[Page] TREATISES OF

  • 1. The Liberty of Prophesying.
  • 2. Prayer Ex Tempore.
  • 3. Episcopacie.

TOGETHER WITH A Sermon preached at Oxon. on the Anni­versary of the 5. of November.

By IER. TAYLOR, D. D. Chaplaine in Ordinary to His MAJESTY.

LONDON, Printed for R. ROYSTON, at the Angel in Ivie-lane. 1648.

[Page]

ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΕΚΛΕΚΤΙΚΗ. THE Liberty of Prophesying. (With it's just limits and temper.

W. Marshall sculpsit.

[Page] ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΕΚΛΕΚΤΙΚΗ. A DISCOURSE OF The Liberty of Prophesying. SHEWING THE UNREASONABLENES of prescribing to other mens Faith, and the Iniquity of persecuting differing opinions.

By IER: TAYLOR, D. D. Chaplaine in Ordinarie to His MAJESTIE.

LONDON, Printed for R. ROYSTON, at the Angel in Ivie-lane. 1647.

To the Right Honourable CHRISTOPHER Lord HATTON, Baron HATTON of Kirby; Comptroler of His Majesties Houshold, and one of His Majesties most Honourable Priyie Councell.

My Lord,

IN this great Storm which hath dasht the Vessell of the Church all in pieces, I have been cast upon the Coast of Wales, and in a little Boat thought to have enjoyed that rest and quiet­nesse, which in England in a greater I could not hope for: Here I cast Anchor, and thinking to ride safely, the Storm followed me with so impetuous violence, that it broke a Cable, and I lost my An­chor: And here again I was exposed to the mercy of the Sea, and the gentlenesse of an Element that could neither distinguish things nor persons. And but that he who stilleth the raging of the Sea, and the noise of his Waves, and the madnesse of his [Page] people, had provided a Plank for me, I had been lost to all the opportunities of content or study. But I know not whether I have been more preser­ved by the courtesies of my friends, or the gentle­nesse and mercies of a noble Enemy: [...]. And now since I have come ashoar, I have been ga­thering a few sticks to warm me, a few books to entertain my thoughts, and divert them from the perpetuall Meditation of my private Troubles, and the publike Dyscrasy, but those which I could ob­tain were so few and so impertinent, and unusefull to any great purposes, that I began to be sad upon a new stock, and full of apprehension that I should live unprofitably, and die obscurely, and be forgot­ten, and my bones thrown into some common char­nell house, without any name or note to distinguish me from those who only served their Generation by filling the number of Citizens, and who could pre­tend to no thanks or reward from the Publike, be­yond a jus trium liberorum. While I was troubled with these thoughts, and busie to find out an oppor­tunity of doing some good in my small proporti­on, still the cares of the publike did so intervene, that it was as impossible to separate my design from relating to the present, as to exempt my selfe from the participation of the common calamity; still halfe my thoughts was (in despite of all my diversions and arts of avocation) fixt upon and mingled with the present concernments: so that besides them I could [Page] not goe. Now because the great Question is concer­ning Religion, and in that also my Scene lies, I re­solved here to fix my considerations, especially when I observed the wayes of promoting the severall opi­nions which now are busie, to be such, as besides that they were most troublesome to me, and such as I could by no meanes be friends withall, they were also such as to my understanding, did the most appa­rently disserve their ends whose design in advancing their own opinions was pretended for Religion: For as contrary as cruelty is to mercy, as tyranny to charity, so is warre and bloodshed to the meeknesse and gentlenesse of Christian Religion: And how­ever that there are some exterminating spirits who think God to delight in humane sacrifices, as if that Oracle— [...], had come from the Father of Spirits, yet if they were capable of coole and tame Homilies, or would hear men of other opinions give a quiet account without invincible resolutions never to alter their perswasi­ons, I am very much perswaded it would not be ve­ry hard to dispute such men into mercies and com­pliances, and Tolerations mutuall, such I say, who are zealous for Jesus Christ; then whose Doctrine never was any thing more mercifull and humane, whose lessons were softer then Nard, or the juice of the Candian Olive: Upon the first apprehension, I design'd a Discourse to this purpose, with as much greedinesse as if I had thought it possible with my Arguments to have perswaded the rough and hard handed Souldiers to have disbanded presently: For [Page 4] I had often thought of the Prophecy that in the Go­spel, our swords should be turned into plowshares, and our Speares into pruning hooks; I knew that no tittle spoken by Gods Spirit could return unperform'd and ineffectuall, and I was certain, that such was the ex­cellency of Christ's Doctrine, that if men would obey it, Christians should never warre one against ano­ther; in the mean time I considered not, that it was praedictio consilii, non eventus, till I saw what men were now doing, and ever had done since the heats and primitive fervours did coole, and the love of inte­rests sweld higher then the love of Christianity; but then on the other side, I began to fear that whatever I could say would be as ineffectuall, as it could be reasonable: For if those excellent words which our blessed Master spake, could not charm the tumult of our spirits, I had little reason to hope that one of the meanest and most ignorant of his servants could ad­vance the end of that which he cals his great, and his old, and his new Commandement, so well as the excellency of his own Spirit and discourses could. And yet since he who knew every event of things, and the successe and efficacy of every Doctrine; and that very much of it to most men, and all of it to some men would be ineffectuall, yet was pleased to consign our duty that it might bee a direction to them that would, and a conviction and a Testimony against them that would not obey, I thought it might not misbecome my duty and endevours to plead for peace and charity, and forgivenesse and permissions mutuall, although I had reason to believe [Page 5] that such is the iniquity of men, and they so indispo­sed to receive such impresses, that I had as good plow the Sands, or till the Aire, as perswade such Doctrines, which destroy mens interests, and serve no end but the great end of a happy eternity, and what is in order to it. But because the events of things are in Gods disposition, and I knew them not, and because if I had known my good purpo­ses would be totally ineffectuall as to others, yet my own designation and purposes would be of advan­tage to my selfe, who might from Gods mercy ex­pect the retribution which he is pleased to promise to all pious intendments; I resolved to encounter with all Objections, and to doe something to which I should be determined by the consideration of the present distemperatures and necessities, by my own thoughts, by the Questions and Scruples, the Sects and names, the interests and animosities which at this day, and for some years past have exercised and disquieted Christendome.

Thus farre I discourst my selfe into imployment, and having come thus farre, I knew not how to get farther, for I had heard of a great experience, how difficult it was to make Brick without Straw, and here I had even seene my design blasted in the bud, and I despaired in the Calends of doing what I pur­posed in the Ides before: For I had no Books of my own here, nor any in the voisinage, and but that I remembred the result of some of those excellent Discourses, I had heard your Lordship make when I was so happy as in private to gather up what your [Page] temperance and modesty, forbids to be publick, I had come in praelia inermis, and like enough might have far'd accordingly. I had this only advantage besides; that I have chosen a Subject, in which, if my own reason does not abuse me, I needed no other books or aides, then what a man carries with him on horse-back, I meane the common principles of Christianity, and those [...] which men use in the transactions of the ordinary occurrences of ci­vill society; and upon the strength of them and some other collaterall assistances I have run through it utcunque, and the sum of the following Discour­ses, is nothing but the sense of these words of Scripture;

That since we know in part, and prophesy in part, 1 Cor. 13. and that now we see through a glasse darkly, wee should not despise or contemn persons not so know­ing as our selves, but him that is weak in the faith Rom. 14. we should receive, but not to doubtfull disputations; Therefore certainly to charity, and not to vexati­ons, not to those which are the idle effects of im­pertinent wranglings. And provided they keep close to the foundation, which is Faith and Obedience, let them build upon this foundation matter more or lesse precious, yet if the foundation be intire, they shall be saved with or without losse. And since we professe our selves servants of so meek a Master, and Di­sciples of so charitable an Institute, Let us walk worthy of the vocation wherewith we are called with all lowlinesse and meeknesse, with long suffering, for­bearing Ephes. 4. 2, 3. one another in love; for this is the best en­deavouring [Page] to keep the unity of the Spirit, when it is fast tyed in the bond of peace. And although it be a duty of Christianity, that we all speak the 1 Cor. 1. 10. same thing, that there be no divisions among us, but that we be perfectly joyned together in the same mind, and in the same judgement, yet this unity is to bee estimated according to the unity of faith, in things necessary, in matters of Creed, and Articles fun­damentall; for as for other things, it is more to be wished then to be hoped for; there are some doubtfull Disputations, and in such the Scribe, the Rom. 14. Wise, the Disputer of this world, are most common­ly very farre from certainty, and many times from truth: There are diversity of perswasions in matters adiaphorous, as meats and drinks, and holy dayes, &c. and both parties, the affirmative and the negative, affirm and deny with innocence enough, for the obser­ver and he that observes not, intend both to God; and God is our common Master, we all fellow servants, and not the judge of each other, in matters of conscience or doubtfull Disputation: And every man that hath faith must have it to himselfe before God, but no man must either in such matters judge his brother or set him at nought; but let us follow after the things which make for peace, and things wherewith one may edifie another: And the way to doe that is not by know­ledge, but by charity, for knowledge puffeth up, but 1 Cor. 8. 1. charity edifieth; and since there is not in every man the same knowledge, but the conscience of some are Vers. 7. weak; as my liberty must not be judged of another 1 Cor. 10. 29. mans weak conscience, so must not I please my selfe so [Page 8] much in my right opinion, but I must also take or­der that his weak conscience be not offended or de­spised, for no man must seek his own but every man Ibid, anothers wealth: And although we must contend ear­nestly for the faith, yet above all things we must put on charity which is the bond of perfectnesse: And there­fore this contention must be with arms fit for the Christian warfare, the sword of the Spirit, and the shield of Faith, and preparation of the Gospel of peace instead of shooes, and a helmet of salvation, but not with Colos. 3. 14. other armes; for a Church-man must not be [...], a striker, for the weapons of our warfare are not carnall but spirituall, and the persons that use them ought to be gentle, and easy to be intreated, and we must give an account of our faith to them that ask us with meeknesse and humility, for so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may put to silence the igno­rance of foolish men. These and thousands more to the same purpose are the Doctrines of Christianity, whose sense and intendment I have prosecuted in the following Discourse, being very much displeased that so many opinions and new doctrines are commenc'd among us, but more troubled that every man that hath an opinion thinks his own and other mens sal­vation is concern'd in its maintenance, but most of all that men should be persecuted and afflicted for disagreeing in such opinions which they cannot with sufficient grounds obtrude upon others neces­sarily, because they cannot propound them infalli­bly, and because they have no warrant from Scrip­ture so to doe: For if I shall tie other men to believe [Page 9] my opinion, because I think I have place of Scrip­ture, which seems to warrant it to my understanding, why may he not serve up another dish to me in the same dresse, and exact the same task of me to believe the contradictory: And then since all the Hereticks in the world have offered to prove their Articles by the same meanes by which true believers propound theirs, it is necessary that some separation either of Doctrine or of persons be clearly made, that all pre­tences may not be admitted, nor any just Allegati­ons be rejected; and yet that in some other Questions whether they be truly or falsly pretended if not evi­dently or demonstratively, there may be considerati­ons had to the persons of men and to the Laws of charity more then to the triumphing in any opini­on or doctrine not simply necessary. Now because some doctrines are clearly not necessary, and some are absolutely necessary, why may not the first separation be made upon this difference, and Articles necessary be only urg'd as necessary, and the rest left to men indifferently, as they were by the Scripture indetermi­nately. And it were well if men would as much con­sider themselves as the Doctrines, and think that they may as well be deceiv'd by their own weaknesse, as perswaded by the Arguments of a Doctrine which other men, as wise, call inevident. For it is a hard case that we shall think all Papists and Anabaptists and Sacramentaries to be fooles and wicked per­sons, certainly among all these Sects there are very many wise men and good men, as well as erring; and although some zeales are so hot, and their eyes so [Page 10] inflamed with their ardors, that they doe not think their Adversaries look like other men, yet certainly we find by the results of their discourses, and the transactions of their affaires of civill society, that they are men that speak and make syllogismes, and use reason, and read Scripture, and although they do no more understand all of it, then we doe, yet they endeavour to understand as much as concerns them, even all that they can, even all that concerns repen­tance from dead works, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ: And therefore me thinks this also should be another consideration distinguishing the persons, for if the persons be Christians in their lives, and Christians in their profession, if they acknowledge the Eternall Sonne of God for their Master and their Lord, and live in all relations as becomes persons making such professions, why then should I hate such persons whom God loves, and who love God, who are partakers of Christ, and Christ hath a title to them, who dwell in Christ, and Christ in them, be­cause their understandings have not been brought up like mine, have not had the same Masters, they have not met with the same books, nor the same compa­ny, or have not the same interest, or are not so wise, or else are wiser, (that is, for some reason or other which I neither doe understand, nor ought to blame) have not the same opinions that I have, and do not determine their Schoole Questions to the sense of my Sect or interest.

But now I know before hand, that those men who will endure none but their own Sect, will make all [Page 11] manner of attemps against these purposes of cha­rity and compliance, and say I, or doe I what I can, will tell all their Proselytes that I preach indiffe­rency of Religion, that I say it is no matter how we believe, nor what they professe: But that they may comply with all Sects, and doe violence to their own consciences, that they may be sav'd in all Religions, and so make way for a colluvies of He­resies, and by consequence destroy all Religion. Nay, they will say worse then all this, and but that I am not used to their phrases and formes of de­clamation, I am perswaded I might represent fine Tragedies before hand. And this will be such an objection, that although I am most confident I shall make apparent to be as false and scandalous as the Objectors themselves are zealous and impatient, yet besides that, I believe the Objection will come where my answers will not come, or not be understood; I am also confident that in defiance and incurious­nesse of all that I shall say, some men will persist per­tinaciously in the accusation, and deny my con­clusion in despite of mee: well, but however I will try.

And first I answer, that whatsoever is against the foundation of Faith, or contrary to good life and the lawes of obedience, or destructive to humane society, and the publick and just interests of bodies politick, is out of the limits of my Question, and does not pretend to complyance or toleration: So that I allow no indifferency, nor any countenance to those Religions whose principles destroy Govern­ment, [Page 12] nor to those Religions (if there be any such) that teach ill life, nor doe I think that any thing will now excuse from beliefe of a fundamentall Ar­ticle, except stupidity or sottishnesse and naturall inhability. This alone is sufficient answer to this vanity, but I have much more to say.

Secondly, The intendment of my Discourse is, that permissions should be in Questions speculative, indeterminable, curious, and unnecessary, and that men would not make more necessities then God made, which indeed are not many. The fault I find and seek to remedy is, that men are so dogmaticall and resolute in their opinions, and impatient of others disagreeings in those things wherein is no sufficient meanes of union and determination, but that men should let opinions and problemes keep their own forms, and not be obtruded as axiomes, nor questions in the vast collection of the systeme of Divinity, be adopted into the family of Faith: And I think I have reason to desire this.

Thirdly, It is hard to say, that he who would not have men put to death, or punished corporally for such things, for which no humane Authority is sufficient either for cognisance or determination, or competent for infliction, that he perswades to an indifferency, when he referres to another Judi­catory, which is competent, sufficient, infallible, just, and highly severe. No man or company of men can judge or punish our thoughts, or secret purposes whilest they so remaine, and yet it will be unequall to say, that he who owns this Doctrine preaches it [Page 13] lawfull for men to think or purpose what they will. And so it is in matters of doubtfull disputation (such as are the distinguishing Articles of most of the Sects of Christendome:) So it is in matters intellectuall (which are not cognoscible by a secular power) in matters spirituall (which are to be discerned by spi­rituall Authority, which cannot make corporall in­flictions) and in Questions indeterminate, (which are doubtfully propounded or obscurely, and therefore may be in utramque partem disputed or believed;) for God alone must be Judge of these matters, who alone is Master of our souls, and hath a dominion over humane understanding, and he that sayes this, does not say that indifferency is perswaded, because God alone is Judge of erring persons.

