THE Decay and Dis­solution of Civil, as well as Natural Bo­dies, proceeding usu­ally from outward Blows and Accidents, as well as inward Di­stempers or Infirmities; it seems equally necessary for any Government to know and reflect upon the Constitutions, Forces, and Conjunctures among their [Page 2] Neighbouring States, as well as the Fa­ctions, Humours, and Interests of their own Subjects; For all Power is but comparative, nor can any Kingdom take a just measure of its safety by its own riches or strength at home, with­out casting up at the same time what Invasions may be feared, and what Defences expected from Enemies or Allyes abroad.

'Tis certain, That so advantageous a Scituation as that of His Majesties Dominions in these Islands of Great Britain and Ireland, makes any for­reign consideration less important to us, than to any other Nation: Because the Numbers and Native courage of our men, with the strength of our Shipping, have for many ages past (and still for ought we yet know) made us a match for the greatest of our Neighbours at Land; and an over­match for the strongest of them at Sea: Whereas whoever hurts us without our own Arms, must be able to master us in both those Elements. Yet in regard there are the names of several Conquests remaining still upon Re­cord [Page 3] (though all of them the meer effects of our own divisions or invita­tions); when Trade is grown the de­sign of all Nations in Europe, that are possest of any Maritime Provinces, as being the only unexhausted Mine, and out of whose Treasures all greatness at Sea naturally arises: When instead of a King of France surrounded and bearded by Dukes of Brittany, and Burgundy, as well as our own possessi­ons in Normandy and Guienne; Instead of a Count of Flanders or Holland, who served for no more, than like the smaller weights to make the balance sometimes a little even in the greater scales of the English, French, and Ger­man Powers; We now behold in France the greatest Land-Forces that perhaps have ever been known under the Command of any Christian Prince; And in the United Provinces, the greatest numbers both of Ships and Mariners that were ever yet heard of under any State in the World; And which have hitherto been only awed by the strength of our Oak, the Art of our Shipwrights, and chiefly by the [Page 4] invincible hearts of our Seamen: When the prospect of these two Powers brings us to consider, that any firm conjun­ction of them, either by Confederacy or the Submission of Holland, will prove the nearest approach that was ever made to our ruine and servitude: It may perhaps import us in this calm we enjoy, to hearken a little more than we have done of late, to the storms that are now raising abroad; and by the best Perspectives we can find, to discover from what Coast they break, what course they are like to hold, how much we can lye in their danger, and whether the shelter expected from us by our Neighbours, will be only a strain of Generosity and Humanity, or the best provision we can make here­after for our own safety.

Those Countreys in whose Actions or Interests we have at any time con­cerned our selves, have been the Em­pire, France, Spain, Sweden, Denmark, and the Low-Countries, in the two se­veral bodies usually distinguished by the names of Flanders and Holland. For with Poland we have never gone [Page 5] further, than our good wishes towards their defence against the Turk. Nor with Italy, than the Offices of Cere­mony, or Interests of Traffique, unless sometimes some short Negotiation that served the present turn to stop the a­spiring growth of either the French or Spanish greatness in those as well as nearer parts.

THE Forreign Interests of the Empire are the defence of the Eastern parts against the Turk, and the preservation of the Western Circles against the growth of France. The Domestique are the limited constitu­tion of the Imperial Power, and the balance of the several free Princes and States of the Empire among themselves. The two last have raised no dust since the Peace of Munster, which seems chiefly occasioned by the Swedes com­ing in to be a Member of the Empire, upon the share then yielded to him in Pomerania and Bremen. These give him an immediate entrance into the heart of Germany, where the Native poverty of his own Countrey makes him considered, as still upon the wing, [Page 6] and ready to stoop at the first Quarry he can meet with upon any divisions in the Empire, so as there seems a ge­neral resolution not to furnish him with such occasions. Their defence against the Turk will be provided and pursued by Common Inclinations and Forces, unless those Princes of the Western Circles should at the same time be busied in some nearer danger from France. But if the Grand Vi­zier be so great a man as he is reputed in Politicks as well as Arms, he will never consent by an Invasion of Hun­gary, to make way for the advance of the French Progress into the Empire, which a Conquest of the Low-Coun­tries would make easie and obvious: And so great accessions (with others that would lye fair and open in the Spanish Provinces upon the Mediterra­nian) would make France a formi­dable Power to the Turk himself, and greater than I suppose he desires to see any in Christendom; So that it seems not improbable, that the present Peace between the Emperor and the Turk, may last longer than is generally calculated by the fears or desires [Page 7] of those who are most concerned in it.

In the preservation of the Western Circles (especially that of Burgundy and the Rhine) against the Progress of the French Greatness; the Dispo­sitions, if not Interests of the several Members of the Empire, seem much more divided. The Emperor himself is firm in resolving it, because he has nothing to fear so much as the Power and Ambition of France, in regard of their Common Pretensions to Spain after the young Kings death, and a jealousie of the Empire it self after a further course of success: But he will be faint in any execution of such a Counsel, unless spirited by the una­nimous Decrees of a general Dyet, from his own dispositions, which are thought rather generous and just than ambitious and enterprizing, from the influence of the Jesuits in that Court, who are observed to grow generally French as they were Spanish in the last age; from the fear of the Turks, who are still like a Cloud that hangs over his head; And from a jealousie of Swedens joyning absolutely with France, [Page 8] which might share a great part of the Empire between them.

The Elector of Saxony would fall intirely into the Interests of the Em­peror in this point, as a Prince that is a true German, loves the liberty of the Empire; Forefees, that if it should fall into the French hands, all the Princes would grow little Companions to what they are, or return to be the several Officers of his Court; as they were in the unlimited greatness of some Anci­ent Emperors. Besides, his distance from France, though it does not in­struct him to think wiser than other Princes, Yet it helps him to speak bold­lier what he thinks upon these Con­junctures.

The Elector of Brandenburgh and Langrave of Hesse, and at least two of the Dukes of Lunenburgh, are in their Dispositions and Judgments upon the same Interests; But will be influenced and awed by Sweden, whose ill Ta­lent will be still suspected to Bran­denburgh, upon the differences in Prus­sia; and to Lunenburgh upon the late disappointment at Bremen.

[Page 9] The Electors of Mentz and Triers have the same Inclinations, but lying at the mercy of France, in so near and so imperious a Neighbourhood, They will take no measures wherein they may not see their own safety provided for, as well as that of the Empire; Wherein no Prince has greater repu­tation of Prudence and Caution, than the Bishop of Mentz.

The Elector Palatine, either upon remainders of the ancient Leagues with France, or quarrels with the House of Austria, has been thought inclined to the French; But as a wife Prince will be found generally in the true Interests of the Empire as far as the seat of his Countrey will give him leave, which in a War will be so much exposed.

The Elector of Bavaria has been esteemed wholly in the French Inter­ests since the Treaty of Munster; But by what tyes or motives, has not fallen under my observation, in regard of the distance of his Countrey, and small Commerce out of the limits of the Empire.

[Page] The Elector of Colen is a person of much natural goodness and candor, but of age and infirmities, and whom Devotion and Chymistry have shared between them, and in a manner remo­ved from the affairs of his State; which have been long and intirely devolved upon the Bishop of Stras­burgh; A man busie, and always in motion or intrigue: But for the rest, whether upon future ambition, or present advantages, Esteemed to be perfectly in the French Interests; So as whatever use can be made by France of that Electors Name or Countrey, may be reckoned upon as wholly at the devotion of that Crown.

The Duke of Nieuburgh is in his person and meen, rather like an Italian than a German; and should be so in his disposition, by playing the Game of an Italian Prince; In declaring no partialities, provoking no enemies, and living more retired than the other Princes of his Countrey; Having ne­ver shewed any ambition, but for the Crown of Poland, which design helpt to inspire him with great compliance [Page] towards all his Neighbours, and other Princes, who were able to do him good or ill offices in that point. But the failing of it, was thought to have some­thing disobliged him from France (up­on whose assistance he reckoned) and has sunk him in a debt which he will hardly recover.

The Bishop of Munster is made on­ly considerable by his scituation, which lyes the fittest of all others to invade Holland; And by the dispositions of this man, which are unquiet, and Am­bitious to raise a name in the World. An old implacable hatred to the Dutch upon their intelligence with his chief Town of Munster; Their Usurpation (as he pretends) of Borkloe, and some other small places in his Countrey; Their protection of the Countess of Benthem, and the hopes of sharing Overyssel or Friesland, if ever their spoyls come to be divided; make him a certain friend to what Prince soe­ver is Enemy to them, and will fur­nish him with men, or money enough to appear in the head of an Army a­gainst them.

[Page 12] The general Interest that the several Princes of the Empire have with us, is grounded wholly upon the Esteem of His Majesties Power, and the vene­ration of his Name, which is so great amongst them, That most of them are resolved in the present Conjuncture of Affairs in Christendom, to under­stand perfectly His language, before they speake their own.

THE Government of Sweden is esteemed steady and wise, as their people warlike and numerous. The digestion of their Counsels is made in a Senate consisting of forty Coun­sellors, who are generally the greatest men of the Kingdom in Office, Estates, or Abilities; and who have most of them been Commanders in the German Wars, or are so in the present Militia, which makes their Counsels generally Warlike and Ambitious, though some­thing tempered by the Minority of their King. This has turned them for some years since their last Kings death, rather to make advantages by the name and reputation of their Alliances, than by the appearance of their Arms. But [Page 13] if their King grow a Man, and of Mar­tial thoughts, as may be presaged from so great a Father, We may see great actions and revolutions grow again out of this Northern Climate. For the names of Goth, and Vandal, and their famons successes both in Poland and Germany this last age, inspire them with great thoughts; And the bodies and courages of their common men, as well as the Prudence and Conduct of their great Officers, seem to have framed them for great undertakings. Besides their Application of late years to trade, has much increast their Ship­ping and Seamen (which they found to be their weak-side in their last at­tempts). All these may in time make way for their great design, which is the Dominion of the Baltick Sea by the Conquest of Denmark. This was about the year 59, wrested out of their hands by the Dutch Assistances, and can hardly escape them, if ever that Commonwealth should be bro­ken. And if they arrive once at this point, there will grow a Power in that rough Climate, which both at Land and Sea may equal most others that [Page 14] are now in Christendom; by being Masters of such numbers of strong and valiant men, as well as of all the Naval Stores that furnish the World.

They have a nearer prospect upon the City of Bremen, by the Addition whereof to the Bishoprick already in their possession, They design to lay a great foundation both of Trade and Strength in the nearer parts of Ger­many.

Their next Interest seems to be a long knocking War in the Empire or the Low-Countries, which will make them Courted by all, till they think fit to declare; And then will bring them to a share in the Game; And those often go away with the great­est, who bring in least when the Stake begins. The neglects of France since the peace of Munster, and the late courtship of Spain, seem to have left them open for the fairest offer from either of those Crowns: But rather inclined to Spain, which has still the surest fonds of treasure (if they could fall into good method or direction) [Page 15] and to whom they are more necessary than to France, which has out-grown almost all measures with their Neigh­bours. They have a peek to Holland something in shew, but more at heart; As lying cross to their three designs, the Dominion of the Baltick, their Acquisition of Bremen, and a War in the upper or lower Germany. And they are so wise a State as to be found commonly in their Interest; which for these reasons, is either an absolute breaking, or a great weakening of that Commonwealth. Besides, they esteemed themselves at least neglected by them in the late Negotiation of the Tripple Alliance, wherein they expected constant Subsidies in the time of peace, from Spain and Holland, to engage them in the defence of all those Provinces against the threatning power of France.

An old friendship to our Nation, and Alliance, proceeding from a long conjunction of Interests, besides the necessity of keeping well with one of the greatest Maritime Powers, will (as may be conjectured) perswade [Page 16] them to follow His Majesties measures the closest and furthest of any State in Europe. This gave them the first de­sign of entring into the Tripple Al­liance; And into the commerce with Spain in the year 68; And their re­solution of keeping pace with His Majesty in both those points, as well as the consequences of them; Which they will do, unless the present Scene should wholly change, and open new Councels and Interests not yet thought of in the world.

THE Kingdom of Denmark seems less considerable than their Neighbour-Crown, From a fainter Spirit which appears of late in their people, and in their Government it self; as well as a great inequality of number in their Forces both at Sea and Land; For the last change of their Government, from Elective to Hereditary, has made it seem hitherto of less Force, and unfitter for Action abroad. As all great Changes brought about by Force or Address in an old Constitution of Government (rooted in the Hearts and Customs of the peo­ple), [Page 17] though they may in time prove an encrease of Strength and Great­ness (when fallen into Method, and grown easie by Use); Yet for many years they must needs weaken it, by the divisions and distractions of mens minds, and discontents of their hu­mours; And so turn the Counsels up­on Designs within, desisting from any without; And advantages upon Ene­mies, must give way to those upon Subjects: So as the breaking down an old frame of Government, and erect­ing a new, seems like the cutting down an old Oak (because the fruit decays, and the branches grow thin), and planting a young one in the room. 'Tis true, the Son or Grandson (if it prospers) may enjoy the shade and the maste; But the Planter, besides the pleasure of Imagination, has no other benefit to recompence the pains of Setting and Digging, the care of Wa­tering and Pruning, the fears of every Storm and every Drougth. And 'tis well, If he escapes a blow from the fall of the old Tree, or its Boughs, as they are lopt off.

[Page 18] The Change in Denmark▪ was the safer by having to deal with a soft easie people, and with Nobles grown to have small power or interest amongst them, and of whom many were gained by the Crown. Besides, that nothing seemed to concern Property in the change of Successive, for Elective. And the example of all Christian Crowns (besides that of Poland) made way for it; And yet it is certain, that Denmark has continued ever since weak and unspirited, bent only upon safety, and enjoying the Revenues of the Sound (which are the chief be­longing to that Crown); So as their great Interest is their defence against Sweden, And for the rest a general Peace, by which Traffique encreasing they may come in for a share, and see their Customs grow in the Sound and Norway. They reckon'd chiefly upon their support from Holland, till seeing them fall into closer measures with Us and Sweden, upon the Tripple Alli­ance; They have tacked some points nearer France, and the rather, because of the unkindness grown in the last Dutch War, between us and them; [Page 19] Yet they have it at heart, that Hol­land has ever used them insolently, if not scornfully, in the whole course of their Treaties and Alliances, as well as the differences between them about the payments of the Sound, And will be ever ready and resolute in the de­fence of Hamborough, whenever the Danes shall have strength and heart enough to attaque it, which seems the chief Ambition they have left them abroad.

THE Crown of Spain was in all Philip the Second's time lookt upon as both the terror and de­fence of Christendom; No Monarchy having ever grasped at so great an Empire there, and at the same time pursued an open War against so great a power as the Turks. This great­ness was grown up by the Union of the House of Castile and Arragon, of that of Burgundy and the Netherlands, with that of Naples and Sicily; By the accession or conquest of Portugal, By that of the Indies (when their Mines bled fresh, as they did many years af­ter their first opening), By the num­ber [Page 20] of brave Troops and Leaders; which were raised and made by the various and continual Wars of Charles the Fifth; But chiefly by the uninter­rupted succession of three great Prin­ces, Ferdinand, Charles, and Philip; Which can never fail of raising a small Kingdom to a great, no more than the contrary of bringing down a great one to a small. But whoever measures the Crown of Spain now, by the Scale of that Age, may fancy a man of Four­score, by a Picture drawn of him at Thirty; 'Tis like a great old Tree which has lost its Branches and Leaves, Et trunco non frondibus efficit umbram. Though no man knows, whether out of this old Root a Sucker may not spring, that with a little shelter at first, and good seasons, may in time prove a mighty Tree; For there seems still to remain strength and sap in the Root to furnish a fair growth, though not in proportion to the first. These decays have been occasioned by so long a War with Holland (supported by all the Neighbours who envied or feared the greatness of Spain), By the exhausting in a great degree of their [Page 21] Indian Mines; By that of their Na­tives to furnish the Indian Conquests, and secure all their Provinces both in Italy and Flanders; But most of all by two Successions (which we may at least call) of unactive Princes, And the want of any great Ministry to re­pair either them, or the Minority of this King, in which they ended. Un­less this Crown out-grow its present weakness, by some great Spirit rising up at the head of the Monarchy, who shall digest their Councels, reform the vast and impertinent profusions of their Treasures, by suppressing all unnecessa­ry Pensions and Expences, And re­store the vigor of their Nation by Martial designs and examples; We may reckon the Interest of Spain to lye wholly in the preservation and de­fence of Flanders from France, of Sicily from the Turks, and of their Indies from Us. That of Sicily seems more remote, because both Hungary and Poland is a nearer Game for the Turk, And will not so generally alarm or unite the Christian Princes, as the Invasion of Sicily, wherein France as well as Italy is so near con­cerned. [Page 22] The jealousie of their Indies has been much nearer them since our possession of Jamaica; And akes at heart upon every fit which the de­sperate Sallies of our Privateers there bring upon them. But they hope to make fair weather in those Seas, by opening to us some advantages of Trade there, And by a Conjunction of Interests in Europe, which they think the greatness of France makes as necessary to us as to them.

Their quarrel to France by a course of almost continual Wars ever since Charles the Fifth's time, by the late pretensions to Flanders, set on foot by France since the death of their last King, and pursued by the late Invasion (which the Spaniards pretend to have been against all Faith, as well as Right) seems to be grown wholly incurable, Though dissembled by the sense of their own weakness, which makes them rather willing to deceive themselves with a Peace, that they know must fail them, than break out into a War they fear must ruin them, without the assistance of their Neighbours. And this they hope some breach of the [Page 23] Peace at Aix on the French side, or other accidents, may at one time or other engage for them. And though as they stand single, their present In­terest is but bare defence, and wear­ing out their Kings Minority without further losses; Yet a greater Interest, and far more at heart, Is a War with France in Conjunction with the Trip­ple-Alliance, or at least with Us and Holland. For though the Peace holds, Yet while France continues so great Forces and Designs on foot, the pre­servation of Flanders will cost Spain 200 m. pounds a year, besides the Re­venues of the Countrey. And what is left them in those Provinces remains so lockt and interwoven with the last French Conquests, that upon the first breach of a War, It is all endangered; and indeed cannot be any ways secu­red, but by a strong diversion, which may imploy the greatest part of the French Forces in some other places. These regards, and that of being hard­ly used (as they conceive) by Us and Holland, in the Peace of Aix, which forced them to quit so much of their Countrey to France, and of [Page 24] their money to Sweden, Have raised up a party in their Council, that would make and secure the best Peace they can with France, by a Cession of Flan­ders to that Crown, in exchange for other Provinces towards Spain, and of some other pretensions. But this will not be carried in a Minority of their King; at least without greater fears of a sudden Invasion from France, and greater despairs of help from us. Because whenever they quit Flanders, they must be content to shut them­selves up within their Mountains, and signifie nothing more in the Affairs of Europe; Nor could they perhaps long be safe either in Spain or Italy, if they were there to sustain all the Forces of France, without the great diversion they have always made by Flanders; out of which whenever they are Masters of the field, they march in four or five days up into the very Isle of France.

To compass these two Interests ei­ther of defence or a war in Confe­deracy, they would fain engage Swe­den, but will endanger this Aim, by the fear of venturing their money be­fore [Page 25] the Game begins. They reckon themselves sure of Holland as far as their defence, but know, they will never be brought to begin a War with France. And the old rancours be­tween Spaniard and Dutch, are not yet enough worn out of the disposi­tions of the People or the Govern­ments, to make room for such an ab­solute turn. Their great hope is in England, where their inclination carries them as well as their interest. Besides, they think our old as well as fresh quarrels with France, and the jealousie of their present growth, will temper us for their turn at one time or o­ther, so that their measures will ever be fair with us; But no more towards preserving their Peace, because they think our Interest as well as our Trea­ties will be enough to engage us so far without other motives. Though to head a War against France, where­in both Sweden and Holland, would (as they think) follow our paces; There is no advantage which the Crown of Spain could make us in Trade, nor money they could spare from their own necessities (in the [Page 26] share of the quarrel) which they would not willingly furnish us, and trust to the events of a War how un­certain soever.

THE State of Holland in point both of riches, and strength, is the most prodigious growth that has been seen in the world; if we reckon it from their Peace with Spain; be­fore which time, though their Forces were great both at Land and Sea, yet they were kept down by too violent exercise; And that Government could not be said to stand upon its own legs, Leaning always on their Neigh­bours, who were willing to support them against Spain, and feared nothing from a State so narrow in compass of Land, and so weak in Native Subjects, That the strength of their Armies has ever been made up of forreign Troops. But since that time, What with the benefit of their Scituation and Orders of their Government, The Conduct of their Ministers (driving on steddy and publick Interests), The Art, In­dustry, and Parsimony of their peo­ple; All conspiring to derive almost [Page 27] the Trade of the whole World into their Circle, (while their Neighbours were taken up either in Civil or For­reign Wars) They have grown so considerable in the World, that for many years they have treated upon an equal Foot with all the great Princes of Europe, and concluded no Nego­tiation without advantage. And in the last War with Us and Munster, were able at the same time to bring above a hundred men of War to Sea, and maintain threescore and ten thou­sand men at Land. Besides, the Esta­blishment or Conquests of their Com­panies in the East-Indies, have in a manner erected another subordinate Commonwealth in those parts; Where upon occasion they have armed five and forty men of War, and thirty thousand Land-men by the modestest computations. Yet the frame of this State (as of most great Machines made for rest and not for motion) is abso­lutely incapable of making any consi­derable enlargements or conquests up­on their neighbours; Which is evident to all that know their Constitutions: But needs no other argument besides [Page 28] their want of Native Subjects to ma­nage any such attempts; What men they can spare being drawn so wholly into their trade, and their East-Indies; That they cannot so much as furnish a Colony for Surinam, proportioned to the safety and plantation of that place; And no Nation ever made and held a Conquest by Mercenary Arms. So that the wounds and fears they can give their neighbours consists in point of Trade; In injuries or insolencies at Sea; In falling with great weight in­to a ballance with other Princes; In protecting their Rebels or Fugitives, And in an arrogant way of treating with other Princes and States, a qua­lity natural to men bred in popular Governments, and derived of late years from the great successes of theirs, under the present Ministry.

It may be laid (I believe) for a Maxim, That no wise State will ever begin a War unless it be upon de­signs of Conquests, or necessity of Defence; For all other Wars serve only to exhaust Forces and Treasure, and end in untoward Peaces, patcht up out of weakness or weariness of [Page 29] the parties: Therefore the Hollan­ders, unless invaded either at home or in Flanders (which they esteem now the same case, if it comes from France), can have no interest to offer at a War; But find their greatest in continuing their course of Traffique uninterrup­ted, and enjoying the advantages which in that point their industry and address will gain them from all their Neigh­bours. And for these ends they will endeavour to preserve the Peace now in being, And bandy by Leagues and Negotiations against any from whom they shall fear a breach of it.

