estates of Castille, he would endeavour, if he were present in them, to make it out, that his fore­sight was not vain, and by consequence would so bring things about, that they should not conclude to his Majestie [...] advantage. It was thereupon resolve [...] to hinder him from coming there; and the Catholick King drawing near th [...] place where he was, wrote him a Letter which ended not in the same strain as i [...] began. His Majesty having signified u [...] ­to [Page 529] him that he desired to see him at Moya­dos, to confer with him, and to receive his instructions and counsels how he ought to Reign in Spain, added, that he would also wholly discharge him from [...]he weight of affairs, and immediately after send him home to his Church of To­ [...]edo, where he might end his days in greater tranquillity. That the services which he had rendred to Spain were so considerable, that none but God could [...]eward him for them. That his Catho­ [...]ick Majesty would think of him as long [...]s he lived, and always honour him as [...]is Father.

The Pill was no less bitter for being gilt, and it was the ill luck of Ximenes, [...]o have relapsed into his Fever the day [...]efore. He could never imagine that so [...]uch ingratitude would have been [...]hew'd toward him; and to compleat his affliction, he found the Letter to have [...]een written by Mota, whom he design­ [...]d for his successor in the Archbishoprick [...]f Toledo, though it was signed by the Catholick King, and written in his [...]ame. These four circumstances made [...]uch an impression in the mind of Xime­ [...]es, as surpassed all which his experience [...]nd reason could do to efface it; and his [...] it so encreased upon it, that within four [Page 530] or five hours after he died, the Ninth of December, one thousand five hundred and seventeen. His Enemies as well as Friends confessed, that he was the most eminent Minister of State in Europe, in having during the space of two and twen­ty months only that his administration lasted, brought the high Nobility of Spain to an entire submission: appeased the Tumults of Andalusia: taken from John d' Albert all hopes of recovering Navarre: publickly chastised the Rebel­lion of the Malaguins: found out the se­cret of keeping standing Forces in Castille and Arragon, without a penny charge to the King or State: cleared the Coasts of Spain: besieged Algiers with Forces able to have taken it, if they had been well commanded: defended Bugie, Melills, and Le Pegnon de Velez against the furi­ous attacks of the Elder Barbarossa: pre­served the Fortress of Arsilla to the Crown of Portugal; and paid the va [...] ­debts of Ferdinand and Isabelle, without having imposed any Tax upon the People.

The Archbishop of Sarragossa, natu­ral Uncle to the Catholick King, who as hath been mentioned before, had pre­tended to the Archbishoprick of Tolea [...] during the life of Ximenes, and was b [...] [Page 531] consequence the cause of his disgrace, imagined that the Benefice would not be refused him now it was vacant. He hunted it hard; but his diligence was prevented by the Marquess of Villena, and some other Grandees of Spain, who being desirous to procure the friendship of Chievres, demanded the Archbishoprick for William de Croy his Nephew and God­son, whom he loved more than all his other relations. The Catholick King before he left Flanders, had procured for [...]im, though he was but Nineteen years [...]f Age, the Bishoprick of Cambray, and [...]iven him several other Benesices; and [...]nce his Majesties arrival in Spain, he [...]ad dispatched a Courier to the Court [...]f Rome to solicit the Pope for a Cardi­ [...]als Hat for him, which was granted [...]m at the next promotion. So that better settlement could not be wished [...]r him in Spain, than that of the chief [...]cclesiastical dignity of the Country, [...]d that was the motive which inclined [...]e great men to speak in his favours. [...]he Catholick King, who would not [...]at the Spaniards should suspect him of gratitude, and foresaw not the hatred at he was about to draw upon Chievres, [...]earfully bestowed the Benefice in the [...]astle of Tordesillas, where he was gone [Page 532] out of a desire of seeing his Mother. He was there almost alone, and would see no body, because nature inclined him to hide as much as he could the extrava­gances of a Princess, of whom he held his life and Crowns: Nevertheless, his Uncle came thither, being impatiently perswaded, that he could not be soon enough Primate of all Spain in general, as he was already of Arragon in particu­lar, because of the Archbishoprick of Sarragossa. But he was denied entry in­to Tordesillas with the same severity, that all others were treated, whom the Catholick King had not brought along with him; and he was bid as well as the rest to go and expect his Majesty at Vail­ladolid, where the States were in a few days to be opened.

He loudly complained of this, and pretended that his Birth had deserved some preference in that particular. Ne­vertheless he obeyed, and took his jour­ney to Vailladolid; and his Majesty was no sooner come thither, but that h [...] begg'd of him the Archbishoprick of T [...] ­ledo. He answered him, that he ha [...] given it to the Bishop of Cambray; an [...] that the Brief of it was expeded at Tord [...] ­sillas, where the Grandees of Castille ha [...] solicited him for that Bishop. The vex [...] ­tion [Page 533] that that reply put the Archbishop of Sarragossa into, made him entertain two thoughts equally false: The one was, that Chievres desiring to procure his Nephew the same Ascendant over the Clergy of Spain, that he himself had at Court; and not daring to do it directly, because his ambition would thereby have been too visible, had for that end employ­ed the Marquess of Villena, and the other Grandees who were with the King: And the other, that the entry into the Castle of Tordesillas had only been denied him by the intriegue of Chievres, who needed all the time that the King spent there, to dispose his Majesty to name his Nephew to the Archbishoprick, and who foresaw that the presence of the Archbishop of Sarragossa would have been enough to have broken all his measures, if he had appeared at Court before the expedition of the Brief.

What favours a designed revenge easi­ly gets place in ones mind; and the King's Uncle was so much comforted in his mis­fortune, that he found the person he was to aim at, that he gave himself no more trouble in examining whether his conje­cture was well grounded or not. He took his leave of the Catholick King so soon as he had been refused; and the [Page 534] same day left Vailladolid, upon pretext that he could stay no longer with honour, since he had neither place nor rank in the Estates of Castille. He went back Post into Arragon, where his complaints against the Government were heard in all parts, at the same time that the report was spread at Vailladolid, that the Ne­phew of Chievres was Archbishop of Toledo. The Deputies of the Towns, and Commonalty of Castille, who were come thither for the opening of the Estates, were the more surprised at it, that it was without example, that the best Benefice of the Country should be conferred upon a stranger. At first how­ever, they thought it enough to exagge­rate their amazement to those who had a mind to hear them: But afterward, as there is no Nation in the World that trouble their heads more with what is to come than the Spaniards, so through much reasoning about the future they apprehended, that the Flemings encou­raged by the success of their first essay, would take a liking to the other Benefi­ces of Spain, and beg them as fast as they fell. How to hinder them was a very great difficulty, because on the one hand there was no standing Law against it and on the other, there was no appea­rance [Page 535] that they could impose upon the new King a restraint from which his Predecessors had been exempted.