Fourthly, No part of this Discourse teaches or en­courages variety of Sects, and contradiction in opi­nions, but supposes them already in being, and there­fore since there are, and ever were, and ever will be variety of opinions, because there is variety of hu­mane understandings, and uncertainty in things, no man should be too forward in determining all Que­stions, nor so forward in prescribing to others, nor invade that liberty which God hath left to us intire by propounding many things obscurely, and by ex­empting our souls and understandings from all power externally compulsory: So that the restraint is laid upon mens tyranny, but no license given to mens opinions, they are not considered in any of the Con­clusions, but in the premises only as an Argument to exhort to charity. So that if I perswade a license [Page 14] of discrediting any thing which God hath comman­ded us to believe, and allow a liberty where God hath not allowed it, let it be shewn, and let the Objection presse as hard as it can; but to say that men are too forward in condemning where God hath declared no sentence nor prescribed any rule; is to disswade from tyranny, not to encourage licentiousnesse, is to take away a license of judging, not to give a license of dogmatizing what every one please, or as may best serve his turn. And for the other part of the Objection;

Fifthly, This Discourse is so farre from giving leave to men to professe any thing though they believe the contrary, that it takes order that no man shall bee put to it, for I earnestly contend that another mans opinion shall be no rule to mine, and that my opinion shall be no snare and prejudice to my selfe, that men use one another so charitably and so gently, that no errour or violence tempt men to hypocrisy, this very thing being one of the Arguments I use to perswade permissions, lest compulsion introduce hypocrisy, and make sincerity troublesome and un­safe.

Sixthly, If men would not call all opinions by the name of Religion, and superstructures by the name of fundamentall Articles, and all fancies by the glorious appellative of Faith, this objection would have no pretence or footing, so that it is the disease of the men, not any cause that is mini­stred by such precepts of charity that makes them perpetually clamorous: And it would be hard to say [Page 15] that such Physitians are incurious of their Pati­ents, and neglectfull of their health, who speak a­gainst the unreasonablenesse of such Empericks that would cut off a mans head if they see but a Wart upon his cheek, or a dimple upon his chin, or any lines in his face to distinguish him from another man; the case is altogether the same, and we may as well decree a Wart to be mortall as a various opinion in re alioqui non necessariâ to be capitall and damnable.

For I consider, that there are but few Doctrines of Christianity, that were ordered to be preached to all the world, to every single person, and made a necessary Article of his explicite beliefe: Other Doctrines which are all of them not simply necessa­ry, are either such as are not clearly revealed, or such as are: If they be clearely revealed, and that I know so too, or may, but for my own fault, I am not to be excused, but for this I am to be left to Gods judgement, unlesse my fault be externally such as to be cognoscible and punishable in humane ju­dicatory: But then, if it be not so revealed but that wise men and good men differ in their opini­ons, it is a clear case, it is not inter dogmata ne­cessaria simpliciter, and then it is certain I may there­fore safely disbelieve it, because I may be safely ig­norant of it: For if I may with innocence be ig­norant, then to know it or believe it, is not sim­ply obligatory; ignorance is absolutely inconsi­stent with such an obligation, because it is destructive [Page 16] and a plaine negative to its performance, and if I doe my honest endeavour to understand it, and yet doe not attain it, it is certain that is not obliga­tory to me so much as by accident, for no obliga­tion can presse the person of a man, if it be impos­sible, no man is bound to doe more then his best, no man is bound to have an excellent understand­ing, or to be infallible, or to be wiser then he can, for these are things that are not in his choyce, and therefore not a matter of a Law, nor subject to re­ward and punishment; so that where ignorance of the Article is not a sin, there disbelieving it in the right sense, or believing it in the wrong, is not breach of any duty, essentially or accidentally ne­cessary, neither in the thing it selfe, nor to the per­son; that is, he is neither bound to the Article, nor to any endeavours or antecedent acts of voliti­on and choyce, and that man who may safely bee ignorant of the proposition, is not tyed at all to search it out, and if not at all to search it, then certainly not to find it: All the obligation we are capable of, is not to be malicious or voluntarily criminall in any kind, and then if by accident we find out a truth, we are obliged to believe it; and so will every wise or good man doe; indeed he can­not doe otherwise: But if he disbelieves an Article without malice, or design, or involuntarily, or un­knowingly, it is contradiction to say it is a sinne to him who might totally have been ignorant of it; for that he believes it in the wrong sense, it is his [Page 17] ignorance, and it is impossible that where hee hath heartily endeavoured to finde out a truth, that this endeavour should make him guilty of a sinne, which would never have been laid to his charge, if he had taken no paines at all: His ignorance in this case is not a fault at all; possibly it might, if there had been no endea­vour to have cur'd it.

So that there is wholly a mistake in this pro­position: For true it is, there are some pro­positions, which if a man never heare of, they will not be required of him; and they who can­not read might safely be ignorant, that Mel­chizedeck was King of Salem; but he who reads it in the Scripture, may not safely contradict it, although before that knowledge did arrive to him, he might safely have been ignorant of it: But this although it be true, is not perti­nent to our Question; For in sensu diviso this is true, that which at one time a man may be ignorant of, at some other time he may not disbelieve: But in sensu conjuncto it is false; For at what time, and in what circumstance so­ever it is no sinne to be ignorant, at that time and in that conjuncture, it is no sinne to disbe­lieve; and such is the nature of all Questions disputable, which are therefore not required of us to bee believed in any one particular sense, because the nature of the thing is such as not to be necessary to be known at all simply and [Page 18] absolutely, and such is the ambiguity and cloud of its face and representment as not to be ne­cessary so much as by accident, and there­fore not to the particular sence of any one person.

And yet such is the iniquity of men, that they suck in opinions as wild Asses doe the wind, without distinguishing the wholesome from the corrupted ayre, and then live upon it at a ven­ture, and when all their confidence is built up­on zeale and mistake, yet therefore because they are zealous and mistaken, they are impatient of contradiction.

But besides that against this I have laid pre­judice enough from the dictates of holy Scrip­ture, it is observable that this with its appen­dant degrees, I meane restraint of Prophesying, imposing upon other mens understanding, being masters of their consciences, and lording it over their Faith, came in with the retinue and traine of Antichrist, that is, they came as other abuses and corruptions of the Church did, by reason of the iniquity of times, and the cooling of the first heats of Christianity, and the encrease of interest, and the abatements of Christian sim­plicity, when the Churches fortune grew bet­ter, and her Sonnes grew worse, and some of her Fathers worst of all; For in the first three hundred years there was no sign of persecuting any man for his opinion, though at that time [Page 19] there were very horrid opinions commenced, and such which were exemplary and parallel enough to determine this Question; for they then were assaulted by new Sects which destroyed the common principles of nature, of Christia­nity, of innocence and publike society; and they who used all the meanes Christian and Spiritu­all for their disimprovement and conviction, thought not of using corporall force, otherwise then by blaming such proceedings: And there­fore I doe not only urge their not doing it as an Argument of the unlawfulnesse of such pro­ceeding, but their defying it and speaking against such practises, as unreasonable and destructive of Christianity: For so Tertullian is expresse, Hu­mani Ad Scapulat. juris & naturalis potestatis, unicuique quod putaverit colere, sed nec religionis est cogere re­ligionem, quae suscipi debet sponte non vi: The same is the Doctrine of S. Cyprian, Lactantius, S. Hilary, Minutius Felix, Sulpitius Severus, S. Chrysostome, S. Hierom, S. Austin, Damascen, Theophylact, Socrates Scholasticus, and S. Ber­nard, as they are severally referr'd to and urg'd upon occasion in the following Discourse.

To which I adde, that all wise Princes till they were overborn with faction or sollicited by peevish persons, gave Toleration to differing Sects, whose opinions did not disturb the pub­like interest: But at first, there were some he­reticall persons that were also impatient of an [Page 20] Adversary, and they were the men who at first entreated the Emperours to persecute the Ca­tholicks; but till foure hundred yeares after Christ, no Catholick persons, or very few, did provoke the secular arme, or implore its aide against the Hereticks, save only that Arrius be­hav'd himselfe so seditiously and tumultuarily, that the Nicene Fathers procur'd a temporary Decree for his relegation, but it was soon taken off and God left to be his Judge, who indeed did it to some purpose, when he was trusted with it and the matter wholly left to him.

But as the Ages grew worse, so men grew more cruell and unchristian, and in the Greek Church Atticus, and Nestorius of Constantinople, Theodosius of Synada, and some few others who had forgotten the mercies of their great Master, and their own duty, grew implacable and furious and impatient of contradiction. It was a bold and an arrogant speech which Ne­storius made in his Sermon before Theodosius the younger, Da mihi, O Imperator, terram ab hae­reticis repurgatam, & ego tibi vicissim coelum dabo: Disperde mecum haereticos, & ego tecum disperdam Persas: It was as groundlesse and unwarrantable, as it was bloody and inhu­mane.

And we see the contrary events prove truer, then this groundlesse and unlearned promise; for Theodosius and Valentinian were prosperous [Page 21] Princes, and have to all Ages a precious me­mory, and the reputation of a great piety; but they were so farre from doing what Nestorius had suggested, that they restrained him from his violence and immanity, and Theodosius did highly commend the good Bishop Proclus for his sweetnesse of deportment towards erring persons, far above the cruelty of his Predecessor Atticus: And the experience which Christendom hath had in this last Age is Argument enough, that Toleration of differing opinions is so farre from disturbing the publick peace, or destroy­ing the interest of Princes and Common-Wealths, that it does advantage to the publick, it secures peace, because there is not so much as the pretence of Religion left to such persons to contend for it, being already indulged to them. When France fought against the Hu­guenots, the spilling of her own blood was argument enough of the imprudence of that way of promoting Religion; but since she hath given permission to them, the world is wit­nesse how prosperous she hath been ever since: But the great instance is in the differing tem­per, Government and successe which Margaret of Parma, and the Duke of Alva had: The clemency of the first had almost extinguished the flame; but when she was removed, D' Alva succeeded and managed the matter of Religion with fire and sword; he made the flame so great, [Page 22] that his Religion and his Prince too hath both been almost quite turned out of the Countrey. Pelli è medio sapientiam, quoties vi res agitur, said Ennius; and therefore the best of men, and the most glorious of Princes were alwayes rea­dy to give Toleration, but never to make execu­tions for matters disputable: Eusebius in his se­cond Book of the life of Constantine reports these words of the Emperour, Parem cum fide­libus ii qui errant, pacis & quietis fruitionem gaudentes accipiant: Ipsa siquidem communica­tionis & societatis restitutio ad rectam etiam ve­ritatis viam perducere potest. Nemo cui quam mo­lestus sit, quisque quod animo destinat hoc etiam faciat.

And indeed there is great reason for Princes to give Toleration to disagreeing persons, whose opinions by faire meanes cannot be al­tered; for if the persons be confident, they will serve God according to their perswasions; and if they be publikely prohibited, they will pri­vately convene, and then all those inconveni­ences and mischiefes which are Arguments a­gainst the permission of Conventicles, are Argu­ments for the publick permissions of differing Religions, because the denying of the publick worship will certainly produce private Conven­ticles, against which all wise Princes and Com­mon-Wealths have upon great reasons made E­dicts and severe Sanctions, Quic quid enim agitur [Page 23] absente rege, in caput ejus plerunque redundat, say the Politicks: For the face of a man is as the face of a Lion, and scatters all base machi­nations which breath not but in the dark: It is a proverbiall saying, quod nimia familiaritas servorum est conspiratio adversus Dominum, and they who for their security runne into grots and cellars, and retirements, think that they be­ing upon the defensive, those Princes and those Lawes that drive them to it are their Enemies, and therefore they cannot be secure, unlesse the power of the one, and the obligation of the other be lessened and rescinded; and then the being restrained and made miserable, endeares the discontented persons mutually, and makes more hearty and dangerous Confederations. King Iames of blessed memory, in his Letters to the States of the United Provinces, dated 6 March. 1613. Thus wrote .... Magis autem è re fore si sopiantur authoritate publicâ, ita ut prohibeatis Ministros vestros ne eas disputatio­nes in suggestum aut ad plebem ferant, ac districtè imperetis ut pacem colant se invicem Tolerando in istâ opinionum ac sententiarum discrepantiâ: ..... Eoque justiùs videmur vobis hoc ipsum suadere debere quòd neutram comperimus adeò deviam ut non possint & cum fidei Christia­nae veritate, & cum animarum salute consi­stere, &c. The like Councell in the divisions of Germany, at the first Reformation was thought [Page 24] reasonable by the Emperour Ferdinand, and his excellent Sonne Maximilian; For they had ob­served that violence did exasperate, was un­blessed, unsuccessefull and unreasonable, and therefore they made Decrees of Toleration, and appointed tempers and expedients to be drawn up by discreet persons, and George Cassander was design'd to this great work, and did some­thing towards it: And Emanuel Philibert, D. of Savoy repenting of his warre undertaken for Religion against the Pedemontans, promised them Toleration, and was as good as his word: As much is done by the Nobility of Polonia. So that the best Princes and the best Bishops gave Toleration and Impunities; but it is known that the first Persecutions of disagreeing per­sons were by the Arrians, by the Circumcelli­ans and Donatists, and from them, they of the Church took examples, who in small numbers did sometime perswade it, sometime practise it. And among the Greeks it became a publick and authorized practise, till the Question of Images grew hot and high; for then the Worshippers of Images having taken their example from the Empresse Irene, who put her Sonnes eyes out for making an Edict against Images, began to be as cruell as they were deceived, especially be­ing encouraged by the Popes of Rome, who then blew the coales to some purpose.

And that I may upon this occasion give ac­count [Page 25] of this affaire in the Church of Rome, it is remarkable that till the time of Iustinian the Emperour, A. D. 525. the Catholicks and Novatians had Churches indifferently permit­ted even in Rome it selfe, but the Bishops of Rome whose interest was much concerned in it, spoke much against it, and laboured the era­dication of the Novatians, and at last when they got power into their hands they served them accordingly, but it is observed by So­crates that when the first Persecution was made against them at Rome by Pope Innocent I, at the same instant the Gothes invaded Italy, and be­came Lords of all, it being just in God to bring a Persecution upon them for true beliefe, who with an incompetent Authority and insufficient grounds doe persecute an errour lesse materi­all, in persons agreeing with them in the pro­fession of the same common faith. And I have heard it observ'd as a blessing upon S. Austin (who was so mercifull to erring persons as the greatest part of his life in all senses, even when he had twice chang'd his mind, yet to Tole­rate them, and never to endure they should be given over to the secular power to be kild) that the very night the Vandals set down be­fore his City of Hippo to besiege it, he dyed and went to God, being (as a reward of his mercifull Doctrine) taken from the miseries to come, and yet that very thing was also a par­ticular [Page 26] issue of the Divine Providence upon that City, who not long before had altered their profession into truth by force, and now were falling into their power, who afterward by a greater force turned them to be Arrians.

But in the Church of Rome, the Popes were the first Preachers of force and violence in matters of opinion, and that so zealously, that Pope Vigilius suffered himselfe to be imprisoned and handled roughly by the Emperour Iustinian, rather then he would consent to the restituti­on and peace of certain disagreeing persons, but as yet it came not so farre as death. The first that preached that Doctrine was Dominick, the Founder of the Begging Orders of Friers, the Friers Preachers; in memory of which the Inquisition is intrusted only to the Friers of his Order; and if there be any force in dreams, or truth in Legends (as there is not much in either) this very thing might be signified by his Mothers dreame, who the night before Do­minick was born, dream'd she was brought to Bed of a huge Dog with a fire-brand in his mouth: Sure enough, however his disciples ex­pound the dreame, it was a better sign that he should prove a rabid, furious Incendiary, then any thing else; whatever he might be in the other parts of his life, in this Doctrine he was not much better, as appears in his deportment toward the Albigenses, against whom hee so [Page 27] preached, adeo quidem ut centum haereticorum millia ab octo millibus Catholicorum fusa & in­terfecta fuisse perhibeantur, saith one of him; and of those who were taken, 180 were burnt to death, because they would not abjure their Doctrine: This was the first example of putting erring persons to death, that I find in the Roman Church; For about 170 years before, B. Bruno Be­rengarianes è suâ diocesi expulit, non morti aut sup­pliciis corpo­ralibus tradi­dit. Berengarius fell into opinion concerning the blessed Sacrament which they cald Heresy, and recanted, and relapsed, and recanted againe, and fell again two or three times, saith Gerson writing against Romant of the Rose, and yet he died siccâ morte his own naturall death, and with hope of Heaven, and yet Hildebrand was once his judge, which shewes that at that time Rome was not come to so great heigths of blood­shed. In England, although the Pope had as great power here as any where, yet there were no Executions for matter of opinion known till the time of Henry the Fourth, who (because he Usurped the Crown) was willing by all means to endeare the Clergy by destroying their Ene­mies, that so he might be sure of them to all his purposes. And indeed, it may become them well enough, who are wiser in their generati­ons then the children of light, it may possibly serve the pollicies of evill persons, but never the pure and chaste designs of Christianity, which admits no blood but Christs, and the imitating [Page 28] blood of Martyrs, but knowes nothing how to serve her ends, by persecuting any of her erring children.