They will ever seek to preserve themselves by an Alliance with Eng­land against France, and by that of France against England, as they did formerly by both against Spain. And they will fall into all Conjuctures which may serve to ballance in some measure the two lesser Crowns of Swe­den and Denmark, as well as the great­er of France and Spain. But because they believe, that good Arms are as necessary to keep Peace, as to make War; They will always be Great in [Page 30] their preparations of that kind, espe­cially at Sea; By which they may in all cases, advance or secure their Trade, And upon a War with France, make up that way the weakness of their Land-Forces, Which a long rust of Peace, and a swarm of Officers pre­ferred by the Magistrates in favour of their relations, has brought to be very disproportioned in Force to what they are in Number. They esteem themselves secure from Spain and their German Neighbours (upon what has been said of the present condition of those Princes). And from Us, not so much upon our late Treaties with them, as upon what they take to be the common Interest, which they think a Nation can never run over, and be­lieve is the opposing any further pro­gress of the French greatness. Their only danger they apprehend, is from France, and that not immediately to themselves, but to Flanders; where any Flame would soon scorch them, and consume them, if not quenched in time. But in regard of the weak­ness of Spain, The slow motions of the Empire, The different paces among [Page 31] the Princes of it, And the distance of Sweden; They esteem the Peace of Christendom to depend wholly upon His Majesty, as well as the safety of Flanders, in case of a War. For they think France will be dared, and never take wing while they see such a Na­val Power as Ours and the Dutch ho­vering about all their Coasts; And so many other Princes ready to fall in, whenever His Majesty declares, united by the same jealousies or dangers. And if they should open a War, they fore­see the consumption which France must fall into by the stop of their Wine, Salts, and other Commodities (now in a manner wholly taken off by our two Nations). And the head that may be made against their Forces in the Field it self, by a Body of English Infantry (so much renowned abroad). So as though their first Interest be to continue the Peace, while it may be done with any safety; yet when that fails, their next is, to open a War in favour of Spain, and conjunction with us. And the greatest they have in the world, is to preserve and encrease their Alliance with us; Which will [Page 32] make them follow our measures ab­solutely in all the present Conjun­ctures.

THE Crown of France consider­ed in the extent of Countrey, in the number of People, in the riches of Commodities, in the Revenues of the King, the greatness of the Land-Forces now on foot, and the growth of those at Sea (within these two years past), the number and bravery of their Officers, the conduct of their Ministers, and chiefly in the Genius of their present King; A Prince of great aspiring thoughts, unwearied application to whatever is in pursuit, severe in the institution and preservati­on of Order and Discipline; In the main, a Manager of his Treasure, and yet bountiful from his own motions, wherever he intends the marks of Fa­vour, and discerns particular Merit. To this, in the flower of his Age, at the head of all his Armies, and hitherto unfoiled in any of his attempts, either at home or abroad: I say, considered in all these circumstances, France may appear to be designed for greater At­chievements [Page 33] and Empires, than have been seen in Christendom since that of Charlemaigne.

The present Greatness of this Crown, may be chiefly derived from the for­tune it has had of two great Ministers (Richelieu and Mazarine) succeeding one another, between two great Kings, Henry the Fourth and this present Prince; so as during the course of one unactive life, and of a long Minority, That Crown gained a great deal of ground both at home and abroad, in­stead of losing it; Which is the com­mon fate of Kingdoms upon those oc­casions.

The latter greatness of this Crown began in the time of Lewis the 11th, by the Spoils of the House of Bur­gundy, and the Divisions of the Prin­ces, which gave that King the heart of attempting to bring the Government (as he called it) Hors de Page; Being before controul'd by their Princes, and restrained by their States; And in point of Revenue, kept within the bounds of the Kings Demesnes, and the Subjects voluntary Contributi­ons.

[Page 34] 'Tis not here necessary to observe, by what difficulties and dangers to the Crown, this design of Lewis was pur­sued by many succeeding Kings, like a great Stone forced up a Hill, and up­on every slacking of either strength or care, rolling a great way back, often to the very bottom of the Hill, and some­times with the destruction of those that forced it on, till the time of Car­dinal Richelieu. It was in this great Mi­nister most to be admired, that finding the Regency shaken by the Factions of so many great ones within, and awed by the terror of the Spanish greatness without; He durst resolve to look them both in the face, and begin a War, by the course of which for so many years (being pursued by Maza­rine till the year 60), The Crown of France grew to be powerfully armed, The Peasants were accustomed to Pay­ments (which could have seemed ne­cessary only by a War, and which none but a successful one could have helpt to digest), and grew heartless as they grew poor. The Princes were sometimes sa­tisfied with Commands of the Army, sometimes mortified and supprest by [Page 35] the absoluteness or addresses of the Mi­nistry; The most boiling blood of the Nobility and Gentry was let out in so long a War, or wasted with Age and Exercise; At last it ended at the Pi­reenes in a Peace, and a Match so ad­vantageous to France; As the reputa­tion of them contributed much to the Authority of the young King, who bred up in the Councils, and served by the tried Instruments of the former Ministry, But most of all advantaged by his own personal Qualities, fit to make him obeyed; Grew absolute Ma­ster of the Factions of the great men, as well as the purses of his people. In the beginning of his Minority, the two disputes, with the Pope about the out­rage of the Corsi, and with the King of Spain about the encounter at London, between the Count D'Estrades and the Baron De Batteville (Ambassadors from those Crowns), both carried so high, and both ended so honourably, and to the very will of France, Were enough to give a young Prince the humour and appetite of trying yet further what there was could oppose him. The Inva­sion and easie success in Flanders, fed [Page 36] his Glory, and encreast the reputation of his Power; Till this career was inter­rupted by the Peace at first, then the Alliances between Us and Holland, and afterwards the Peace at Aix, and the Tripple Alliance (contracted purposely to secure it), since which time the Counsels of that Court have turned wholly from Action to Negotiation; Of which no man can yet see the success, nor judg whether it may not be more prosperous to them than that of their Arms.

If there were any certain heighth where the flights of Power and Ambi­tion use to end, one might imagine, that the Interest of France were but to conserve its present Greatness, so feared by its Neighbours, and so glori­ous in the world: But besides, that the motions and desires of human minds are endless, It may perhaps be necessary for France (from respects within) to have some War or other in pursuit abroad, which may amuse the Nation, and keep them from reflecting upon their condi­tion at home, Hard and uneasie to all but such as are in charge, or in pay from the Court. I do not say misera­ble [Page 37] (the term usually given it), because no condition is so, but to him that e­steems it so; And if a Paisan of France thinks of no more, than his coarse Bread and his Onions, his Can­vass Clothes and Wooden Shooes, la­bours contentedly on Working-days, and dances or plays merrily on Holy­days; He may, for ought I know, live as well as a Boor of Holland, who is ei­ther weary of his very ease, or whose cares of growing still richer and richer, waste his life in toils at Land, or dan­gers at Sea; and perhaps fool him so far, as to make him enjoy less of all kind in his riches, than t'other in his poverty.

But to leave strains of Philosophy, which are ill mingled with discourses of Interest: The common people of France are as little considerable in the Government, as the Children; so that the Nobles and the Soldiers may in a manner be esteemed the Nation; Whose Interest and Hopes carry them all to War; And whatever is the general humour and bent of a Nation, ought ever to be much considered by a State, which can hardly miscarry in the pursuit [Page 38] of it. Besides, the Personal Dispositi­ons of the King, Active and Aspiring, And many circumstances in the Govern­ment (fitter for persons of that Court, than Strangers to pretend the knowledg of), The continual encrease of their Forces in time of peace, and their fresh Invasion of Lorrain, are enough to perswade most men, that the design of this Crown is a War, whenever they can open it with a prospect of suc­ceeding to purpose; For their Coun­sels are too wise, To venture much up­on the hopes of little gains. What the aims of France are in this kind, I will not pretend to judg by common fears, or the Schemes of men too ingeniously politique; Nor perhaps can any one tell any more than a man that leaps in­to the water in strength and vigor, and with pleasure, can say how far he will swim; Which will be, till he is stopt by currents, or accidents, or grows weary, or has a mind to do something else. One may judg, that if France will begin a War, it would be naturally up­on Flanders; unless discouraged by the same Alliances which prevailed with them to end the last; so as the [Page 39] plain present Interest of France, is one way or other to break the confidence or the force of that Tripple Alliance, which alone seems to bound their prospect, which way soever they look; And if once laid open, they have the World and their Fortunes before them; which is enough for a Crown that has so much Force, and so much Con­duct to manage them. Having little hopes of breaking this on the Dutch side, and knowing the Swede will fol­low our measures in it, We may be sure of all address, and all the Court­ship that can any way be infused; and in short, all sorts of endeavours and applications that can be used, to break it on ours, Which seems to be the present Game of that Crown, and that they will begin no other till they see an end of this.

FLanders cannot be considered di­stinct from Spain in the Govern­ment, but may in the inclinations of the people, which must ever have a great influence upon it. They are the best Subjects in the World, but may have some reason to be weary [Page 40] of being the Theater of almost perpetual Wars; and where those two mighty Crowns have fought so many Battels, and seem to have still so many more to fight, If the Neighbour-assistances fall in to balance their powers, now so un­equally matched. Therefore the In­terest of the Inhabitants of those Spa­nish Provinces seems to be, either that the present Peace should be kept invio­late by the strength and reputation of the present Alliances; Or else, that a War when it opens should have a sud­den issue; Which might be expected, either from the French Conquest, or a Proposition of Exchange. They are naturally averse from the French Go­vernment, as they are inclined to the Spanish; but have so little kindness for the Hollanders, or esteem of their Land-Forces, that they hardly either hope or care to be saved by their assi­stances. So as the reputation of His Majesties Protection and Alliance, is all that can inspire them with the hopes of a lasting Peace, or the courage to de­fend themselves by a War.

[Page 41] FRom the Survey of all these seve­ral Interests, and Forces, and Dis­positions that compose the present state of all our Neighbours; It may be na­turally, and unquestionably concluded, That a continuance of the present mea­sures, The opening of new ones, Or an absolute revolution of all, depends wholly upon those His Majesty shall take or pursue in this great Conjuncture, wherein He seems to be generally al­lowed for the sole Arbiter of the Af­fairs of Christendom.

OUR Interest abroad must lye in one of these points.

Either to preserve our present Alli­ances, and thereby the Peace of Chri­stendom as it now stands.

Or to encourage France to an Inva­sion of Holland, with assurance of our Neutrality.

Or else to join with France upon the advantages they can offer us, for the ruin of the Dutch.

Upon the first is to be considered, Whether with a longer Peace, the Pow­er of France and Holland, with so great [Page 42] Revenues, and such application as is seen in their Governments, will not encrease every year out of proportion to what ours will do; The Revenues of France arising originally from the vent of their Native Commodities; and those of Holland growing wholly out of Trade, and that out of Peace.

Upon the second, Whether France will ever resolve upon the Invasion of Holland; Or Holland upon its own re­solute defence, without our share in the War, which would otherwise leave us to enjoy the Trade of the World, and thereby to grow vastly both in Strength and Treasures, whilest both these Powers were breaking one ano­ther. Or whether the jealousie of such a design in us, would not induce France and Holland, either before a War, or soon after it begins, To close upon some measures between them to our disad­vantage, as We and Holland did after the last War, to the disadvantage of France.

Upon the last, Whether by the ruin of Holland, we can reap as great ad­vantages as France (though perhaps greater were necessary to make some [Page 43] equality in our Powers). And to gain a fair prospect of this, it must be con­sidered, Whether Holland upon its fall would grow an accession to the French, or to Us; Or live under the Prince of Orange as a Soveraign Prince, with our support or protection. Whether France would be content with either of these last; or to see us grow absolute Ma­sters of the Sea, by the fall or subjecti­on of Holland, any more than by their Conjunction and Alliance. Whether we could be able to defend the Maritime Provinces, either in our own subjecti­on, or in that of the Prince, whilest France remained possest of all the Out­works of that State (which are their Inland Provinces, their Towns in Bra­bant and upon the Rhine); Whether we could on the other side hinder the accession of Holland to France, either as Subjects in a Maritime Province (with great Priviledges and Immuni­ties for continuance and encourage­ment of Trade), Or as an inferior and dependant Ally under their protection. Whether in either of these cases, our Government would have credit enough in Holland to invite their Shipping and [Page 44] Traders to come over and settle in En­gland, and so leave those Provinces de­stitute of both. Whether it be possi­ble to preserve Flanders after the loss of Holland, Or upon the Conquest of those Countries by France, For us to preserve our peace or good intelligence with that King, Or upon a War to de­fend our selves, either by our own Forces, or the Alliances of our Neigh­bours.

But though these Arguments may deserve the most serious deliberations of Ministers at home; Yet I know they lye out of the compass of my duty, and are improper for the representations of a man, the course of whose Imploy­ments and thoughts for so long a time has lain wholly abroad.

THE Nature of Man seems to be the same in all times and pla­ces, but varyed like their statures, com­plexions, and fea­tures: by the force and influence of the several Climates where they are born and bred; which produce in them by a different mixture of the humours [Page 46] and operation of the Air, a different and unequal course of Imaginations and Passions, and consequently of Dis­courses and Actions.

These differences incline men to se­veral Customs, Educations, Opinions and Laws; which Form and Govern the several Nations of the World, where they are not interrupted by the violence of some force from without, or some faction within; which like a great blow, or a great disease, may ei­ther change or destroy the very frame of a body, though if it lives to reco­ver strength and vigor, it commonly returns in time to its natural constitu­tion or something near it.

(I speak not of those changes and revolutions of State, or Institutions of Government that are made by the more immediate and evident opera­tion of Divine Will and Providence, being the Themes of Divines, and not of common men; and the Subjects of our Faith, not of our Reason).

This may be the cause that the same Countreys have generally in all times been used to Forms of Government much of a sort: The same Nature ever [Page 47] continuing under the same Climate, and making returns into its old Chan­nel, though sometimes led out of it by perswasions, and sometimes beaten out by force.

Thus the more Northern, and more Southern Nations (extreams as they say still agreeing) have ever lived under single and Arbitrary Domini­ons; as all the Regions of Tartary, and Muscovy on the one side: and of Africk and India on the other. While those under the more temperate Climates, especially in Europe, have ever been used to more moderate Governments, Running anciently much into Com­monwealths, and of latter ages into Principalities bounded by Laws, which differ less in Nature than in Name.

For though the old distinctions run otherwise, there seem to be but two general kinds of Government in the world. The one exercised according to the Arbitrary commands and will of some single Person. And the other according to certain Orders or Laws introduced by agreement or custom, and not to be changed without the consent of many.

[Page 48] But under each of these may fall many more particular kinds, than can be reduced to the common heads of Government received in the Schools. For those of the first sort, differ ac­cording to the dispositions and humours of Him that Rules, and of them that obey: As Feavers do according to the temper of the persons, and accidents of the seasons. And those of the o­ther sort, differ according to the qua­lity or number of the persons upon whom is devolved the authority of making, or power of executing Laws.

Nor will any man, that understands the State of Poland, and the Vnited Provinces, be well able to range them under any particular names of Go­vernment that have been yet invent­ed.

The great Scenes of Action, and Sub­jects of Ancient Story, Greece, Italy, and Sicily, were all divided into small Commonwealths, till swallowed up and made Provinces by that mighty one of Rome, together with Spain, Gaule, and Germany. These were be­fore composed of many small Govern­ments, among which the Cities were [Page 49] generally under Commonwealths, and the Countreys under several Princes: Who were Generals in their Wars, but in peace lived without Armies or Guards, or any Instruments of Arbitrary Power: And were only chief of their Councils, and of those Assemblies by whose con­sultations, and authority, the great af­fairs and actions among them were re­solved and enterprized.

Through all these Regions some of the smaller States, but chiefly those of the Cities, fell often under Tyrannies: Which spring naturally out of Popular Governments. While the meaner sort of the people opprest, or ill protected by the richer, and greater, give them­selves up to the conduct of some one man in chief credit among them; and submit all to his will and discretion: either running easily from one extream to another, or contented to see those they hated and feared before, now in equal condition with themselves. Or, because a multitude is incapable of framing Orders, though capable of conserving them: Or that every man comes to find by experience, that con­fusion and popular tumults have worse [Page 50] effects upon common safety than the rankest Tyranny. For it is easier to please the humour, and either appease or resist the fury of one single man, than of a multitude. And taking each of them in their extreams, the rage of a Tyrant may be like that of fire, which consumes what it reaches but by de­grees, and devouring one house after another; whereas the rage of people is like that of the Sea, which once breaking bounds, overflows a Coun­trey with that suddenness and violence, as leaves no hopes either of flying or resisting, till with the change of tides or winds it returns of it self.

The force and variety of accidents is so great, that it will not perhaps bear reasoning, or enquiry how it comes about, that single Arbitrary Do­minion seems to have been natural to Asia and Africk: and the other sort to Europe. For though Carthage was indeed a Commonwealth in Africk, and Macedon a Kingdom in Europe; yet the first was not Native of that Soyl (being a Colony of the Tyrians, as there were some other small ones of he Grecians upon the same Coasts) [Page 51] and the Kings of Macedon Governed by Laws, and the consent as well as Councils of the Nobles. Not like the Kings of Persia by humour and will, as appears by the event of their quar­rel, while so few Subjects conquered so many Slaves.

Yet one reason may be that Sicily, Greece, and Italy (which were the Re­gions of Commonwealths) were plant­ed thick with rich and populous Cities (occasioned by their being so far en­compassed with the Sea). And the vein of all rich Cities ever inclines to that kind of Government. Whether it be that where many grow Rich, many grow to power, and are harder to be subjected. Or where men grow to great possessions, they grow more intent up­on safety, and therefore desire to be Governed by Laws and Magistrates of their own choice, fearing all Armed and Arbitrary Power: Or that the small compass of Cities makes the ease and convenience of Assemblies and Councils. Or that conversation sharp­ens mens wits, and makes too many rea­soners in matters of Government.

[Page 52] The contrary of all this happens in Countries thin inhabited, and especi­ally in vast Campania's, such as are ex­tended through Asia, and Africk, where there are few Cities, besides what grow by the residence of the Kings or their Governours. The people are poorer, and having little to lose, have little to care for, and are less exposed to the de­signs of power or violence. The assem­bling of persons deputed from people at great distances one from another, is trouble to them that are sent, and charge to them that send. And where ambition and avarice have made no en­trance, the desire of leasure is much more natural, than of business and care; besides, Men conversing all their lives with the Woods, and the Fields, and the Herds, more than with one ano­ther, come to know as little as they de­sire. Use their Senses a great deal more than their Reasons, examine not the nature or the tenure of Power and Authority; find only they are fit to obey, because they are not fit to Go­vern. And so come to submit to the will of him they found in Power, as they do the will of Heaven, and con­sider [Page 53] all changes of conditions that hap­pen to them under good or bad Prin­ces, like good or ill Seasons that hap­pen in the Weather and the Air.

It may be said further, that in the more intemperate Climates, the spirits either exhal'd by heat, or comprest by cold, are rendred faint and sluggish, and by that reason the men grow ta­mer, and fitter for servitude. That in more temperate Regions the spirits are stronger, and more active, whereby men become bolder in the defence or recovery of their liberties.

But all Government is a restraint up­on liberty; And under all, The Do­minion is equally absolute, where it is in the last resort.

So that when men seem to contend for Liberty, it is indeed but for the change of those that rule, or for the forms of Government they have for­merly been used to; and (being grown weary of the present) now begin to regret; though when they enjoyed them, it was not without some pressure and complaint. Nor can it be in the other case; that when vast numbers of men submit their lives and fortunes ab­solutely [Page 54] to the Will of one, it should be want of heart, but must be force of custom, or opinion, the true ground and foundation of all Government, and that which subjects Power to Au­thority. For Power arising from Strength, is always in those that are go­verned, who are many: But Authority arising from opinion, is in those that Govern, who are few.

This distinction is plain in the forms of the old Roman State, where Laws were made, and resolutions taken, Au­thoritate Senatus, and Jussu populi. The Senate were Authors of all Counsels in the State; and what was by them consulted and agreed, was proposed to the People: By whom it was ena­cted, or commanded, because in them was the power to make it be obeyed. But the great opinion which the peo­ple had at first of the persons of the Senators, and afterwards of their fami­lies (which were called Patricians) gained easie assent to what was thus proposed; the Authority of the per­sons adding great weight to the rea­son of the things. And this went so far, that though the choice of all Ma­gistrates [Page 55] was wholly in the people, yet for a long course of years, they chose none but Patricians into the great Of­fices of State, either Civil or Military. But when the People began to lose the general opinion they had of the Pa­tricians, or at least so far as to believe some among themselves were as able, and fit as these, to advise the State, and lead their Armies: They then pre­tended to share with the Senate in the Magistracy, and bring in Plebeians to the Offices of chiefest Power and Dig­nity. And hereupon began those se­ditions which so long distempered, and at length ruined that State.

AUthority arises from the opinion of Wisdom, Goodness, and Va­lour in the persons who possess it.

Wisdom, As that which makes men judg what are the best ends, and what the best means to attain them; and gives a man advantage among the weak and the ignorant; as sight among the blind, which is that of Counsel and Di­rection. This gives Authority to Age among the younger, till these be­gin at certain years to change their [Page 56] opinion of the old, and of them­selves. This gives it more absolute to a Pilot at Sea, whom all the pas­sengers suffer to steer them as he plea­ses.

Goodness, As that which makes men prefer their Duty and their Pro­mise, before their Passions, or their Interest; and is properly the object of Trust. In our Language, it goes ra­ther by the name of Honesty; though what we call an honest man, the Ro­mans called a good man; and honesty in their Language, as well as in French, rather signifies a composition of those qualities which generally acquire ho­nour and esteem to those who possess them.

Valour, As it gives awe, and pro­mises protection to those who want either heart or strength to defend themselves. This makes the Autho­rity of Men among Women; and that of a Master-Buck in a numerous herd, though perhaps not strong enough for any two of them; but the impression of single fear holds when they are all together, by the ignorance of Uni­ting.

[Page 57] Eloquence, As it passes for a mark of Wisdom; Beauty of Goodness, And Nobility of Valour (which was its original) have likewise ever some effect upon the opinion of the People; but a very great one when they are really joined with the qualities they promise or resemble.

There is yet another source from which usually springs greater Authority than from all the rest, which is the opi­nion of Divine Favour, or designation of the persons, or of the races that Go­vern. This made the Kings among the Heathens ever derive themselves, or their Ancestors from some god; pas­sing thereby for Heroes, that is, persons issued from the mixture of divine and humane race, and of a middle nature between gods and men: others joyned the Miter to the Crown, and thereby the reverence of Divine, to the respect of Civil Power.

This made the Caliphs of Persia and Egypt, and the great Emperors of Arabia, derive themselves by several branches from their great Prophet Ma­homet: The Yncas in Peru from the Sun: And the Ottoman race to be ado­red [Page 58] among the Turks, as designed by Heaven for perpetual Empire. And the sacring of the Kings of France (as Loysel says) is the sign of their Sove­reign Priesthood, as well as Kingdom; and in the right thereof they are ca­pable of holding all vacant Benefices of the Church.

Piety, As it is thought a way to the favour of God, and Fortune as it looks like the effect either of that or at least of Prudence and Courage, beget Au­thority. As likewise splendor of living in great Palaces, with numerous atten­dance, much observance, and rich ha­bits differing from common men: Both as it seems to be the reward of those Virtues already named, or the effect of Fortune; or as it is a mark of be­ing obeyed by many.

From all these Authority arises, but is by nothing so much strengthned and confirmed as by custom. For no man easily distrusts the persons, or disputes the things which he and all men that he knows of, have been always bred up to observe, and believe; or if he does, he will hardly hope, or venture to introduce opinions wherein he knows [Page 59] none, or few of his mind, and thinks all others will defend those already received; so as no man, nor party can offer at the change of a Government establisht, without first gaining new Authority by the steps already traced out; and in some degree debasing the old, by appearance or impressions of contrary qualities in those who before enjoyed it. This induces a general change of opinion, concerning the per­son or party like to be obeyed, or fol­lowed by the greatect or strongest part of the people: according to which the power or weakness of each is to be mea­sured. So as in effect all Government may be esteemed to grow strong or weak, as the general opinion of these qualities in those that Govern, is seen to lessen or increase.