For understanding this mystery of Po­licy, which employed the prudence of Chievres for six whole weeks, it is to be supposed that the Kingdom of Castille ha­ving been at first one of the least of Spain, had not thought fit to take measures to hinder strangers from enjoying the Bene­fices thereof, seeing strangers went only thither to serve in the Armies as being Crossed, and to return home again to the several Provinces of Europe, from whence they came, when the time was expired wherein they had made a vow to Fight; & if they stayed in the Country, they were no more looked upon as strangers, but as Castillians, because they lived and com­monly died there, and their Children without contradiction enjoyed all the pri­viledges of Native Castillians. Matters had continued in that state when Castille was enlarged, because their conquests were made upon the Mores, who, if they would change their Religion, became Castillians; and if they persisted in the belief of the Alcoran, were forced to go and live elsewhere. The Lands which they left were given to Native Castilli­ [...]ns; and it could not be taken ill, that [Page 536] these should enjoy the Benefices of the conquered places, because they them­selves or their Ancestors had founded them. In fine, the disposition of Bene­fices had not been changed there when Isabelle married Ferdinand, because that Queen had reserved it wholly to her self by her contract of Marriage, and named none but Native Castillians to fill them. But after that Charles of Austria had joyn­ed the Low-Countries to Castille, he two ways contravened the custom established in Castille, concerning Offices and Bene­fices. He provided Arragonese to Magi­stracies and Church-revenues lying in Castille, with the same liberty as he re­ciprocally gave to the Castillians the Ec­clesiastical and Secular dignities of Arra­gon, and he nominated sometimes Fle­mings to Offices and Benefices of Castille and Arragon. The Castillians received two prejudices by that Innovation; one in that their Offices and Benefices being more numerous and of greater Revenue than the Offices and Benefices of Arragon for two Castillians that profited of the Ecclesiastical and Secular Revenues lying in Arragon, twenty Arragonese profite [...] of those of Castille: The other prejudic [...] was, that the reciprocal liberty establish­ed betwixt the Castillians and Arragonese [Page 537] concerned neither of the two Nations, in regard of the Flemings, seeing it was certain, that the Catholick King durst nominate no Spaniard to the Offices and Benefices of the Low-Countries; and if he had attempted to do it, the Seven­teen Provinces would sooner have revolt­ed than suffered it.

The Castillians, who were nothing short of the Flemings in haughtiness, and far surpassed them in cunning, resolved to maintain themselves as well as they in their ancient custom; and there could not be a more ingenious device than they invented for accomplishing it. They re­solved to confound their ancient customs with their priviledges; and amongst these they inserted, that no stranger, for what cause, and under what pretext it might be, should hold any Magistracy or Benefice in Castille. Nay, their fore­cast went a little farther; and seeing they knew that the Arragonese and Flemings aspired only to their Offices and Benefi­ces, that they might convert the vast Re­venues that belonged to them into ready money, and transmit it into their own Country: They revived one of their an­cient Laws, which upon pain of death, prohibited the Exportation of Gold or Silver out of their Country, without the [Page 538] consent of the States. They inserted both these into the Articles which the Catholick King was to swear, before he was owned for Monarch of Castille, and presented them to him altogether. He examined them with Chievres, who im­mediately made his Master observe the cunning of the Castillians. He represen­ted to him, that they intended to oblige him to conditions unknown to his Prede­cessors; and that if he condescended to them, the consequences thereof would be very bad for the house of Austria in general, and in particular for him who ought to be the head of it. That that house, indeed, was in a fair way of ma­king the most powerful Monarchy that ever was in Christendom, since the Fa­mily of Charlemagne; but that that Mo­narchy would have a defect, to which that of Charlemagne was not subject, see­ing the Territories of the house of Au­stria would be too remote one from ano­ther, to afford mutual assistance in time of urgent necessity: That there was no other remedy for that, but to do in the Monarchy of Spain with some proportion what God hath done in the making of the Body of man, wherein the parts are engaged by their own interest for the preservation one of another: That if [Page 539] the Flemings and Arragonese were fru­strated of the Magistracies and Benefices of Castille; they would not put them­selves to the trouble of assisting the Castil­lians against the Turks and Mores; as, if the Castillians enjoyed not the same pri­viledges in Arragon, they would not vi­gorously oppose the French, who threat­ned to take Arms again for restoring the posterity of John d' Albert to the Throne of Navarre: That it was not the same in respect of the Flemings, who could not, indeed, neither assist nor be assisted by Spain by Land, France lying betwixt them: But passage was open by Sea; and as the Maritine Forces of the Low-Countries infinitely surpast those of Spain, so Spain had incomparably more need of the Low-Countries, than the Low-Countries had of it: That the custom of giving Of­fices and Benefices to the Flemings in Ca­stille must not be broken off then, though the Castillians might not reciprocally have the like priviledges in Flanders, and by consequence his Catholick Majesty ought not to engage himself in any thing to the contrary.