By this time I hope it will not be thought reasonable to say, he that teaches mercy to er­ring persons, teaches indifferency in Religion, unlesse so many Fathers, and so many Churches, and the best of Emperours, and all the world (till they were abused by Tyranny, Popery, and Faction) did teach indifferency, for I have shewn that Christianity does not punish corporally, persons erring spiritually, but indeed Popery does; The Donatists, and Circumcellians, and Arrians, and the Itaciani, they of old did: In the middle Ages, the Patrons of Images did, and the Papists at this day doe, and have done ever since they were taught it by their S. Do­minick.

Seventhly, And yet after all this, I have some­thing more to exempt my selfe from the clamour of this Objection: For let all errours be as much and as zealously suppressed as may be, (the Do­ctrine of the following Discourse contradicts not that) but let it be done by such meanes as are proper instruments of their suppression, by Preaching and Disputation (so that neither of them breed disturbance) by charity and sweet­nesse, by holinesse of life, assiduity of exhorta­tion, by the word of God and prayer.

For these wayes are most naturall, most prudent, [Page 29] most peaceable, and effectuall. Only let not men be hasty in calling every dislik'd opinion by the name of Heresy, and when they have re­solved, that they will call it so, let them use the erring person like a brother, not beat him like a dog, or convince him with a gibbet, or vex him out of his understanding and perswa­sions.

And now if men will still say, I perswade to indifferency, there is no help for me, for I have given reasons against it, I must beare it as well as I can, I am not yet without remedy as they are, for patience will help me, and reason will not cure them, let them take their course, and He take mine:

Only I will take leave to consider this (and they would doe well to doe so too) that unlesse Faith be kept within its own latitude, and not cald out to patrocinate every lesse necessary opinion, and the interest of every Sect, or pee­vish person; and if damnation be pronounced against Christians believing the Creed, and li­ving good lives, because they are deceived, or are said to be deceived in some opinions lesse necessary, there is no way in the world to sa­tisfie unlearned persons in the choice of their Religion, or to appease the unquietnesse of a scrupulous conscience: For suppose an honest Citizen whose imployment and parts will not enable him to judge the disputes and arguings [Page 30] of great Clerks, sees factions commenced and managed with much bitternesse by persons who might on either hand be fit enough to guide him; when if he follows either, he is disquieted and pronounced damned by the other (who also if he be the most unreasonable in his opi­nion will perhaps be more furious in his sen­tence) what shall this man doe, where shall he rest the sole of his foot? Upon the Doctrine of the Church where he lives? Well! but that he heares declaimed against perpetually, and other Churches claime highly and pretend fairely for truth, and condemne his Church: If I tell him that he must live a good life, and believe the Creed, and not trouble himselfe with their disputes, or interesting himselfe in Sects and Factions, I speak reason: Because no law of God ties him to believe more then what is of essentiall necessity, and whatsoever he shall come to know to be reveal'd by God: Now if he be­lieves his Creed, he believes all that is necessary to all, or of it selfe, and if he doe his morall endeavour beside, he can doe no more toward finding out all the rest, and then he is secured; but then if this will secure him, why doe men presse further and pretend every opinion as ne­cessary, and that in so high degree that if they all said true, or any two indeed of them, in 500 Sects which are in the world (and for ought I know there may be 5000) it is 500 to one [Page 31] but that every man is damn'd, for every Sect damnes all but it selfe, and that is damn'd of 499, and it is excellent fortune then if that escape; and there is the same reason in every one of them, that is, it is extreme unreasona­blenesse in all of them to pronounce damnati­on against such persons against whom clearely and dogmatically holy Scripture hath not; In odiosis quod minimum est sequimur, in favoribus quod est maximum, saith the Law, and therefore we should say any thing, or make any excuse that is in any degree reasonable, rather then con­demn all the world to Hell, especially if we con­sider these two things, that we our selves are as apt to be deceived as any are, and that they who are deceived, when they used their morall industry that they might not be deceived, if they perish for this, they perish for what they could not help.

But however, if the best security in the world be not in neglecting all Sects, and subdivisions of men, and fixing our selves on points necessa­ry and plain, and on honest and pious endea­vours, according to our severall capacities and opportunities for all the rest, if I say all this be not through the mercies of God, the best security to all unlearned persons, and learned too, where shall we fix, where shall we either have peace or security? If you bid me follow your Doctrine, you must tell me why, and per­haps [Page 32] when you have I am not able to judge, or if I be as able as other people are, yet when I have judged, I may be deceived too, and so may you, or any man else you bid me follow, so that I am no whit the nearer truth or peace.

And then if we look abroad, and consider how there is scarce any Church, but is highly charg'd by many Adversaries in many things, possibly we may see a reason to charge every one of them in some things; And what shall we do then? The Church of Rome hath spots enough, and all the world is inquisitive enough to find out more, and to represent these to her greatest disad­vantage. The Greek Church denies the pro­cession of the holy Ghost from the Son; If that be false Doctrine, she is highly too blame, if it be not, then all the Western Churches are too blame for saying the contrary: And there is no Church that is in prosperity, but alters her Doctrine every Age, either by bringing in new Doctrines, or by contradicting her old, which shewes that none are satisfied with themselves, or with their own confessions: And since all Churches believe themselves fallible, that only excepted which all other Churches say is most of all deceived, it were strange if in so many Articles which make up their severall bodies of Confessions, they had not mistaken every one of them in something or other: The Lutheran Churches maintaine Consubstantiation, the [Page 33] Zuinglians are Sacramentaries, the Calvinists are fierce in the matters of absolute Predetermina­tion, and all these reject Episcopacy, which the Primitive Church would have made no doubt to have called Heresy: The Socinians professe a portentous number of strange opinions; they deny the holy Trinity, and the satisfaction of our blessed Saviour: The Anabaptists laugh at Paedo-baptism; The Ethiopian Churches are Ne­storian: where then shall we fix our confidence, or joyn Communion? to pitch upon any one of these is to throw the dice, if salvation be to be had only in one of them, and that every er­rour that by chance hath made a Sect, and is distinguished by a name, be damnable.

If this consideration does not deceive me, we have no other help in the midst of these distracti­ons, and dis-unions, but all of us to be united in that common terme, which as it does con­stitute the Church in its being such, so it is the medium of the Communion of Saints, and that is the Creed of the Apostles, and in all other things an honest endeavour to find out Clem. Alex. stromat. 1. ait Philosophiam liberam esse praestantissi­mam, quae scil. versatur in perspicaciter seligendis dog­matis omnium Sectarum, Polamo Alexandrinus sic primus philosophatus est, ut ait Laërtius in Proëmio, unde cognominatus est, [...]. what truths we can, and a charitable and mutuall permission to others that disagree from us and our opinions. I am sure this may satisfie us, for it will secure us, but I know not any thing else [Page 34] that will, and no man can be reasonably per­swaded, or satisfied in any thing else, unlesse he throwes himselfe upon chance, or absolute predestination, or his own confidence, in eve­ry one of which it is two to one at least but he may miscarry.

Thus farre I thought I had reason on my side, and I suppose I have made it good upon its proper grounds, in the pages following. But then if the result be, that men must be permit­ted in their opinions, and that Christians must not Persecute Christians; I have also as much reason to reprove all those oblique Arts which are not direct Persecutions of mens persons, but they are indirect proceedings, ungentle and unchristian, servants of faction and interest, provocations to zeal and animosities, and de­structive of learning and ingenuity. And these are suppressing all the monuments of their Ad­versaries, forcing them to recant, and burning their Books.

For it is a strange industry, and an impor­tune diligence that was used by our fore-fathers; of all those Heresies which gave them battle and imployment, we have absolutely no Record or Monument, but what themselves who were Ad­versaries have transmitted to us, and we know that Adversaries, especially such who observ'd all opportunities to discredit both the persons and doctrines of the Enemy, are not alwayes the [Page 35] best records or witnesses of such transactions. We see it now in this very Age, in the present distemperatures, that parties are no good Re­gisters of the actions of the adverse side: And if we cannot be confident of the truth of a sto­ry now, now I say that it is possible for any man, and likely that the interessed adversary will di­scover the imposture, it is farre more unlikely, that after Ages should know any other truth, but such as serves the ends of the representers: I am sure such things were never taught us by Christ and his Apostles, and if we were sure that our selves spoke truth, or that truth were able to justifie her selfe, it were better if to preserve a Doctrine wee did not destroy a Commande­ment, and out of zeale pretending to Christi­an Religion, loose the glories and rewards of ingenuity and Christian simplicity.

Of the same consideration is mending of Au­thors, not to their own mind but to ours, that is, to mend them so as to spoile them; for­bidding the publication of Books, in which there is nothing impious, or against the publick in­terest, leaving out clauses in Translations, dis­gracing mens persons, charging disavowed Do­ctrins upon men, and the persons of the men with the consequents of their Doctrine, which they deny either to be true or to be consequent, false reporting of Disputations and Conferences, burning Books by the hand of the hang-man, [Page 36] and all such Arts, which shew that we either di­strust God for the maintenance of his truth, or that we distrust the cause, or distrust our selves and our abilities: I will say no more of these, but only concerning the last, I shall transcribe a passage out of Tacitus in the life of Iulius A­gricola, who gives this account of it, Veniam non petissem nisi incursaturus tam saeva & infesta virtutibus tempora. Legimus cum Aruleno Ruslico Paetus Thrasea, Herennio Senecioni Priscus Helvidius laudatt essent, capitale fuisse, neque in ipsos modo authores, sed in libros quoque eorum saevitum delegato Triumviris ministerio ut monu­menta clarissimorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro urerentur, scil. illo igne vocem populi Rom. & libertatem Senatus & conscientiam generis hu­mani aboleri arbitrabantur, expulsis insuper sapi­entiae professoribus, at que omni bonâ arte in exili­um actâ, ne quid usquam honestum occurreret. It is but an illiterate Policy to think that such in­direct and uningenuous proceedings can amongst wise and free-men disgrace the Authors, and dis­repute their Discourses; And I have seen that the price hath been trebled upon a forbidden or a condemn'd Book, and some men in policy have got a prohibition that their impression might be the more certainly vendible, and the Author himselfe thought considerable.

The best way is to leave tricks and devices, and to fall upon that way which the best Ages [Page 37] of the Church did use: With the strength of Argument, and Allegations of Scripture, and modesty of deportment, and meeknesse, and cha­rity to the persons of men, they converted mis­believers, stopped the mouthes of Adversaries, asserted truth, and discountenanced errour; and those other stratagems and Arts of support and maintenance to Doctrines, were the issues of hereticall braines; the old Catholicks had no­thing to secure themselves but the [...] of truth and plaine dealing.

Eidem minutis dissecant ambagibus
Ut quisque linguâ est ne quior.
Solvunt ligantque quaestionum vincula
Per syllogismos plectiles.
Prudent. apo­theos. hym. in infidel.
Vae captiosis Sycophantarum strophis,
Vae versipelli astutiae.
Nodos tenaces recta rumpit regula
Infesta discertantibus:
Idcirco mundi slulta deligit Deus
Ut concidant Sophistica.

And to my understanding, it is a plain Art and design of the Devill, to make us so in love with our own opinions, as to call them Faith and Re­ligion, that we may be proud in our under­standing; and besides, that by our zeale in our opinions, we grow coole in our piety and pra­cticall duties, he also by this earnest contention. [Page 38] does directly destroy good life, by engagement of Zealots to do any thing rather then be over­come, and loose their beloved propositions: But I would faine know why is not any vitious habit as bad or worse then a false opinion? Why are we so zealous against those we call Hereticks, and yet great friends with drunkards, and fornicators, & swearers, and intemperate and idle persons? Is it because we are commanded by the Apostle to reject a Heretick after two admonitions, and not to bid such a one God speed? It is a good reason why we should be zealous against such persons, provided we mi­stake them not. For those of whom these Apo­stles speak, are such as deny Christ to be come in the flesh, such as deny an Article of Creed; and in such odious things, it is not safe nor chari­table to extend the gravamen and punishment beyond the instances the Apostles make, or their exact parallels. But then also, it would be remem­bred that the Apostles speak as fiercely against communion with fornicators, and all disorders practicall, as against communion with Hereticks, If any man that is called a brother be a Forni­cator, or Covetous, or an Idolater, or a Railer, or a Drunkard, or an Extortioner, with such a one no not to eat: I am certain that a Drunkard is as contrary to God, and lives as contrary to the Lawes of Christianity, as a Heretick; and I am also sure that I know what drunkennesse is, but [Page 39] I am not sure that such an opinion is Heresy, neither would other men be so sure as they think for if they did consider it aright, and observe the infinite deceptions, and causes of decepti­ons in wise men, and in most things, and in all doubtfull Questions, and that they did not mistake confidence for certainty.

But indeed, I could not but smile at those jolly Fryers, two Franciscans offered themselves to the fire to prove Savonarola to be a Here­tick, but a certaine Iacobine offered himselfe to Commin. l. 8. c. 19. the fire to prove that Savonarola had true Re­velations, and was no Heretick; in the meane time Savonarola preacht, but made no such confident offer, not durst he venture at that new kind of fire Ordeal; and put case all four had past through the fire, and dyed in the flames, what would that have proved? Had he been a Here­tick or no Heretick, the more or the lesse, for the confidence of these Zealous Ideots? If we mark it, a great many Arguments whereon ma­ny Sects rely, are no better probation then this comes to. Confidence is the first, and the se­cond, and the third part of a very great many of their propositions.

But now if men would a little turn the Ta­bles, and be as zealous for a good life, and all the strictest precepts of Christianity (which is a Religion the most holy, the most reasonable, and the most consummate that ever was taught [Page 40] to man) as they are for such propositions in which neither the life, nor the ornament of Christianity is concerned, we should find, that as a consequent of this piety, men would be as carefull as they could, to find out all truths, and the sense of all revelations which may concern their duty; and where men were miserable and could not, yet others that liv'd good lives too would also be so charitable, as not to adde af­fliction to this misery; and both of them are parts of good life, to be compassionate, and to help to beare one anothers burdens, not to de­stroy the weak, but to entertain him meekly, that's a precept of charity, and to endeavour to find out the whole will of God, that also is a part of the obedience, the choyce and the excellency of Faith, and hee lives not a good life, that does not doe both these.