And Power must be allowed to fol­low Authority in all Civil Bodies; as in Natural the motions of the body follow those of the mind, great num­bers ever acting and pursuing what the few (whom they trust) begin or advise.

[Page 60] FRom this Principle, and from the discovery of some natural Autho­rity, may perhaps be deduced a truer original of all Governments among men, than from any Contracts: though these be given us by the great Writers concerning Politicks and Laws. Some of them lay for their foundation, That men are sociable creatures, and natu­rally disposed to live in numbers and troops together. Others, That they are naturally creatures of prey, and in a state of war one upon another; so as to avoid confusion in the first case, and violence in the other, they found out the necessity of agreeing upon some Orders and Rules, by which every man gives up his common Right for some particular possession, and his power to hurt and spoil others, for the priviledg of not being hurt or spoiled himself. And the agreement upon such Orders, by mutual Contract, with the consent to execute them, by common strength and endeavours, They make to be the rise of all Civil Governments.

I know not whether they consider what it is that makes some creatures so­ciable, [Page 61] and others live and range more alone, or in smaller companies; but I suppose those creatures whose natural and necessary food is easie and plenti­ful, as Grass, or Plants, or Fruits (the common product of the earth) are the sociable creatures, because where­ever they go, they usually find what they want, and enough for them all without industry or contention. And those live more alone whose food (and therefore prey) is upon other sensitive creatures, and so not attained without pursuit and violence, and seldom in such quantities at once, as to satisfy the hunger of great numbers together. Yet this does not hold so far, but that Ravens are seen in flocks where a Car­rion lies, and Wolves in herds to run down a Deer. Nay they feed quietly together while there is enough for them all: Quarrel only when it begins to fail, and when 'tis ended they scatter to seek out new encounters. Besides, those called sociable, quarrel in hunger and in lust, as well as the others; and the Bull and the Ram appear then as much in fury and war, as the Lyon and the Bear. So that if Mankind must [Page 62] be ranged to one of these sorts, I know not well to which it will be: and con­sidering the great differences of cu­stoms and dispositions in several men, and even in the same men at several times, I very much doubt they must be divided into several forms. Nor do I know, if men are like sheep, why they need any Government: or if they are like Wolves, how they can suffer it. Nor have I read where the Orders of any State have been agreed on by mu­tual Contract among great numbers of men, meeting together in that natural state of War; where every man takes himself to have equal right to every thing. But often where such Orders have been invented by the Wisdom, and received by the Authority of some one man, under the name of a Law­giver; And where this has not hap­pened, the original of Government lyes as undiscovered in story, as that of Time. All Nations appearing upon the first Records that are left us, un­der the Authority of Kings, or Princes, or some other Magistrates.

Besides, this principle of contract as the original of Government, seems cal­culated [Page 63] for the account, given by some of the old Poets of the original of man; whom they raise out of the ground by great numbers at a time in perfect Stature and Strength. Where­as if we deduce the several races of mankind in the several parts of the World from generation; we must ima­gine the first numbers of them who in any place agree upon any civil consti­tutions, to assemble not as so many single heads, but as so many heads of families, whom they represent, in the framing any Compact or common ac­cord; and consequently as persons, who have already an Authority over such numbers as their families are com­posed of.

For if we consider a Man multiply­ing his Kind by the birth of many Chil­dren, and his Cares by providing even necessary food for them, till they are able to do it for themselves (which happens much later to the generations of men, and makes a much longer de­pendance of children upon Parents, than we can observe among any other creatures) If we consider not only the cares but the industry he is forced to, [Page 64] for the necessary sustenance of his help­less brood, either in gathering the na­tural fruits, or raising those which are purchased with labour and toil; if he be forced for supply of this stock to catch the tamer creatures, and hunt the wilder, sometimes to exercise his courage in defending his little Family, and fighting with the strong and Sa­vage Beasts (that would prey upon him, as he does upon the weak and the mild) if we suppose him disposing with discretion and order, what-ever he gets among his Children, according to each of their hunger or need, some­times laying up for to morrow, what was more than enough for to day: at other times pinching himself rather than suffering any of them should want. And as each of them grows up, and able to share in the common support, teaching him both by lesson and ex­ample, what he is now to do as the Son of this family, and what hereaf­ter as the Father of another; instru­cting them all, what qualities are good, and what are ill for their health and life, or common Society (which will certainly comprehend whatever is ge­nerally [Page 65] esteemed virtue or vice among men) cherishing and encouraging dis­positions to the good; disfavouring and punishing those to the ill: And lastly, Among the various accidents of Life, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, when the earth affords him no relief; and having recourse to a higher and a greater nature, whenever he finds the frailty of his own: We must needs conclude, that the Children of this Man cannot fail of being bred up with a great opinion of his Wisdom, his Goodness, his Valour, and his Piety. And if they see constant plenty in the Family, they believe well of his for­tune too.

And from all this must naturally arise a great paternal Authority, which disposes his Children (at least till the age when they grow Fathers themselves) to believe what he teaches, to follow what he advises, and obey what he commands.

Thus the Father, by a natural Right as well as Authority, becomes a Gover­nour in this little State: and if his life be long, and his generations many (as well as those of his Children) He grows [Page 66] the Governour or King of a Nation, and is indeed a Pater patriae, as the best Kings are, and as all should be; and as those which are not, are yet content to be called. Thus the peculiar com­pellation of the Kings in France, is by the name of Sire, which in their an­cient language is nothing else but Fa­ther, and denotes the Prince to be the Father of the Nation. For a Nation properly signifies a great number of Families, derived from the same Blood, born in the same Countrey, and living under the same Government and Civil Constitutions: As Patria does the land of our Father; and so the Dutch by expressions of deerness, instead of our Countrey, say our Father-land. With such Nations we find in Scripture all the Lands of Judea, and the adjacent Territories, were planted of old. With such the many several Provinces of Greece and Italy, when they began first to appear upon the Records of Ancient Story or Tradition. And with such was the main Land of Gaul inhabited in the time of Caesar; and Germany in that of Tacitus. Such were the many Branches of the old British Nation; [Page 67] the Scepts among the Irish. And such the infinite variety and numbers of Nations in Africa and America upon the first discoveries, distinguisht by their several names, and living under their several Kings or Princes, till they came to be swallowed up by greater Empires.

These seem to have been the natu­ral and original Governments of the World, springing from a tacite defe­rence of many to the Authority of one single Person. Under Him (if the Father of the Family or Nation) the elder of his Children comes to acquire a degree of Authority among the younger by the same means the Father did among them; and to share with him in the consultation and conduct of their common affairs. And this, to­gether with an opinion of Wisdom from experience, may have brought in the Authority of the Elders, so often mentioned among the Jews; and in general of aged men, not only in Sparta and Rome, but all other places in some degree, both civil and barbarous. For the names of Lord, Signior, Seigneur, Senor, in the Italian, French, and Spa­nish [Page 68] Languages, seem to have at first imported only elder men, who there­by were grown into Authority among the several Governments and Nations, which seated themselves in those Coun­treys upon the fall of the Roman Em­pire.

This perhaps brought in Vogue that which is called the Authority of the Ancients in matters of opinion, though by a mistaken sense: for I suppose Au­thority may be reasonably allowed to the opinions of ancient men in the present age; but I know not why it should be so to those of men in gene­ral that lived in ages long since past; nor why one age of the World should be wiser than another; or if it be, why it should not be rather the latter than the former; as having the same advantage of the general experience of the World, that an old man has of the more particular experiments of life.

THus a Family seems to become a little Kingdom, and a Kingdom to be but a great Family.

[Page 69] Nor is it unlikely that this Paternal Jurisdiction in its successions, and with the help of accidents, may have branch­ed out into the several heads of Go­vernment commonly received in the Schools. For a Family Governed with order, will fall naturally to the several Trades of Husbandry, which are Tillage, Gardening, and Pasturage (the product whereof was the origi­nal riches) For the managing of these, and their encrease, and the assistance of one man, who perhaps is to feed twenty, it may be a hundred children (since it is not easily told how far Ge­nerations may extend, with the Arbi­trary choice and numbers of women, practised anciently in most Countries) the use of servants comes to be necessa­ry. These are gained by victory and captives, or by fugitives out of some worse governed Family, where either they cannot or like not to live, and so sell their liberty to be assured of what is necessary to life. Or else by the debased nature of some of the Chil­dren who seem born to drudgery, or who are content to encrease their pains that they may lessen their cares; and [Page 70] upon such terms become servants to some of their brothers, whom they most esteem or chuse soonest to live with.

The Family thus encreased, is still under the Fathers common, though not equal care; that what is due to the servants by Contract, or what is fit for them to enjoy, may be provided, as well as the portions of the Children: And that whatever they acquire by their industry or ingenuity (beyond what the Masters expect, or exact from them by the conditions of their servi­tude) should be as much their proper­ty, as any divisions of Land or of Stock that are made to the Sons; and the possession as secure, unless forfeited by any demerit or offence against the cu­stoms of the Family, which grow with time to be the orders of this little State.

Now the Father of a Family or Na­tion, that uses his Servants like Chil­dren in point of Justice and Care; and advises with his Children in what con­cerns the Commonweal, and thereby is willingly followed and obeyed by them all: Is what I suppose the Schools [Page 71] mean by a Monarch. And he that by harshness of nature, wilfulness of hu­mour, intemperance of passions, and arbitrariness of commands, uses his Children like Servants, is what they mean by a Tyrant. And whereas the first thought himself safe in the love and obedience of his Children, the o­ther knowing that he is feared, and hated by them; thinks he cannot be safe among his children, but by put­ting arms into the hands of such of his Servants as he thinks most at his will; which is the original of Guards. For against a Forreign Enemy, and for de­fence of evident Interest, all that can bear Arms in a Nation are Soldiers. Their Cause is common safety; their Pay is Honour: And when they have purchased these, they return to their homes, and former conditions of peace­able lives. Such were all the Armies of Greece, and of Rome, in the first Ages of their States. Such were their Gens d' ordonnance in France, and the Trainbands in England: but standing Troops, and in constant pay, are pro­perly Servants armed, who use the Lance and the Sword, as other ser­vants [Page 72] do the Sickle, or the Bill at the command and will of those who en­tertain them. And therefore Martial Law is of all other the most absolute, and not like the Government of a Fa­ther, but a Master.

And this brings in another sort of Power, distinct from that already de­scribed, which follows Authority, and consists in the willing obedience of the people: But this in the command of Soldiers who as Servants are bound to execute the Will and Orders of those that Lead them. And as Authority follows the qualities before-mentioned; so this Power follows Riches, or the opinion of it; a multitude of Servants being his that is able to maintain them. And these kind of forces come to be used by good Princes only upon ne­cessity of providing for their defence against great and armed neighbours or enemies; But by ill ones as a support of decayed Authority, or as they lose the force of that which is Natural and Paternal, and so grow to set up an In­terest of those that Govern, different from that of those that are Governed, which ought ever to be the same.

[Page 73] Yet this seems a much weaker princi­ple of Government than the other; for the number of Soldiers can never be great in proportion to that of People, no more than the number of those that are idle in a Country, to that of those who live by labour or industry: so as if the people come to unite by any strong passion, or general interest, or under the wise conduct of any Au­thority well rooted in their minds, They are Masters of Armies. Besides, the humour of the People runs insen­sibly among the very Soldiers, so as it seems much alike to keep off by Guards, a general infection, or an uni­versal sedition: for the distemper in both kinds is contagious, and seizes upon the defenders themselves. Besides, common pay is a faint principle of Courage and Action, in comparison of Religion, Liberty, Honour, Revenge, or Necessity; which make every Sol­dier have the quarrel as much at heart as their Leaders, and seem to have spi­rited all the great Actions, and Revo­lutions of the World. And lastly, without the force of Authority, this Power of Soldiers grows pernicious to [Page 74] their Master, who becomes their Ser­vant, and is in danger of their muti­nies, as much as any Government can be of the seditions of a people.

If the Father of our Family govern it with Prudence, Goodness, and Suc­cess; and his eldest Son appear Heir to the virtues and worth of his Father; He succeeds in the Government by a Natural Right, and by the Strength of an Authority both derived from his Father, and acquired by His own per­sonal qualities: but if either the eldest Son by qualities degenerate and ill, happen to lose all trust and opinion, and thereby (Authority) in the Fami­ly, Or else to dye before his time, and leave a Child in his room; when the Father comes to fail, then the Chil­dren fall into Councils of Election, and either prefer the eldest of the Sons then living, or perhaps one later, and so remoter in birth, according as He may have acquired Authority by those qualities which naturally produce it, and promise the best conduct and pro­tection to the common affairs of the Family.

[Page 75] Where the Father comes to lose his Authority, many of the elder, or wiser, or braver of the Sons increase in theirs by the same degree: and when both these arrive at a certain heighth, the Nature of the Government is ready for a change; and upon the Fathers death, or general defection of the Fa­mily, they succeed in his Authority, whil'st the humour of the whole body runs against the succession, or election of any single person, which they are grown weary of by so late an example. And thus comes in what they call an Aristocracy: But Authority contracting it self (as it seems naturally to do till it ends in a point or single Person) this Government falls sometimes into the hands of a few who establish it in their Families: and that is called an Oligarchy. If the Authority come to be lost in either of these forms; while the Children of the Family grow into the manners, and qualities, and per­haps into the condition and poverty of Servants: and while many of the Servants by industry and virtue, arrive at riches and esteem, then the nature of the Government inclines to a De­mocracy [Page 76] or Popular State, which is nearest confusion, or Anarchy; and of­ten runs into it, unless upheld or di­rected by the Authority of one, or of some few in the State; though per­haps without Titles or marks of any extraordinary Office or Dignity.

GOvernments founded upon Con­tract, may have succeeded those founded upon Authority: But the first of them should rather seem to have been agreed between Princes and Sub­jects, than between men of equal Rank and Power. For the original of Sub­jection was, I suppose, when one Na­tion warring▪ against another (for things necessary to Life, or for Women, or for extent of Land) overcame their enemies: if they only won a Battel, and put their enemies to flight, those they took Prisoners became their Slaves, and continued so in their Generations, unless infranchized by their Masters: But if by great slaughter or frequent victories, they subdued the very cou­rages of their enemies, while great numbers of them remained alive; then [Page 77] the vanquisht Nation became subject to the Conquerors by Agreement, and upon certain conditions of safety and prote­ction; and perhaps equal enjoyment of liberties and customs, with the com­mon Natives under the other Govern­ment: If by such frequent successes and additions, a Nation extended it self over vast Tracts of Land and numbers of People; it thereby arrived in time at the ancient name of Kingdom, or Modern of Empire.

After such a victory, the chiefest of the conquering Nations, become Rich and Great upon the divisions of Lands, of Spoils, and of Slaves: By all which they grow into Power, are Lords in their own Lands, and over those that inhabit them, with certain Rights or Jurisdictions, and upon certain ho­mages reserved to the Prince. The custom of imploying these great per­sons in all great Offices, and Councils, grows to pass for a Right; as all Custom does with length and force of time.

The Prince that Governs according to the conditions of subjection at first agreed upon (of which Use is the [Page 78] Authentique record) and according to the ancient Customs, which are the original Laws (and by which the Right of succession in the Crown, as well as private Inheritance and Common Ju­stice is directed and establisht) is called a Lawful Sovereign: He that breaks and violates these ancient Constitutions (especially that of Succession) is termed an Usurper.

A Free Nation is that, which has never been conquered or thereby en­ter'd into any conditions of Subjection, as the Romans were, before they were subdued by the Goths and Vandals: and as the Turks seem to be at this time; who having been called from Scythia to assist the Grecian Empire against that of the Saracens, made them­selves Masters of both.

In Countreys safer from Forreign Invasions either by Seas or Rivers, by Mountains and Passes, or great Tracts of rough barren and uninhabited Lands, People lived generally in scattered dwellings, or small Villages: But where Invasion is easie and passage open, and bordering Nations are great and vali­ant; men croud together and seek [Page 79] their safety from number better united, and from Walls and other Fortificati­ons, the use whereof is to make the few a match for the many, so as they may Fight or Treat on equal terms. And this is the original of Cities; but the greatness and riches of them en­crease according to the commodious­ness of their scituation, in fertile Coun­tries, or upon Rivers and Havens; which surpass the greatest fertility of any Soil, in furnishing plenty of all things necessary to Life or Lux­ury.

When Families meet together, sur­round themselves by Walls; fall into Order and Laws (either invented by the wisdom of some one, or some few men; and from the evidence of their publick utility received by all; or else introduced by experience and time) and these Cities preserve themselves in the enjoyment of their Possessions, and observance of their Institutions, against all Invasions; and never are forced to submit to the will of any Conqueror, or conditions of any absolute Subje­ction; They are called free Cities, and of such there were many of old, in [Page 80] Greece and Sicily, deducing their ori­ginal from some one Founder or Law­giver: And are many now in Germany subject to no Laws but their own, and those of the Empire, which is an Union of many Soveraign Powers, by whose general consent in their Dyets, all its Constitutions are framed and esta­blisht.

Commonwealths were nothing more in their original, but free Cities, though sometimes by force of orders, and dis­cipline, or of a numerous and valiant people, they have extended themselves into mighty Dominions: and often by Scituation and Trade, grow to vast Riches, and thereby to great Power by force of mercenary Arms. And these seem to be the more artificial, as those of a single Person the more Na­tural Governments; being forced to supply the want of Authority by wise inventions, orders and institutions.

For Authority can never be so great in many as in one, because the opinion of those qualities which ac­quire it, cannot be equal in several persons.

[Page 81] These Governments seem to be intro­duced either by the wisdom and mo­deration of some one Lawgiver, who has Authority enough with the people to be followed and observed in all his orders and advices; and yet prefers that which he esteems publick utility, before any interest or greatness of his own (such were Lycurgus in Spar­ta, and Solon in Athens, and Timoleon in Syracuse); Or else by the conflu­ence of many Families out of some Countries exposed to some fierce or barbarous invasions, into places fortifi­ed by Nature, and secure from the fury and misery of such Conquests. Such were Rhodes of old, and several small Islands upon the Coasts of Ionia; and such was Venice founded upon the Inundation of the barbarous Nations over Italy: Or lastly, by the suppres­sion and extinction of some Tyranny, which being thrown off by the violent indignation of an oppressed people, makes way for a Popular Government, or at least some form very contrary to that which they lately execrated, and detested: Such were Rome upon the expulsion of the Tarquins; and the [Page 82] Vnited Provinces upon their revolt from Spain: Yet are none of these forms to be raised or upheld without the influence of Authority, acquired by the force or opinion of those vir­tues above-mentioned, which concur'd in Brutus among the Romans, and in Prince William of Orange among those of the Netherlands.

I will not enter into the Arguments or comparisons of the several forms of Government that have been, or are in the World; wherein that cause seems commonly the better, that has the bet­ter advocate, or is advantaged by fresh­er experience and impressions of good or evil from any of the Forms among those that judg: They have all their heighths and their falls, their strong and weak sides; are capable of great perfections, and subject to great corrup­tions: and though the preference seem already decided in what has been said of a single Persons being the original and natural Government; and that it is capable of the greatest Authority (which is the foundation of all ease, safety, and order, in the Governments of the World) yet it may perhaps be [Page 83] the most reasonably concluded, That those forms are best, which have been longest received and authorized in a Nation by custom and use; and into which the humours and manners of the people run with the most general and strongest current.

Or else, that those are the best Go­vernments, where the best men Go­vern; and that the difference is not so great in the forms of Magistracy, as in the persons of Magistrates; which may be the sense of what was said of old (taking wise and good men, to be meant by Philosophers) that the best Governments were those, where Kings were Philosophers, or Philosophers Kings.

THE safety and firmness of any frame of Government, may be best judged by the rules of Archite­cture, which teach us that the Pyramid is of all figures the firmest, and least subject to be shaken or overthrown by any concussions, or accidents from the Earth or Air: and it grows still so much the firmer, by how much broader [Page 84] the bottom and sharper the top.

The ground upon which all Govern­ment stands, is the consent of the peo­ple, or the greatest or strongest part of them; whether this proceed from re­flections upon what is past by the rever­ence of an Authority under which they and their Ancestors have for many Ages been born and bred; or from sense of what is present, by the ease, plenty, and safety they enjoy: or from opinions of what is to come, by the fears they have from the present Government, or hopes from another. Now that Government which by any of these, or all these ways takes in the consent of the greatest number of the People, and consequently their desires and resoluti­ons to support it, may justly be said to have the broadest bottom, and to stand upon the largest compass of ground: and if it terminate in the Authority of one single person, it may likewise be said to have the narrowest top, and so to make the figure of the firmest sort of Pyramid.

On the contrary, a Government which by alienating the affections, lo­sing the opinions, and crossing the in­terests [Page 85] of the people, leaves out of its compass the greatest part of their con­sent; may justly be said, in the same degrees it thus loses ground, to nar­row its bottom: and if this be done to serve the Ambition, humour the Passion, satisfy the Appetites, or ad­vance the Power and Interests not only of one man, but of two, or more, or many that come to share in the Go­vernment: By this means the top may be justly said to grow broader; as the bottom narrower by the other: Now by the same degrees that either of these happen, the stability of the figure is by the same lessened and impaired; so as at certain degrees it begins to grow subject to accidents of wind, and of weather, and at certain others, it is sure to fall of it self, or by the least shake that happens, to the ground.

By these measures it will appear, that a Monarchy where the Prince governs by the affections, and according to the opinions and interests of his people; or the bulk of them (that is, by many degrees the greatest or strongest part of them) makes of all others the safest and firmest Government: and on the [Page 86] contrary a Popular State which is not founded in the general humours and interests of the people, but only of the persons who share in the Government, or depend upon it, is of all others the most uncertain, unstable, and subject to the most frequent and easie changes.

That a Monarchy the less it takes in of the Peoples opinions and interests, and the more it takes in of the passions and interests of particular men (Besides those of the Prince, and contrary to those of the people) the more unsta­ble it grows, and the more endangered by every storm in the Air, or every shake of the earth: and a Common­wealth, the more it takes in of the general humour and bent of the Peo­ple, and the more it spires up to a head by the Authority of some one Person founded upon the love and esteem of the People; the firmer it stands, and less subject to danger or change by any concussions of earth or of air.

'Tis true that a Pyramid reversed may stand for a while upon its point, if ballanced by admirable skill, and held up by perpetual care, and there be a calm in the Air about it: Nay if [Page 87] the point be very hard and strong, and the soil very yielding and soft; it may pierce into the ground with time, so as to grow the firmer the longer it stands: But this last can never happen if either the top of the figure be weak or soft, or if the soil be hard and rough; and at the best it is subject to be over­thrown, if not by its own weight, yet when ever any forreign weight shall chance to fall upon any part of it: and the first must overturn when ever there happens any inequality in the ballance, or any negligence in the hands that set it up; and even without either of those when ever there arrives any vio­lence to shake it, either from the winds abroad, or those in the bowels of the earth where it stands.

I will not pretend from this Scheme to presage, or judg of the future e­vents that may attend any Governments, which is the business of those that are more concerned in them than I am, and write with other design than that alone of discovering or clearing truth: But I think any man may deduce from it the causes of the several revolutions that we find upon record to have hap­pen'd [Page 88] in the Governments of the World: Except such as have been brought about by the unresistable force and con­quests of some Nations over others whom they very much surmounted in Strength, Courage, and Numbers: Yet the brave, long, and almost incredible defences that have still been made by those Governments which were rooted in the general affections, esteem and interests of the Nation; make it seem probable that almost all the Conquests we read of have been made way for, or in some measure facilitated, if not assisted by the weakness of the con­quered Government, grown from the disesteem, dissatisfaction, or indifferen­cy of the People: or from those vici­ous and effeminate constitutions of bo­dy and mind among them, which ever grow up in the corrupt Air of a weak or loose, a vicious or a factious State: And such can never be strong in the hearts of the People; nor consequent­ly firm upon that which is the true bottom of all Governments in the World.