The Council approved the Arguments of Chievres, who was afterwards Com­missionated to adjust with the Deputies of Castille, the manner how the King [Page 540] before he was acknowledged should take his Oath to maintain the priviledges of the Country. The first conference was not over before Doctor Zumel, who in quality of Deputy of the City of Burgos was as yet the capi­tal City of Ca­stille. Burgos, was the chief of the rest, and by consequence had right to speak before them, percei­ved that Chievres was so well informed of the Laws and Customs of Castille, that it would be impossible to impose upon him: For Chievres made appear by a dis­course no less eloquent than solid, that the Kings of Castille had never engaged themselves, neither not to bestow the Offices and Benefices of the Country up­on strangers, nor yet to hinder the Transportation of Gold and Silver out of the Kingdom. He added, that there had been no ground, neither on the Ca­stillians part to impose that obligation up­on their Kings, nor on the part of their Kings to charge themselves with it; and proved it invincibly, because Castille was neither delivered from the Tyranny of the Mores, nor erected into a Monarchy, nor enlarged at the cost of the Insidels, but by the assistance of the French, Eng­lish, and other Nations, which the Croi­sadoes had drawn thither; and the Castil­lians [Page 541] were so far from discouraging them by Laws and Customs, which frustrated them of the Offices and Benefices of the Country, that on the contrary there was a famous example of Alphonso the beloved, who to hinder Henry of Burgundy from returning into France, gave him his Daughter and Portugal: That that Prince, whose memory was so precious to the Spaniards, and the other wise Founders of the Monarchy of Castille, would have gone directly contrary to their own interests, if they had acted otherwise, seeing their Subjects not suf­ficing to inhabit the Countries, which from time to time they recovered from the Mores, nor to maintain them; if they had reserved the Magistracies and Revenues of the Church for the Native Castillians, they would have encouraged but a few to become their Country-men: Whereas by admitting indifferently to the Offices and Benefices of Castille stran­gers as well as Natives, they engaged them to their Country, by the same bonds that they themselves were enga­ged to it. That the same conduct was no less necessary in respect of Silver and Gold, seeing it was known that most part of the excessive summs which the Kings of Castille had spent in their Con­quests, [Page 542] were not drawn neither from the Revenue of the Crown, nor out of the purses of their subjects, but had been furnished by the voluntary contributions of strangers concerned in the enlarge­ment of the Christian Religion; and that these strangers would not have continu­ed, as they did for many Ages, their liberalities, if the Castillians, who recei­ved so much Gold and Silver from other people, had been so ungrateful, as to suf­fer none of it to return back into the places from whence it came.

By this discourse Zumel found that the Mine had taken vent, and spent no more time in maintaining, that the Articles in question were not novel. He turned the affair another way; and only told Chievres, that if the thing were rightly taken, neither he nor his Nephew were any way concerned in it: That a long while ago their Letters of Naturalizati­on had past in Castille, and that his great places of high Chamberlain, high Treasu­rer, Steward of the Kings House, and Head of the Council, were in no danger, no more than the Archbishoprick of To­ledo, to which his Nephew was provi­ded: That Castille being for the future to be the Center of the Monarchy of the house of Austria, it were fit that it should [Page 543] have some priviledge more than the other Dominions, which in respect of it would only be lookt upon as Provinces; and that it desired no other, but that the Na­tive Castillians might be assured of their Offices, Benefices, their Gold and Silver, and the wealth that might come to them from the Indies.

Chievres could not endure the opinion that the Spaniards had of him, as if inte­rest were capable to sway him. He cun­ningly replied to Zumel, that he well knew, that neither he nor his Nephew had any way solicited for the Letters of Naturalization whereof he spake, and that they had been sent to him before ever it had entred his thoughts to sue for them: That he thought it not proper to slight them, seeing they gave him an op­portunity of serving his Master in Spain with the same priviledges that he had served him in Flanders; but that he va­lued them not so much as to prefer them before the interests of his Catholick Ma­jesty, whom they would so far debase, as to impose upon him Articles to be sworn to, which they never durst have offered to the Kings his Predecessors, even when they were no more but barely Kings of Castille: That if his word might be ta­ken, the Catholick King would let them [Page 544] see that he was the most powerful Mo­narch of Europe; and that if till then he could be very well without them, he could for the future make them comply with their duty.

Zumel being convinced by so smart and firm a reply, that he had driven Chie­vres too far, essayed to soften him again, and prayed him to find out an expedient, which on the one hand might not too much choak the Castillians, and on the other should not too far engage the Ca­tholick King; and Chievres having well considered on't, proposed one which was accepted. It was that the Estates of Castille should indeed present Articles to be signed by the King, wherein the two in debate should be inserted, but that his Catholick Majesty should only swear in general, to observe them in the manner that his Predecessors had been obliged to it. The Oath was taken on both parts with this qualification; and so soon as the Estates were dismissed, on the Se­venth of February, one thousand five hundred and eighteen, Chievres advised the King, that then was the juncture for sending the Infanto Ferdinand his only Brother into the Low-Countries, and from thence into Germany; and that if he de­layed it longer, it would be far more dif­ficult [Page 545] for him to be acknowledged King by the Arragonese, it being the humour of that people to have a great respect for the Princes of the Royal Family, when they were present, and easily forget them when absent. The Fleet for transpor­ting him was ready; and the Catholick King having visited the Infanto at ARan­da, and kept him sometime at Court, told him, that it was absolutely necessa­ry for the grandeur of their Family, that he should go to the Emperor their Grand­father, who, according to the opinion of Physicians, could not live above a year longer: That the presence of his Catho­lick Majesty in Spain was necessary for two or three years at least; and that if neither of the two of the Grandsons of his Imperial Majesty were with him at his death, it was to be feared that the Germans might not chuse one of them for his Successor; and if the house of Austria lost the Empire, it could not long pre­serve the Hereditary Provinces belong­ing to it: That besides, it was incompa­rably more proper that the Infanto should be then in Germany, than that the Ca­tholick King should; seeing his Maje­sty being resolved to give him these Pro­vinces for his share, the Electors who would look upon him as a Prince of Ger­many, [Page 546] would prefer him before his Ma­jesty, who possessing nothing longer amongst them, would be a stranger as to them, and would make them jealous, because of the greatness of his power.

The Infanto listened not to this dis­course with that submission which the Historians of Spain attribute unto him. He complained of the inhumanity that was used towards him: He affirmed that it came near to that of the Ottoman Emperors in regard of their younger Brothers: He upbraided his elder Bro­ther, that having taken from him the Crowns of Spain, he would also deprive him of the only comfort that could re­main to him, which was the hopes of succeeding to him one time or other: He seemed to slight the share that was proposed to him: He exaggerated the disproportion, or to say better, the pro­digious difference betwixt the allowance of the Hereditary Provinces, and the lot of Spain and the Low-Countries; protest­ing against the violence that was done to him, and threatning upon the first occa­sion to resent it: But all the notice that was taken of him, was to let him safely discharge his Choler. There was no other answer made to him, but that he must obey; and that if he stayed till he [Page 547] were by force sent out of Spain, he would expose himself to the danger of obtaining neither the Hereditary Provinces, nor any thing else for his share.