But men think they have more reason to bee zealous against Heresy then against a vice in man­ners, because Heresy is infectious and dangerous, and the principle of much evill: Indeed if by a Heresy we mean that which is against an Ar­ticle of Creed, and breaks part of the Covenant made between God and man by the mediation of Jesus Christ, I grant it to be a very grievous crime, a calling Gods veracity into question, and a destruction also of good life, because upon the Articles of Creed, obedience is built, and it lives or dies, as the effect does by its proper [Page 41] cause; for Faith is the morall cause of obedi­ence: But then Heresy, that is, such as this, is also a vice, and the person criminall, and so the sin is to be esteem'd in its degrees of malignity, and let men be as zealous against it as they can, and imploy the whole arsenall of the spirituall armour against it, such as this, is worse then adultery or murther, in as much as the soule is more noble then the body, and a false doctrine is of greater dissemination and extent then a single act of violence or impurity. Adultery or murder is a duell, but Heresy (truly and indeed such) is an unlawfull warre, it slayes thousands: The loosing of Faith is like digging down a foundation; all the superstructures of hope, and patience, and charity fall with it: And besides this, Heresy of all crimes is the most inexcusable and of least temptation; for true faith is most commonly kept with the least trouble of any grace in the world; and Heresy of it selfe hath not on­ly no pleasure in it, but is a very punishment; because faith as it opposes hereticall or false opinions, and distinguishes from charity, con­sists in meare acts of believing, which because they are of true propositions, are naturall and proportionable to the understanding, and more honourable then false. But then concerning those things which men now adayes call Heresy, they cannot be so formidable as they are represen­ted, and if we consider that drunkennesse is [Page 42] certainly a damnable sin, and that there are more Drunkards then Hereticks, and that drunkennesse is parent of a thousand vices, it may better bee said of this vice then of most of those opinions which we call Heresies, it is infectious and dan­gerous, and the principle of much evill, and therefore as fit an object for a pious zeale to contest against, as is any of those opinions which trouble mens ease or reputation, for that is the greatest of their malignity.

But if we consider that Sects are made and opinions are called Heresies upon interest, and the grounds of emolument, we shall see that a good life would cure much of this mischiefe. For first, the Church of Rome which is the great dictatrix of dogmaticall resolutions, and the de­clarer of Heresy, and calls Heretick more then all the world besides, hath made that the rule of Heresy, which is the conservatory of interest, and the ends of men. For to recede from the Doctrine of the Church, with them makes He­resy, that is, to disrepute their Authority and not to obey them, not to be their subjects, not to give them the Empire of our conscience, is the great [...] of Heresy.

So that with them, Heresy is to be esteem­ed clearely by humane ends, not by Divine Rules; that is formall Heresy which does ma­terially disserve them, and it would make a suspicious man a little inquisitive into their [Page 43] particular Doctrins, and when hee finds that Indulgences, and Jubilies, and Purgatories, and Masses, and Offices for the dead, are very pro­fitable; that the Doctrine of primacy, of infal­libility, of superiority over Councels, of indi­rect power in temporals, are great instruments of secular honour; would be apt enough to think that if the Church of Rome would learn to lay her honour at the feet of the Crucifix, and despise the world, and preferre Ierusalem before Rome, and Heaven above the Lateran, that these opinions would not have in them any native strength to support them, against the perpetuall assaults of their Adversaries, that speak so much reason and Scripture against them. I have in­stanced in the Roman Religion, but I wish it may be considered also how farre mens Doctrines in other Sects serve mens temporall ends, so farre that it would not bee unreasonable or unne­cessary to attempt to cure some of their distem­peratures or misperswasions by the salutary pre­cepts of sanctity and holy life: Sure enough, if it did not more concern their reputation and their lasting interest to be counted true belie­vers rather then good livers, they would rather endeavour to live well, then to bee accounted of a right opinion in things beside the Creed.

For my own particular I cannot but expect, that God in his Justice should enlarge the bounds of the Turkish Empire, or some other way pu­nish [Page 44] Christians by reason of their pertinacious disputing about things unnecessary, undetermi­nable, and unprofitable, and for their hating and persecuting their brethren which should be as dear to them as their own lives, for not con­senting to one anothers follies, and senselesse vanities: How many volumnes have been writ about Angels, about immaculate conception, about originall sin, when that all that is solid reason or clear Revelation, in all these three Ar­ticles, may be reasonably enough comprized in fourty lines! And in these trifles and imperti­nencies, men are curiously busie while they neg­lect those glorious precepts of Christianity and holy life, which are the glories of our Religion, and would enable us to a happy eternity.

My Lord, Thus farre my thoughts have car­ried me, and then I thought I had reason to goe further, and to examine the proper grounds upon which these perswasions might rely and stand firme, in case any body should contest against them: For possibly men may be angry at me and my design; for I doe all them great displeasure, who think no end is then well ser­ved, when their interest is disserved; and but that I have writ so untowardly and heavily, that I am not worth a confutation, possibly some or other might be writing against me. But then I must tell them I am prepared of an answer be­fore hand: For I think I have spoken reason in my [Page 45] Book, and examined it with all the severity I have, and if after all this I be deceiv'd, this confirms me in my first opinion, and becomes a new Argument to me, that I have spoken reason; for it furnishes me with a new instance, that it is necessary, there should bee a mutuall complyance and Toleration, because even then when a man thinks he hath most reason to bee confident, hee may easily bee de­ceived.

For I am sure, I have no other design but the pro­secution and advantage of truth, and I may truly use the words of Gregory Nazianzen, Non stude­mus paci in detrimentum verae doctrinae, .... ut facili­tatis & mansuetudinis famam colligamus: But I have writ this because I thought it was necessary and seasonable, and charitable, and agreeable to the great precepts and design of Christianity, consonant to the practise of the Apostles, and of the best Ages of the Church, most agreeable to Scripture and reason, to revelation and the nature of the thing; and it is such a Doctrine, that if there be variety in humane affaires, if the event of things be not settled in a durable consistence, but is change­able, every one of us all may have need of it: I shall only therefore desire that they who will reade it may come to the reading it with as much sim­plicity of purposes and unmixed desires of truth, as I did to the writing it, and that no man trouble himselfe with me or my discourse, that thinks before hand that his opinion cannot be reasonably altered. If he thinks me to be mistaken before he tries, let [Page 46] him also think that hee may be mistaken too, and that he who judges before he heares, is mistaken though he gives a right sentence:

[...],
Aristoph. in Pluto.

Was as good counsell: But at a venture, I shall leave this sentence of Solomon to his consideration, A wise man feareth, and departeth from evill, but a foole rageth and is confident, [...], is a trick of boyes and bold young fellowes, sayes Aristotle; but they who either know themselves, or things, or persons, [...]. Peradventure yea, peradventure no, is very often the wisest determination of a Question: For there are [...] (as the Apostle notes) 2 Tim. 2. foolish and unlearned Questions, and it were bet­ter to stop the current of such fopperies by silence, then by disputing them convey them to Posterity. And many things there are of more profit which yet are of no more certainty, and therefore bold­nesse of assertion (except it be in matters of Faith and clearest Revelation) is an Argument of the va­nity of the man, never of the truth of the propo­sition; for to such matters the saying of Xenophanes in Varro, is pertinent and applicable, Hominis est haec opinari, Dei scire; God only knowes them, and we conjecture.

[...].

And although I be as desirous to know what I should, and what I should not, as any of my Brethren the Sons of Adam; yet I find that the more I search, the further I am from being satisfied, and make but [Page 47] few discoveries, save of my own ignorance, and there­fore I am desirous to follow the example of a very wise Personage, Iulius Agricola, of whom Tacitus gave this testimony, Retinuit que (quod est difficillimum) ex scientiâ modum; or that I may take my precedent from within the pale of the Church, it was the saying of S. Austin, Mallem quidem eorum quae à me quaesivisti habere scientiam quam ignorantiam, sed quia id nondum potui, magis eligo cautam igno­rantiam confiteri, quam falsam scientiam profiteri; And these words doe very much expresse my sense. But if there be any man so confident as Luther some­times was, who said that hee could expound all Scripture, or so vaine as Eckius who in his Chry­sopassus ventur'd upon the highest and most mysteri­ous Question of Predestination, ut in eâ juveniles possit calores exercere; such persons as these, or any that is furious in his opinion, will scorn me and my Discourse; but I shall not bee much mov'd at it, only I shall wish that I had as much knowledge as they think me to want, and they as much as they believe themselves to have. In the meane time, Modesty were better for us both, and in­deed for all men: For when men indeed are know­ing, amongst other things they are able to separate certainties from uncertainties; If they be not know­ing, it is pity that their ignorance should bee tri­umphant, or discompose the publike peace, or pri­vate confidence.

And now (my Lord) that I have inscrib'd this Book to your Lordship, although it be a design of [Page 48] doing honour to my selfe, that I have markt it with so honour'd and beloved a Name, might possibly need as much excuse as it does pardon, but that your Lordship knowes your own; for out of your Mines. I have digg'd the Minerall; only I have stampt it with my own image, as you may perceive by the deformities which are in it. But your great Name in letters will adde so much value to it, as to make it obtaine its pardon amongst all them that know how to value you, and all your relatives and de­pendants by the proportion of relation. For others I shall be incurious, because the number of them that honour you is the same with them that honour Lear­ning and Piety, and they are the best Theatre and the best judges; amongst which the world must needs take notice of my ambition, to be ascribed by my publike pretence to be what I am in all hearti­nesse of Devotion, and for all the reason of the world,

My Honour'd Lord,
Your Lordships most faithfull and most affectionate servant, J. TAYLOR.

The Contents of the Sections.

  • SECTION I. OF the Nature of Faith, and that its duty is com­pleated in believing the Articles of the Apostles Creed. Pag. 5.
  • SECT. II. Of Heresy and the nature of it, and that it is to be ac­counted according to the strict capacity of Christian Faith, and not in Opinions speculative, nor ever to pious per­sons. pag. 18.
  • SECT. III. Of the difficulty and uncertainty of Arguments from Scripture, in Questions not simply necessary, not literally determined. pag. 59.
  • SECT. IV. Of the difficulty of Expounding Scripture. pag. 73.
  • SECT. V. Of the insufficiency and uncertainty of Tradition to [Page] expound Scripture, or determine Questions. pag. 83.
  • SECT. VI. Of the uncertainty and insufficiency of Councels Ec­clesiasticall to the same purpose. pag. 101.
  • SECT. VII. Of the fallibility of the Pope, and the uncertainty of his Expounding Scripture, and resolving Questions. pag. 125.
  • SECT. VIII. Of the disability of Fathers, or Writers Ecclesiasticall, to determine our Questions, with certainty and Truth. pag. 151.
  • SECT. IX. Of the incompetency of the Church in its diffusive capacity to be Iudge of Controversies, and the impertinency of that pretence of the Spirit. pag. 161.
  • SECT. X. Of the authority of Reason, and that it, proceeding upon the best grounds, is the best judge. pag. 165.
  • SECT. XI. Of some causes of Errour in the exercise of Reason, which are inculpate in themselves. pag. 171.
  • SECT. XII. Of the innocency of Errour in opinion in a pious person. pag. 184.
  • [Page] SECT. XIII. Of the deportment to be used towards persons disagree­ing, and the reasons why they are not to be punished with death, &c. pag. 189.
  • SECT. XIIII. Of the practice of Christian Churches towards persons disagreeing, and when Persecution first came in. pag. 203.
  • SECT. XV. How farre the Church or Governours may act to the restraining false or differing opinions. pag. 210.
  • SECT. XVI. Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Religions. pag. 213.
  • SECT. XVII. Of compliance with disagreeing persons, or weak Con­sciences in generall. pag. 217.
  • SECT. XVIII. A particular consideration of the Opinions of the Anabaptists. pag. 223
  • SECT. XIX. That there may be no Toleration of Doctrines inconsi­stent with piety or the publique good. pag. 246.
  • [Page] SECT. XX. How farre the Religion of the Church of Rome is Tolerable. pag. 249.
  • SECT. XXI. Of the duty of particular Churches in allowing Com­munion. pag. 262.
  • SECT. XXII. That particular men may communicate with Churches of different perswasions, and how farre they may doe it. pag. 264.

[...]. OF THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING.

THe infinite variety of Opinions in matters of Religion, as they have troubled Christendome, with interests, factions, and partialities; so have they caused great divisions of the heart, and variety of thoughts and designes amongst pious and prudent men. For they all seeing the inconveniences which the dis-union of perswasions and Opi­nions have produced directly or accidentally, have thought themselves obliged to stop this inundation of mischiefes, and have made attempts accordingly. But it hath hapned to most of them as to a mistaken Physitian, who gives excellent physick but mis-applies it, and so misses of his cure; so have these men, their attempts have therefore been ineffectuall; for they put their help to a wrong part, or they have endeavoured to cure the symptomes, and have let the disease alone till it seem'd incurable. Some have endeavoured to re-unite these [Page 2] fractions by propounding such a Guide which they were all bound to follow; hoping that the Unity of a Guide, would have per­swaded unity of mindes; but who this Guide should be at last be­came such a Question, that it was made part of the fire that was to be quenched; so farre was it from extinguishing any part of the flame. Others thought of a Rule, and this must be the meanes of Union, or nothing could doe it. But supposing all the World had been agreed of this Rule, yet the interpretation of it was so full of variety, that this also became part of the disease, for which the cure was pretended. All men resolv'd upon this, that though they yet had not hit upon the right, yet some way must be thought upon to reconcile differences in Opi­nion, thinking so long as this variety should last, Christ's King­dome was not advanced, and the work of the Gospel went on but slowly: Few men in the mean time considered, that so long as men had such variety of principles, such severall constitutions, educations, tempers, and distempers, hopes, interests and weak­nesses, degrees of light, and degrees of understanding, it was impossible all should be of one minde. And what is impossible to be done, is not necessary it should be done: And therefore, although variety of Opinions was impossible to be cured (and they who attempted it, did like him who claps his shoulder to the ground to stop an earth-quake) yet the inconveniences ari­sing from it might possibly be cured, not by uniting their be­liefes, that was to be dispaird of, but by curing that which caus'd these mischiefes, and accidentall inconveniences of their dis­agreeings. For although these inconveniences which every man sees and feeles were consequent to this diversity of perswasions, yet it was but accidentally and by chance, in as much as wee see that in many things, and they of great concernment, men alow to themselves and to each other a liberty of disagreeing, and no hurt neither. And certainely if diversity of Opinions, were of it selfe the cause of mischiefes it would be so ever, that is, regularly and universally (but that we see it is not:) For there are disputes in Christendome concerning matters of grea­ter concernment then most of those Opinions that distinguish Sects, and make factions; and yet because men are permitted to differ in those great matters, such evills are not consequent to [Page 3] such differences, as are to the uncharitable managing of smaller and more inconsiderable Questions. It is of greater consequence to believe right in the Question of the validity or invalidity of a death-bed repentance, then to believe aright in the Question of Purgatory; and the consequences of the Doctrine of Prede­termination, are of deeper and more materiall consideration then the products of the beliefe of the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of private Masses; and yet these great concernments where a li­berty of Prophecying in these Questions hath been permitted, hath made no distinct Communion, no sects of Christians, and the others have, and so have these too in those places where they have peremptorily been determind on either side. Since then if men are quiet and charitable in some dis-agreeings, that then and there the inconvenience ceases, if they were so in all others where lawfully they might (and they may in most,) Christen­dome should be no longer rent in pieces, but would be redinte­grated in a new Pentecost, and although the Spirit of God did rest upon us in divided tongues, yet so long as those tongues were of fire not to kindle strife, but to warme our affections, and inflame our charities, we should finde that this variety of Opinions in severall persons would be look't upon as an argu­ment only of diversity of operations, while the Spirit is the same; and that another man believes not so well as I, is onely an argu­ment that I have a better and a clearer illumination than he, that I have a better gift than he, received a speciall grace and favour, and excell him in this, and am perhaps excelled by him in many more. And if we all impartially endeavour to finde a truth, since this endeavour and search only is in our power, that wee shall finde it being ab extra, a gift and an assistance extrin­secall, I can see no reason why this pious endeavour to finde out truth shall not be of more force to unite us in the bonds of charity, then his misery in missing it shall be to dis-unite us. So that since a union of perswasion is impossible to be attain'd, if we would attempt the cure by such remedies as are apt to en­kindle and encrease charity, I am confident wee might see a blessed peace would bee the reward and crown of such en­deavours.