Thus the small Athenian State re­sisted with success the vast Power and [Page 89] Forces of the Persians in the time of Miltiades and Themistocles; Rome those of the Gauls in the time of Camillus: And the vast Armies collected from Africk, Spain, and the greatest part of Italy in the Carthaginian Wars (under the conduct of several great Captains; but chiefly Fabius and Scipio); The lit­tle Principality of Epire was Invincible by the whole Power of the Turks in Three several Invasions under their Prince Castriot (commonly called Scan­derbeg); the Kingdom of Leon and Oviedo by all the Wars of the Moors, or Saracens for many ages: The State of Venice by those of the Turks; The Switzers by the Power of the Empe­rors; and the Hollanders by that of Spain: Because in all these Wars the People were both united, and spirited by the common Love of their Coun­trey, their Liberty, or Religion: Or by the more particular esteem and love of their Princes and Leaders.

In the Conquests of the Lydians by Cyrus, and the Persians by Alexander; of the great Asian and Egyptian Kings by the Roman State, and of all the Ro­man Provinces by the several Northern [Page 90] (or as they were usually called barba­rous) Nations; of the Spaniards by the Moors; and of our Ancient Britains by the Saxons: It is easie and obvious to observe that the resistances were render­ed faint and weak; either by the soft and effeminate dispositions of the peo­ple grown up under the easiness, or ex­amples of Vicious or Luxurious Princes, whom they neither honoured nor wil­lingly obeyed: Or else by the common hatred and disdain of their present ser­vitude, which they were content to change for any other that came in their way: Or lastly, by the distracted facti­ons of a discontented Nation, who a­greed in no one common design or de­defence; nor under any Authority grounded upon the general love, or esteem of the People.

Of Instability and changes of Go­vernments arrived by narrowing their bottoms, which are the consent or con­currence of the peoples affections and interests; all stories and ages afford con­tinual examples. From hence proceed­ed the frequent tumults, seditions, and alterations in the Commonwealths of Athens, and Rome, as often as either by [Page 91] the charms of Orators, or the sway of men grown to unusual Power and Riches; the Governments were en­gaged in Counsels or Actions contra­ry to the general interests of the Peo­ple. Hence the several violent changes that have arrived in the Races, or Per­sons of the Princes of England, France, or Spain: Nor has the force hereof ap­peared any where more visible than in France, during the Reign of Henry the Third, and a constant Succession of Minions (as they were then called) where all was conducted by the private passions, humours, and interests of a few persons in sole confidence with the King, contrary to those more pub­lick and current of the people; till He came to lose at first all esteem, after­wards obedience, and at last his Life in the troubles given him by the League.

That Government was in the same manner exposed to the Dominion of succeeding Favorites, during the Re­gency of the Queen-Mother in the Mi­nority of Lewis the 13th, which occa­sioned perpetual commotions in that State, and changes of the Ministry, and would certainly have produced those [Page 92] in the Government too; if Richelieu having gained the absolute ascendant in that Court, had not ingaged in the de­signs at first of a War upon the Hugo­notts, and after that was ended, upon Spain; In both which he fell in with the current humour and dispositions of the People: which with the prospe­rous successes of both those enterprises, helped to bear up him and the Govern­ment, against all the hatred and conti­nual practices of the great Ones in the Kingdom.

But the two freshest examples may be drawn from the Revolutions of Eng­land in the year Sixty; and of Holland in Seventy two: In the First, The usurped Powers that had either design­ed no Root, or at least drawn none but only in the affections and interests of those that were engaged with the Go­vernment; thought themselves Secure in the Strength of an unfoiled Army of above Sixty thousand men, and in a Revenue proportionable, raised by the awe of their Forces, though with the mock-forms of Legal Supplies by pre­tended Parliaments: Yet we saw them forced to give way to the bent, and [Page 93] current humour of the People, in fa­vour of their Ancient and Lawful Go­vernment; and this mighty Army of a sudden lose their Heart and their Strength, abandon what they had so long called their Cause, and their In­terest, and content themselves to be moulded again into the Mass of the Peo­ple; and by conspiring with the gene­ral humour of the Nation, make way for the Kings glorious restauration without a drop of blood drawn, in the end of a quarrel the beginning and course whereof had been so fatal to the Kingdom.

For the other in Holland, the consti­tution of their Government had con­tinued Twenty years in the hands of their Popular Magistrates, after the ex­clusion or intermission of the Autho­rity of the House of Orange upon the death of the last Prince, and infancy of this. The chief direction of their affairs had for Eighteen years lain con­stantly in the hands of their Pensioner de Witt, a Minister of the greatest Au­thority and Sufficiency, the greatest Application and Industry that was ever known in their State. In the course of [Page 94] his Ministry, He and his Party had re­duced not only all the Civil charges of the Government in his Province, but in a manner all the Military Commands in the Army out of the hands of per­sons affectionate to the House of Orange, into those esteemed sure and fast to the Interests of their more Popular State. And all this had been attended for so long a course of years with the perpe­tual success of their affairs, by the growth of their Trade, Riches, and Power at home, and the consideration of their Neighbours abroad: Yet the general humour of kindness in the peo­ple to their old form of Government under the Princes of Orange, grew up with the Age and Virtues of the young Prince, so as to raise the prospect of some unavoidable revolutions among them for several years before it arrived. And we have seen it grow to that heighth in this present year, upon the Princes coming to the Two and twen­tieth of his Age (the time assigned him by their Constitutions for his entring upon the publick charges of their Mi­lice) that though it had found them in Peace, it must have occasioned some [Page 95] violent sedition in their State: But meeting with the conjuncture of a For­reign Invasion, It broke out into so fu­rious a rage of the People, and such general tumults through the whole Countrey, as ended in the Blood of their chief Ministers: In the displacing all that were suspected to be of their party throughout the Government; In the full restitution of the Princes Au­thority, to the highest point any of his Ancestors ever enjoyed: But withall, in such a distraction of their Councils, and their Actions, as made way for the easie successes of the French Invasion; for the loss of almost Five of their Pro­vinces in Two months time, and for the general presages of utter ruin to their State.

I Know not what it was that fell into dis­course t'other day, and gave your Ex­cellency the occasion of desiring me to di­gest into some Me­thod and upon Paper, the means and ways I esteemed most proper for the advancing of Trade in Ireland: This [Page 98] I know very well, that you did it in a manner, and with Expressions too obliging to be refused, and out of a design so publick and generous, as ought not to be discouraged. I had therefore much rather obey your Lordship in this point, how ill soever I do it, than excuse my self, though never so well, which were much easier than the other. For I might alledg that neither my Birth nor my Breeding has been at all in this Countrey: That I have passed only one short period of my life here, and the greatest part there­of wholly out of business and publick thoughts; That I have since been Ten years absent from it; and am now here upon no other occasion than of a short Visit to some of my Friends: Which are all Circumstances that make me a very improper subject for such a com­mand. But I suppose the vein I have had of running into speculations of this kind upon a greater scene of Trade, and in a Countrey where I was more a stranger; and the too par­tial favour your Lordship has exprest to another Discourse of this nature, have cost me this present service; and [Page 99] you have thought fit to punish me for one folly, by engaging me to commit another; like the Confessor, that pre­scribed a Drunkard the penance of be­ing drunk again. However it is, your Lordship shall be obeyed, and therein I hope to be enough excused; which is all I pretend to upon this occa­sion.

Before I enter upon the considera­tions of Trade which are more gene­ral, and may be more lasting in this Kingdom; I will observe to your Lord­ship some particular Circumstances in the Constitution and Government, which have been hitherto, and may be long the great discouragers of Trade and Riches here; And some others in the present Conjuncture, which are absolutely mortal to it; that so you may not expect to find remedies where indeed there is none; nor suffer men, like busie ignorant Physicians, to ap­ply such as are contrary to the disease, because they cannot find such as are pro­per for it.

The true and natural ground of Trade and Riches, is number of Peo­ple, in proportion to the compass of [Page 100] Ground they inhabit. This makes all things necessary to life dear, and that forces men to industry and parsimony. These Customs which grow first from necessity, come with time to be habi­tual in a Countrey. And where-ever they are so, that place must grow great in Traffick and Riches, if not distur­bed by some accidents or revolutions, as of Wars, of Plagues, or Famines, by which the People come to be either scattered or destroyed.

People are multiplied in a Countrey by the temper of the Climate favoura­ble to Generation, to Health, and long­life. Or else by the Circumstances of safety and ease under the Government, the credit whereof invites men over to it, when they cannot be either safe or easie at home. When things are once in motion, Trade begets Trade, as fire does fire, and People go much where much People are already gone. So men run still to a crowd where they see it in the streets, or the fields, though it be only to do as others do, to see or to be entertained.

The want of Trade in Ireland pro­ceeds from the want of People, and this [Page 101] is not grown from any ill qualities of the Climate or Air, but chiefly from the frequent Revolutions of so many Wars and Rebellions, so great Slaugh­ters and Calamities of Mankind as have at several Intervals of time succeeded the first Conquest of this Kingdom in Henry the Seconds time, until the year 1653; Two very great Plagues fol­lowed the two great Wars, those of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and the last; which helped to drain the current stream of Generation in the Coun­trey.

The discredit which is grown upon the Constitutions or Settlements of this Kingdom, by so frequent and un­happy Revolutions that for many ages have infested it, has been the great dis­couragement to other Nations to trans­plant themselves hither, and prevailed further than all the invitations which the cheapness and plenty of the Coun­trey has made them. So that had it not been for the numbers of the Bri­tish, which the necessity of the late Wars at first drew over, and of such who either as Adventurers or Soldiers seated themselves here upon account of [Page 102] the satisfaction made to them in Land, the Countrey had by the last War and Plague been left in a manner deso­late.

Besides, the subordinancy of the Go­vernment changing hands so often, makes an unsteddiness in the pursuit of the publick Interests of the Kingdom, gives way to the emulations of the dif­ferent Factions, and draws the favour or countenance of the Government sometimes to one party or interest, sometimes to another; this makes dif­ferent motions in mens minds, raising hopes and fears, and opinions of un­certainty in their possessions; and thereby in the peace of the Coun­trey.

This subordinacy in the Government, and emulation of parties, with the want sometimes of Authority in the Governour (by the weakness of his credit and support at Court) occasi­ons the perpetual agencies or journeys into England of all persons that have any considerable pretences in Ireland, and money to pursue them; which end many times in long abodes, and fre­quent habituating of Families there, [Page 103] though they have no money to sup­port them but what is drawn out of Ireland. Besides, the young Gentle­men go of course for their breeding there, some seek their health, and o­thers their entertainment in a better Climate or Scene; By these means the Countrey loses the expence of many of the richest persons or families at home, and mighty sums of money must needs go over from hence into England, which the great stock of rich Native Commodities here can make the only amends for.

These Circumstances so prejudicial to the encrease of Trade and Riches in a Countrey, seem natural or at least have ever been incident to the Govern­ment here, and without them the Na­tive fertility of the Soil and Seas in so many rich Commodities improved by multitude of people and industry, with the advantage of so many excellent Ha­vens, and a Scituation so commodious for all sorts of forreign Trade, must needs have rendred this Kingdom one of the richest in Europe, and made a mighty encrease both of strength and revenue to the Crown of England; [Page 104] whereas it has hitherto been rather e­steemed and found to be our weak side, and to have cost us more blood and treasure than 'tis worth.

Since my late arrival in Ireland, I have found a very unusual, but I doubt very just complaint concerning the scarcity of Money, which occasioned many airy Propositions for the remedy of it, and among the rest that of rai­sing some, or all of the Coyns here. This was chiefly grounded upon the experience made as they say about the Duke of Ormonds coming first over hither in 1663, when the Plate-pieces of Eight were raised three pence in the piece, and a mighty plenty of mo­ney was observed to grow in Ireland for a year or two after. But this seems to me a very mistaken account, and to have depended wholly upon other cir­cumstances little taken notice of, and not at all upon the raising of the Mo­ney to which it is by some great men attributed. For first, there was about that time a general peace and serenity which had newly succeeded a general trouble and cloud throughout all His Majesties Kingdoms; then after two [Page 105] years attendance in England upon the settlement of Ireland (there on the forge) by all persons and parties here that were considerably interested in it, the Parliament being called here, and the main settlement of Ireland wound up in England, and put into the Duke of Ormonds hands to pass here into an Act; all persons came over in a shoal either to attend their own concern­ments in the main, or more particu­larly to make their Courte to the Lord Lieutenant upon whom His Majesty had at that time in a manner wholly devolved the care and disposition of all affairs in this Kingdom: This made a sudden and mighty stop of that issue of Money which had for two years run perpetually out of Ireland into Eng­land, and kept it all at home. Nor is the very expence of the Duke of Or­monds own great Patrimonial estate with that of several other Families that came over at that time, of small consi­deration in the stock of this Kingdom. Besides, there was a great sum of Mo­ney in ready Coyn brought over out of England at the same time towards the arrears of the Army: Which are [Page 106] all circumstances that must needs have made a mighty change in the course of ready money here. All the effect that I conceive was made by crying up the pieces of Eight, was to bring in much more of that Species instead of others current here (as indeed all the Money brought from England was of that sort, and complained of in Parliament to be of a worse allay), and to carry away much English Money in exchange for Plate-pieces, by which a Trade was driven very beneficial to the Traders, but of mighty loss to the Kingdom in the intrinsick value of their Mo­ney.

The Circumstances at this time seem to be just the reverse of what they were then; The Nations engaged in a War the most fatal to trade of any that could arise; The settlement of Ireland sha­ken at the Court, and falling into new disquisitions (whether in truth or in common opinion, is all a case): This draws continual Agencies and Journeys of People concerned into England, to watch the motions of the main wheel there. Besides, the Lieutenants of Ireland since the Duke of Ormond's [Page 107] time, have had little in their disposi­tion here, and only executed the re­solutions daily taken at Court in parti­cular as well as general affairs, which has drawn thither the attendance of all private pretenders. The great Estates of this Kingdom have been four or five years constantly spent in England. Mo­ney, instead of coming over hither for pay of the Army, has since the War began, been transmitted thither for pay of those Forces that were called from hence. And lastly, This War has had a more particular and mortal influence upon the Trade of this Countrey, than upon any other of His Majesties King­doms.

For by the Act against Transporta­tion of Cattel into England, the Trade of this Countrey which run wholly thither before, was turned very much into forreign parts; but by this War the last is stopped, and the other not being open'd, there is in a manner no vent for any Commodity but of Wool. This necessity has forced the Kingdom to go on still with their forreign Trade, but that has been with such mighty los­ses, by the great number of Dutch Pri­vateers [Page 108] plying about the Coasts, and the want of English Fregats to secure them, that the stock of the Kingdom must be extreamly diminished. Yet by the continuance of the same expence and luxury in point of living, Money goes over into England to fetch what must supply it, though little Commo­dities goes either there or abroad to make any considerable ballance; By all which it must happen, that with ano­ther years continuance of the War, there will hardly be Money left in this Kingdom to turn the common Markets, or pay any Rents, or leave any circu­lation further than the receipts of the Customs and Quit-rents, and the Pays of the Army, which in both kinds must be the last that fail.

In such a conjuncture, the crying up of any species of money will but en­crease the want of it in general; for while there goes not out commodity to ballance that which is brought in, and no degree of gains by exportation will make amends for the venture; what should money come in for, unless it be to carry out other money as it did before, and leave the stock that [Page 109] remains equal indeed in denomination, but lower in the intrinsique value than it was before? In short, while this War lasts, and our Seas are ill guarded, all that can be done towards preser­ving the small remainder of Money in this Kingdom, is, First, to introduce as far as can be, a vein of Parsimony throughout the Countrey in all things that are not perfectly the native growths and manufactures: Then by severity and steddiness of the Government (as far as will be permitted) to keep up in some credit the present peace and settlement. And lastly, To force men to a degree of industry, by suffering none to hope that they shall be able to live by rapine or fraud. For in some diseases of a Civil as well as a Natural body, all that can be done is to fast and to rest, to watch and to prevent accidents, to trust to methods rather than medicines or remedies: and with patience to expect till the humours being spent, and the Crisis past, way may be made for the na­tural returns of health and of strength.

[Page 110] This being premised as peculiar ei­ther to the Government in general, or to the present conjuncture; I shall pro­ceed to such Observations as occur con­cerning the ways of advancing the common and standing Trade of this Kingdom.

The Trade of a Countrey arises from the native growths of the Soil, or Seas, the Manufactures, the commodiousness of Ports, and the store of Shipping which belong to it. The improve­ment therefore of Trade in Ireland, must be considered in the survey of all these Particulars, the defects to which at present they are subject, and the encreases they are capable of receiving either from the course of time, the change of customs, or the conduct and application of the Government.

The native Commodities or common easie Manufactures which make up the Exportation of this Kingdom, and consequently furnish both the stock of forreign Commodities consumed in the Countrey, and that likewise of cur­rent Money, by which all Trade is turned; are Wool, Butter, Beef, Cattel, Fish, Iron; and by the improvement [Page 111] of these, either in the quantity, the credit, or the further Manufacture, the Trade of Ireland seems chiefly to be advanced.

In this Survey one thing must be ta­ken notice of as peculiar to this Coun­trey, which is, That as in the nature of its Government, so in the very im­provement of its Trade and Riches, it ought to be considered not only in its own proper interest, but likewise in its relation to England, to which it is subordinate, and upon whose weal in the main, that of this Kingdom de­pends; and therefore a regard must be had of those points wherein the Trade of Ireland comes to interfere with any main branches of the Trade of England, in which cases the encou­ragement of such Trade ought to be either declined or moderated, and so give way to the interest of Trade in England, upon the health and vigor whereof, the strength, riches and glo­ry of His Majesties Crowns seem chief­ly to depend. But on the other side, some such branches of Trade ought not wholly to be supprest, but rather so far admitted as may serve the gene­ral [Page 112] consumption of this Kingdom, lest by too great an importation of Com­modities, though out of England it self, the Money of this Kingdom hap­pen to be drawn away in such a de­gree as not to leave a stock sufficient for turning the Trade at home; the effect hereof would be general discon­tents among the People, complaints, or at least ill impressions of the Go­vernment, which in a Countrey com­posed of three several Nations differ­ent to a great degree in Language, Cu­stoms and Religion, as well as Interests (both of property and dependances) may prove not only dangerous to this Kingdom, but to England it self. Since a sore in the leg may affect the whole body, and in time grow as difficult a cure as if it were in the head; espe­cially where humours abound.

The Wool of Ireland seems not to be capable of any encrease, nor to suf­fer under any defect, the Countrey being generally full stockt with sheep, cleared of Wolves, the Soil little sub­ject to other rotts than of hunger; and all the considerable flocks being of English breed, and the staple of Wool [Page 113] generally equal with that of Northamp­ton or Leicestershire, the improvement of this Commodity by Manufactures in this Kingdom would give so great a damp to the Trade of England (of which Cloths, Stuffs and Stockins, make so mighty a part) that it seems not fit to be encouraged here, at least no further than to such a quantity of one or two Summer-stuffs, Irish-freeze, and Cloth from Six shillings to Four­teen, as may supply in some measure the ordinary consumption of the King­dom. That which seems most necessary in this branch is the careful and severe execution of the Statutes provided to forbid the Exportation of Wool to any other parts but to England, which is the more to be watched and feared, since thereby the present Riches of this Kingdom would be mightily encreased, and great advantages might be made by the connivance of Governours; where­as on the other side this would prove a most sensible decay, if not destruction of Manufactures both here and in Eng­land it self.

[Page 114] Yarn is a Commodity very proper to this Countrey, but made in no great quantities in any parts besides the North, nor any where into Linnen to any great degree, or of sorts fit for the better uses at home, or exportion abroad; though of all others this ought most to be encouraged, and was therefore chiefly designed by the Earl of Strafford. The Soil produces Flax kindly and well, and fine too, answerable to the care used in choice of seed and exercise of Husbandry; and much Land is fit for it here, which is not so for Corn. The Manufacture of it in gathering or beat­ing, is of little toyl or application, and so the fitter for the Natives of the Countrey. Besides, no Women are apter to spin it well than the Irish, who labouring little in any kind with their hands, have their fingers more supple and soft than other Women of the poorer condition among us. And this may certainly be advanced and im­proved into a great Manufacture of Linnen, so as to beat down the Trade both of France and Holland, and draw much of the Money which goes from [Page 115] England to those parts upon this occa­sion into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of Ireland, without crossing any interest of Trade in England. For besides what has been said of Flax and Spinning, the Soil and Climate are pro­per for whitening both by the frequen­cy of Brooks, and also of Winds in the Countrey.

Much care was spent upon this de­sign in an Act of Parliament past the last Session, and something may have been advanced by it; but the too great rigor imposed upon the sowing of cer­tain quantities of Flax, has caused (and perhaps justly) a general neglect in the execution; and common guilt has made the penalties impracticable; so as the main effect has been spoiled by too much diligence, and the Child killed with kindness. For the Money apply­ed by that Act to the encouragement of making fine Linnen, and broad (which I think is twenty pounds every year in each County), though the institution was good, yet it has not reached the end, by encouraging any considerable application that way; so [Page 116] that sometimes one share of that Mo­ney is paid to a single pretender at the Sizes, or Sessions; and sometimes a share is saved for want of any pretender at all.

This Trade may be advanced by some amendments to the last Act in another Session, whereby the necessity of sowing Flax may be so limited, as to be made easily practicable, and so may be forced by the severity of levy­ing the penalties Enacted. And for the Money allotted in the Counties, no person ought to carry the first, second or third price, without producing two pieces of Linnen of each sort (where­as one only now is necessary.) And severe defences may be made against weaving any Linnen under a certain breadth, such as may be of better use to the poorest People, and in the coarsest Linnen, than the narrow Irish Cloth; and may bear some price a­broad when ever more comes to be made than is consumed at home. But after all these or such like provisions, there are but two things which can make any extraordinary advance in [Page 117] this branch of Trade, and those are: First, An encrease of People in the Coun­trey to such a degree as may make things necessary to life dear, and thereby force general industry from each member of a Family (Women as well as Men), and in as many sorts as they can well turn to, which among others may in time come to run the vein this way. The second is a particular application in the Government. And this must be made either by some Governour upon his own private account, who has a great stock that he is content to turn that way, and is invited by the gains, or else by the honour of bring­ing to pass a Work of so much pub­lick utility both to England and Ire­land (which circumstances I suppose concur'd both in the Earl of Strafford's design); and when ever they meet a­gain, can have no better copy to fol­low in all particulars, than that begun at the Naas in his time. Or else by a considerable sum of Money being laid aside either out of His Majesties pre­sent Revenue, or some future Subsidy to be granted for this occasion: And [Page 118] this either to be imployed in setting up of some great Linnen Manufacture in some certain place, and to be mana­ged by some certain hands both for making all sorts of fine Clothes, and of those for Sails too. The benefit or loss of such a Trade accruing to the Government, until it comes to take root in the Nation. Or else if this seem too great an undertaking for the humour of our age, then such a sum of money to lie ready in hands ap­pointed by the Government, for ta­king off at common moderate prices all such pieces of Cloth as shall be brought in by any persons at certain times to the chief Town of each County; and all such pieces of Cloth as are fit for Sails, to be carried into the stores of the Navy. All that are fit for the use of the Army, to be given the Soldi­ers (as Clothes are) in part of their Pay: And all siner pieces to be sold, and the money still applied to the en­crease or constant supply of the main stock. The effect hereof would be, That people finding a certain Market for this Commodity, and that of others [Page 119] so uncertain as it is in this Kingdom, would turn so much of their industry this way, as would serve to furnish a great part of that Money, which is most absolutely necessary for payment of Taxes, Rents, or subsistence of Fa­milies.