None dread poverty so much, as they who being upon the point of possessing vast Estates, are disappointed of them by sudden and unexpected accidents; be­cause their distracted imagination never fails to represent to them, that the state wherein they are, is not so far distant from misery, as the mediocrity which they enjoy is from the plentifulness they thought themselves sure of. The Infanto, before he was fourteen years of Age, saw himself within a step of the Crown of Spain: He had fallen from his so well-grounded hopes by a meer trick of two or three Ministers of State with the Catholick King his Grandfather: In lieu of that he was offered the Here­ditary Provinces, with hopes of marry­ing the Princess of Hungary. The esta­blishment was far inferiour to that wherewith he had been so long flattered; but after all, it was better to have that, such as it was, than to have nothing at all; and in that consideration only the Infanto submitted to his Brothers plea­sure in such a manner, as nothing ap­peared outwardly of the constraint he felt within.

Seeing the Spanish Ser­vants, In the Voyage of the Infanto. whom he might have carried with him into Ger­many, would not have been well received there, and that they could not easily have complied with the customs of the Country, he was obliged to admit of another change in his Family, and to accept of Flemish and German Servants. The Count of Buce, a near kinsman to Chievres, had the chief place in it, and the rest were only conferred upon those whom he thought most deserving. The Infanto sailed to Flanders with a fair wind, and stayed but a short while there. He hastened to the Imperial Court, where, as we shall see in the sequel of this History, he found the same fortune, that he had met with in Spain.

Leonora of Austria, his eldest Sister was already marriageable; and the Catho­lick King, who had carried her with him from Flanders, thought of disposing of her in marriage. She was beautiful, and would bring with her into the House wherein she should Marry, the hopes of succeeding to all the Dominions of the Monarchy of Spain, failing her two Bro­thers. Margaret of Austria, her Aunt, had taken the care of her Education, and had inspired into her such early reso­lutions [Page 549] of sacrificing her self for the inte­rests of her Family, as stuck to her so long as she lived. The Catholick King, her elder Brother, had no ready money to give her: Nevertheless in one and the same Family she had two Lovers that deserved her, who offered to take her without putting her Brother to any trouble for a Portion. We have taken notice before, that Manuel King of Por­tugal Espoused in first marriage his Ne­phews Widow, eldest Sister to the Mo­ther of the Catholick King, by whom he had a Son, who if he had lived, would have put by the Catholick King from the successions of Castille and Arragon. But the Mother dying of her first Child, and the Child not surviving her above two years, Manuel for his second Wife married the Sister of his former, younger than the Catholick Kings Mother, by whom he had five Sons and four Daugh­ters. She also had left him a Widower at the Age of forty nine years; and see­ing he was not of the humour to spend the rest of his life in Widowhood, he courted for a third Wife the elder Sister of the Catholick King, and Niece to his two former Wives: But he was rivall'd by his own eldest Son John Infanto of Portugal, who pretended to the Infanta [Page 550] Leonora upon better ground, as being of the same Age with her. So that the Catholick King was to chuse Father or Son, which he pleased; and Chievres in­clined him in favour of the Father, by re­presenting to him, that if he took the In­fanto of Portugal for his Brother-in-law, he could draw no assistance from him when he stood in need of it for canvassing for the Empire; it being the custom of Portugal that the eldest Sons of the Kings had no more subsistence but their Fathers Table, with a small Pension, until the Law of Nature and of the State called them to the Crown. That in the mean time they ate with their Fathers; their Servants of whom they had but a small number, were payed with the Kings; and that they received for Cloaths and their small pleasures but about a thousand Crowns a month: Whereas Manuel being the King of Eu­rope that had most money, and having been governed by his two former Wives, he would give the third no less dominion over him; and would not have the pow­er to refuse her when she should desire him to lend the King her Brother the vast summs of money that he would stand in need of, for disposing the more scrupulous Electors to give him their Voices.

The Catholick King being prevailed upon by that Argument, employed Chievres to perswade the Infanta his Si­ster to prefer the Father before the Son, and Chievres for compleating what he had begun, had no more to do, but to take the Infanta by her weak side, which was ambition. He repre­sented to her that Manuel, Amongst the Pictures of Portugal. who had always been rec­koned the handsomest Mo­narch of his Age, had not as yet lost any of his personal Charms: That few men of his Age matched him in vigour: That he had all the signs of a long life, and by consequence the Prince of Portugal must wait long before he could come to the Crown: That the Princess that should marry him would be in danger of never being Queen; whereas she that married his Father, would be sure of it the first day.

The Infanta Leonora was of the Age wherein Maids are only taken with what glisters to their Eyes: She considered nothing but the outside of Royalty, was charmed with it, and fancied that she could not too soon be a Queen. So she willingly fell into the snare that Chievres [...]aid for her, and consented to marry Manuel. She was not long left in that [Page 552] inclination without giving her satisfacti­on, for fear she might change her mind; and she was Crowned the same day she was married by Proxy, though it was still the custom to delay such Ceremonies till the Marriage were in effect consum­mated.

The Catholick King being thus dis­charged of his Brother and elder Sister, went merrily into Arragon, where he found a fresh the usefulness of the Coun­cil that Chievres had given him, of remo­ving with all expedition, and by all means, the Infanto Ferdinand out of Spain. The Estates of Arragon assem­bled at Sarragossa, in the Palace of the Archbishop, made greater difficulty of acknowledging the Catholick King for their King during the life of the Queen his Mother, than the Estates of Castille had done. They demanded in the first place, that they might be allow­ed to give their Oath at the same time to the Infanto Ferdinand, as presumptive Heir of their Monarchy; and it was the more positively refused them, that it was seen that they thereby sought a pretext of revolting when they pleased, by refu­sing to put in execution afterwards the Orders of the Catholick King, that might in the least seem uneasie to them, [Page 553] upon the only account that the concur­rence of the Infanto might be wanting to them.