But men are now adayes and indeed alwayes have been, since [Page 4] the expiration of the first blessed Ages of Christianity, so in love with their own Fancies and Opinions, as to think Faith and all Christendome is concernd in their support and maintenance, and whoever is not so fond and does not dandle them like them­selves, it growes up to a quarrell, which because it is in materiâ theologiae is made a quarrell in Religion, and God is entitled to it; and then if you are once thought an enemy to God, it is our duty to persecute you even to death, we doe God good service in it; when if we should examine the matter rightly, the Que­stion is either in materiâ non revelata, or minus evidenti, or non necessariâ, either it is not revealed, or not so clearely, but that wise and honest men may be of different minds, or else it is not of the foundation of faith, but a remote super-structure, or else of meere speculation, or perhaps when all comes to all, it is a false Opinion, or a matter of humane interest, that we have so zealously contended for; for to one of these heads most of the Disputes of Christendome may be reduc'd; so that I believe the present fractions (or the most) are from the same cause which St Paul observed in the Corinthian Schisme, when there are divisions among you, are ye not carnall? It is not the differing Opinions that is the cause of the present ruptures, but want of charity; it is not the variety of understandings, but the dis­union of wills and affections; it is not the severall principles, but the severall ends that cause our miseries: our Opinions com­mence, and are upheld according as our turns are serv'd and our interests are preserv'd, and there is no cure for us, but Piety and Charity. A holy life will make our belief holy, if we consult not humanity and its imperfections in the choyce of our Reli­gion, but search for truth without designes, save only of acqui­ring heaven, and then be as carefull to preserve Charity, as we were to get a point of Faith; I am much perswaded we should finde out more truths by this meanes; or however (which is the maine of all) we shall be secured though we misse them; and then we are well enough.

For if it be evinced that one heaven shall hold men of seve­rall Opinions, if the unity of Faith be not destroyed by that which men call differing Religions, and if an unity of Charity be the duty of us all even towards persons that are not perswa­ded [Page 5] of every proposition we believe, then I would faine know to what purpose are all those stirres, and great noyses in Chri­stendome; those names of faction, the severall Names of Churches not distinguish'd by the division of Kingdomes, ut Ecclesia sequatur Imperium, which was the Primitive Optat. lib. 3. Rule and Canon, but distinguish'd by Names of Sects and men; these are all become instruments of hatred, thence come Schismes and parting of Communions, and then persecutions, and then warres and Rebellion, and then the dissolutions of all Friendships and Societies. All these mischiefes proceed not from this, that all men are not of one minde, for that is neither necessary nor possible, but that every Opinion is made an Article of Faith, every Article is a ground of a quarrell, every quarrell makes a faction, every faction is zealous, and all zeale pretends for God, and whatsoever is for God cannot be too much; we by this time are come to that passe, we think we love not God except we hate our Brother, and we have not the vertue of Religion, un­lesse we persecute all Religions but our own; for luke-warmnesse is so odious to God and Man, that we proceeding furiously upon these mistakes, by supposing we preserve the body, we destroy the soule of Religion, or by being zealous for faith, or which is all one, for that which we mistake for faith, we are cold in charity, and so loose the reward of both.

All these errors and mischiefes must be discovered and cured, and that's the purpose of this Discourse.

SECTION I.

Of the nature of Faith, and that its duty is compleated in believing the Articles of the Apostles Creed.

FIrst then it is of great concernment to know the nature and integrity of faith: For there begins our first and great mi­stake; Number 1. for Faith although it be of great excellency, yet when it is taken for a habit intellectuall, it hath so little roome and so narrow a capacity, that it cannot lodge thousands of those Opi­nions which pretend to be of her Family.

[Page 6] For although it be necessary for us to believe whatsoever we Numb. 2. know to be revealed of God, and so every man does, that be­lieves there is a God: yet it is not necessary, concerning many things, to know that God hath revealed them that is, we may be ignorant of, or doubt concerning the propositions, and in­differently maintaine either part, when the Question is not concerning Gods veracity, but whether God hath said so or no: That which is of the foundation of Faith, that only is necessary; and the knowing or not knowing of that, the be­lieving or dis-believing it, is that only which in genere cre­dendorum, is in immediate and necessary order to salvation or damnation.

Now all the reason and demonstration of the world convinces Numb. 3. us, that this foundation of Faith, or the great adequate ob­ject of the Faith that saves us, is that great mysteriousnesse of Christianity which Christ taught with so much diligence, for the credibility of which he wrought so many miracles; for the testimony of which the Apostles endured persecutions; that which was a folly to the Gentiles, and a scandall to the Jewes, this is that which is the object of a Christians Faith: All other things are implicitely in the beliefe of the Articles of Gods veracity, and are not necessary in respect of the Constitution of faith to be drawn out, but may there lie in the bowels of the great Articles without danger to any thing or any person, unlesse some other accident or circumstance makes them necessary: Now the great object which I speak of, is Jesus Christ crucified; Con­stitui enim apud vos nihil scire praeter Jesum Christum & hunc crucifixum; so said S. Paul to the Church of Corinth: This is the Article upon the Confession of which Christ built his Church, viz. only upon S. Peters Creed, which was no more but this simple enunciation, We believe and are sure that thou Mat. 16. 19. art Christ, the Sonne of the living God: And to this salvation particularly is promised, as in the case of Martha's Creed, Ioh. 11. 27. To this the Scripture gives the greatest Testimony, and to all them that confesse it; For every spirit that confesseth that Iesus Christ is come in the flesh is of God: And who ever 1 Ioh. 4. 2, 15. confesseth that Iesus Christ is the Sonne of God, God dwelleth in him, and he in God: The believing this Article is the end of [Page 7] writing the foure Gospels: For all these things are written, that Ioh. 20. 31. ye might believe, that Iesus is the Christ the Sonne of God, and then that this is sufficient followes, and that believing, viz. this Article (for this was only instanced in) yee might have life through his name: This is that great Article which in genere cre­dendorum, is sufficient disposition to prepare a Catechumen to Baptism, as appeares in the case of the Ethiopian Eunuch, whose Creed was only this, I believe that Iesus Christ is the Sonne of God, and upon this Confession (saith the story) they both went into the water, and the Ethiop was washed and became as white as snow.

In these particular instances, there is no variety of Articles, save only that in the annexes of the severall expressions, such Numb. 4. things are expressed, as besides that Christ is come, they tell from whence, and to what purpose: And whatsoever is ex­pressed, or is to these purposes implyed, is made articulate and explicate, in the short and admirable mysterious Creed of S. Paul, Rom. 10. 8. This is the word of faith which we preach, that if thou shalt confesse with thy mouth the Lord Iesus, and shalt believe in thine heart, that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt bee saved: This is the great and intire com­plexion of a Christian's faith, and since salvation is promised to the beliefe of this Creed, either a snare is laid for us, with a purpose to deceive us, or else nothing is of prime and origi­nall necessity to be believed, but this, Iesus Christ our Redee­mer; and all that which is the necessary parts, meanes, or maine actions of working this redemption for us, and the honour for him is in the bowels and fold of the great Article, and claims an explicite belief by the same reason that binds us to the belief of its first complexion, without which neither the thing could be acted, nor the proposition understood.

For the act of believing propositions, is not for it selfe, Numb. 5. but in order to certaine ends; as Sermons are to good life and obedience; for (excepting that it acknowledges, Gods ve­racity, and so is a direct act of Religion) believing a revea­led proposition, hath no excellency in it selfe, but in order to that end for which we are instructed in such revelations. Now Gods great purpose being to bring us to him by Jesus Christ, [Page 8] Christ is our medium to God, obedience is the medium to Christ, and Faith the medium to obedience, and therefore is to have its estimate in proportion to its proper end, and those things are necessary, which necessarily promote the end, with­out which obedience cannot be encouraged or prudently en­joyn'd: So that those Articles are necessary, that is, those are fundamentall points, upon which we build our obedience; and as the influence of the Article is to the perswasion or engage­ment of obedience, so they have their degrees of necessity. Now all that Christ, when he preach'd, taught us to believe, and all that the Apostles in their Sermons propound, all aime at this, that wee should acknowledge Christ for our Law-Giver and our Saviour; so that nothing can be necessary by a prime necessity to be believ'd explicitely, but such things which are therefore parts of the great Article, because they either encourage our services, or oblige them, such as declare Christs greatnesse in himselfe, or his goodnesse to us: So that al­though we must neither deny nor doubt of any thing, which we know our great Master hath taught us: yet salvation is in speciall and by name annexed to the beliefe of those Articles only, which have in them the indearements of our services, or the support of our confidence, or the satisfaction of our hopes, such as are; Jesus Christ the Sonne of the living God, the Crucifixion and Resurrection of Iesus, forgivenesse of sinnes by his blood, Resurrection of the dead, and life eternall, because these propositions qualifie Christ for our Saviour and our Law-Giver, the one to engage our services, the other to en­deare them; for so much is necessary as will make us to be his servants, and his Disciples; and what can be required more? This only. Salvation is promis'd to the explicite belief of those Articles, and therefore those only are necessary, and those are sufficient; but thus, to us in the formality of Christians, which is a formality super-added to a former capacity, we before we are Christians are reasonable creatures, and capable of a blessed eternity, and there is a Creed which is the Gentiles Creed which is so supposed in the Christian Creed, as it is supposed in a Christian to be a man, and that is, oportet accedentem ad De­um credere Deum esse, & esse remuneratorem quaerentium eum.

[Page 9] If any man will urge farther, that whatsoever is deducible from these Articles by necessary consequence, is necessary to be believed explicitely: I Answer. It is true, if he sees the de­duction and coherence of the parts; but it is not certain that every man shall be able to deduce whatsoever is either imme­diately, or certainly deducible from these premises; and then since salvation is promis'd to the explicite belief of these, I see not how any man can justifie the making the way to heaven narrower then Jesus Christ hath made it, it being already so narrow, that there are few that finde it.

In the pursuance of this great truth, the Apostles or the ho­ly Numb. 7. men, their Contemporaries and Disciples composed a Creed to be a Rule of Faith to all Christians, as appears in Irenaeus, Apol. contr. Gent. c. 47. de veland. virg, c. 1. Ter­tullian, In exposit. Symbol. S. Cyprian, Serm. 5. de tempore, cap. 2. S. Austin, In Symbol. apud Cyprian. Ruffinus, and divers Omnes or­thodoxi Pa­tres affirmant Symbolum ab ipsis Apostolis conditum, Sext. Senensis, lib. 2. bibl. 5. vide Genebr. l. 3. de Trin. others; which Creed unlesse it had contain'd all the intire object of Faith, and the foundation of Religion, it cannot be imagin'd to what purpose it should serve; and that it was so esteem'd by the whole Church of God in all Ages, appears in this, that since Faith is a necessary pre-disposition to Baptism in all per­sons capable of the use of reason, all Catechumens in the Latine Church comming to Baptism, were interrogated concerning their Faith, and gave satisfaction in the recitation of this Creed. And in the East they professed exactly the same Faith, some­thing differing in words, but of the same matter, reason, design, and consequence; and so they did at Hierusalem, so at Aqui­leia: This was that [...]. These Articles were [...]. L. 5. Cod. de S. Trinit. & fid. Cath. Cùm recta. Now since the Apo­stles and Apostolicall men and Churches in these their Sym­bols, did recite particular Articles to a considerable number, and were so minute in their recitation, as to descend to cir­cumstances, it is more then probable that they omitted nothing of necessity; and that these Articles are not generall principles, in the bosome of which many more Articles equally necessary to be believed explicitely and more particular, are infolded; but that it is as minute an explication of those prima credibilia [Page 10] I before reckoned, as is necessary to salvation.

And therefore Tertullian calls the Creed regulam fidei, quâ salvâ & formâ ejus manente in suo ordine, possit in Scriptura Numb. 8. tractari & inquiri si quid videtur vel ambiguitate pendere vel obscuritate obumbrari. Cordis signaculum & nostrae militiae Sacra­mentum, S. Ambrose calls it, lib. 3. de velandis virgin. Compre­hensio fidei nostrae at (que) perfectio, by S. Austin. Serm. 115. Confessio, expositio, regula fidei, generally by the Ancients: The profes­sion of this Creed, was the exposition of that saying of S. Peter, [...], The answer of a good conscience towards God. For of the recitation and profession of this Creed in Baptism, it is that Tertullian de resur. carnis sayes, Anima non lotione, sed responsione sancitur. And of this was the prayer of Hillary, lib. 12. de Trinit. Conserva hanc conscientiae meae vocem ut quod in regenerationis meae Symbolo Baptizatus in Patre, Filio, Spir. S. professus sum semper obtineam. And according to the Rule and Reason of this Discourse (that it may appear that the Creed hath in it all Articles primò & per se, primely and universally necessary) the Creed is just such an explication of that Faith which the Apostles preached, viz. the Creed which S. Paul recites, as containes in it all those things which entitle Christ to us in the capacities of our Law-Giver and our Saviour, such as enable him to the great work of re­demption, according to the predictions concerning him, and such as engage and encourage our services. For, taking out the Article of Christs descent into Hell (which was not in the old Creed, as appeares in some of the Copies I before referd to, in Tertullian, Ruffinus, and Irenaeus; and indeed was omitted in all the Confessions of the Eastern Churches, in the Church of Rome, and in the Nicene Creed, which by adoption came to be the Creed of the Catholike Church) all other Articles are such as directly constitute the parts and work of our redemption, such as clearly derive the honour to Christ, and enable him with the capacities of our Saviour and Lord. The rest engage our services by proposition of such Articles which are rather promises then propositions; and the whole Creed, take it in any of the old Forms, is but an Analysis of that which S. Paul cals the word of salvation, whereby we shall be saved, viz. that we [Page 11] confesse Jesus to be Lord, and that God raised him from the dead: by the first whereof he became our Law-Giver and our Guardian; by the second he was our Saviour: the other things are but parts and maine actions of those two. Now what rea­son there is in the world that can inwrap any thing else within the foundation, that is, in the whole body of Articles simply and inseparably necessary, or in the prime originall necessity of Faith, I cannot possibly imagine. These doe the work, and therefore nothing can upon the true grounds of reason enlarge the necessity to the inclosure of other Articles.

Now if more were necessary than the Articles of the Creed, I demand why was it made the Vide Isidor▪ de Eccles. offic. lib. 1. cap. 20. Suidan. Tur­nebum. lib. 2. c. 30. advers. Venant. For. in Exeg. Symb. Feuardent. in Iren. lib. 1. c. 2. Characteristick note of a Numb. 9. Christian from a Heretick, or a Jew, or an Infidell? or to what purpose was it composed? Or if this was intended as sufficient, did the Apostles or those Churches which they founded, know any thing else to be necessary? If they did not, then either no­thing more is necessary (I speak of matters of meer beliefe) or they did not know all the will of the Lord, and so were unfit Dispensers of the mysteries of the Kingdom; or if they did know more was necessary, and yet would not insert it, they did an act of publike notice, and consign'd it to all Ages of the Church to no purpose, unlesse to beguile credulous people by making them believe their faith was sufficient, having tryed it by that touch-stone Apostolicall, when there was no such matter.

But if this was sufficient to bring men to heaven then, why not now? If the Apostles admitted all to their Communion that Numb. 10. believed this Creed, why shall wee exclude any that preserve the same intire? why is not our saith of these Articles of as much efficacy for bringing us to heaven, as it was in the Churches Apostolicall? who had guides more infallible that might with­out errour have taught them superstructures enough, if they had been necessary: and so they did; But that they did not in­sert them into the Creed, when they might have done it with as much certainty, as these Articles, makes it clear to my un­derstanding, that other things were not necessary, but these were; that whatever profit and advantages might come from other Articles, yet these were sufficient, and however certain [Page 12] persons might accidentally be obliged to believe much more, yet this was the one and onely foundation of Faith upon which all persons were to build their hopes of heaven; this was there­fore necessary to be taught to all, because of necessity to be be­liev'd by all: So that although other persons might commit a delinquency in genere morum, if they did not know or did not believe much more, because they were oblig'd to further disqui­sitions in order to other ends, yet none of these who held the Creed intire, could perish for want of necessary faith, though possibly he might for supine negligence or affected ignorance, or some other fault which had influence upon his opinions, and his understanding, he having a new supervening obligation ex accidente to know and believe more.