Hide, Tallow, Butter, Beef, arise all from one sort of Cattel, and are subject to the same general defects, and capa­ble of the same common improve­ments.

The three first are certain Commo­dities, and yield the readiest Money of any that are turned in this King­dom, because they never fail of a price abroad. Beef is a drug, finding no constant vent abroad, and therefore yielding no rate at home: for the consumption of the Kingdom holds no proportion with the product that is usually made of Cattel in it; so that in many parts at this time an Ox may be bought in the Countrey-Markets, and the Hide and Tallow sold at the next Trading-Town for near as much as it cost. The defects of these Com­modities lie either in the age and feed­ing [Page 120] of the Cattel that are killed, or in the Manufacture and making them up for exportation abroad.

Until the Transportation of Cattel into England was forbidden by the late Act of Parliament, the quickest Trade of ready Money here was driven by the sale of young Bullocks, which for four or five Summer-months of the year were carried over in very great numbers, and this made all the breed­ers in the Kingdom turn their lands and stocks chiefly to that sort of Cat­tel. Few Cows were bred up for the Dai­ry, more than served the consumption within; and few Oxen for draught, which was all performed by rascally small Horses; so as the Cattel gene­rally sold either for slaughter within, or Exportation abroad, were of two, three, or at best four years old, and those such as had never been either handled or wintered at hand-meat, but bred wholly upon the Mountains in Summer, and upon the withered long grass of the lower lands in the Winter. The effect hereof was very pernicious to this Kingdom in what concerned all [Page 121] these Commodities: The Hides were small, thin and lank: The Tallow much less in quantity, and of quicker con­sumption. Little Butter was exported abroad, and that discredited by the huswifery of the Irish, in making it up; most of what was sent coming from their hands, who alone kept up the Trade of Dairies, because the breed of their Cattel was not fit for the En­glish-Markets. But above all, the Trade of Beef for forreign Exportation▪ was prejudiced and almost sunk, for the flesh being young, and only grass-fed (and that on a sudden by the sweet­ness of the Summers pasture, after the Cattel being almost starved in the Win­ter) was thin, light and moist, and not of a substance to endure the salt, or be preserved by it, for long Voyages, or a slow consumption. Besides, ei­ther the unskilfulness or carelesness, or Knavery of the Traders, added much to the undervalue and discredit of these Commodities abroad; for the Hides were often made up very dirty, which increased the weight by which that Commodity is sold when it comes in [Page 122] quantities abroad. The Butter would be better on the top and bottom of the Barrels, than in the middle, which would be sometimes filled up, or mingled with Tallow; nay, sometimes with stones. The Beef would be so ill chosen, or so ill cured, as to stink many times before it came so far as Holland, or at least not prove a Com­modity that would defray the first charge of the Merchant before it was shipt. Nay, I have known Merchants there, fain to throw away great quan­tities after having lain long in their hands without any Market at all.

After the Act in England had wholly stopt the Transportation of Cattel, the Trade of this Kingdom was forced to find out a new Channel, a great deal of Land was turned to sheep, because Wool gave ready Money for the Eng­lish-Markets, and by stealth for those abroad. The breeders of English Cat­tel turn'd much to Dairy, or else by keeping their Cattel to six and seven year old, and wintering them dry, made them fit for the Beef-trade abroad; and some of the Merchants fell into care [Page 123] and exactness in Barrelling them up; and hereby the improvements of this Trade were grown so sensible in the course of a few years, that in the year 1669, some Merchants in Holland assu­red me, that they had received parcels of Beef out of Ireland which sold cur­rent, and very near the English; and of Butter which sold beyond it; and that they had observed it spent as if it came from the richer soil of the two. 'Tis most evident that if the Dutch War had not broken out so soon after the improvements of all these Trades (forced at first by necessity, and grow­ing afterwards habitual by use) would a few years have very much advanced the Trade and Riches of this Kingdom, and made it a great gainer instead of losing by the Act against Transporta­tion of their Cattel: But the War gave a sudden damp to this and all o­ther Trade, which is sunk to nothing by the continuance of it.

However having marked the defects that were even in time of peace, it may not be useless to set down the Reme­dies, though little practicable while the [Page 122] [...] [Page 123] [...] [Page 124] War lasts. For that great one of kil­ling Cattel young, and only grass-fed, I know none so effectual as introducing a general custom of using Oxen for all sorts of draught, which would be per­haps the greatest improvement that could be made in many kinds through­out the Kingdom. By this means the great slaughter would be made of full­grown, large, and well wintered Cat­tel, which would double the income made by Hide, Tallow and Beef, and raise their credit in all forreign Mar­kets; every man would be forced to provide Winter-fodder for his Teem (whereas common Garrans shift upon grass the year round); and this would force men to the enclosing of Grounds, and improving Bog into Meadows; the race of Garrans would decrease, and so make room for the Countreys main­taining the greater number of Cattel, which makes a forreign Commodity, though they die by accident or age, whereas the other makes none at all.

No great or useful thing is to be atchieved without difficulties, and [Page 125] therefore what may be raised against this Proposal ought not to discourage the attempting it. First, the Statutes against that barbarous custom of Plow­ing by the tail, ought to be renewed, and upon absolute forfeitures instead of penalties; the constant and easie compositions whereof have proved ra­ther an allowing than forbidding it. Now if this were wholly disused, the Harness for Horses being dearer than for Oxen, the Irish would turn their draught to the last, where-ever they have hitherto used the Plowing by the Tail. Next a Standard might be made, under which no Horse should be used for draught; this would not only en­large the breed of Horses, but make way for the use of Oxen, because they would be cheaper kept than large good Horses, which could not be wintered like Garrans without housing or fod­der. And lastly, a Tax might be laid upon every Horse of draught through­out the Kingdom, which besides the main use here intended, would increase the Kings Revenue by one of the easi­est ways that is any where in use.

[Page 126] For the miscarriages mentioned in the making up of those several Com­modities for forreign Markets, they must likewise be remedied by severe Laws, or else the improvements of the Commodities themselves will not serve to bring them in credit, upon which all Trade turns. First, the Ports out of which such Commodities shall be shipt, may be restrained to a certain number, such as lie most convenient for the vent of the Inland Provinces, and such as either are already or are capable of being made regular Corpo­rations. Whatever of them shall be carried out of any other Port, shall be penal both to the Merchant that deli­vers, and to the Master that receives them. In the Ports allowed shall be published rules agreed on by the skil­fullest Merchants in those Wares, to be observed in the making up of all such as are intended for forreign Transpor­tation, and declaring that what is not found agreeable to those rules shall not be suffered to go out. Two Officers may be appointed to be chosen every three years by the body of the Cor­poration, [Page 127] whose business shall be to in­spect all Barrels of Beef, Tallow, But­ter, and all Packs of Hides, and put to them the seal or mark of the Cor­poration, without which none shall be suffer'd to go abroad; Nor shall this mark be affixed to any parcels by those Officers, but such as they have viewed and found agreeable to the rules set forth for that purpose. Whereof one ought to be certain, That every Bar­rel be of the same constant weight, or something over. If this were ob­served for a small course of time, un­der any certain marks, the credit of them both as to quality and weight would rise to that degree, that the Barrels or Packs would go off in the Markets they used abroad, upon sight of the mark, like silver-plate upon sight of the Cities mark where 'tis made.

The great difficulty will lie in the good execution of the Offices; But the interest of such Corporations lying so deep in the credit of their mark, will make emulation among them, every one vying to raise their own as high [Page 128] as they can; and this will make them careful in the choice of men fit for that turn. Besides, the Offices ought to be made beneficial to a good de­gree by a certain fee upon every seal; and yet the Office to be forfeited up­on every miscarriage of the Officer, which shall be judged so by the chief Magistrates of the Town, and thereup­on a new Election be made by the bo­dy of the Corporation.

Cattel for Exportation, are Sheep, Bullocks, Horses, and of one or other of these kinds the Countrey seems to be full-stockt, no ground that I hear of being untenanted; the two first seem sufficiently improved in the kinds as well as the number, most of both being of the English breed. And though it were better for the Countrey if the number of Horses being lessened made room for that of encreasing Sheep, and great Cattel; yet it seems indifferent which of these two were most turn'd to, and that will be regulated by the liberty or restraint of carrying live Cat­tel into England. When the passage is open, Land will be turned most to [Page 129] great Cattel; when shut, to Sheep, as it is at present, though I am not of opinion it can last, because that Act seems to have been carried on rather by the interest of particular Counties in England, than by that of the whole, which in my opinion must be evident­ly a loser by it. For first, the fraight, of all Cattel that were brought over, being in English Vessels, was so much clear gain to England, and this was one with another near a third, or at least a fourth part of the price. Then there coming over young and very cheap to the first Market, made them double the price by one years feeding, which was the greatest im­provement to be made of our dry Pa­sture-land in England. The Trade of Hides, and Tallow, or else of Leather, was mightily advanced in England, which will be beaten down in forreign Markets by Ireland, if they come to kill all their Cattel at home. The young Irish Cattel served for the common con­sumption in England, while their own large old fat Cattel went into the Bar­rel for the forreign Trade, in which [Page 130] Irish Beef had in a manner no part, though by the continuance of this restraint it will be forced upon im­provement, and come to share with England in the Beef-Trade abroad. Grounds were turned much in England from breeding, either to feeding or Dairy, and this advanced the Trade of English Butter, which will be extream­ly beaten down when Ireland turns to it too (and in the way of English Huswifery, as it has done a great deal since the restraint upon Cattel.) And lastly, whereas Ireland had before very little Trade but with England, and with the Money for their Cattel bought all the Commodities there which they wanted: By this restraint they are for­ced to seek a forreign Market, and where they sell, they will be sure to buy too; and all the forreign Mer­chandize which they had before from Bristow, Chester, and London, they will have in time from Roan, Amsterdam, Lisbon and the Streights. As for the true causes of the decay of Rents in England, which made the occasion of that Act, they were to be found in [Page 131] the want of People, in the mighty consumption of forreign Commodities among the better sort, and in a higher way of living among all, and not in this Transportation of Irish Cattel, which would have been complained of in former times if it had been found a prejudice to England. Besides, the Rents have been far from encreasing since; and though that may be by o­ther accidents, yet as to what concerns Ireland, it comes all to one, unless Wool be forbidden as well as Cattel; for the less Cattel comes over from thence, there comes the more Wool, which goes as far as t'other towards beating down the price of Pasture­lands in England; and yet the Trans­portaion of Wool cannot be forbid­den, since that would force the Irish Wool either by stealth into forreign Markets, or else in Cloth by the ad­vance of that Manufacture; either of which would bring a sudden decay up­on the principal branch of the English Trade.

Horses in Ireland are a drug, but might be improved to a Commodity, [Page 132] not only of greater use at home, but also fit for Exportation into other Countrys. The Soil is of a sweet and plentiful grass, which will raise a large breed; and the Hills, especially near the Sea-coast, are hard and rough, and so fit to give them shape and breath, and sound feet. The present defects in them, are breeding without choice of Stallions either in shape or size, and trusting so far to the gentleness of the Climate, as to winter them abroad, without ever handling Colts till they are four year old: This both checks the growth of the common breeds, and gives them an incurable shyness, which is the general vice of Irish Horses, and is hardly ever seen in Flanders, be­cause the hardness of the Winters in those parts forces the breeders there to house and handle their Colts for at least six months every year. In the Studds of persons of quality in Ireland where care is taken, and cost is not spared, we see Horses bred of excel­lent shape and vigour, and size, so as to reach great prices at home, and encou­rage strangers to find the Market here; [Page 133] among whom I met with one this Sum­mer that came over on that errand, and bought about twenty Horses to carry over into the French Army, from twenty to threescore pounds price at the first hand.

The improvement of Horses here may be made by a standard prescribed to all Stallions, and all Horses that shall be used for draught, the main point being to make the common breed large, for then whether they have shape or no, they have ever some reasonable price both at home and abroad. And besides, being not to be raised without wintering, they will help to force men into improvement of Land by a neces­sity of fodder. But for encourage­ment of finer breed, and in the better hands, some other institutions may be invented by which emulation may be raised among the Breeders by a pro­spect both of particular honour and profit to those who succeed best, and of good ordinary gains and ready vent to such as by aiming at the best though they fail, yet go beyond the common sorts. To this purpose there may be [Page 134] set up both a Horse-Fair, and Races to be held at a certain time every year for the space of a Week; the first in the fairest Green near the City of Dublin, the later in that place designed by your Lordship in the Park for some such purpose. During this Week, the Monday, Wednesday and Friday, may be the Races; the Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, the Fairs may be held. At each Race may be two Plates given by the King, one of Thirty pounds, and the other of Twenty (besides the fashion) as the Prizes for the first and second Horse; the first Engraven with a Horse Crowned with a Crown; the second with a Coronet, and under it the day of the Month, and the year. Besides these Plates, the Wagers may be as the persons please among them­selves, but the Horses must be eviden­ced by good Testimonies to have been bred in Ireland. For honour, the Lord Lieutenant may ever be present himself, or at least name a Deputy in his room, and two Judges of the field, who shall decide all Controversies, and with sound of Trumpet declare the [Page 135] two Victors. The Masters of these two Horses may be admitted to ride from the Field to the Castle with the Lord Lieutenant, or his Deputy, and to Dine with him that day, and there receive all the honour of the Table. This to be done, what quality soever the persons are of; for the lower that is, the more will be the honour; and perhaps the more the sport: and the encouragement of breeding will by that means extend to all sorts of men.

For the Fairs, the Lord Lieutenant may likewise be present every day in the heighth of them, by himself or Deputy, and may with the advice of the two chief Officers of the Army then present, choose out one of the best Horses, and two of the best Geldings that appear in the Fair, not under four, nor above seven years old. For which shall be paid to the owners of them, after sufficient Testimony of their be­ing bred in Ireland, One hundred pounds for the Horse, and fifty pounds a piece for the Geldings. These Sums, as that for the Plates, to issue out of [Page 136] the Revenue of Ireland, and without trouble or fee; and the three Horses to be sent over every year to the Kings Stables. Both those that won the Plate, and those which are thus sold, ought immediately to be marked so as they may never return a second time, either to the Race or to the Sale.

The benefit by such an institution as this, will be very great and various: For besides the encouragement to breed the best Horses, from the ho­nour and gain already mentioned; there will be a sort of publick enter­tainment for one whole week, during which the Lord Lieutenant, the Lord Mayor of the City, and the great Of­ficers both Civil and Military, ought to keep open Tables for all strangers. This will draw a confluence of people from all parts of the Country. Many perhaps from the nearer parts of Eng­land may come, not only as to a pub­lick kind of solemnity, but as to a great Mart of the best Horses. This will enrich the City by the expence of such a concourse, and the Country by the sale of many Horses into England, [Page 137] and in time (or from thence) into foreign parts. This will make general acquaintances among the Gentry of the Kingdom, and bring the Lord Lieutenant to be more personally known, and more honoured by his ap­pearing in more greatness, and with more solemnity than usual upon these occasions. And all this with expence only of Three hundred and fifty pounds a year to the Crown, for which the King shall have three the best Horses bred that year in Ire­land.

The Fishing of Ireland might prove a Mine under water, as rich as any un­der ground, if it were improved to those vast advantages it is capable of, and that we see it raised to in other Countrys. But this is impossible un­der so great a want of people, and cheapness of all things necessary to life throughout the Country, which are in all places invincible enemies of indu­stry and improvements. While these continue, I know no way of advan­cing this Trade to any considerable de­gree, unless it be the erecting four [Page 138] Companies of Fishery, one in each Province of Ireland, into which every man that enters, shall bring a certain Capital, and receive a proportionable share of the gain or loss, and have a proportional voice in the Election of a President and Council, by whom the whole business in each Province shall be managed. If into each of these Companies the King or Lord Lieute­nant would enter for a considerable share at the first, towards building such a number of Boats and Busses as each Company could easily manage, it would be an encouragement both of honour and advantage. Certain Priviledges likewise, or Immunities, might be granted from charges of trouble or ex­pence, nay from Taxes, and all unusual payments to the publick, in favour of such as brought in a proportion to a certain heighth into the Stock of the Fishery. Nay, it seems a matter of so great importance to His Majesties Crowns, both as to the improving the Riches of this Kingdom, and impairing the mighty gains of His Neighbours by this Trade, that perhaps there were [Page 139] no hurt if an Act were made, by which none should be capable of being either chosen into a Parliament, or the Com­mission of the Peace, who had not manifested his desires of advancing the publick good by entring in some certain proportion into the stock and Companies of the Fishery, since the greatness of one, and application of the other, seem the only present means of improving so rich and so impor­tant a Trade. It will afterwards be the business of the Companies them­selves, or their directors, to fall into the best methods and rules for the cu­ring and barrelling up all their Fish, and to see them so exactly observed, as may bring all those quantities of them that shall be sent abroad, or spent at home, into the highest and most ge­neral credit; which with advancing the Seasons all that can be, so as to find the first forreign Markets, will be a way to the greatest and surest gains. In Holland there have been above thirty Placaerts or Acts of State con­cerning the ouring, salting, and bar­relling of Herrings alone, with such [Page 140] severity in the Imposition and execu­tion of Penalties, that the business is now grown to an habitual skill, and care, and honesty, so as hardly any example is seen of failing in that mat­ter, or thereby impairing the gene­ral credit of that Commodity among them, or in the forreign Markets they use.

Iron seems to me the Manufacture that of all others ought the least to be encouraged in Ireland; or if it be, which requires the most restriction to certain places and Rules. For I do not remember to have heard that there is any Oare in Ireland, at least I am sure the greatest part is fetched from Eng­land; so that all this Country affords of its own growth towards this Manu­facture, is but the Wood, which has met but with too great consumptions already in most parts of this Kingdom, and needs not this to destroy what is left. So that Iron-works ought to be confined to certain places, where either the Woods continue vast, and make the Country savage, or where they are not at all fit for Timber, or likely to [Page 141] grow to it, or where there is no con­veyance for Timber to places of vent, so as to quit the cost of the carriage.

Having run through the Commodi­ties of Ireland, with their defects and improvements, I will only touch the other two Points mentioned at first, as the grounds likewise of Trade in a Country; those are the Commodious­ness of Ports, and the store of Ship­ping; in one of which this Kingdom as much abounds, as it fails in the other. The Haven of Dublin is barr'd to that degree, as very much to obstruct the Trade of the City; the clearing or opening of it were a great work, and proper either for the City, or the whole Province of Lemster to under­take. But whether it be feasible, or at such charges as will quit cost, I will not judg, especially considering the many good Havens that are scattered upon that whole Eastern Coast of Ireland. Besides this, I know not what to pro­pose upon this head, unless it be the making of two free Ports, one in Kerry, and t'other upon the North­west Coast, which may thereby grow [Page 142] to be Magazines for the West-Indy Trade, and from thence those Commo­dities may be dispersed unto all other parts of Europe, after having paid the Customs which they ought to pay in England, where this must be con­certed.

For the last Point, I doubt there is hardly any other Country lying upon the Sea-coast, and not wholly out of the way of Trade, which has so little Shipping of its own as Ireland, and which might be capable of imploying more. The reason of this must be in part the scarcity of Timber proper for this built; but more, the want of Mer­chants, and uncertainty of Trade in the Country. For preventing the fur­ther destruction of Timber, a Law may be made, forbidding any man to cut down any Oak that is of a certain heighth, unless it be of a certain scant­ling, as twelve inches diameter, or some such measure as usually makes a Tree useful Timber. And further, the seve­rest Penalties ought to be put upon Barking any Tree that is not felled; a custom barbarous and peculiar to this [Page 143] Country, and by which infinite quan­tities of Timber have been destroyed.

Most Traders in these parts, at least of Ireland, are but Factors; nor do I hear of any number of Merchants in the Kingdom. The cause of this must be rather an ill opinion of security, than of gain; for those are the two baits which draw Merchants to a place: the last intices the poorer Traders, or the young beginners, or those of passage; but without the first, the substantial and the rich will never settle in a Coun­try. This opinion can be attained only by a course of time, of good conduct, and good government, and thereby of justice, and of peace, which lye out of the compass of this Discourse. But to make some amends for this want at pre­sent, encouragement may be given to any Merchants that shall come over and turn a certain stock of their own here, as Naturalization upon any terms; free­dom from Customs the two first years, and from any Offices of trouble or ex­pence the first seven years. I see no hurt if the King should give leave to the Merchants in eight or ten of the [Page 144] chief Trading-Ports of Ireland, to name for each Town one of their num­ber, out of which the Lord Lieutenant should chuse two to be of the Privy-Council of Ireland, with a certain Sa­lary from the King to defray their at­tendance: This would be an honour and encouragement to so worthy a Calling, and would introduce an inte­rest of Trade into the Council, which being now composed wholly of the Nobility or Gentry, the Civil or Mili­tary Officers; the Traders seem to be left without Patrons in the Govern­ment, and thereby without favour to the particular concernments of a chief member in the Politick body; and up­on whose prospering the wealth of the whole Kingdom seems chiefly to de­pend.

But this is enough for your Excel­lencies trouble, and for the discharge of my promise, and too much I doubt for the humour of our age to bring into practice, or so much as to admit into consideration. Your Lordship I know has generous thoughts, and turned to such Speculations as these. But that is [Page 145] not enough towards the raising such buildings as I have drawn you here the lines of, unless the direction of all af­fairs here were wholly in your hands, or at least the opinion lost of other mens being able to contest with you those points of publick utility, which you ought best to know and most to be believed in, while you deserve or discharge so great a trust as the go­vernment of this Kingdom. For I think a Prince cannot too much consi­der whom to chuse for such employ­ments; but when he has chosen, can­not trust them too far, or thereby give them too much Authority; no more than end it too soon, whenever he finds it abused. In short, 'tis left on­ly to Princes to mend the world, whose Commands find general obedience; and Examples, imitation. For all other men, they must take it as they find it; and good men enter into commerce with it, rather upon cautions of not being spoiled themselves, than upon hopes of mending the World. At least, this opi­nion becomes men of my level, amongst whom I have observed all set-quarrels [Page 146] with the Age, and pretences of reform­ing it by their own models, to end com­monly like the pains of a man in a lit­tle Boat, who tugs at a Rope that's fast to a Ship, it looks as if he resolved to draw the ship to him, but the truth and his meaning is, to draw himself to the Ship, where he gets in when he can, and does like the rest of the Crew when he is there. When I have such de­signs, I will begin such contentions; in the mean time the bent of my thoughts shall be rather to mend my self, than the World, which I reckon upon leav­ing much what I found it. Nor should I have reason in complaining too far of an Age, which does your Lordship so much justice by the honour of so great an Imployment, In which as I know no man deserves greater successes than you do, so I am sure no man wishes you greater than I do.

THERE never was any Conjuncture where­in it was more ne­cessary for His Ma­jesty to fall into a Course of Wise and steddy Councels, nor ever any wherein it was more difficult to advise him. To make reflections upon what is past, is the part of ingenious, but irresolute men, or else of such as intend to va­lue themselves by comparison with [Page 148] others whose corruptions or follies they condemn. But in all matters of Counsel, the good and prudent part is to take things as they are (since the past cannot be recalled) to propose Remedies for the present Evils, and provisions against future events.