The Estates solicited that Article with so much zeal, as made it visible, that they would never have yielded in it, had that young Prince been still in Spain: And the truth is, they yielded not till it was slily insinuated to them, that their efforts were so far from recalling the In­fanto back into Spain, that they would hinder him from ever setting foot there again, as it happened.

The second proposition which they added to the former, had no better re­ception. They condescended to acknow­ledge the Catholick King; but they pre­tended it should be as Guardian and Ad­ministrator of the Estates of his Mother, during her infirmity, and not in quality of King. It was easie to be seen, that their design was to Reign amongst themselves during the life of the Queen, and the Grandees of Castille, who had in honour to the Catholick King waited on him to Sarragossa, were so scandalized at it, that some of them went to words about it with the Deputies of Arragon, and raised quarrels, which occasioned bloud-shed: But at length Chievres ap­peased them; and the Catholick King [Page 552] [...] [Page 553] [...] [Page 554] was acknowledged for Monarch of Arra­gon, without any other condition but that of confirming the priviledges of the Country, as he had been acknowledged in Castille. The ceremony of it was per­formed in the beginning of May, one thousand five hundred and eighteen, and six weeks after Chievres had much ado to ward the reverse blow of the Infanto's travels into Germany; so hard a thing it is in Politicks to give good counsels in one sence, which are not bad in ano­ther.

The Infanto Ferdinand being come to the Emperor Maximilian his Grandfa­ther to Vienna in Austria, moved him with pity at his misery, and affected him with the same sentiments that Ferdinand the Catholick had heretofore had for him. His Imperial Majesty resolved to make over to him the Territories which the house of Austria possessed in Germany, and to assure to him the Suc­cession to the Empire. He needed the consent of the Catholick King for put­ting in execution the first of these pro­jects, but not of the second, and that made him delay the one, that he might mind the other.

The Diet was summoned at Ausbourg, against the end of the year one thousand [Page 555] five hundred and eighteen, and there was not much opposition expected to be made in it by the Electors of the Empire: For though Ferdinand was born in Spain, In the instructi­on of the Infan­to. it was not to be doubted, but that he would become German by the ne­cessity to which his Brother would be re­duced, of abandoning to him the Here­ditary Provinces of the house of Austria in Germany for supporting the Imperial Dignity, if the Infanto were promoted to it: But the friends whom Chievres had made in the Empire, gave him timely enough notice of what was hatching to the prejudice of the Catholick King, for him to discompose the measures of it.

The Relations agree not about the person, who was employed to Negoti­ate with Maximilian on the part of his Catholick Majesty, to perswade him to change his inclinations. The Spaniards name the Cardinal of Trent, and the Flemings chuse rather to attribute it to the Cardinal of Sion: But to which so­ever of these two Prelates the instruction was addressed, it is certain Chiovres fra­med it, and gave the reasons of it the full extent, of which this is the summ. He alledged that the Emperor was suffi­ciently convinced of the designs of the [Page 556] house of Austria, since the establishment thereof in the Low-Countries and Spain, not to attempt any thing that might in the least obstruct them; and he was only prayed to observe, that it was altogether necessary for the accomplishing of them, that the whole power of that House should be united in one single person. That the Catholick King was already so considerable, by the prodigious number, and vast extent of his Dominions, that he wanted nothing but the Empire to set him above all other Christian Princes, and by consequence to give them the Law when he thought fit to do it: Whereas if the Empire escaped him, the most Christian King Francis the First, would be his equal, and the counter-ba­lance of France would keep him so long as he lived from making himself greater. That his Imperial Majesty had before his Eyes an example which he was the more obliged to imitate, that he was incom­parably more concerned in it than he that gave it. That it was so much the less necessary for Ferdinand the Catho­lick to chuse for his Successor the eldest of his Grandsons, that his Family, which was that of Arragon, ended in him, and the eldest of his Grandsons was also less able to restore it than the young­er; [Page 557] and besides, he had brought up the younger, and had never seen the elder. Nevertheless he had preferred the elder before the younger upon no other consi­deration, but that Spain would thereby become more powerful; and that so Maximilian ought the more indispensa­bly to stick to the preference of the Ca­tholick King for the Empire, that he would be revived more gloriously in him than in the person of Ferdinand, and that his name and Arms would then more effectually be employed for the ruine of Infidels.

Maximilian, who had all his life long been inconstant, as hath been already observed, was so still in the last of his most important actions; and was so after his own way, that is to say, in a very odd and whimsical manner. He was born with qualities both of body and mind quite contrary to those of Ferdinand the Catholick: He had a strange Antipathy to him; and it was enough heretofore to have taken him off of any action, to tell him that Ferdinand had done so: Never­theless the example which for a long time he had abominated, seemed charming to him now; and he affected to imitate him when dead, whom he detested whilst alive. He was not satisfied only [Page 558] to renounce the design he had of advan­cing the younger of his Grandsons to the Empire: But farther, it is the opinion of the Spaniards, that he would have pro­cured the dignity of King of the Romans for the elder, if Cardinal Cajetan, Pope Leo the Tenths Legat in Germany had not opposed it by orders from his Holi­ness, who had discovered the intriegue, and enjoyned his Minister to cross it.

Chievres lost no time during the six months that Maximilian lived after the Diet of Ausbourg. He supplied him with money, to the end he might entertain him in favourable dispositions towards the Catholick King; and so skilfully made his advantage of the extraordinary passion that Manuel King of Portugal had for his third Wife, that he drew from him two hundred thousand Crowns, which was sufficient to buy the Empire, so well that money was employed. The discontents of the Cardinal de la Mark, Bishop of Liege, and of Colonel Seguin­guen, had alienated them from the King of France. The business was to engage them in the interests of the King o [...] Spain, and Chievres succeeded in it more easily than he thought he could: But he had a very hard work on't, to dispose [...] those two able Negotiators joyntly to [Page 559] manage the affair which he absolutely referred to them. Either of them singly thought himself able enough by his own credit to raise the Catholick King to the Throne of the Empire, and by conse­quence would not in that particular ad­mit, either of a superior or partner. Ne­vertheless Chievres was perswaded, that the Catholick King could not have too much of the intriegues of the Cardinal and Colonel for obtaining the Dignity he canvassed for, and the event made it appear, that he was not mistaken. He laboured long to oblige them to commu­nicate to one another the measures that they had already taken, and those which they should take for the future; and he had hardly surmounted the difficulties that he found in it, when Maximilian di­ed, about the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred and nineteen. The Kings of France and Spain pretended [...]o the Empire, and the latter carried it, because the Faction which Chievres had [...]ormed in the Electoral Colledge was more early begun, and by consequence stronger than that which Bonnivet the [...]avourite of Francis the First had made afterwards.