Neither are we oblig'd to make these Articles more particular and minute then the Creed. For since the Apostles and indeed Numb. 11. our blessed Lord himselfe promised heaven to them who believd him to be the Christ that was to come into the world, and that he who believes in him, should be partaker of the resur­rection and life eternall, he will be as good as his word; yet because this Article was very generall, and a complexion rather then a single proposition; the Apostles and others our Fathers in Christ did make it more explicite, and though they have said no more then what lay entire and ready form'd in the bosome of the great Article, yet they made their extracts, to great pur­pose, and absolute sufficiency, and therefore there needs no more deductions or remoter consequences from the first great Article, than the Creed of the Apostles. For although whatsoever is certainly deduced from any of these Articles made already so explicite, is as certainly true, and as much to be believed as the Article it selfe, because ex veris possunt nil nisi vera sequi, yet because it is not certain that our deductions from them are certain, and what one calls evident, is so obscure to another, that he believes it false; it is the best and only safe course to rest in that explication the Apostles have made, be­cause if any of these Apostolicall deductions were not demon­strable evidently to follow from that great Article to which sal­vation is promised, yet the authority of them who compil'd the Symboll, the plaine description of the Articles from the [Page 13] words of Scriptures, the evidence of reason demonstrating these to be the whole foundation, are sufficient upon great grounds of reason to ascertaine us; but if we goe farther, besides the easinesse of being deceived, we relying upon our own discourses, (which though they may be true and then binde us to follow them, but yet no more then when they only seem truest,) yet they cannot make the thing certaine to another, much lesse necessary in it selfe. And since God would not binde us upon paine of sinne and punishment, to make deductions our selves▪ much lesse would he binde us to follow another man's Logick as an Article of our Faith; I say much lesse another mans; for our own integrity (for we will certainly be true to our selves, and doe our own businesse heartily) is as fit and proper to be imployed as another mans ability. He cannot secure me that his ability is absolute and the greatest, but I can be more cer­taine that my own purposes and fidelity to my selfe is such. And since it is necessary to rest somewhere, lest we should run to an infinity, it is best to rest there where the Apostles and the Churches Apostolicall rested; when not only they who are able to judge, but others who are not, are equally ascertained of the certainty and of the sufficiency of that explication.

This I say, not that I believe it unlawfull or unsafe for the Numb. 12. Church or any of the Antistites religionis, or any wise man to extend his own Creed to any thing may certainely follow from any one of the Articles; but I say, that no such deduction is fit to be prest on others as an Article of Faith; and that every deduction which is so made, unlesse it be such a thing as is at first evident to all, is but sufficient to make a humane Faith, nor can it amount to a divine, much lesse can be obligatory to binde a person of a differing perswasion to subscribe under paine of loosing his Faith, or being a Heretick. For it is a demonstra­tion, that nothing can be necessary to be believed under paine of damnation, but such propositions of which it is certaine that God hath spoken and taught them to us, and of which it is certaine that this is their sense and purpose: For if the sense be uncertain, we can no more be obliged to believe it in a certain sense, then we are to believe it at all, if it were not certaine that God delivered it. But if it be onely certaine that [Page 14] God spake it, and not certaine to what sense, our Faith of it is to be as indeterminate as its sense, and it can be no other in the nature of the thing, nor is it consonant to Gods justice to believe of him that he can or will require more. And this is of the nature of those propositions which Aristotle calls [...], to which without any further probation, all wise men will give assent at its first publication. And therfore deductions inevident, from the evi­dent and plain letter of Faith, are as great recessions from the obli­gation as they are from the simplicity, and certainty of the Article. And this I also affirm, although the Church of any one denomi­nation, or represented in a Councell, shall make the deduction or declaration. For unlesse Christ had promised his Spirit to protect every particular Church from all errors lesse materiall, unlesse he had promised an absolute universall infallibility etiam in minu­tioribus, unlesse super-structures be of the same necessity with the foundation, and that Gods Spirit doth not only preserve his Church in the being of a Church, but in a certainty of not say­ing any thing that is lesse certain; and that whether they will or no too; we may be bound to peace and obedience, to silence, and to charity, but have not a new Article of Faith made; and a new proposition though consequent (as 'tis said) from an Ar­ticle of Faith becomes not therefore a part of the Faith, nor of absolute necessity, Quid unquam aliud Ecclesia Conciliorum decretis Contra haeres. cap, 32. e [...]isa est, nisi ut quod antea simpliciter credebatur, hoc idem postea diligentiùs crederetur, said Vincentius Lirinensis, whatsoever was of necessary beliefe before is so still, and hath a new degree ad­ded by reason of a new light or a clear explication; but no pro­sitions can be adopted into the foundation. The Church hath power to intend our Faith, but not to extend it; to make our beliefe more evident, but not more large and comprehen­sive. For Christ and his Apostles concealed nothing that was necessary to the integrity of Christian Faith, or salvation of our souls; Christ declared all the will of his Father, and the Apostles were Stewards and Dispensers of the same Mysteries, and were faithfull in all the house, and therefore conceald no­thing, but taught the whole Doctrine of Christ; so they said themselves. And indeed if they did not teach all the Doctrine of Faith, an Angel or a man might have taught us other things [Page 15] then what they taught, without deserving an Anathema, but not without deserving a blessing for making up that Faith intire which the Apostles left imperfect. Now if they taught all the whole body of Faith, either the Church in the following Ages lost part of the Faith (and then where was their infallibility, and the effect of those glorious promises to which she pretends and hath certain Title; for she may as well introduce a falshood as loose a truth, it being as much promised to her that the Ho­ly Ghost shall lead her into all truth, as that she shall be pre­served from all errors as appears, Ioh. 16. 13.) Or if she retaind all the Faith which Christ and his Apostles consign'd and taught, then no Age can by declaring any point, make that be an Ar­ticle of Faith which was not so in all Ages of Christianity be­fore such declaration. And indeed if the Vide Iacob Almain. in 3. Sent. d, 25. Q. Vnic. Dub. 3 Patet ergo, quod nulla ve­ritas est Ca­tholica ex ap­probatione, Ecclesiae vei Papae, Gabr. Biel. in 3. Sent. Dist, 25. q. Unic. art. 3. Dub. 3. ad finem. Church by decla­ring an Article can make that to be necessary, which before was not necessary, I doe not see how it can stand with the charity of the Church so to doe (especially after so long experience shee hath had that all men will not believe every such decision or ex­plication) for by so doing she makes the narrow way to heaven narrower, and chalks out one path more to the Devill then he had before, and yet the way was broad enough when it was at the narrowest. For before, differing persons might be saved in di­versity of perswasions, and now afterthis declaration if they can­not, there is no other alteration made, but that some shall be damned who before even in the same dispositions and beliefe should have been beatified persons. For therefore, it is well for the Fathers of the Primitive Church that their errors were not discovered, for if they had been contested (for that would have been cald discovery enough) vel errores emendassent, vel ab Ec­clesiâ Bellar. de laici [...] l. 3. c. 20. §. ad primam con­firmationem. ejecti fuissent. But it is better as it was, they went to hea­ven by that good fortune, whereas otherwise they might have gone to the Devill. And yet there were some errors, particu­larly that of S. Cyprian that was discovered, and he went to heaven, 'tis thought; possibly they might so too for all this pre­tence. But suppose it true, yet whether that declaration of an Article of which with safety we either might have doubted or beene ignorant, does more good, then the damning of those many soules occasionally, but yet certainely and fore­knowingly [Page 16] does hurt, I leave it to all wise and good men to de­termine. And yet besides this, it cannot enter into my thoughts, that it can possibly consist with Gods goodnesse, to put it into the power of man so palpably and openly to alter the paths and in-lets to heaven, and to streighten his mercies, unlesse he had furnished these men with an infallible judgement and an infallible prudence, and a never failing charity, that they should never doe it but with great necessity, and with great truth, and without ends and humane designes, of which I think no Arguments can make us certaine, what the Primitive Church hath done in this case: I shall afterwards consider and give an account of it, but for the present, there is no insecurity in ending there where the Apostles ended, in building where they built, in resting where they left us, unlesse the same infallibility which they had, had still continued, which I think I shall hereafter make evident it did not: And therefore those extensions of Creed which were made in the first Ages of the Church, although for the matter they were most true; yet because it was not certain that they should be so, and they might have been otherwise, therefore they could not be in the same order of Faith, nor in the same degrees of necessity to be believ'd with the Articles Apostolicall; and therefore whether they did well or no in laying the same weight upon them, or whether they did lay the same weight or no, we will afterwards consider.

But to return. I consider that a foundation of Faith cannot alter, unlesse a new building be to be made, the foundation is Numb. 13. the same still; and this foundation is no other but that which Christ and his Apostles laid, which Doctrine is like himselfe, yesterday and to day, and the same for ever: So that the Articles of necessary beliefe to all (which are the only foundation) they cannot be severall in severall Ages, and to severall persons. Nay, the sentence & declaration of the Church, cannot lay this founda­tion, or make any thing of the foundation, because the Church cannot lay her own foundation; we must suppose her to be a build­ing, and that she relies upon the foundation, which is therefore supposed to be laid before, because she is built upon it, or (to make it more explicate) because a cloud may arise from the Al­legory of building and foundation, it is plainly thus; The Church [Page 17] being a company of men obliged to the duties of Faith and obe­dience, the duty and obligation being of the faculties of will and understanding to adhere to such an object, must pre-suppose the object made ready for them; for as the object is before the act in order of nature, and therefore not to be produc'd or encreased by the faculty (which is receptive, cannot be active upon its proper object:) So the object of the Churches Faith is in order of nature before the Church, or before the act and habite of Faith, and therefore cannot be enlarged by the Church, any more then the act of the visive faculty can adde visibility to the object. So that if we have found out what foundation Christ and his Apostles did lay, that is what body and systeme of Articles simply necessary they taught and re­quir'd of us to believe, we need not, we cannot goe any fur­ther for foundation, we cannot enlarge that systeme or collecti­on. Now then, although all that they said is true, and no­thing of it to be doubted or dis-believed, yet as all that they said, is neither written nor delivered (because all was not ne­cessary) so we know that of those things which are written, some things are as farre off from the foundation as those things which were omitted, and therefore although now accidentally they must be beliv'd by all that know them, yet it is not necessary all should know them; and that all should know them in the same sense and interpretation, is neither probable nor obligatory; but therefore since these things are to be distin­guished by some differences of necessary and not necessary, whe­ther or no is not the declaration of Christs and his Apostles af­fixing salvation to the beliefe of some great comprehensive Articles, and the act of the Apostles rendring them as expli­cite as they thought convenient, and consigning that Creed made so explicite, as a tessera of a Christian, as a comprehension of the Articles of his beliefe, as a sufficient disposition and an ex­presse of the Faith of a Catechumen in order to Baptism: whe­ther or no I say, all this be not sufficient probation that these only are of absolute necessity, that this is sufficient for meer be­liefe in order to heaven, and that therefore whosoever believes these Articles heartily and explicitely, [...], as S. John's expression is, God dwelleth in him, I leave it to be [Page 18] consider'd and judg'd of from the premises: Only this, if the old Doctors had been made Judges in these Questions, they would have passed their affirmative; for to instance in one for all, of this it was said by Tertullian, Regula quidem fidei una omnino est Lib. de veland. Virg, sola immobilis & irreformabilis &c. Hâc lege fidei manente caetera jam disciplinae & conversationis admittunt novitatem correctionis, operante scil. & proficiente us (que) in finem gratia Dei. This Sym­bol is the one sufficient immoveable unalterable and unchange­able rule of Faith, that admits no increment or decrement; but if the integrity and unity of this be preserv'd, in all other things men may take a liberty of enlarging their knowledges and prophesyings, according as they are assisted by the grace of God.

SECT. II.

Of Heresy and the nature of it, and that it is to be accounted according to the strict capacity of Christian Faith, and not in Opinions speculative, nor ever to pious persons.

ANd thus I have represented a short draught of the Object Numb. 1. of Faith, and its foundation; the next consideration in or­der to our maine design, is to consider what was and what ought to be the judgement of the Apostles concerning Here­sy: For although there are more kinds of vices, than there are of vertues; yet the number of them is to be taken by ac­counting the transgressions of their vertues, and by the limits of Faith; we may also reckon the Analogy and proportions of Heresy, that as we have seen who was called faithfull by the Apostolicall men, wee may also perceive who were listed by them in the Catalogue of Hereticks, that we in our judgements may proceed accordingly.

And first the word Heresy is used in Scripture indifferently, in a good sense for a Sect or Division of Opinion, and men Numb. 2. following it, or sometimes in a bad sense, for a false Opinion signally condemned; but these kinde of people were then cald [Page 19] Anti-christs and false Prophets more frequently then Hereticks, and then there were many of them in the world. But it is ob­serveable that no Heresies are noted signantèr in Scripture, but such as are great errors practicall in materâ pietatis, such whose doctrines taught impiety, or such who denyed the comming of Christ directly or by consequence, not remote or wiredrawn, but prime and immediate: And therefore in the Code de S. Tri­nitate & fide Catholica, heresy is called [...], a wicked Opinion and an ungodly doctrine.

The first false doctrine we finde condemned by the Apostles was the opinion of Simon Magus, who thought the Holy Ghost Numb. 3. was to be bought with money; he thought very dishonourably to the blessed Spirit; but yet his followers are rather noted of a vice, neither resting in the understanding, nor derived from it, but wholy practicall; Tis simony, not heresy, though in Simon it was a false opinion proceeding from a low account of God, and promoted by his own ends of pride and covetousnesse: The great heresy that troubled them was the doctrine of the necessity of keeping the Law of Moses, the necessity of Circumcision; against which doctrine they were therfore zealous, because it was a direct overthrow to the very end and excellency of Christs comming. And this was an opinion most petinaciously and obstinately maintain'd by the Jewes, and had made a Sect among the Galathians, and this was indeed wholy in opinion; and against it the Apostles opposed two Articles of the Creed, which serv'd at severall times according as the Jewes chang'd their opinion, and left some degrees of their error, I believe in Jesus Christ, and I believe the holy Catholike Church; For they therefore press'd the necessity of Moses Law, because they were unwilling to forgoe the glorious appellative of being Gods own peculiar people; and that salvation was of the Jewes, and that the rest of the world were capable of that grace, no otherwise but by adoption into their Religion, and becomming Proselytes: But this was so ill a doctrine, as that it overthrew the great be­nefits of Christ's comming; for if they were circumcis'd, Christ profited them nothing, meaning this, that Christ will not be a Saviour to them who doe not acknowledge him for their Law-Giver; and they neither confesse him their Law-Giver nor [Page 20] their Saviour, that look to be justified by the Law of Moses, and observation of legall rites; so that this doctrine was a di­rect enemy to the foundation, and therefore the Apostles were so zealous against it. Now then that other opinion, which the Apostles met at Jerusalem to resolve, was but a piece of that opinion; for the Iewes and Proselytes were drawn off from their lees and sediment, by degrees, step by step. At first, they would not endure any should be saved but themselves, and their Profelytes. Being wrought off from this heigth by Miracles, and preaching of the Apostles, they admitted the Gentiles to a possibility of salvation, but yet so as to hope for it by Moses Law. From which foolery, when they were with much adoe disswa­ded, and told that salvation was by Faith in Christ, not by works of the Law, yet they resolv'd to plow with an Oxe and an Asse still, and joyne Moses with Christ; not as shadow and substance, but in an equall confederation, Christ should save the Gentiles if he was helpt by Moses but alone Chri­stianity could not doe it. Against this the Apostles assembled at Jerusalem, and made a decision of the Question, tying some of the Gentiles (such only who were blended by the Iewes in communi patria) to observation of such Rites which the Iewes had derived by tradition from Noah, intending by this to sa­tisfie the Iewes as farre as might be with a reasonable compliance and condescension; the other Gentiles who were unmixt, in the meane while, remaining free as appeares in the liberty S. Paul gave the Church of Corinth of eating Idoll Sacrifices (expresly against the Decree at Jerusalem) so it were without scandall. And yet for all this care and curious discretion, a little of the leaven still remain'd: All this they thought did so concern the Gentiles, that it was totally impertinent to the Iewes; still they had a distinction to satisfie the letter of the Apostles Decree, and yet to persist in their old opinion; and this so continued that fifteene Christian Bishops in succession Euseb. l. 4. Eccles. hist. c. 5. were circumcised, even untill the destruction of Jerusalem, un­der Adrian, as Eusebius reports.