The King finds himself ingaged in the second year of a War with the Dutch, and for prosecution thereof in a strict Alliance with France; and now in danger of being intangled in the quarrel broken out upon this oc­casion between France and the House of Austria: In this state of affairs, it is to be considered whether we can pursue our War with Holland and yet preserve our peace with Spain; whe­ther we are able to maintain the War with both in conjunction with France; and if not, what there is left for His Majesty to do with the best regard to His Honour and Safety.

For the first we shall soon be out of doubt; but in the mean time 'tis very unlikely that upon the late conjunction between Holland and Spain, the Dutch should have obliged themselves to [Page 149] make no Peace without the inclusion of their Allyes; and that Spain should not have yielded to break with Us, in case they could not effect a Peace between Us and Holland; since the Dutch know nothing could farther in­duce us to it, than the fear of a breach with Spain, and so great a loss of Trade in those Dominions. The Spaniards have but one temptation of their own to quarrel with Us, which is an occa­sion of recovering Jamaica, for that has ever lien at their hearts, and 'tis to be feared their Conjunction with Holland has not been perfected with­out early measures between them for the surprize of that Island, unless our care has been as early in providing for its defence. And if we should lose it, I foresee little hurt we could do Spain in their Indies, guarded as they would be, and attended by the Shipping of the Dutch; but His Majesty will, I suppose, soon know from Spain what He is to trust to in this point.

To judge whether upon a breach with Spain we are able to maintain the War, must be considered; the present [Page 150] state of the Kings Treasure, the rise or fall that may happen in his constant Revenue by the Spanish War; the hopes that may be grounded upon sup­plies from France, the assurance or measure of those expected from the Parliament, the credit of the Exche­quer to raise present money where­ever any of these fall short, and the humour of the Nation towards carry­ing on or ending the War.

For the present state of the Trea­sury, the King best knows it Himself, or His Officers can best give the ac­count; for the changes that may hap­pen in His Revenue, 'tis evident they must be much for the worse the very first year of a Spanish War. The main branch of it, which is the Customs, must wither away in a very great mea­sure, since all the Trade in a manner left us upon the Dutch War (that has turned to any account) has been that with Spain and into the Straits: The first upon a Spanish War will be wholly lost, the last can neither be secured by our own Convoys, nor by the French Fleets in the Mediterranean, [Page 151] from the Dutch Capers that will fill the Spanish Havens, and from those of Biscay, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Ma­jorca, which in all Wars have been the Nests of Picaroons; so that no way seems left of beginning this War, but as the Dutch began theirs, by leaving off all Trade in the Nation while it lasts: But the case is very different be­tween them and us, for they have still a Trade left from the North, which running upon a sandy Coast from Hamborough, is secured from our Fleets: and they have driven a great Com­merce by Collusion with the Swedes, Danes, Hamburgers, Bremeners and Flemish, ever since the War began. Besides, the hearts of their People (which would otherwise have sunk by the loss of Trade) have been kept up by the necessity of their defence, by the last extremities which were threatned them from the War, and by the general opinion of justice in their Cause both from these circumstances, and the manner of Ours and of the French beginning the War.

[Page 152] This makes the States content to impose and the people to fuffer the utmost payments; and besides, in a manner all men of Fortunes among them have a great part of their estates lying in the Cantores of the States or the Provinces, which would all be lost upon the conquest of their Countrey, so as they will lend to the last for se­curing so much as is already in danger. And these are circumstances which will not be found in our Dispositions or Constitutions.

For supplies from France, it must be considered how their money has been drained out of that Kingdom since this War began, by their payments to Us, and to Sweden, to the Bishops of Co­len and Munster and some other Princes of Germany; by their Armies in Ger­many and the new Conquests in Hol­land; all which returns no more into France, as money did in their former Wars with Spain, that were made chief­ly upon their Confines; for then the Pays of their Armies being made only in the Winter-quarters which were in France or its Frontiers, the money fell [Page 153] back again into the circulation of their own Countrey; yet now their expence must upon a Spanish War be increased by new Armies in Catalonia, and Italy, and new Fleets in the Mediterranean; so that all these circumstances with the general decay of Trade by the War, must in few years time leave that King­dom poorer than it has been this age. And where money is not, the King of France himself cannot have it.

For what supplies may come from the Parliament towards carrying on the War, some few days I suppose will in­form us, and no measures can be taken unless by what past in the former Ses­sion, which was not very favourable to that design.

For the Credit of the Exchequer (at least to any measure that may sup­ply the Course or Necessities of a War) I fear it is irrecoverably lost by the last breach with the Bankers; for cre­dit is gained by custom and course of time, and seldom recovers a strain; but if broken, is never well set again. I have heard a great Example given of this (by some of our Merchants) that [Page 154] happened upon the last Kings seizing 200000 l. that was in the Mint about the year 38, which had then the credit of a Bank, and for several years had been the Treasury of all the vast pay­ments transmitted from Spain to Flan­ders. But after this invasion of it, though the King paid back the money within very few months, yet the Mint has never since recovered its Credit among foreign Merchants.

If the business of money should happen to go lame upon any or all of these feet, then all that will be left to carry on the War is the humour of the Nation: And that sometimes may go farther than any Treasures, if spirited by Hatred or Revenge, by the love of Religion or Liberty, or the necessity of Defence: But the good will of the Nation to the present War (as it was foreseen by those who gave the Despe­rate Counsels of beginning it with the Proroguing of the Parliament, and stopping of the Exchequer; so it) has been since but too much experienced by the successes have attended it, which will ever depend upon the humours [Page 155] and opinions of those that serve, as well as the Abilities and Conduct of those that Command; and not to speak of those incurable jealousies which have been so generally raised or infused into the People about the first designs of this War, and so much encreased by the Professions or Actions, or at least the general Reputation of those who pass for the chief Authors of it: 'Tis at least observable, that after so long hostility and Four Battels, yet the Na­tion does not seem at all to be angry, though that is the first thing should be brought about, if we would have men fight.

It is, I doubt, little to be hoped, that a breach with Spain should make us any kinder to the War than we were before; since that must grow wholly upon occasion of the French, We ha­ving no quarrel there of our own. And our kindness to France will spirit us as little as our hatred to Spain, at least till their fortunes change, and the Ballance rise again on the Spanish side, which has risen so long and to such a height on the French; for by the [Page 156] course of Humane Nature there will ever be a degree of hatred mingled with fear, and of kindness with com­passion.

Upon the survey of these provisions and dispositions, it must be concluded necessary for His Majesty either to make a peace, or else to turn the War di­rectly upon such points of Honour, Justice and Safety, as may ingage both the Parliament and Nation in the sup­port and prosecution of the War. And to do this, He must at least offer at a Peace, and upon terms into which the humour and spirit of the Nation will run.

The Conjunction now perfected be­tween Holland and Spain seems the happiest thing that could have arrived to His Majesties affairs upon this Oc­casion; for whilst Holland stood alone, in case we had been forced to offer at any measures with them, France might upon the first jealousie have been be­fore Us, and slipping one knot might have tyed another in three days time; But now the Interests of the Empire, Spain and Lorrain, are woven together [Page 157] with those of Holland, it will not be a short or easie work to adjust those of France with the Emperor in the matters of Alsatia, with Spain in Flan­ders, or the Duke of Lorrain in that Dutchy; nor is the Conjunction be­tween Holland and their Allies likely to be broken unless by the revolutions of War the Dutch come to apprehend a nearer and greater danger from Spain, in which case they will not fail of re­turning to their old measures with France.

The first pace which seems necessary for his Majesty to make, is to fall into Confidence with Spain as far as possi­bly he can, by assuring them he re­solves upon a neutrality in the War between them and France; that if he comes to a peace with Holland, he in­tends it shall pass by their Mediation; and if that be effected, he will imploy his own towards the general Peace of Christendom, and particularly that between France and Spain.

The next point is to resolve upon the Conditions necessary to a Peace. The best way to this is to seek without [Page 158] passion where the justice lies, and the true interests of his Majesties Crowns, as it is generally understood by his People, of which the sense of his Par­liament is the best Testimony; for their concurrence will give weight to his demands of Peace, or to the support of a War.

Between Us and Holland the points of Justice must be grounded upon the infraction of Treaties, and so will reach only to the business of the Flag and of Surinam. For the Flag, it has been agreed by three several Treaties in the same form; but the Articles still referring to former use, it remains to discuss and agree particularly what that has been, and to explain the man­ner and circumstances of observing it. Without this, no peace we can have will seem to be made with intentions to keep it long, while the interpreta­tion of that Article about the Flag is a ground at pleasure for opening a War. And this point can only be gained by a separate Peace between Us and Holland; for if the War should come to end in a general Treaty, like [Page 159] that of Munster; As His Majesties interest would be less considered in a croud of so many others, and would hardly be suffered to obstruct a general Peace; so this Right of the Flag in particular, would be at least disfavour­ed, if not opposed by our Friends as well as our Enemies, that is, by France, Sweden, Denmark, as well as Spain and Holland.

The business of Surinam is a trifle, and the disputes upon it arose rather from an unkind and jealous humour growing between the Nations, than from any difference or difficulty in ad­justing it; so as that is not a thing will lye much in the way, being soon deci­ded by plain Articles upon the surren­render of the Place.

There are two points more wherein the honour and interest of the Nation is concerned and ought to be insisted upon, so far at least as to find a temper in them, though they can hardly be said to be points of Justice, because they are not regulated by Treaties. The first is the point of the East-India trade, wherein we desire new agree­ments [Page 160] between us, upon suspition of what may happen, rather than com­plain of any Breach in the old; and though our East-India Company never urged their desires as a just ground for a Quarrel, yet a great deal might have been gained in this point from the Dutch, while they depended up­on our Alliance; and I suppose may be still, if we fall into it again.

The second is an acknowledgment to His Majesty for the leave of fishing up­on His Coasts; and though this may not be grounded upon any Treaty, yet if it appear to have been an ancient Right on our side, and custom on theirs, and not determined or extinguished by any Treaty between us; it may with Justice be insisted on, though it will pass harder with the Dutch than any of the rest, who will much easier be in­duced to buy off the pretence with a great sum of money at one or more payments, than acknowledg it by a con­stant tribute.

The last thing His Majesty can de­mand from Holland is money for the charges of the War. But unless the [Page 161] Justice or Necessity of it were agreed on between us, that will have but a weak ground. And if we expect money, it must be to purchase what is to come, and not to pay for what is past; and it is very probable that if His Majesty should resolve with a peace of Holland to enter into a Medi­ation between France and Spain upon the evident points of justice between them, and to joyn against that Crown which refuses the Peace, both Spain and Holland would be content to part with their money upon such an agree­ment. But the measure and manner must be left to private Treaty, and would depend upon the confidence be­tween us.

Whatever in any of these points or any other His Majesty should be con­tent to release, ought to be done upon the satisfaction He should declare to have received in the advancement of the Prince of Orange to the charges of his Ancestors. But for His Majesty to insist upon any further advantages to the Prince than are already de­volved upon him, would not only [Page 162] raise invincible difficulties in our Trea­ty with the States, but prejudice the Princes affairs among them in a very great measure. And the Prince I believe knows their Constitution so well, as to understand it so.

If upon good terms in these parti­culars a Peace can be effected with Holland, the honour of this Crown will certainly be provided for, and the interest of it to a higher degree than could have been gained even without the events of the War; since we should be left in Peace to enjoy the Trade of the world, while the House of Austria and Holland would be engaged in a long War with France; and whenever they grow weary, His Majesty would have the glory and advantage of mediating the Peace.

For the measures to be observed in all this with France, and the preserving His Majesties Honour on that side; First, the humour of the Parliament as to this War, and the interest of the Nation in the Trade with Spain, ought to be represented to them as difficul­ties invincible, unless France can furnish [Page 163] the charge which the War will cost be­yond what can be spared out of His Majesties constant Revenue. Then His Majesty may propose to them His de­sign of Neutrality between them and Spain, which I suppose was not a point that entred into any Agreements against Holland; and lastly, He may desire their consent, since he cannot prosecute the War, to make his peace with Hol­land, upon the assurance of imploying afterwards his Mediation between them and Spain, in which the concurrence of His Parliament will make Him able to effect a Peace, as the want of it has made Him unable to pursue the War. If France will not consent either to furnish us with money sufficient to car­ry on the War, nor to our Neutrality with Spain, nor peace with Holland: it would then be considered whether France in the like case would suffer such a Conjuncture as this to escape them upon any Ties or Treaties be­tween us: or whether indeed any Prince or State would do so. A con­juncture whereby the honour and in­terest of His Majesties Crowns may be [Page 164] provided for, the Trade of the Nation raised to a heighth it has not reached before; the passionate bent and hu­mour of the people pleased, and their jealousies in a great measure allayed, the true ballance of Christendom main­tained; all the Princes and States of it (besides France alone) satisfied; and in short, by which His Majesty may grow again insensibly into the hearts of his people at home, and into the influence upon all affairs of his Neigh­bours abroad.

It is a rude thing which is common­ly said, that we may come off from France with as much honour as we came on. But it is a true thing, that he has always the honour of the War that has the advantage of it, and 'tis I doubt, so of a Peace too; and that cannot fail us here, provided we make sure of Spain (in case we apprehend our losing of France), to which their dispositions and interests must certain­ly concur with ours in all points, unless that of Jamaica make an excep­tion.

[Page 165] All the difficulty His Majesty can meet with in this pursuit, will be some want of reputation and trust with the Government of Spain and Holland, which have been foyled of late by the breach of our former Alliances, so much (as they think) against our own interests as well as theirs; for all Trea­ties are grounded upon the common belief, That every State will be ever found in their own Interests, among which their Honour and observance of Faith grows to be one very consi­derable (Because while the minds of men are generally possest with a belief of God Almighty's concerning Himself in affairs here below, the opinion of Justice or Injustice in a Quarrel will never fail of having mighty effect up­on the successes of a War): therefore our reputation cannot any way be so far recovered with our Neighbours, as by their finding that His Majesties Coun­cels return into the true interests of His Kingdoms, which will make the Spaniards believe our Measures may be firm with them upon the same reason which has shaken them with France. [Page 166] Thus much is certain, that whatever means will restore or raise the credit of His Majesties Government at home, will do it abroad too; for a King of England at the head of his Parliament and People, and in their hearts and interests, can never fail of making what figure he pleases in the world, nor of being safe and easie at home; and may despise all the designs of factious men, who can only make themselves consi­dered by seeming to be in the interest of the Nation, when the Court seems to be out of it. But in running on Councels contrary to the general hu­mour and spirit of the People, the King indeed may make His Ministers great Subjects, but they can never make Him a Great Prince.

THE Honour I re­ceived by a Letter from your Ladiship, was too great and too sensible not to be acknowledged; but yet I doubted whether that occa­sion could bear me out in the confi­dence of giving your Ladiship any fur­ther troubles of this kind, without as [Page 168] good an errand as my last. This I have reckon'd upon a good while by ano­ther visit my Sister and I had designed to my Lord Capell. How we came to have defer'd it so long, I think we are neither of us like to tell you at this distance, though we make our selves believe it could not be helpt. Your Ladiship at least has had the advantage of being thereby excused sometime from this trouble, which I could no longer forbear upon the sensible wounds that have so often of late been given your friends here by such desperate expressions in several of your Letters concerning your Humour, your Health, and your Life; in all which if they are your Friends, you must allow them to be extremely concerned. Perhaps none can be at heart more partial than I am to whatever touches your Lady­ship, nor more inclined to defend you upon this very occasion, how unjust and unkind soever you are to your self. But when you go about to throw away your Health, or your Life, so great a remainder of your own Fami­ly, and so great hopes of that into [Page 169] which you are enter'd, and all by a desperate melancholly, upon an acci­dent past remedy, and to which all mortal race is perpetually subject; For God's sake, Madam, give me leave to tell you, that what you do is not at all agreeable either with so good a Christian, or so reasonable, and so great a person as your Ladiship appears to the World in all other lights.

I know no duty in Religion more generally agreed on, nor more justly required by God Almighty than a perfect submission to His Will in all things; nor do I think any disposition of mind can either please Him more, or become us better, than that of be­ing satisfied with all He gives, and con­tented with all He takes away. None I am sure can be of more Honour to God, nor of more ease to our selves; for if we consider him as our Maker, we cannot contend with him; if as our Father, we ought not to distrust him; So that we may be confident, whatever He does is intended for our good, and whatever happens that we interpret otherwise, yet we can get [Page 170] nothing by repining, nor save any thing by resisting.

But if it were fit for us to reason with God Almighty, and your Lady­ships loss be acknowledged as great as it could have been to any one alive; Yet, I doubt, you would have but ill grace to complain at the rate you have done, or rather as you do; for the first motions of passions how violent soever, may be pardoned; and it is only the course of them which makes them in­excusable. In this world, Madam, there is nothing perfectly good, and what­ever is called so, is but either compa­ratively with other things of its kind, or else with the evil that is mingled in its composition; so he is a good man that is better than men commonly are, or in whom the good qualities are more than the bad; so in the course of life, his condition is esteemed good, which is better than that of most other men, or wherein the good circumstan­ces are more than the ill; By this mea­sure, I doubt Madam, your complaints ought to be turned into acknowledg­ments, and your Friends would have [Page 171] cause to rejoyce rather than condole with you; For the goods or blessings of life are usually esteemed to be, Birth, Health, Beauty, Friends, Children, Ho­nour, Riches. Now when your Lady­ship has fairly considered how God Al­mighty has dealt with you in what He has given you of all these, you may be left to judge your self how you have dealt with Him in your complaints for what he has taken away. But if you look about you, and consider o­ther lives as well as your own, and what your lot is in comparison with those that have been drawn in the cir­cle of your knowledg; If you think how few are born with Honour, how many dye without Name or Children, how little Beauty we see, how few Friends we hear of, how many Diseases, and how much Poverty there is in the world, you will fall down upon your knees, and instead of repining at one affliction, will admire so many blessings as you have received at the hand of God.

To put your Ladiship in mind of what you are, and the advantages you [Page 172] have in all these points, would look like a design to flatter you: But this I may say, that we will pity you as much as you please, if you will tell us who they are that you think upon all cir­cumstances you have reason to envy. Now if I had a Master that gave me all I could ask, but thought fit to take one thing from me again, either because I used it ill, or gave my self so much over to it, as to neglect what I owed either to him or the rest of the world; Or perhaps because he would show his power, and put me in mind from whom I held all the rest; would you think I had much reason to complain of hard usage, and never to remember any more what was left me, never to forget what was taken away.

'Tis true, you have lost a Child, and therein all that could be lost in a Child of that age; but you have kept one Child, and are likely to do so long; you have the assurance of another, and the hopes of many more. You have kept a Husband great in imploy­ment, and in fortune, and (which is more) in the esteem of good men. You [Page 173] have kept your Beauty, and your Health, unless you have destroyed them your self, or discouraged them to stay with you by using them ill. You have Friends that are as kind to you as you can wish, or as you will give them leave to be by your fears of losing you, and being thereby so much the unhappier, the kinder they are to you; But you have Honour and Esteem from all that know you; or if ever it fails in any degree, 'tis only upon that point of your seeming to be fallen out with God and the whole World, and nei­ther to care for your self, or any thing else after what you have lost.

You will say perhaps that one thing was all to you, and your fondness of it made you indifferent to every thing else; But this, I doubt, will be so far from justifying you, that it will prove to be your fault as well as your mis­fortune. God Almighty gave you all the blessings of life, and you set your heart wholly upon one, and despise or undervalue all the rest: Is this His fault or yours? Nay, is it not to be very unthankful to Heaven, as well as [Page 174] very scornful to the rest of the world? Is it not to say, because you have lost one thing God had given you, you thank Him for nothing he has left, and care not what he takes away? Is it not to say, since that one thing is gone out of the world, there is nothing left in it which you think can deserve your kindness or esteem? A friend makes me a feast, and sets all before me that his care or kindness could provide; but I set my heart upon one dish alone, and if that happen to be thrown down, I scorn all the rest; and though he sends for another of the same, yet I rise from the Table in a rage, and say my friend is my enemy, and has done me the greatest wrong in the world; Have I reason, Madam, or good grace in what I do? Or would it become me better to eat of the rest that is before me, and think no more of what had hap­pened and could not be remedied?

All the Precepts of Christianity agree to teach and command us to moderate our passions, to temper our affections towards all things below; to be thank­ful for the possession, and patient under [Page 175] the loss whenever He that gave it shall see fit to take away. Your extreme fondness was perhaps as displeasing to God before, as now your extreme af­fliction, and your loss may have been a punishment for your faults in the manner of enjoying what you had; 'Tis at least pious to ascribe all the ill that befalls us to our own demerits ra­ther than to injustice in God; and be­comes us better to adore all the issues of His Providence in the effects, than inquire into the causes; For submission is the only way of reasoning between a creature and its Maker; and content­ment in His Will is the greatest duty we can pretend to, and the best reme­dy we can apply to all our misfor­tunes.

But, Madam, though Religion were no party in your case, and that for so violent and injurious a grief you had nothing to answer to God, but only to the world and your self; yet I very much doubt how you would be ac­quitted. We bring into the world with us a poor needy uncertain life, short at the longest, and unquiet at [Page 176] the best; All the imaginations of the witty and the wise have been perpe­tually busied to find out the ways how to revive it with pleasures, or relieve it with diversions; how to compose it with ease, and settle it with safety; To some of these ends have been im­ployed the institutions of Lawgivers, the reasonings of Philosophers, the in­ventions of Poets, the pains of labour­ing, and the extravagances of volup­tuous men. All the world is perpe­tually at work about nothing else, but only that our poor mortal lives should pass the easier and happier for that lit­tle time we possess them, or else end the better when we lose them; Upon this occasion Riches came to be coveted, Honours to be esteemed, Friendship and Love to be pursued, and Virtues them­selves to be admired in the world. Now, Madam, is it not to bid defiance to all mankind, to condemn their uni­versal opinions and designs, if instead of passing your life as well and easily, you resolve to pass it as ill and as mi­serably as you can? You grow insen­sible to the conveniences of Riches, [Page 177] the delights of Honour and Praise, the charms of kindness, or Friendship, nay to the observance or applause of Vir­tues themselves; For who can you ex­pect in these excesses of passion, will allow you to show either temperance or fortitude, to be either prudent or just? And for your Friends, I suppose, you reckon upon losing their kindness, when you have sufficiently convinced them, they can never hope for any of yours, since you have none left for your self, or any thing else. You de­clare upon all occasions, you are in­capable of receiving any comfort or pleasure in any thing that is left in this world; and, I assure you Madam, none can ever love you, that can have no hopes ever to please you.

Among the several inquiries and en­deavours after the happiness of life, the sensual men agree in pursuit of every pleasure they can start, without regarding the pains of the chase, the weariness when it ends, or how little the quarry is worth: The busie and ambitious fall into the more lasting pursuits of Power and Riches; The [Page 178] speculative men prefer tranquillity of mind, before the different motions of passion and appetite, or the common successions of desire and satiety, of plea­sure and pain; but this may seem too dull a principle for the happiness of life, which is ever in motion; and though passions are perhaps the stings, without which they say no honey is made; yet I think all sorts of men have ever agreed, they ought to be our Servants, and not our Masters; to give us some agitation for entertainment, or exercise, but never to throw our rea­son out of its seat. Perhaps I would not always sit still, or would be some­times on horse-back; but I would ne­ver ride a Horse that galls my flesh, or shakes my bones, or that runs away with me as he pleases, so as I can nei­ther stop at a River or Precipice. Bet­ter no passions at all, than have them too violent; or such alone, as instead of heightening our pleasures, afford us nothing but vexation and pain.