This is not a place to speak more large­ [...] of the Election of the Catholick King, [Page 560] which was performed at Franckfort the twentieth of June, one thousand five hundred and nineteen, because Chievres, who was above three hundred Leagues from it, contributed nothing thereunto, but in the manner just now described. But he acted directly, and by himself in the two following Negotiations, which he thought ought to precede his Majesties Voyage into Germany for receiving the Imperial Crown, and certainly they were absolutely necessary for keeping peace in Spain during his absence: The one was the marriage of Queen Germana, and the other the Treaty of Montpel­lier.

Queen Germana was weary of her Wi­dowhood, and had openly declared, that she would not spend her life in that con­dition. She was neither now beautiful, nor young enough to hope to find a Hus­band of the quality of the former, and she would have been satisfied with a Prince: But there were none in Spain, and besides, the Catholick King would not have suffered her to take one in France. Marquess George of Branden­bourg, Brother to that Elector, and the Elector of Mayence had courted her in the usual form; but she refused him, be­cause that Prince being a younger Bro­ther, [Page 561] and by consequence poor, could not have maintained a quarter of the Train she had, and besides, she dread­ed the rigour of the German Climat, ha­ving been brought up in the mild Cli­mats of Guyenne and Spain. No other Lover presented and in all probability she had died a Widow, if Chievres had not perswaded the Catholick King to give her a Husband, who thought as little of being her Husband, as she thought of being his Wife.

It was already eighteen years since the unfortunate Ferdinand of Arragon, Duke of Calabria, only Son and Heir of the last King of Naples, of the bastard branch of Arragon, had been detained in Spain in a kind of Prison, which, though it was gentile, was nevertheless strict enough. They who had deprived him of his Crown and liberty, so carefully observed his person and actions, that he would not have failed of being shut up close, upon the first sign he gave, that he remembred the condition wherein God was pleased to send him into the world. It is not clear whether his long abode in Spain, under the constraint he was kept, had cow'd his Spirit; or that knowing the temper of the Spaniards, who watched him, he acted in all things with so great [Page 562] circumspection, that nothing escaped him that could give them the least suspi­cion: But it is certain, that he had all along carried himself like a man, who had wholly forgot what he was, and minded nothing but to satisfie himself in two things; the one never to engage in any affair that was in the least trouble­some and perplexing; and the other to take his pleasure as often as ever he found occasion for it. Chievres, who percei­ved him too much taken up in an easie and soft way of living, to fear that he would change his course, was of the opi­nion, that he should be married to Queen Germana. His reasons were, that they would make the best matched couple in Spain; and that the Queen would be so far from taking the Duke off of his plea­sures, that she would engage him more deeply in them: That she would spare the publick the charges of Spies about him; and that he might safely be left upon his word, if once he had such a Wife: That they would live together free from cares; and that neither of them would ever think of troubling the publick peace, provided their Pensions for life, on which they subsisted, and which were all their Revenues, were duly paid them: That it was thought strange all over Europe, [Page 563] that Ferdinand the Catholick, and Car­dinal Ximenes should have obliged the Duke, whether he would or not, to lead a single life; and that for avoiding the same reproach, he ought to give him a Wife, by whom there was no fear that he would have any Chil­dren.

The Catholick King approved the proposition, and Chievres had orders from his Majesty to move it to the par­ties: The Duke was ravished at it, and the Queen seemed only to scruple the matter, for fear of losing her rank: But that was removed, by assuring her she should not; and the expedient that was used for that end was, that the Catho­ [...]ick King was at the wedding, and after the celebration of it, called Queen Ger­mana Mother, as he did before. The Courtiers durst not but imitate their King; and Germana thought her self so much obliged for it to Chievres, that she [...]referred him before all her kindred in a particular case too rare to be forgot­ [...]en.

She had an Estate in France: And did [...]ot think that Francis the First would [...]ive her leave to dispose of it at her plea­ [...]re, since she had married the Duke of [...]alabria, without acquainting his most [Page 564] Christian Majesty with it; so she made it over to Chievres, by a free donation, upon this supposition, that none at the Court of Spain deserved it better than he; and that if the King of France would con­descend in favours of any stranger, it would certainly be in favour of him.

THOUGH the Kings of France and Spain, who stood Candi­dates for the Empire, in their competition transgressed not the terms of civility; it was nevertheless to be seared, that it would breed ill bloud, and sow the seeds of enmity betwixt Francis the First and Charles the Fifth, which might last as long as themselves; and trouble the repose of Europe, at least during the life of one of the two, if they descended not to their posterity. Francis, by being baffled in his pretensions, received the rudest check of Fortune that could befal him; and what care soever he took, both in his actions, and by Letters to his Ambassadors in Courts abroad to disguise it, In the Letters of Francis I. in 1519. it was nevertheless discernable, that [Page 566] it would not be long before he measured the length of Swords with his Competi­tor, for no other reason than that he had been more fortunate than himself.

The truth is, Charles had not the same causes of discontent, but he had others of jealousie, that no less animated him to the ruine of Francis. He wanted no­thing now at Nineteen years of Age, but Reputation, and his design was to ac­quire it. He could not do it, by decla­ring War against Solyman Emperor of the Turks: For besides, that he must have absolutely left residing in Spain, and fixt his setled abode in Germany, to which the Spaniards would never have consen­ted, it was to be feared, that the most Christian King and Henry d' Albert might have recovered from him the Kingdoms of Naples and Navarre, when they saw him engaged with the Infi­dels.

It was then more difficult for the Em­peror to refrain from exercising his War­like disposition against France; and that Prince was the more inclinable to it, that he expected a more easie success therein; seeing if good fortune wherewith he flat­tered himself proved so favourable to him, as to bring France under his subjection, it would have been nothing to him to [Page 567] conquer the rest of Christendom, and af­terward the Turks: Whereas beginning with the Turks, he would give the French leisure to render themselves so power­ful, that it would be in vain for him to attack them thereafter.