First, By the way let me observe, that never any matter of Numb. 4. Question in the Christian Church was determin'd with greater solennity, or more full authority of the Church then this Que­stion [Page 21] concerning Circumcision: No lesse than the whole Colledge of the Apostles, and Elders at Jerusalem, and that with a Decree of the highest sanction, Visum est spiritui sancto & nobis. Secondly, Either the case of the Hebrewes in parti­cular was omitted, and no determination concerning them, 2. whether it were necessary or lawfull for them to be circum­cised, or else it was involv'd in the Decree, and intended to oblige the Jewes. If it was omitted since the Question was de re necessaria (for dico vobis, I Paul say unto you, If ye be cir­cumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing) it is very remarkable how the Apostles to gaine the Iewes, and to comply with their violent projudice in behalfe of Moses Law, did for a time Tolerate their dissent etiam in re aliôquin necessariâ, which I doubt not but was intended as a precedent for the Church to imitate for ever after: But if it was not omitted, either all the multitude of the Iewes (which S. James then Act. 21. 20. their Bishop expressed by [...]; Thou seest how many myriads of Jewes that believe and yet are zelots for the Law; and Eusebius speaking of Justus sayes, he was one ex infinit â mul­titudine L. 3. 32. Eccles. Hist. eorum qui ex circumcisione in Jesum credebant,) I say all these did perish, and their believing in Christ serv'd them to no other ends, but in the infinity of their torments to up­braid them with hypocrisie and heresie; or if they were sav'd, it is apparent how mercifull God was and pitifull to humane infirmities, that in a point of so great concernment did pity their weaknesse, and pardon their errors, and love their good minde, since their prejudice was little lesse than insuperable, and had faire probabilities, at least, it was such as might abuse a wise and good man (and so it did many) they did bono a [...]im [...] carrare. And if I mistake not, this consideration S. Paul urg'd as a reason why God forgave him who was a Persecutor 1. Tim. 1. of the Saints, because he did it ignorantly in unbelief, that is, he was not convinc'd in his understanding, of the truth of the way which he persecuted, he in the meane while remain­ing in that incredulity not out of malice or ill ends, but the mistakes of humanity and a pious zeale, therefore God had mercy on him: And so it was in this great Question of circum­cision, here only was the difference, the invincibility of [Page 22] S. Paul's error, and the honesty of his heart caused God so to pardon him as to bring him to the knowledge of Christ, which God therefore did because it was necessary, necessitate medii; no salvation was consistent with the actuall remanency of that er­ror; but in the Question of Circumcision, although they by consequence did overthrow the end of Christ's comming: yet because it was such a consequence, which they being hindred by a prejudice not impious did not perceive, God tolerated them in their error till time and a continuall dropping of the lessons and dictates Apostolicall did weare it out, and then the doctrine put on it's apparell, and became cloathed with ne­nessity; they in the meane time so kept to the foundation, that is, Iesus Christ crucified and risen againe, that although this did make a violent concussion of it, yet they held fast with their heart, what they ignorantly destroyed with their tongue, (which Saul before his conversion did not) that God upon other Titles, then an actuall dereliction of their error did bring them to salvation.

And in the descent of so many years, I finde not any one Anathema past by the Apostles or their Successors upon any Numb. 5. of the Bishops of Jerusalem, or the Believers of the Circum­cision, and yet it was a point as clearly determined, and of as great necessity as any of those Questions that at this day vex and crucifie Christendome.

Besides this Question, and that of the Resurrection, com­menc'd in the Church of Corinth, and promoted with some va­riety Numb. 6. of sense by Hymenaeus and Philetus in Asia, who said that the Resurrection was past already, I doe not remember any other heresy nam'd in Scripture, but such as were errours of impiety, seductiones in materiâ practicâ, such as was particular­ly, forbidding to marry, and the heresy of the Nicolaitans, a doctrine that taught the necessity of lust and frequent for­nication.

But in all the Animadversions against errours made by the Apostles in the New Testament, no pious person was con­demn'd, Numb. 7. no man that did invincibly erre, or bona mente; but something that was amisse in genere morum, was that which the Apostles did redargue. And it is very considerable, that even [Page 23] they of the Circumcision who in so great numbers did heartily believe in Christ, and yet most violently retaine Circumcision, and without Question went to Heaven in great numbers; yet of the number of these very men, they came deeply under censure, when to their errour they added impiety: So long as it stood with charity and without humane ends and secular interests, so long it was either innocent or conniv'd at; but when they grew covetous, and for filthy lucres sake taught the same doctrine which others did in the simplicity of their hearts, then they turn'd Hereticks, then they were term'd Seducers; and Titus was commanded to look to them, and to silence them; For there are many that are intractable and vaine bablers, Seducers of minds, especially they of the Circumcision, who seduce whole houses, teaching things that they ought not, for filthy lucres sake. These indeed were not to be indur'd, but to be silenced, by the conviction of sound doctrine, and to be rebuked sharp­ly, and avoided.

For heresy is not an errour of the understanding, but an er­rour Numb. 8. of the will. And this is clearly insinuated in Scripture, in the stile whereof Faith and a good life are made one duty, and vice is called opposite to Faith, and heresy opposed to ho­linesse and sanctity. So in S. Paul, For (saith he) the end of 1 Tim. 1. the Commandement is charity out of a pure heart, and a good con­science, and faith unfained; à quibus quòd aberrarunt quidam, from which charity, and purity, and goodnesse, and sincerity, because some have wandred, deflexerunt ad vaniloquium. And immediately after, he reckons the oppositions to faith and sound doctrine, and instances only in vices that staine the lives of Christians, the unjust, the uncleane, the uncharitable, the lyer, the perjur'd person, & si quis alius qui sanae doctrinae adversatur; these are the enemies of the true doctrine. And therefore S. Peter having given in charge, to adde to our vertue, patience, tem­perance, charity, and the like; gives this for a reason, for if these things be in you and abound, yee shall be fruitfull in the knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ. So that knowledge and faith is inter praecepta morum, is part of a good life: Quid igitur credulitas vel fides? opinor fidelitèr homi­nem Christo credere, id est, fidelem Deo esse, hoc est, fidelitèr Dei mandata ser­vare. So Salvi­an. And Saint Paul cals Faith or the forme of sound words, [...], the doctrine that is according to god­linesse, [Page 24] 1 Tim. 6. 3. [...]; That's our Religion, or Faith, the whole manner of serving God, C. de sum­mâ Trinit. & fide Cathol. And veritati credere, and in injusti­tiâ sibi complacere, are by the same Apostle opposed, and inti­mate, that piety and faith is all one thing; faith must be [...], intire and holy too, or it is not right. It was the heresy of the Gnosticks, that it was no matter how men liv'd, so they did but believe aright: Which wicked doctrine Tatianus a lear­ned Christian did so detest, that he fell into a quite contrary, Non est curandum quid quisque credat, id tantum curandum est quod quisque faciat; And thence came the Sect Excratites: Both these heresies sprang from the too nice distinguishing the faith from the piety and good life of a Christian: They are both but one duty. However, they may be distinguished, if we speak like Philosophers; they cannot be distinguished, when we speak like Christians. For to believe what God hath comman­ded, is in order to a good life; and to live well is the product of that believing, and as proper emanation from it, as from its proper principle, and as heat is from the fire. And therefore, in Scripture, they are used promiscuously in sense, and in ex­pression, as not only being subjected in the same person, but also in the same faculty; faith is as truly seated in the will as in the understanding, and a good life as meerly derives from the un­derstanding as the will. Both of them are matters of choyce and of election, neither of them an effect naturall and invinci­ble or necessary antecedently (necessaria ut fiant, non necessario facta.) And indeed if we remember that S. Paul reckons here­sy amongst the works of the flesh, and ranks it with all manner of practicall impieties, we shall easily perceive that if a man mingles not a vice with his opinion, if he be innocent in his life, though deceiv'd in his doctrine his errour is his misery, not his crime; it makes him an argument of weaknesse and an object of pity, but not a person sealed up to ruine and re­probation.

For as the nature of faith is, so is the nature of heresy, con­traries having the same proportion and commensuration. Now Numb. 9. faith, if it be taken for an act of the understanding meerly, is so farre from being that excellent grace that justifies us, that it is not good at all, in any kinde but in genere naturae, and makes the understanding better in it selfe, or pleasing to God, just as [Page 25] strength doth the arme, or beauty the face, or health the body; these are naturall perfections indeed, and so knowledge and a true beliefe is to the understanding. But this makes us not at all more acceptable to God; for then the unlearned were certainly in a damnable condition, and all good Scholars should be saved (whereas I am afraid too much of the contrary is true.) But unlesse Faith be made morall by the mixtures of choyce, and charity, it is nothing but a naturall perfection, not a grace or a vertue; and this is demonstrably prov'd in this, that by the confession of all men of all interests and perswasions, in matters of meer belief, invincible ignorance is our excuse if we be deceived, which could not be, but that neither to believe aright is commendable, nor to believe amisse is reprovable; but where both one and the other is voluntary and chosen antecedently or consequently, by prime election or ex post facto, and so comes to be consider'd in morality, and is part of a good life or a bad life respectively. Just so it is in heresy, if it be a design of ambition, and making of a Sect (so Erasmus ex­pounds S. Paul [...], sectarum Alieni sunt à veritate qui se obarmant multitudine. Chryst. authorem) if it be for filthy lucres sake as it was in some, that were of the circumci­sion, if it be of pride and love of preheminence, as it was in Dio­trephes [...], or out of pevishnesse and indociblenesse of disposition, or of a contentious spirit, that is, that their feet are not shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace; in all these cases the errour is just so damnable, as is its prin­ciple, but therefore damnable not of it selfe, but by reason of its adherencie. And if any shall say any otherwise, it is to say that some men shall be damned when they cannot help it, perish without their own fault, and be miserable for ever, be­cause of their unhappinesse to be deceived through their own simplicity and naturall or accidentall, but inculpable infirmity.

For it cannot stand with the goodnesse of God, who does Numb. 10. so know our infirmities, that he pardons many things in which our wills indeed have the least share (but some they have) but are overborn with the violence of an impetuous temptation; I say, it is inconsistent with his goodnesse to condemn those who erre where the error hath nothing of the will in it, who therefore cannot repent of their errour, because they believe [Page 26] it true, who therefore cannot make compensation because they know not that they are tyed to dereliction of it. And al­though all Hereticks are in this condition, that is, they be­lieve their errous to be true; yet there is a vast difference be­tween them who believe so out of simplicity, and them who are given over to believe a lie, as a punishment or an effect of some other wickednesse or impiety. For all have a conco­mitant assent to the truth of what they believe; and no man can at the same time believe what he does not believe, but this assent of the understanding in Hereticks is caused not by force of Argument, but the Argument is made forcible by something that is amisse in his will; and although a Heretick may peradventure have a stronger Argument for his errour then some true Believer for his right perswasion; yet it is not considerable how strong his Argument is (because in a weak understanding, a small motive will produce a great perswasion, like gentle physick in a weak body) but that which here is considerable, is, what it is that made his Argument forcible. If his invincible and harmlesse prejudice, if his weaknesse, if his education, if his mistaking piety, if any thing that hath no venome, nor a sting in it, there the heartinesse of his perswasion is no sin, but his misery and his excuse: but if any thing that is evill in genere morum did incline his understanding, if his opinion did commence upon pride, or is nourished by covetous­nesse, or continues through stupid carelesnesse, or increases by pertinacy, or is confirmed by obstinacy, then the innocency of the errour is disbanded, his misery is changed into a crime, and begins its own punishment. But by the way I must observe, that when I reckond obstinacy amongst those things which make a false opinion criminall, it is to be understood with some discretion and distinction. For there is an obstinacy of will which is indeed highly guilty of misdemeanour, and when the Schoole makes pertinacy or obstinacy to be the formality of heresy, they say not true at all, unlesse it be meant the ob­stinacy of the will and choyce; and if they doe, they speak imperfectly and inartificially, this being but one of the causes that makes errour become heresy; the adequate and perfect forma­lity of heresy is whatsoever makes the errour voluntary and vi­tious, [Page 27] as is cleare in Scripture, reckoning covetousnesse, and pride, and lust, and whatsoever is vitious to be its causes; (and in habits, or morall changes and productions, whatever alters the essence of a habite, or gives it a new formality, is not to be reckoned the efficient but the forme) but there is also an obsti­nacy (you may call it) but indeed, is nothing but a resolution and confirmation of understanding, which is not in a mans power honestly to alter, and it is not all the commands of humanity, that can be Argument sufficient to make a man leave believing that for which he thinks he hath reason, and for which he hath such Arguments as heartily convince him. Now the persi­sting in an opinion finally, and against all the confidence and imperiousnesse of humane commands, that makes not this cri­minall obstinacy, if the erring person have so much humility of will as to submit to whatever God sayes, and that no vice in his will hinders him from believing it. So that we must carefully distinguish continuance in opinion from obstinacy, confidence of understanding from peevishnesse of affection, a not being convinced from a resolution never to be convinc'd, up­on humane ends and vitious principles: Scimus quosdam quod Lib. 2. Epist. 1. semel imbiberint nolle deponere, nec propositum suum facile mutare, sed salvo inter collegas pacis & concordiae vinculo quaedam propriae quae apud se semel sint usurpata retinere; Qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus, aut legem damus, saith S. Cyprian. And he himselfe was such a one; for hee persisted in his opinion of re­baptization untill death, and yet his obstinacy was not called criminall, or his errour turned to heresy. But to return.

In this sense, it is that a Heretick is [...], selfe con­demn'd, not by an immediate expresse sentence of understand­ing, Numb. 11. but by his own act or fault brought into condemnation. As it is in the Canon Law, Notorius percussor Clerici is ipso jure ex­communicate, not per sententiam latam ab homine, but à jure. No man hath passed sentence pro tribunali, but Law hath de­creed it pro edicto: So it is in the case of a Heretick. The un­derstanding which is judge, condemns him not by an expresse sentence; for he erres with as much simplicity in the result, as he had malice in the principle: But there is sententia lata à jure, his will which is his law, that hath condemn'd him. And this [Page 28] is gathered from that saying of S. Paul, 2 Tim. 3. 13. But evill men and seducers shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived: First, they are evill men; malice and peevishnesse is in their wills; then they turn Hereticks and seduce others, and while they grow worse and worse, the errour is master of their understanding, they are deceiv'd themselves, given over to be­lieve a lie, saith the Apostle: They first play the knave, and then play the foole; they first sell themselves to the purchase of vaine glory or ill ends, and then they become possessed with a lying spirit, and believe those things heartily, which if they were honest, they should with Gods Grace discover and dis­claime. So that now we see that bona fides in falso articulo, a hearty perswasion in a false article does not alwayes make the errour to be esteemed involuntary; but then only when it is as innocent in the principle as it is confident in the pre­sent perswasion. And such persons who by their ill lives and vitious actions, or manifest designes (for by their fruits yee shall know them) give testimony of such criminall indisposi­tions, so as competent judges by humane and prudent estimate may so judge them, then they are to be declared Hereticks, and avoided. And if this were not true, it were vaine that the Apostle commands us to avoid an Heretick: For no ex­ternall act can passe upon a man for a crime that is not cognoscible.