In all such losses as your Ladiships has been, there is something that com­mon nature cannot be denied, there [Page 179] is a great deal that good nature may be allowed; but all excessive and out­rageous grief or lamentation for the dead, was accounted among the anci­ent Christians, to have something of heathenish; and among the Civil Na­tions of old, to have something of bar­barous; and therefore it has been the care of the first to moderate it by their Precepts, and the latter to restrain it by their Laws: The longest time that has been allowed to the forms of Mourning by the custom of any Coun­trey, and in any Relation, has been but that of a year; in which space the bo­dy is commonly supposed to be moul­dered away to earth, and to retain no more figure of what it was; but this has been given only to the loss of Pa­rents, of Husband, or Wife. On the other side, to Children under age, no­thing has been allowed; and I sup­pose with particular reason (the com­mon Ground of all general customs), perhaps because they dye in innocence, and without having tasted the miseries of life, so as we are sure they are well when they leave us, and escape much [Page 180] ill would in all appearance have be­fallen them if they had stay'd longer with us. Besides, a Parent may have twenty Children, and so his mourning may run through all the best of his life, if his losses are frequent of that kind; and our kindness to Children so young, is taken to proceed from com­mon opinions, or fond imaginations, not Friendship or Esteem; and to be grounded upon entertainment rather than use in the many offices of life; nor would it pass from any person be­sides your Ladiship, to say you lost a companion and a friend at Nine year old, though you lost one indeed who gave the fairest hopes that could be of being both in time, and every thing else that was esteembable and good; But yet, that it self God only knows, considering the changes of humour and disposition, which are as great as those of feature and shape the first sixteen years of our lives; considering the chances of time, the infection of com­pany, the snares of the world, and the passions of youth; so that the most excellent and agreeable creature [Page 181] of that tender age, and that seemed born under the happiest Stars, might by the course of years and accidents, come to be the most miserable her self, and more trouble to her Friends by li­ving long, than she could have been by dying young.

Yet after all, Madam, I think your loss so great, and some measure of your grief so deserved, that would all your passionate complaints, all the anguish of your heart do any thing to retrieve it; Could tears water the lovely plant, so as to make it grow again after once 'tis cut down. Would sighs furnish new breath, or could it draw life and spi­rits from the wasting of yours; I am sure your Friends would be so far from accusing your passion, that they would encourage it as much, and share it as deep as they could. But alas, the eter­nal Laws of the Creation extinguish all such hopes, forbid all such designs; Nature gives us many Children and Friends to take them away, but takes none away to give them us again. And this makes the excesses of grief to have been so universally condemned as a [Page 182] thing unnatural, because so much in vain; whereas nature they say does nothing in vain: As a thing so unrea­sonable, because so contrary to our own designs; for we all design to be well, and at ease, and by grief we make our selves ill of imaginary wounds, and raise our selves troubles most pro­perly out of the dust, while our ra­vings and complaints are but like ar­rows shot up into the air, at no mark, and so to no purpose; but only to fall back upon our heads, and destroy our selves instead of recovering, or reveng­ing our Friends.

Perhaps, Madam, you will say this is your design, or if not your desire; but I hope you are not yet so far gone, or so desperately bent; Your Lady­ship knows very well your life is not your own, but His that lent it you to manage, and preserve the best you could, and not throw it away, as if it came from some common hand. It belongs in a great measure to your Countrey, and your Family, and there­fore by all humane Laws, as well as di­vine, self-murder has ever been agreed [Page 183] on as the greatest crime, and is punisht here with the utmost shame, which is all that can be inflicted upon the dead. But is the crime much less to kill our selves by a slow poyson, than by a sud­den wound? Now if we do it, and know we do it by a long and a con­tinual grief, can we think our selves innocent? What great difference is there if we break our hearts, or con­sume them; if we pierce them, or bruise them, since all determines in the same death, as all arises from the same de­spair? But what if it goes not so far? 'tis not indeed so bad as might be, but that does not excuse it from being ve­ry ill: Though I do not kill my neigh­bour, is it no hurt to wound him, or to spoyl him of the conveniencies of life? The greatest crime is for a man to kill himself; is it a small one to wound himself by anguish of heart, by grief, or dispair, to ruin his health, to shorten his age, to deprive himself of all the pleasures, or eases, or enjoyments of life?

Next to the mischiefs we do our selves, are those we do our Children, [Page 184] and our Friends, as those who deserve best of us, or at least deserve no ill; The Child you carry about you, what has that done that you should endea­vour to deprive it of life, almost as soon as you bestow it? or if at the best you suffer it to live to be born, yet by your ill usage of your self, should so much impair the strength of its bo­dy and health, and perhaps the very temper of its mind, by giving it such an infusion of melancholly, as may serve to discolour the objects, and dis­relish the accidents it may meet with in the common train of life? But this is one you are not yet acquainted with; what will you say to another you are? Were it a small injury to my Lord Capell to deprive him of a Mo­ther, whose prudence and kindness he may justly expect, the cares of his health and education, the forming of his bo­dy, and the cultivating of his mind; the seeds of Honour and Virtue, and thereby the true Principles of a happy life? How has my Lord of Essex de­served that you should go about to lose him a Wife He loves with so [Page 185] much passion, and which is more, with so much reason; so great an honour and support to His Family, so great a hope to His Fortune, and comfort to His Life? Are there so many left of your own great Family, that you should desire in a manner wholly to reduce it, by suffering the greatest and almost last branch of it to wither away be­fore its time? Or is your Countrey in this age so stored with great persons, that you should envy it those we may justly expect from so noble a race.

Whilest I had any hopes your tears would ease you, or that your grief would consume it self by liberty and time, your Ladiship knows very well I never once accused it, nor ever en­creased it like many others by the com­mon formal ways of asswaging it; and this I am sure is the first office of this kind I ever went about to perform o­therwise than in the most ordinary forms. I was in hope what was so violent, could not be so long; but when I observed it to grow stronger with age, and encrease like a stream the further it run; when I saw it draw [Page 186] out to such unhappy consequences, and threaten no less than your Child, your Health, and your Life; I could no longer forbear this endeavour, nor end it without begging of your Lady­ship for God's sake and for your own, for your Childrens and your Friends, for your Countreys and your Families, that you would no longer abandon your self to so disconsolate a passion, but that you would at length awaken your Piety, give way to your Pru­dence, or at least rowse up the in­vincible Spirit of the Piercys, that never yet shrunk at any disaster; that you would sometimes remember the great Honours and Fortunes of your Fa­mily, not always the losses, cherish those veins of good humour that are sometimes so natural to you, and sear up those of ill that would make you so unnatural to your Children, and to your self; But above all, that you would enter upon the cares of your health, and your life, for your Friends sake at least, if not for your own. For my part, I know nothing could be to me so great an honour and sa­tisfaction, [Page 187] as if your Ladiship would own me to have contributed towards this Cure; but however, none can per­haps more justly pretend to your par­don for the attempt, since there is none, I am sure, that has always had at heart a greater Honour for your Ladiships Family, nor can have for your Person more devotion and esteem than,

I Never thought it would have befallen me to be the first that should try a new experiment, any more than to be Au­thor of any new in­vention, being little inclined to pra­ctise upon others, and as little that [Page 190] others should practise upon me. The same warmth of head disposes men to both, though one be commonly esteemed an honour, and the other a reproach. I am sorry the first, and the worse of the two is fallen to my share, by which all a man can hope is to avoid censure, and that is much harder than to gain applause; For this may be done by one great or wise action in an age; but to avoid cen­sure, a man must pass his life without saying or doing one ill or foolish thing.

This might serve the turn, if all men were just; but as they are, I doubt nothing will, and that 'tis the idlest pretension in the world to live with­out it; The meanest Subjects censuring the actions of the greatest Prince; The silliest Servants of the wisest Master; and young Children of the oldest Pa­rents. Therefore I have not troubled my self to give any account of an ex­periment I made by your perswasion, to satisfie those who imputed it to folly, rashness, or impatience; but to satisfie you who proposed the thing in [Page 191] kindness to me, and desired the Rela­tion of it in kindness to other men.

I confess, your engaging me first in this adventure of the Moxa, and desiring the story of it from me, is like giving one the torture, and then asking his confession, which is hard usage to an innocent man, and a friend; Besides, having suffered the first, I took my self to have a right of refusing the other; But I find your Authority with me is too great to be disputed in either; and the pretence of publick good is a cheat that will ever pass in the world, though so often abused by ill men, that I won­der the good do not grow ashamed to use it any longer. Let it be as it will, you have what you asked, and cannot but say that I have done, as well as suffered what you had a mind to engage me in. I have told you the story with the more circumstance, be­cause many questioned the Disease, that they might not allow of the Cure; though the certainty of one, and force of the other, has been enough evi­denced by two returns since I left you at the Hague, which past with the same [Page 192] success. The reasonings upon this me­thod, which seem to confirm the expe­riment, and other Remedies for the Gout here reflected on, are aimed at the same end for which you seemed so much to desire this Relation. The digressions I cannot excuse otherwise, than by the confidence that no man will read them, who has not at least as much leisure as I had when I writ them; and whosoever dislikes, or grows weary of them, may throw them away. For those about temperance, age, or their effects and periods in reference to publick business, they could be better addrest to none, than to you, who have past the longest life with the most temperance, and the best health and humor of any man I know; and ha­ving run through so much great and publick business, have found out the secret so little known, that there is a time to give it over.

I will pretend but to one piece of merit in this Relation, which is to have writ it for you in English, being the Language I always observed to have most of your kindness among so [Page 193] many others of your acquaintance. If your partiality to that, and to me, and to your own request, will not ex­cuse all the faults of this Paper; I have nothing more to say for it, and so will leave you to judge of it as you please.

AMong all the Diseases, to which the intemperance of this age disposes it (at least in these Northern Climates), I have observed none to encrease so much within the compass of my memory and conversation, as the Gout, nor any I think of worse consequence to mankind; because it falls generally upon persons engaged in publick affairs, and great imployments, upon whose thoughts and cares (if not their motions and their pains) the common good and service of their Countrey so much depends. The Ge­neral Officers of Armies, the Gover­nours of Provinces, the publick Mini­sters in Councels at home, and Embas­sies abroad (that have fallen in my way) being generally subject to it in one degree or other. I suppose the [Page 194] reason of this may be, that men sel­dom come into those Posts till after forty year old, about which time the natural heat beginning to decay, makes way for those distempers they are most inclined to by their Native Constitu­tions, or by their customs and habits of life. Besides, persons in those Posts are usually born of Families Noble and Rich, and so derive a weakness of constitution from the ease and luxury of their Ancestors, and the delicacy of their own Education; Or if not, yet the plenty of their fortunes from those very imployments, and the general cu­stom of living in them at much ex­pence, engages men in the constant use of great Tables, and in frequent excesses of several kinds, which must end in diseases when the vigor of youth is past, and the force of exercise (that served before to spend the humour) is given over for a sedentary and un­active life.

These I take to be the reasons of such persons being so generally subject to such accidents more than other men; and they are so plain, that they must [Page 195] needs occur to any one that thinks; But the ill consequence of it is not so obvious, though perhaps as evident to men that observe, and may be equally confirmed by Reasons, and Examples. It is that the vigor of the mind decays with that of the body, and not only humour and invention, but even judg­ment and resolution, change and lan­guish, with ill constitution of body, and of health; And by this means pub­lick business comes to suffer by pri­vate infirmities, and Kingdoms or States fall into weaknesses and distempers, by the diseases or decays of those persons that manage them.

Within these fifteen years past, I have known a great Fleet disabled for two Months, and thereby lose great occa­sions by an indisposition of the Admi­ral, while he was neither well enough to exercise, nor ill enough to leave the command. I have known two Towns of the greatest consequence lost, contrary to all forms, by the Go­vernours falling ill in the time of the Sieges.

[Page 196] I have observed the fate of a Campa­nia determine contrary to all appearan­ces, by the caution and conduct of a Ge­neral, which were attributed by those that knew him to his age and infir­mities, rather than his own true qua­lities, acknowledged otherwise to have been as great as most men of the age. I have seen the Councels of a noble Countrey grow bold, or timorous, ac­cording to the Fits of his good or ill health that managed them, and the pulse of the Government beat high or low with that of the Governour; and this unequal Conduct make way for great accidents in the world; Nay, I have often reflected upon the Councels and Fortunes of the greatest Monar­chies rising and decaying sensibly with the ages and healths of the Princes and chief Officers that governed them. And I remember one great Minister that confest to me, when he fell into one of his usual Fits of the Gout, He was no longer able to bend his mind or thoughts to any publick business, nor give Audiences beyond two or three of his own Domesticks, though [Page 197] it were to save a Kingdom; and that this proceeded not from any violence of pain, but from a general languish­ing and faintness of Spirits, which made him in those Fits think nothing worth the trouble of one careful or solicitous thought. For the approaches, or lurk­ings of the Gout, the Spleen, or the Scurvy, nay the very fumes of indi­gestion, may indispose men to thought and to care, as well as diseases of dan­ger and pain.

Thus accidents of Health grow to be accidents of State, and publick con­stitutions come to depend in a great measure upon those of particular men, which makes it perhaps seem necessary in the choice of persons for great im­ployments (at least such as require con­stant application and pains) to consi­der their bodies as well as their minds, and ages and health as well as their abi­lities.

When I was younger than I am, and thereby a worse judge of age; I have often said, that what great thing soe­ver a man proposed to do in his life, He should think of atchieving it by [Page 198] fifty year old. Now I am approach­ing that age, I think it much more than I did before; and that no man rides to an end of that Stage without feeling his journey in all parts, what­ever distinctions are made between the mind and the body, or between judg­ment and memory. And though I have known some few, who might per­haps be of use in Councel upon great occasions, till after threescore and ten; and have heard that the two late Mi­nisters in Spain. Counts of Castriglio and Pignoranda, were so till fourscore; Yet I will not answer, that the very conduct of publick affairs under their Ministry has not always tasted of the lees of their age.

I observe in this Assembly at Nimme­guen, from so many several parts of Christendom, that so one and twenty Ambassadors, there are but three above fifty years old; which seems an Argu­ment, of my opinion being in a man­ner general; Nor can I think the pe­riod ill calculated, at least for a great General of Armies, or Minister of State, in times, or scenes of great Action, [Page 199] when the care of a State or an Army ought to be as constant as the Chymicks fire, to make any great production; and if it goes out for an hour, per­haps the whole operation fails. Now I doubt whether any man after fifty be capable of such constant applica­tion of thought, any more than of long and violent labour or exercise, which that certainly is, and of the finest parts. Besides, none that feels sensibly the decays of age, and his life wearing off, can figure to himself those imaginary charms in Riches and Praise, that men are apt to do in the warmth of their blood; and those are the usual Incen­tives towards the attempt of great dangers, and support of great trouble and pains.

To confirm this by Examples, I have heard that Cardinal Mazarine, about five and fifty, found it was time to give over. That the present Grand Vizier, who passes for one of the great­est men of that Empire, or this age, began His Ministry about twenty eight; and the greatest I have observed, which was that of Monsieur de Witt, began [Page 200] at three and thirty, and lasted to forty eight, and could not, I believe, have gone on many years longer at that heighth, even without that fatal end. Among other qualities which enter'd into the composition of this Minister, the great care he had of his health, and the little of his life, were not, I think, the least considerable; since from the first He derived his great temperance, as well as his great boldness and con­stancy from the other. And if intem­perance be allowed to be the common Mother of Gout, of Dropsie, and of Scurvy, and most other lingring Dis­eases, which are those that infest the State; I think Temperance deserves the first rank among publick Virtues, as well as those of private men, and doubt whether any can pretend to the constant steddy exercise of Prudence, Justice, or Fortitude, without it.

Upon these Grounds, whoever can propose a way of Curing, or prevent­ing the Gout (which enter'd chiefly into those examples I have mentioned of publick affairs suffering by private indispositions) would perhaps do a [Page 201] service to Princes and States, as well as to particular men, which makes me the more willing to tell my Story, and talk out of my Trade, being strongly possest with a belief, that what I have tryed, or thought, or heard upon this subject, may go a great way in prevent­ing the growth of this disease where it is but new, though perhaps longer methods are necessary to deal with it when 'tis old.

From my Grandfathers death I had reason to apprehend the Stone, and from my Fathers life the Gout, who has been for this many years, and still continues much afflicted with it. The first apprehension has been, I confess with me, ever the strongest, and the other hardly in my thoughts, having never deserved it by the usual forms; Nor had I ever, I thank God, the least threat from either of them, till the last year at the Hague, being then in the seven and fortieth of my age; when about the end of February, one night at Supper, I felt a sudden pain in my right foot, which from the first mo­ment it began, encreased sensibly, and [Page 202] in an hours time to that degree, that though I said nothing, yet others took notice of it in my face, and said, They were sure I was not well, and would have had me go to bed. I confest I was in pain, and thought it was with some sprain at Tennis; I pulled off my shooe, and with some ease that gave me, stir'd not till the Company broke up, which was about three hours after my pain began. I went away to bed, but it raged so much all night, that I could not sleep a wink. I en­dured it till about eight next morning, in hopes still of stealing some rest; but then making my complaints, and show­ing my foot, they found it very red and angry; and to relieve my extre­mity of pain, began to apply common Poultives to it; and by the frequent change of them I found some ease, and continued this exercise all that day, and a great part of the following night, which I past with very little rest. The morning after, my foot be­gan to swell, and the violence of my pain to asswage, though it left such a soreness, that I could hardly suffer the [Page 203] Clothes of my bed, nor stir my foot but as it was lifted.

By this time my illness being enqui­red after about the Town, was con­cluded to be the Gout; and being no longer feverish, or in any extremity of pain, I was content to see company: Every body that came to visit me, found something to say upon the oc­casion; some made a jest of it, or a little reproach; others were serious in their mirth, and made me Compliments as upon a happy accident and sign of long life. The Spaniards askt me Al­bricias for telling me the news, that I might be sure 'twas the Gout; and in short, none of the company was in ill humour but I, who had rather by half have had a Fever, or a worse disease at that time, where the danger might have been greater, but the trouble and the melancholly would I am sure have been less.

Though I had never feared the Gout, yet I had always scorned it as an effect commonly of intemperance; and hated it, as that I thought made men unfit for any thing after they were once [Page 204] deep engaged in it; Besides, I was prest in my journey at that time to Nimmeguen by His Majesties Commands to assist at the Treaty there. Most of the Ambassadors from the several parts of Christendom were upon their way; One of my Colleagues was already up­on the place, and I had promised im­mediately to follow; for by our Com­mission we were to be two to act in that Mediation; and to help at this pinch, I had always heard that a Fit of the Gout used to have six weeks at the least for its ordinary period. With these comforts about me, and sullen­ness enough to use no Remedy of a hundred that were told me, Monsieur Zulichem came to see me (among the rest of my Friends) who I think never came into company without saying something that was new, and so he did upon my occasion. For talking of my illness, and approving of my obstinacy against all the common prescriptions; he asked me whether I had never heard the Indian way of Curing the Gout by Moxa? I told him no, and asked him what it was? He said it was a certain [Page 205] kind of Moss that grew in the East-Indies; that their way was, when ever any body fell into a Fit of the Gout, to take a small quantity of it, and form it into a figure, broad at bottom as a two-pence, and pointed at top; To set the bottom exactly upon the place where the violence of the pain was fixed, then with a small round perfumed Match (made likewise in the Indies) to give fire to the top of the Moss; which burning down by degrees, came at length to the skin, and burnt it till the Moss was consumed to ashes; That many times the first burn­ing would remove the pain; if not, it was to be renewed a second, third and fourth time, till it went away, and till the person found he could set his foot boldly to the ground and walk.

I desired him to tell me how he had come acquainted with this new Ope­ration; He said by the Relation of several who had seen and tryed it in the Indies, but particularly by an in­genious little Book, written of it by a Dutch Minister at Batavia, who being extremely tormented with a Fit of the [Page 206] Gout, an old Indian-woman coming to see him, undertook to Cure him, and did it immediately by this Moxa; and after many experiments of it there, had written this Treatise of it in Dutch for the use of his Countreymen, and sent over a quantity of the Moss and Matches to his Son at Utrecht, to be sold, if any would be perswaded to use them; That though he could not say whether experiment had been made of it here, yet the Book was worth reading; and for his part, He thought He should try it if ever he should fall into that Dis­ease.

I desired the Book, which He pro­mised to send me next morning; and this discourse of Monsieur Zulichem busied my head all night: I hated the very name of the Gout, and thought it a reproach: and for the good sign, people called it, I could not find that mended an ill thing, nor could I like any sign of living long in weakness, or in pain; I deplored the loss of my legs, and confinement to my Chamber at an age that left me little pleasure but of walk­ing and of air; but the worst circum­stance [Page 207] of all, was the sentence past up­on it of being without Cure.

I had past Twenty years of my life, and several accidents of danger in my health, without any use of Physicians; and from some experiments of my own, as well as much reading and thought upon that subject, had reasoned my self into an opinion, that the use of them and their methods (unless in some sudden and acute disease) was it self a very great venture, and that their greatest practisers practised least upon themselves, or their friends. I had ever quarrelled with their studying art more than nature, and applying themselves to methods, rather than to remedies; whereas the knowledg of the last is all that nine parts in ten of the world have trusted to in all ages.

But for the common Remedies of the Gout, I found exceptions to them all; the time of Purging was past with me, which otherwise I should certainly have tryed upon the authority of the great Hypocrates, who says it should be done upon the first motion of the hu­mour in the Gout. For Poultives, I [Page 208] knew they allayed pain; but withall, that they drew down the humours, and suppled the parts, thereby making the passages wider, and apter to receive them in greater quantity; and I had often heard it concluded, that the use of them ended in losing that of ones limbs, by weakening the joint upon every fit. For Plaisters that had any effect, I thought it must be by dispers­ing or repelling the humours, which could not be done without endanger­ing perhaps some other disease of the bowels, the stomack, or the head. Rest and warmth either of clothes or bath­ings, I doubted would in a degree have the effects of Poultives; and Sweat­ing was proper for prevention rather than remedy. So that all I could end in with any satisfaction, was patience and abstinence; and though I easily re­solved of the last, yet the first was hard to be found in the circumstances of my business, as well as of my health.

All this made me rave upon Mon­sieur Zulichem's new operation; and for the way of curing by fire, I found twenty things to give me an opinion of [Page 209] it. I remembred what I had read of the Egyptians of old, who used it in most diseases; and what I had often heard of that practice still continuing among the Moors of Africk; so that a slave is sel­dom taken (as both Spaniards and Por­tugueses affirm) who has not many scars of the hot iron upon his body, which they use upon most distempers, but e­specially those of the head, and conse­quently in Physick as well as in Surgery. In the time of the Yncas reign in Peru, (which I take to have been one of the greatest Constitutions of Absolute Mo­narchy that has been in the world) no composition was allowed by the Laws to be used in point of Medicine, but only Simples proper to each Disease. Burning was much in use, either by na­tural or artificial fires; particularly for all ilnesses of teeth, and soreness or swelling of the gums (which they were subject to from their nearness to the Sea) they had an herb which never failed of curing it, and being laid to the gums, burnt away all the flesh that was swelled or corrupted, and made way for new that came again as sound as [Page 210] that of a Child. I remembred to have had my self in my youth, one cruel wound cured by scalding Medicaments, after it was grown so putrified as to have (in the Surgeons opinion) endan­gered the bone; and the violent swel­ling and bruise of another, taken away as soon as I received it, by scalding it with Milk. I remembred the cure of Chilblanes when I was a boy (which may be called the Childrens Gout) by burning at the fire, or else by scalding brine, that has (I suppose) the same effect. I had heard of curing the stings of Adders, and bites of mad Dogs, by immediately burning the part with a hot iron; and of some strange cures of Frenzies, by casual applicati­ons of fire to the lower parts; which seems reasonable enough, by the violent revulsion it may make of humours from the head; and agrees with the opinions and practice I mentioned before, of E­gypt and Africa. Perhaps blistering in the neck, and hot Pidgeons, may be in use among us upon the same grounds; and in our Methods of Surgery, no­thing is found of such effect in the case [Page 211] of old Ulcers, as fire, which is certain­ly the greatest drawer and dryer, and thereby the greatest cleanser that can be found. I knew very well, that in Diseases of Cattel, there is nothing more commonly used, nor with greater success; and concluded it was but a tenderness to Mankind that made it less in use amongst us, and which had intro­duced Corrosives and Causticks to sup­ply the place of it, which are indeed but artificial fires.