Gouffier and Chievres were the two who knew the inclinations of Francis and Charles, the best. They were too sharp­sighted not to foresee the effects thereof in their full extent, and too religious not to use their endeavours to prevent them. And, indeed, they procured from their Masters unlimited Commissions, not on­ly to maintain them in good correspon­dence concerning the differences that were betwixt them about Naples and Na­varre, but also to prevent all causes of misunderstanding, which the change of time and the malice of men might for the future raise to disturb their friendship. They met in the Town of Montpellier in Languedock, in the beginning of Au­tumn, one thousand five hundred and nineteen; and it is not doubted, but that they would have concluded a Peace of long duration betwixt the two Mo­narchies, if God, who thought fit to cha­stise the French by the Spaniards, and the Spaniards by the French, had not broken up the Negotiation by the death of Gous­fier. [Page 568] The Spanish writers, who here do double their calumnies against the me­mory of Chievres, have not been sensible that they wronged themselves more than him. They blame him in the first place, for having accepted a French Town for the interview, and for not having stood upon it, that the Conferences should be held upon the Frontiers of the two King­doms: But it is easie to answer them, that a neutral place had been good, if there had been open War betwixt the two Crowns. But seeing at that time they were in Peace, and that a rupture betwixt them was only to be feared for the future, it was not the custom to use any caution for the place of the Assem­bly; and though it had been, the questi­on was decided in the preceding Negoti­ation. The same Plenipotentiaries met in the Town of Noyon in Picardie, for the same reason that obliged Henry the Fourth of Castille to pass the River Bi­dasloa, and Treat in Guyenne with Louis the Eleventh of France, that is to say, by reason of the pre eminence of the French Monarchy, before that of Spain, and no­thing had supervened since that which exempted Gouffier and Chievres from that rule: For Charles was only Empero [...] Elect, and not Crowned; and though [Page 569] he had, the Imperial Dignity hindering not, but that he held the Counties of Flanders, Artois, and Charolois, in Fee of the most Christian King, the least thing he owed to his Lord superior was, to send his Plenipotentiary into his Country.

The same writers in the second place, accuse Chievres of having imprudently trusted himself in a Town of Languedock, where he was not in full liberty to Nego­tiate as was necessary: But they mention not that Chievres could not take more se­curity than he did; and that it was so far from being violated, that the Bishop of Badajox and Doctor Carvajal, who se­conded him in the Negotiation of Mont­pellier, never complained of it. Lastly, they find fault in the third place, that Chievres put himself in danger of being stopt, when the Conferences ended, by the death of Gouffier; and their blind­ness in that particular is the more ridicu­lous, that they see not that the fault which they impute to Chievres reflects upon Charles the Fifth, who twenty years after put himself into the hands of Fran­cis the First, by crossing over all France upon the word of that Prince, upon no other motive, but the appeasing of the tumult of Ghent.

What the same writers add, that Chievres had been Arrested in Montpellier if he had not left it at the very instant that he heard of the death of Gouffier, and escaped with all diligence to Roussillon, is no truer than the rest: For it appears by the Journal of the Conferences, writ­ten by the Secretary Robertet, who was present at them, that Chievres stayed in Montpellier some days after the death of Gouffier; that he paid his last duties to his friend: That he did not break up the Conferences, but because the power of concluding for France was committed solely to Gouffier, who was dead; and that before he departed he took leave of Poucher, Bishop of Orleans, Robertet and the rest of the French who were concern­ed in the Treaty of Montpellier, as Sub­altern Ministers.

He had one cause to regret the death of Gouffier, which he had not foreseen; and which all the advantages that Charles obtained afterwards over France, were not able to repair. Gouffier promised Chievres to procure for him from the most Christian King, peaceable possession of the Estate of Gaston de Foix, which Queen Germana had made over to him; and the thing had infallibly been accom­plished after the separation of the Pleni­potentiaries, [Page 571] and the signing of the Ar­ticles. But these well-grounded hopes so totally evanished by the death of Gouf­fier, that whatever Chievres could do af­terward, the Estate that Gaston had pos­sessed, was given to his three Cousin­germans by the Fathers side, Lautrec, Asparant, and the Mareschal de Foix, without any recompence made to the Heirs of Chievres.

The unsuccessfulness of the Negotiati­on of Montpellier obliged the Catholick King to use as great caution before he de­parted out of Spain, as if the French had already declared War against him. He appointed a whole Army for the Guard of the Pyrenees, and hastened his Voyage for Germany, that he might engage in his interests Henry the Eight his Uncle, by touching at England. He durst not leave a Grandee of Spain to govern the Country in his absence, for the same rea­sons which diverted his Grandfather upon his death-bed from chusing one of them; and seeing he had occasion to make use of Chievres in England and Germany, whi­ther he was going, and that he had al­ready, as hath been said, cast his eyes upon the Cardinal of Tortosa, for dis­charging that office in conjunction with Ximenes, he thought it his best to conti­nue [Page 572] him both in gratitude and civility. He had no regard in that particular to the Remonstrances which were made to him thereupon by the Castillians on the one hand, and the Arragonese on the other, when he assembled them with design to bid them farewel; and the Agents whom he entertained at the Court of England, having given him ad­vice, that Henry the Eight would be at Calais the first of June, one thousand five hundred and twenty, for an interview with Francis the First, near the Town of Ardres, he apprehended, and not with­out reason, that these two Monarchs might unite against him. In that case England would have cast the balance to the side of France, and upon the account only to take the King of England off of that, he hastened his departure out of Spain. He embarked in the Port of Co­rugna, the twentieth of May, and was so happy as to make his Voyage into Eng­land with so much expedition, as was ne­cessary to break the most Christian Kings measures with Wolsey, Cardinal of York, the Favourite of Henry. A favourable Wind in six days time brought him in the very nick to Dover, where he found the Court of England making ready to go over into France. He conferred two [Page 573] whole days with Henry, none being pre­sent but Chievres and the Cardinal of York, the two chief Ministers of the two Princes; and the effects of extraordinary civilities in interviews appeared as much in that rencounter as ever. It seemed that the Catholick King had forgot that he was chosen Emperor, so respectful he was to his English Majesty; and his com­plaisance condescended so far, as to call the Cardinal of York Father, though he was not ignorant that that Prelate was a Butchers Son.