I mention all these reflections, to show that the experiment I resolved to make, was upon thought, and not rash­ness or impatience (as those called it that would have dissuaded me from it); but the chief reason was, that I liked no other, because I knew they failed every day, and left men in despair of being ever well cured of the Gout.

Next morning I lookt over the Book which Monsieur Zulichem had promi­sed me, written by the Minister at Ba­tavia. I pretended not to judg of the Indian Philosophy, or reasonings upon the cause of the Gout; but yet thought them as probable as those of Physici­ans [Page 212] here; and liked them so much the better, because it seems their opinion in the point is general among them, as well as their method of curing; where­as the differences among ours are almost as many in both, as there are Physici­ans that reason upon the causes, or pra­ctise upon the cure of that disease. They hold that the cause of the Gout is a malignant vapour that falls upon the joynt between the bone and the skin that covers it, which being the most sensible of all parts of the body, causes the violence of the pain. That the swelling is no part of the disease, but only an effect of it, and of a kind­ness in nature, that to relieve the part affected, calls down humours to damp the malignity of the vapour, and there­by assuage the sharpness of the pain, which seldom fails whenever the part grows very much swelled. That conse­quently the swellings and returns of the Gout, are chiefly occasioned by the ill methods of curing it at first. That this vapour falling upon joints which have not motion, and thereby heat e­nough to dispel it, cannot be cured o­therwise [Page 213] than by burning, by which it immediately evaporates; and that this is evident by the present ceasing of the pain upon the second, third, or fourth application of the Moxa, which are performed in a few minutes time. And the Author affirms it happens often there, that upon the last burning, an extreme stench comes out of the skin where the fire had opened it.

Whatever the reasonings were, which yet seemed ingenious enough; the ex­periments alledged with so much confi­dence, and to be so generally in those parts, and told by an Author that writ like a plain man, and one whose pro­fession was to tell truth, helped me to resolve upon making the trial. I was confirmed in this resolution by a Ger­man Physician, Doctor Theodore Coleby, who was then in my Family, a sober and intelligent man, whom I dispatch­ed immediately to Vtrecht, to bring me some of the Moxa, and learn the exact method of using it, from the man that sold it, who was Son to the Mini­ster of Batavia. He returned with all that belonged to this Cure, having [Page 214] performed the whole operation upon his hand by the mans direction. I im­mediately made the experiment in the manner before related, setting the Moxa just upon the place where the first violence of my pain began, which was the joint of the great toe, and where the greatest anger and soreness still continued, notwithstanding the swelling of my foot, so that I had ne­ver yet in five days been able to stir it, but as it was lifted.

Upon the first burning I found the skin shrink all round the place; and whether the greater pain of the fire had taken away the sense of a smaller or no, I could not tell; but I thought it less than it was: I burnt it the se­cond time, and upon it observed the skin about it to shrink, and the swel­ling to flat yet more than at first. I be­gan to move my toe, which I had not done before; but I found some re­mainders of pain. I burnt it the third time, and observed still the same ef­fects without, but a much greater within; for I stirred the joynt seve­ral times at ease; and growing bolder, [Page 215] I set my foot to the ground without any pain at all. After this I pursued the method prescribed by the Book, and the Authors Son at Vtrecht, and had a bruised Clove of Garlick laid to the place that was burnt, and covered with a large Plaister of Diapalma, to keep it fixed there; and when this was done, feeling no more pain, and tread­ing still bolder and firmer upon it, I cut a slipper to let in my foot swelled as it was, and walkt half a dozen turns about the room without any pain or trouble, and much to the surprize of those that were about me, as well as to my own. For though I had reasoned my self before-hand into an opinion of the thing, yet I could not expect such an effect as I found, which seldom rea­ches to the degree that is promised by the prescribers of any remedies, where­as this went beyond it, having been ap­plied so late, and the prescription reaching only to the first attaque of the pain, and before the part begins to swell.

For the pain of the burning it self, the first time it is sharp, so that a man [Page 216] may be allowed to complain; I re­solved I would not, but that I would count to a certain number as the best measure how long it lasted. I told six-score and four, as fast as I could; and when the fire of the Moxa was out, all pain of burning was over. The second time was not near so sharp as the first, and the third a great deal less than the second. The wound was not raw, as I expected, but looked only scorched and black; and I had rather endure the whole trouble of the ope­ration, than half a quarter of an hours pain in the degree I felt it the first whole night.

After four and twenty hours, I had it opened, and found a great blister drawn by the Garlick, which I used no more, but had the blister cut, which run a good deal of water, but filled again by next night; and this conti­nued for three days, with only a Plai­ster of Diapalma upon it; after which time the blister dryed up, and left a sore about as big as a two-pence, which healed and went away in about a weeks time longer; but I continued to walk [Page 217] every day, and without the least re­turn of pain, the swelling still grow­ing less, though it were near six weeks before it was wholly gone. I favoured it all this while more than I needed, up­on the common opinion that walking too much might draw down the hu­mor, which I have since had reason to conclude a great mistake, and that if I had walked as much as I could from the first day the pain left me, the swelling might have left me too in a much less time.

The talk of this Cure run about the Hague, and made the conversation in other places, as well as in the visits I re­ceived while I kept my Chamber, which was about a fortnight after the burn­ing. Monsieur Zulichem came to me among the rest of the good company of the Town, and much pleased with my success, as well from his own great humanity, and particular kindness to me, as from the part he had in being the first prescriber of my Cure, and from the opinion it gave him of a com­mon good fortune befallen all that felt, or were in danger of the Gout.

[Page 218] Among others he told it to Monsieur Serinchamps was one, an Envoy of the Duke of Lorrains then in Town; a person very much, and very deserved­ly esteemed among all the good com­pany in Town, and to whom every body was kind upon the score of his own good humour, or his Masters ill fortunes: He had been long subject to the Gout, and with constant returns of long and violent fits two or three times in a year. He was a man frank and generous, and loved to enjoy health whilest he had it, without making too much reflexion upon what was to fol­low; and so when he was well, denied himself nothing of what he had a mind to eat or drink, which gave him a bo­dy full of humours, and made his fits of the Gout as frequent and violent as most I have known; When they came, he bore them as he could, and forgot them as soon as they were past, till a new remembrance. At this time he lay ill of a cruel fit, which was fallen upon his knee, and with extreme pain; When he heard of my Cure, he sent to me first for the Relation of it, and up­on [Page 219] it, for my Moxa, and for Coleby to apply it; He did so, and after his plea­sant way roared out, and swore at me all the while it was burning; and asked if I took him for a Sorcerer that I sent to burn him alive. But with all this, the pain went away upon it, and re­turned no more to the same place; but he was something discouraged by a new pain falling some days after up­on his elbow on the other side, which gave him a new fit, though gentler and shorter than they used to be.

About the same time one of the Maids of my house was grown almost desperate with the Tooth-ach, and want of sleep upon it, and was without re­medy. The Book gives the same Cure for certain in that illness, by burn­ing upon the great Vein under the Ear; and the man who sold it at Vtrecht, had assured Coleby he had seen many Cures by it in that kind. We resolved to try, which was done, and the pain immediately taken away, and the Wench perfectly well, without hearing of it any more, at least while she was in my house.

[Page 220] Thus passed the first experiment, up­on which Monsieur Zulichem giving an account of it to some of his Friends at Gresham-Colledg, came to me before I left the Hague, formally to desire me from them, and from himself, that I would give a Relation of it that might be made publick, as a thing which might prove in appearance of common utility to so great numbers as were subject to that disease; And told me that some of Gresham-Colledg had al­ready given order for Translating in­to English the little Batavian Treatise. I commended the care of publishing it among us, and thereby inviting others to an experiment I had reason to ap­prove; but excused my self from any Relation of my own, as having too much business at that time, and at all times caring little to appear in publick. I had another reason to decline it, that ever uses to go far with me upon all new inventions or experiments, which is, that the best tryal of them is by time, and observing whether they live or no; and that one or two tryals can pretend to make no rule, no more than [Page 221] one Swallow a Summer; and so before I told my story to more than my friends, I had a mind to make more tryals my self, or see them made by other peo­ple as wise as I had been.

During the confinement of this fit, I fell into some methods, and into much discourse upon the subject of the Gout, that may be perhaps as well worth re­flexion by such as feel or apprehend it, as what I have told of this Indian Cure. In the first place from the day I kept my Chamber, till I left it, and began to walk abroad, I restrained my self to so regular a dyet, as to eat flesh but once a day, and little at a time, without Salt or Vinegar; and to one moderate draught, either of Water or small Ale. I concluded to trust to abstinence and exercise, as I had ever resolved, if I fell into this disease; and if it continued, to confine my self wholly to the Milk-dyet, of which I had met with very many and great exam­ples, and had a great opinion even in long and inveterate Gouts. Besides, this refuge I met with, in my visits and conversation arising upon my illness, [Page 222] many notions or medicines very new to me, and reflexions that may be so perhaps to other men. Old Prince Maurice of Nassaw told me, he laught at the Gout, and he had been several times attaqued, yet it never gave him care nor trouble. That he used but one remedy, which was when ever he felt it, to boyl a good quantity of Horse-dung from a Stone-horse of the Hermelinne colour, as he called it in French, which is a native white, with a sort of raw nose, and the same com­monly about the eyes. That when this was well boiled in water, he set his leg in a pale-full of it, as hot as he could well endure it, renewing it as it grew cool for above an hour toge­ther; That after it, he drew his leg im­mediately into a warm bed, to conti­nue the perspiration as long as he could, and never failed of being cured. Whe­ther the remedy be good, or the cir­cumstances of colour signifie any thing more, than to make more mystery, I know not; but I observed that he ever had a sett of such Hermelinne Horses in his Coach, which he told me was on [Page 223] purpose, that he might never want this remedy.

The Count Kinski, Ambassador from the Emperor, to the Treaty at Nimmeguen, gave me a Receipt of the Salt of Harts-horn, by which a famous Italian-Physician of the Emperors, had performed mighty Cures upon many others as well as Himself, and the last year upon the Count Montecuculi; The use of this, I am apt to esteem both from the quality given it of pro­voking Sweat extremely, and of ta­king away all sharpness from what­ever you put it in, which must both be of good effect in the Cure of the Gout.

The Rhyngrave, who was killed last Summer before Mastricht, told me his Father the old Rhyngrave, whom I knew very well, had been long subject to the Gout, and never used other me­thod or remedy, than upon the very first fit he felt, to go out immediately and walk, whatever the weather was, and as long as he was able to stand, and pressing still most upon the foot that threatned him; when he came home, [Page 224] he went to a warm bed, and was rub­bed very well, and chiefly upon the place where the pain begun. If it continued or returned next day, he repeated the same course, and was ne­ver laid up with it; and before his death recommended this course to his Son, if he should ever fall into that accident.

A Dutch-man, who had been long in the East-Indies, told me, in one part of them where he had lived some time, the general remedy of all that were subject to the Gout, was rubbing with hands; and that whoever had Slaves enough to do that constantly every day, and relieve one another by turns till the motion raised a violent heat about the joynts where it was chiefly used, was never troubled much, or laid up by that disease.

My youngest Brother told me he had a Keeper very subject to it, but that it never laid him up, but he was still walking after his Deer or his Stud while he had the fits upon him, as at other times, and often from morning to night, though in pain all the while; This he [Page 225] gave me as one instance, that poor and toiling men have sometimes the Gout, and that many more may have it, who take no more notice of it than his Keeper did, who yet he confest used to bring the fits of Gout upon him, by fits of drinking, which no doubt is a receipt that will hardly fail if men grow old in the custom.

Monsieur Serinchamps told me, a Lorrain Surgeon had undertaken to cure it by a more extraordinary way than any of these, which was by whip­ping the naked part with a great Rod of Nettles till it grew all over blister­ed; and that he had once perswaded him to perform this penance in a sharp fit he had, and the pain in his knee so violent, as helped him to endure this remedy. He said it was cruel, that all where he was whipt, grew so angry, and swell'd as well as blister'd, that he thought it had given him a Fever that night; The next morning the part was all stiff as a boot, and the skin like parchmin; but that keeping it anoint­ed with a certain Oyl likewise of Net­tles, it past in two days, and the Gout [Page 226] too, without feeling any more pain that Fit.

All these things put together, with what a great Physician writes of Cures by whipping with Rods, and another with Holly, and by other cruelties of cutting, or burning, made me certainly conclude, that the Gout was a compa­nion that ought to be treated like an enemy, and by no means like a friend, and that grew troublesome chiefly by good usage; and this was confirmed to me, by considering that it haunted usu­ally the easie and the rich, the nice and the lazy, who grow to endure much, because they can endure little; That make much of it as soon as it comes, and yet leave not making much of themselves too; That take care to carry it presently to bed, and keep it safe and warm, and indeed lay up the Gout for two or three months, while they give out, that the Gout lays up them. On t'other side, it hardly ap­proaches the rough and the poor, such as labour for meat, and eat only for hunger; that drink water, either pure, or but discoloured with Malt; that [Page 227] know no use of wine, but for a Cor­dial, as it is, and perhaps was only in­tended; Or if such men happen by their native constitutions to fall into the Gout, either they mind it not at all, having no leisure to be sick; or they use it like a Dog, they walk on, or they toil and work as they did be­fore, they keep it wet and cold; or if they are laid up, they are perhaps forced by that to fast more than before; and if it lasts, they grow impatient, and fall to beat it, or whip it, or cut it, or burn it, and all this while perhaps never know the very name of the Gout.

But to follow my experiment: I past that Summer here at Nimmeguen, without the least remembrance of what had happen'd to me in the Spring, till about the end of September, and then began to feel a pain that I knew not what to make of, in the same joynt, but of my other foot: I had flattered my self with hopes, that the vapor had been exhaled, as my learned Authors had taught me, and that thereby the business had been ended; This made [Page 228] me neglect my Moxa for two days, the pain not being violent, till at last my foot begun to swell, and I could set it no longer to the ground. Then I fell to my Moxa again, and burnt it four times before the pain went clear away, as it did upon the last, and I walked at ease, as I had done the first time, and within six days after above a League without the least return of any pain.

I continued well till this Spring, when about the end of March feeling again the same pain, and in the same joynt, but of the first foot; and find­ing it grow violent, I immediately burnt it, and felt no more after the third time; was never off my legs, nor kept my Chamber a day. Upon both these last experiments, I omitted the application of Garlick, and contented my self with a Plaister only of Dia­palma upon the place that was burnt, which crusted and healed in very few days, and without any trouble. I have since continu'd perfectly well to this present June; and with so much confi­dence of the Cure, that I have been content to trouble my self some hours [Page 229] with telling the story, which, 'tis possible, may at one time or other be thought worth making publick, if I am further confirmed by more time and experi­ments of my own, or of others. And thereby I may not only satisfie Mon­sieur Zulichem, but my self too, who should be sorry to omit any good I thought I could do to other men, though never so unknown.

But this Cure, I suppose, cannot pretend to deal with inveterate Gouts, grown habitual by long and frequent returns, by dispositions of the stomack, to convert even the best nourishment into those humours, and the vessels to receive them. For such constitutions, by all I have discovered, or considered upon this subject, the Remedies (if any) are to be proposed either from a constant course of the Milken-dyet, continued at least for a year together; Or else from some of those methods, commonly used in the Cure of a worse disease (if at least I may be so bold with one that is much in vogue), the usual exceptions to the first, are not only so long a constraint, but the weak­ness [Page 230] of Spirits whilest it continues, and the danger of Fevers whenever 'tis left off. There may, I believe, be some Care necessary in this last point, upon so great a change; but for the other, I have met with no complaints among those that have used it; and Count Egmont, who has done so, more, I believe, than any other man, has told me He never found himself in so much vigour, as in the midst of that course. I have known so many great examples of this Cure, and heard of its being so familiar in Austria, that I wonder it has gained no more ground in other places, and am apt to conclude from it, that the loss of pain is generally thought to be pur­chased too dear by the loss of plea­sure.

For the other, I met with a Physi­cian whom I esteemed a man of truth, that told me of several great Cures of the Gout, by a course of Guiacum, and of two Patients of his own that had gone so far as to be fluxed for it, and with success. And indeed there seems nothing so proper, as what pretends to change the whole mass of the blood, [Page 231] or else a long course of violent perspi­ration. But the mischief is, that the Gout is commonly the disease of aged men, who cannot go through with these strong Remedies, which young men play with upon other occasions; and the reason, I suppose, why these ways are so little practised, is because it happens so seldom that young men have the Gout.

Let the disease be new or old, and the remedies either of common or for­reign growth, there is one Ingredient of absolute necessity in all cases: For whoever thinks of curing the Gout without great Temperance, had better resolve to endure it with patience: And I know not whether some desperate de­grees of Abstinence would not have the same effect upon other men, as they had upon Atticus, who weary of his Life as well as his Physicians, by long and cruel pains of a Dropsical Gout, and despairing of any Cure, resolved by degrees to starve himself to death, and went so far, that the Physicians found he had ended his disease instead of his Life; and told him, that to be [Page 232] well, there would need nothing but only resolving to live. His Answer was noble, That since dying was a thing to be done, and he was now so far on his way, he did not think it worth the while to return. This was said and done, and could indeed have been so by none but such a man as At­ticus, who was singular in his Life, as well as his Death; and has been ever, I confess, by me as much esteemed in both, as any of those that have made greater figures upon the busie Scenes of their own times, and since in Records of Story and of Fame.

But perhaps some such Methods might succeed with others upon the designs to live, as they did with him upon those to dye; and though such degrees may be too desperate, yet none of Temperance can, I think, be too great for those that pretend the Cure of inveterate Gouts, or indeed of most other Diseases to which Mankind is ex­posed rather by the viciousness than by the frailty of their natures. Temper­ance, That Virtue without Pride, and Fortune without Envy, that gives in­dolence [Page 233] of body, and tranquillity of mind; the best Guardian of youth and support of old age: The Precept of Reason, as well as Religion; and Physi­cian of the Soul as well as the Body; The Tutelar Goddess of Health, and universal medicine of Life, that clears the head, and cleanses the blood, that eases the stomack, and purges the bow­els, that strengthens the nerves, enligh­tens the eyes, and comforts the heart. In a word, that secures and perfects digestion, and thereby avoids the fumes and winds to which we owe the Col­lique and the Spleen; those crudities and sharp humours that feed the Scur­vey and the Gout, and those slimy dregs, out of which the Gravel and Stone are formed within us. Diseases by which we often condemn our selves to greater torments and miseries of life, than have perhaps been yet invented by Anger or Revenge, or inflicted by the greatest Tyrants upon the worst of men.

I do not allow the pretence of Tem­perance to all such as are seldom or ne­ver drunk, or fall into Surfeits; for [Page 234] men may lose their health without lo­sing their senses; and be intemperate every day, without being drunk per­haps once in their lives: Nay, for ought I know, if a man should pass the month in a Colledg-diet, without excess or variety of Meats or of Drinks, but only the last day give a loose in them both, and so far till it comes to serve him for Physick rather than food, and he utter his stomack as well as his heart; He may as to the considerations of Health, do much bet­ter than another that eats every day but as men do generally in England, who pretend to live well in Court or in Town; that is in Plenty and Luxu­ry, with great variety of meats, and a dozen glasses of Wine at a meal, still spurring up appetite when it would lye down of it self; flusht every day, but never drunk; and with the help of dozing three hours after dinner, as so­ber and wise as they were before.

But that which I call Temperance, and reckon so necessary in all attemps and methods of curing the Gout, is a regular and simple dyet, limited by [Page 235] every mans experience of his own ea­sie digestion, and thereby proportion­ing as near, as well as can be, the daily repairs to the daily decays of our wast­ing bodies. Nor can this be deter­mined by measures and weights, or any general Lessian rules; but must vary with the vigor or decays of Age or of Health, and the use or disuse of Air, or of Exercise, with the changes of Appetite; and then by what every man may find or suspect of the present strength or weakness of digestion: And in case of Excesses, I take the German Proverbial Cure by a hair of the same beast, to be the worst in the world; and the best to be that which is called the Monks Diet, to eat till you are sick, and fast till you are well a­gain. In all courses of the Gout, the most effectual point I take to be absti­nence from Wine, further than as a Cordial where faintness or want of spi­rits require it; And the use of water, where the stomack will bear it, as I be­lieve most mens will, and with great ad­vantage of digestion, unless they are spoiled with long and constant use of [Page 236] Wines or other strong drinks. In that case they must be weaned, and the ha­bit changed by degrees, and with time, for fear of falling into Consumptions, instead of recovering Dropsies or Gouts. But the Wines used by those that feel or fear this Disease, or pursue the Cure, should rather be Spanish or Por­tugal, than either French or Rhenish; and of the French, rather the Provence or Languedoc, than the Bordeaux or Champagne; and of the Rhenish, the Ringaw and Bleker, of which at least it may be said that they do not so much harm as the others.

But I have known so great Cures, and so many, done by obstinate resolu­tions of drinking no Wine at all, that I put more weight upon that part of Temperance, than any other. And I doubt very much whether the great en­crease of that Disease in England with­in these twenty years, may not have been occasioned by the custom of much Wine introduced into our constant and common Tables. For this use may be more pernicious to health, than that of Taverns and Debauches according [Page 237] to the old style, which were but by fits, and upon set or casual encounters. I have sometimes thought that this cu­stom of using Wine for our common drink, may alter in time the very Con­stitution of our Nation, I mean the na­tive tempers of our bodies and minds, and cause a heat and sharpness in our humours, which is not natural to our Climate. Our having been denied it by nature, is argument enough that it was never intended us for common use; nor do I believe it was so in any other Countreys, there being so small a part of the world where it grows; and where it does, the use of it pure being so little practised, and in some places defended by Customs or Laws. So the Turks have not known it, unless of late years; and I have met with many Spa­niards that never tasted it pure in their lives; Nor in the time when I was in France, did I observe any I converst with to drink it unmixt at meals. The true use of Wine, is either as I menti­oned, for a Cordial; and I believe there is not a better to such as drink it sel­dom; Or else what the Mother of Le­muel [Page 238] tells her son, Give strong drink to him that is ready to perish, and wine to those that are heavy of heart; let him drink and forget his poverty, and remem­ber his misery no more. At least it ought to be reserv'd for the times and occasions of feasts and of joy, and be treated like a Mistress rather than a Wife, without abandoning either our wits to our humours, or our health to our pleasure, or that of one sense to those of all the rest, which I doubt it impairs. This Philosophy I suppose may pass with the youngest and most sensual men, while they pretend to be reasonable; but whenever they have a mind to be otherwise, the best way they can take, is to drink or to sleep, and either of them will serve the turn.