Chievres, who had taught him the art of insinuating into the affections of men, seconded him so well; that if the Court of England could with honour not have gone over to Calais, it would have im­mediately returned to London. But mat­ters being now too far advanced; and the Court of France being already in the Frontiers of Picardie, the Emperor was satisfied with the promise that the King of England his Uncle gave him, not to conclude any thing to his disadvantage at Ardres, whither he was going to con­fer with the most Christian King, and afterwards to grant his Imperial Majesty a second interview, wherein an Offen­sive and Defensive League betwixt Spain and England should be Negotiated. The [Page 574] promise was fulfilled in its whole extent: The Conferences of Ardres ended; and no new engagement entered into by the English with France: Henry received a second visit from the Emperor, so soon as he had dispatched his af­fairs in Germany; In the Treaties betwixt Charls the Fifth and Henry the Eight. and Chie­vres so effectually perswaded his Majesty of England, that it was his interest to have the French driven out of Italy, that he promised in writing to contribute to it.

The fruit that Spain reaped from that, was the conquest of the Dutchy of Mi­lan: But Chievres, who lived not to see it, lived long enough to see himself le­velled at by the Castillians and Arragonese, in the strangest manner that a Subject could be, without falling. It hath been already observed, that the Spaniards could not endure that he should be Pre­sident of their Council and their Treasu­rer; and that it was chiefly to deprive him of those two Offices, that they at­tempted to frustrate strangers of the Dig­nities and Benefices of Spain. The Em­peror had taken so little notice of it, that they were offended thereat; and seeing his Voyage into Germany, in their opini­on, furnished a singular occasion of snatching from his Imperial Majesty by [Page 575] force, what he would not grant them by fair means, they engaged into a revolt for the space of two years, by the follow­ing degrees.

The great men of the Country, by their Emissaries and Agents, disposed the Burghers and Country people of Ca­stille, first to complain in secret, and then openly, that their Laws were vio­lated, and no regard had to their privi­ledges: That in less than three years time the Flemings had plundered Spain, and transmitted into their Country so much robb'd and stoln money, as amoun­ted to the summ of six millions of Livres: That no Office nor Benefice escaped them, seeing if either the one or other were convenient for them, they appro­priated them; and if they were not, they procured grants of them for such of the Native Spaniards as offered them most mony: That hitherto it had been suffered, not only out of the reverence that they had for the Catholick King, but also be­cause they believed, that his Majesty would condescend to the prayers, and be moved with the Remonstrances of his most humble Subjects, who begg'd him to deliver them from those Leeches: But now that he was gone to Germany, and had abandoned the Spaniards to the mer­cy [Page 576] of the same Flemings, notwithstan­ding the infinite number of Petitions that had been presented to him to the contra­ry; there was no other remedy for the evils which Spain actually suffered, and for those wherewith it was threatned, but that the Spaniards themselves should put in execution, during the absence of their King, what could not justly be de­nied them, that is to say, by their own Forces to recover their ancient Liber­ties.

The Burghers of the Towns of Anda­lusia moved at these discourses, were the first that mutinied, and in less than a fort­nights time, the revolt was propagated in the other Kingdoms of Spain. They refused to receive the Orders of the Car­dinal of Tortosa, and the City of Segovia had the boldness to declare against them. The Cardinal thinking to quiet the Se­dition, by dividing the power that had been given him, with Native Spaniards, shared it first with the Constable, and afterwards with the Admiral of Castille: But the Seditious, who had now obtain­ed part of what they demanded, without drawing a Sword, abused the easiness of the Cardinal, and prest him with grea­ter heat than before to be gone out of Spain, and to carry with him all the Fle­mings who were there.

That instance was too audacious to be suffered; and the Spaniards, whom the Emperor had left to be Counsellors to the Cardinal, thought it ought to be ex­emplarily punished; and that the com­mission for doing it ought to be given to the boldest and severest Provost of Spain, who was the Aclayde Ronchillo. Upon that advice the Cardinal gave him Troops, and commanded him to reduce the Segovians to their duty. Ronchillo put it in execution the more punctually, that the Order which he had received agreed best with his temper. He march­ed streight to Segovia, commanded the Burghers in a haughty manner to open the Gates to him; threatned them with utmost extremity if they delayed a mo­ment; took the desire of some hours to deliberate in, which they made to him, as a premeditated refusal; instantly be­gan the Judiciary procedures prescribed by the Laws of Castille in such cases; hastened the conclusion of them; and had no sooner finished his verbal Processes, but that he executed the Cardinals Or­ders more like a common Executioner than a Commissary. He fell to burning, demolishing, oppressing, killing, and desolating in all the Territory of Sego­via.

The Burghers of Toledo, who waited only for a plausible pretext for an Insur­rection, took that of the Military execu­tions which were practised in their neighbourhood; and went out to put a stop to them, with the greater licentiousness, that as yet they had not a head, their young Archbishop being gone with the Emperor. They met Rouchillo when the Officers were in a negligent posture, not apprehending that they had any to fight with, but those whom they secure­ly abused: They defeat him; returned back in triumph within their walls; and that first advantage was enough to en­gage into a publick Rebellion the Towns of Burgos, Vailladolid, Salamanca, Avila, Zamorra, Leon, and Toro. The Great men, who had Estates in their Territo­ries, followed their example; and the Cardinal of Tortosa, who had chosen Vailladolid for the place of his ordinary residence, and for the sitting of the Coun­cil that was left with him, not being able to hinder the Town from confederating with the rest, thought he could not with honour continue there. He pretended to yield to the entreaties of Pedro Giron, and John de Padilla, who came to wait on him in name of the Inhabitants, to assure him that he might stay in the house [Page 579] where he was: That neither he nor his Servants should suffer any prejudice: That they were perswaded of his inno­cence; and that they had nothing to say against him; but he gained a Priest, who made his escape out of Vailladolid, through a hole which he made in the walls that were nearest to his Garden.