Now every man that erres, though in a matter of consequence, Numb. 12. so long as the foundation is intire, cannot be suspected justly guilty of a crime to give his error a formality of heresy; for we see many a good man miserably deceiv'd (as we shall make it appeare afterwards) and he that is the best amongst men, cer­tainely hath so much humility to think he may be easily de­ceiv'd, and twenty to one but he is in some thing or other; yet if his error be not voluntary, and part of an ill life, then because he lives a good life, he is a good man, and therefore no Heretick: No man is a Heretick against his will. And if it be pretended that every man that is deceived, is therefore proud, because he does not submit his understanding to the au­thority of God or Man respectively, and so his errour becomes a heresy: To this I answer, That there is no Christian man [Page 29] but will submit his understanding to God, and believes what­soever he hath said; but alwayes provided, he knowes that God hath said so, else he must doe his duty by a readinesse to obey when he shall know it. But for obedience or humility of the un­derstanding towards men, that is a thing of another considera­tion, and it must first be made evident that his understand­ing must be submitted to men; and who those men are, must also be certaine, before it will be adjudg'd a sinne not to sub­mit. But if I mistake not Christs saying [call no man master upon earth] is so great a prejudice against this pretence, as I doubt it will goe neere wholy to make it invalid. So that as the worshipping of Angels is a humility indeed, but it is voluntary and a will-worship to an ill sence, not to be excused by the excellency of humility, nor the vertue of Religion: so is the relying upon the judgement of man, an humility too, but such as comes not under that [...], that obedience of Faith which is the duty of every Christian; but intrenches upon that duty which we owe to Christ as an acknowledge­ment that he is our great Master, and the Prince of the Ca­tholike Church. But whether it be or be not, if that be the Question whether the disagreeing person be to be determined by the dictates of men, I am sure the dictates of men must not determine him in that Question, but it must be settled by some higher principle: So that if of that Question the dis­agreeing person does opine, or believe, or erre bonâ fide, he is not therefore to be judg'd a Heretick, because he submits not his understanding, because till it bee sufficiently made certaine to him that hee is bound to submit, he may innocently and piously disagree, and this not submitting is therefore not a crime (and so cannot make a heresy) because without a crime he may lawfully doubt whether he be bound to submit or no, for that's the Question. And if in such Questions which have influence upon a whole systeme of Theology, a man may doubt lawfully if he doubts heartily, because the authority of men being the thing in Question, cannot bee the judge of this Question, and therefore being rejected, or (which is all one) being questioned, that is, not believed, cannot render the doubting person guilty of pride, and by consequence [Page 30] not of heresy, much more may particular questions be doubted of, and the authority of men examined, and yet the doubting person be humble enough, and therefore no Heretick for all this pretence. And it would be considered that humility is a du­ty in great ones as well as in Idiots. And as inferiours must not disagree without reason, so neither must superiours prescribe to others without sufficient authority, evidence and necessity too: And if rebellion be pride, so is tyranny; and it being in materiâ intellectuali, both may be guilty of pride of understanding, some­times the one in imposing, sometimes the other in a causelesse disagreeing; but in the inferiours it is then only the want of humility, when the guides impose or prescribe what God hath also taught, and then it is the disobeying Gods dictares, not mans, that makes the sinne. But then this consideration will also intervene, that as no dictate of God obliges men to believe it, unlesse I know it to be such: So neither will any of the di­ctates of my superiours, engage my faith, unlesse I also know, or have no reason to dis believe, but that they are warranted to teach them to me, therefore, because God hath taught the same to them, which if I once know, or have no reason to think the contrary, if I disagree, my sinne is not in resisting humane authority, but divine. And therefore the whole busi­nesse of submitting our understanding to humane authority, comes to nothing; for either it resolves into the direct duty of submitting to God, or if it be spoken of abstractedly, it is no duty at all.

But this pretence of a necessity of humbling the understand­ing, is none of the meanest arts whereby some persons have Numb. 13. invaded, and usurpt a power over mens faith and consciences, and therefore we shall examine the pretence afterwards, and try if God hath invested any Man or company of Men with such a power. In the meane time, he that submits his un­derstanding to all that he knowes God hath said, and is ready to submit to all that he hath said if he but know it, deny­ing his own affections and ends, and interests and humane per­swasions, laying them all down at the foot of his great Master Jesus Christ, that man hath brought his understanding into subjection, and every proud thought unto the obedience of [Page 31] Christ, and this is [...], the obedience of Faith, which is the duty of a Christian.

But to proceed: Besides these heresies noted in Scripture, the age of the Apostles, and that which followed, was in­fested Numb. 14. with other heresies; but such as had the same formality and malignity with the precedent, all of them either such as taught practicall impieties, or denyed an Article of the Creed. Egesippus in Eusebius reckons seven only prime heresies that sought to defloure the purity of the Church: That of Simon, that of Thebutes, of Cleobius, of Dositheus, of Gortheus, of Mas­botheus; I suppose Cerinthus to have been the seventh man, though he expresse him not: But of these, except the last, we know no particulars; but that Egesippus sayes, they were false Christs, and that their doctrine was directly against God and his blessed Sonne. Menander also was the first of a Sect, but he bewitched the people with his Sorceries. Cerinthus his doctrine pretended Enthusiasm or a new Revelation, and ended in lust and impious theorems in matter of uncleannesse. The Vid. Hilar. lib. 1. de Trin. E­bionites denyed Christ to be the Sonne of God, and affirmed him [...], begot by naturall generation, (by occa­sion of which and the importunity of the Asian Bishops, S. John writ his Gospel) and taught the observation of Moses Law. Basilides taught it lawfull to renounce the faith, and take false oaths in time of Persecution. Carpocrates was a very bedlam, halfe-witch, and quite mad-man, and practizd lust, which he cald the secret operations to overcome the Po­tentates of the world. Some more there were, but of the same nature and pest, not of a nicety in dispute, not a question of secret Philosophy, not of atomes, and undiscernable propo­sitions, but open defiances of all Faith, of all sobriety, and of all sanctity, excepting only the doctrine of the Millenaries, which in the best Ages was esteemed no heresy, but true Catholike Doctrine, though since it hath justice done to it, and hath suffered a just condemnation.

Hitherto, and in these instances, the Church did esteeme Numb. 15. and judge of herefies, in proportion to the rules and characters of Faith. For Faith being a Doctrine of piety as well as truth, that which was either destructive of fundamentall verity, or [Page 32] of Christian sanctity was against Faith, and if it made a Sect, was heresy; if not, it ended in personall impiety and went no farther. But those who as S. Paul sayes, not only did such things, but had pleasure in them that doe them, and therefore taught others to do what they impiously did dogmatize, they were Here­ticks both in matter and form, in doctrine and deportment, towards God, and towards man, and judicable in both tribunals.

But the Scripture and Apostolicall Sermons, having expres­sed most high indignation against these masters of impious Numb. 16. Sects, leaving them under prodigious characters, and horrid representments, as calling them men of corrupt minds, re­probates concerning the faith, given over to strong delusions to the beliefe of a lye, false Apostles, false Prophets, men al­ready condemned, and that by themselves, Anti-christs, enemies of God; and heresy it selfe, a work of the flesh, excluding from the kingdome of heaven; left such impressions in the minds of all their successours, and so much zeal against such Sects, that if any opinion commenc'd in the Church, not heard of before; it oftentimes had this ill luck to run the same fortune with an old heresy. For because the Hereticks did bring in new opi­nions in matters of great concernment, every opinion de novo brought in was lyable to the same exception; and because the degree of malignity in every errour was oftentimes undiscern­able, and most commonly indemonstrable, their zeale was alike against all; and those Ages being full of piety, were fitted to be abused with an overactive zeale, as wise persons and learned are with a too much indifferency.

But it came to passe, that the further the succession went from the Apostles, the more forward men were in numbring Numb. 17. heresies, and that upon slighter and more uncertain grounds. Some foot-steps of this wee shall finde, if we consider the Sects that are said to have sprung in the first three hundred years, and they were pretty and quick in their springs and falls; fourescore and seven of them are reckoned. They were indeed reckoned afterward, and though when they were alive, they were not condemn'd with as much forwardnesse, as after they were dead; yet even then, confidence began to mingle with opinions lesse necessary, and mistakes in judgement were [Page 33] oftener and more publike then they should have been. But if they were forward in their censures (as some times some of them were) it is no great wonder they were deceiv'd. For what principle or [...] had they then to judge of heresies, or condemn them, besides the single dictates or decretals of private Bishops? for Scripture was indifferently pretended by all; and concerning the meaning of it, was the Question: now there was no generall Councell all that while, no opportunity for the Church to convene; and if we search the communica­tory letters of the Bishops and Martyrs in those dayes, we shall finde but few sentences decretory concerning any Questi­on of Faith, or new sprung opinion. And in those that did, for ought appeares, the persons were mis-reported, or their opi­nions mistaken, or at most, the sentence of condemnation was no more but this; Such a Bishop who hath had the good fortune by posterity to be reputed a Catholike, did condemn such a man or such an opinion, and yet himselfe err'd in as considerable matters, but meeting with better neighbours in his life time, and a more charitable posterity, hath his memo­ry preserv'd in honour. It appears plain enough in the case of Nicholas the Deacon of Antioch, upon a mistake of his words whereby he taught [...] to abuse the flesh, viz. by acts of austerity and selfe denyall, and mortification; some wicked people that were glad to be mistaken and abused into a pleasing crime, pretended that he taught them to abuse the flesh by filthy commixtures and pollutions: This mistake was transmitted to posterity with a full cry, and acts afterwards found out to justifie an ill opinion of him. For by S. Hierome's time it grew out of Question, but that he was the vilest of men, and the worst of Hereticks; Nicolaus Antiochenus, om­nium Ad Ctesiph. immunditiarum conditor choros duxit faemineos. And a­gaine, Iste Nicolaus Diaconus ita immundus extitit ut etiam in praesepi Domini nefas perpetrârit: Accusations that while the Epist. de Fa­biano lapso. good man liv'd were never thought of; for his daughters were Virgins, and his Sons liv'd in holy coelibate all their lives, and himselfe liv'd in chast Wedlock; and yet his memory had rotted in perpetuall infamy, had not God (in whose sight, the memory of the Saints is precious) preserv'd it by the testi­mony [Page 34] of L. 3. Stromat. Clemens Alexandrinus, and from him of L. 3. c. 26. Hist. Euse­bius and Nicephorus. But in the Catalogue of Hereticks made by Philastrius he stands markt with a black character as guil­ty of many heresies: By which one testimony we may guesse what trust is to be given to those Catalogues: Well, This good man had ill luck to fall into unskilfull hands at first; but Ire­naeus, Justin Maryr, Lactantius, (to name no more) had bet­ter fortune; for it being still extant in their writings that they were of the Millenary opinion, Papias before, and Nepos after were censured hardly, and the opinion put into the cata­logue of heresies and yet these men never suspected as guilty, but like the children of the Captivity walkt in the midst of the flame, and not so mcuh as the smell of fire passed on them. But the uncertainty of these things is very memorable, in the Story of Eustathius Bishop of Antioch contesting with Eusebius Pamphilus: Eustathius accused Eusebius for going about to corrupt the Nicene Creed, of which slander he then ac­quitted himselfe (saith Socrates) and yet he is not cleared by L. 1. c. 23. posterity, for still he is suspected, and his fame not cleare: However Eusebius then scap'd well, but to be quit with his Adversary, he recriminares and accuses him to be a favourer of Sabellius, rather then of the Nicene Canons; an imperfect ac­cusation, God knowes, when the crime was a suspition, prove­able only by actions capable of divers constructions, and at the most, made but some degrees of probability, and the fact it selfe did not consist in indivisibili, and therefore was to stand or fall, to be improv'd or lessen'd according to the will of the Judges, whom in this cause Eustathius by his ill fortune and a potent Adversary found harsh towards him, in so much that he was for heresy deposed in the Synod of Antioch; and though this was layd open in the eye of the world as being most ready at hand, with the greatest ease charged upon every man, and with greatest difficulty acquitted by any man; yet there were other suspicions raised upon him privately, or at least talkt of ex post facto, and pretended as causes of his deprivation, least the sentence should seem too hard for the first offence. And yet what they were no man could tell, saith the story. But it is observable what Socrates saith, as in excuse of such proceedings, [Page 35] [...]. L. 1. c. 24. ‘It is the manner among the Bishops, when they accuse them that are deposed, they call them wicked, but they publish not the actions of their impiety.’ It might possibly be that the Bishops did it in tendernesse of their reputation, but yet hardly; for to punish a person publikely and highly, is a cer­tain declaring the person punished guilty of a high crime, and then to conceale the fault upon pretence to preserve his repu­tation, leaves every man at liberty, to conjecture what he pleaseth, who possibly will believe it worse than it is, in as much as they think his judges so charitable as therefore to conceale the fault, least the publishing of it should be his grea­test punishment, and the scandall greater then his deprivati­on. Simplicitèr pateat vitium fortasse pusil­lum, Quod-te­gitur majus creditur esse malum Mar­tial. However this course, if it were just in any, was unsafe in all; for it might undoe more then it could preserve, and therefore is of more danger, then it can be of charity. It is therefore too probable that the matter was not very faire; for in publike sentence the acts ought to be publike; but that they rather pretend heresy to bring their ends about, shewes how easie it is to impute that crime, and how forward they were to doe it: And that they might and did then as easily call Here­tick as afterward, when Vigilius was condemned of heresy for saying there were Antipodes; or as the Fryars of late did, who suspected Greek and Hebrew of heresy, and cald their Profes­sors Hereticks, and had like to have put Terence and Demost­henes into the Index Expurgatorius; sure enough they raild at them pro concione, therefore because they understood them not, and had reason to believe they would accidentally be enemies to their reputation among the people.

By this instance which was a while after the Nicene Coun­cell, where the acts of the Church were regular, judiciall and or­derly, Numb. 18. we may guesse at the sentences passed upon heresy, at such times and in such cases, when their processe was more private, and their acts more tumultuary, their information lesse certaine, and therefore their mistakes more easie and frequent. And it is remarkable in the case of the heresy of Montanus, the scene of whose heresy lay within the first three hundred yeares, [Page 36] though it was represented in the Caralogues afterwards, and possibly the mistake concerning it, is to be put upon the score of Epiphanius, by whom Montanus and his Followers were put into the Catalogue of Hereticks for commanding abstinence from meats, as if they were unclean, and of themselves un­lawfull. Now the truth was, Montanus said no such thing, but commanded frequent abstinence, enjoyned dry diet, and an ascetick Table, not for conscience sake, but for Discipline; and yet because he did this with too much rigour and strictnesse of mandate, the Primitive Church mislik'd it in him, as being too neere their errour, who by a Judaicall superstition abstain'd from meats as from uncleannesse. This by the way will much concern them who place too much sanctity in such Rites and Acts of Discipline; for it is an eternall Rule and of never fail­ing truth, that such abstinences if they be obtruded as Acts of originall immediate duty and sanctity, are unlawfull and super­stious; if they be for Discipline they may be good, but of no very great profit; it is that [...] which S. Paul sayes profiteth but little; and just in the same degree the Pri­mitive Church esteem'd them; for they therefore reprehended Montanus, for urging such abstinences with too much earnest­nesse, though but in the way of Discipline, for that it was no more, Tertullian, who was himselfe a Montanist, and knew best the opinions of his own Sect, testifies; and yet Epiphanus reporting the errours of Montanus, commends that which Montanus truly and really taught, and which the Primitive Church condemn'd in him, and therefore represents that heresy to another sense, and affixes that to Montanus, which Epipha­nius beliv'd a heresy, and yet which Montanus did not teach. And this also among many other things lessens my opinion ve­ry much of the integrity or discretion of the old Cata­logues of Hereticks, and much abates my confidence towards them.

And now that I have mentioned them casually in passing by, I shall give a short account of them; for men are much Numb. 19. mistaken; some in their opinions concerning the truth of them, as believing them to be all true, some concerning their purpose as thinking them sufficient not only to condemn all [Page 37] those opinions, there called hereticall; but to be a precedent to all Ages of the Church to be free and forward in calling He­retick. But he that considers the Catalogues themselves, as they are collected by Epiphanius, Philastrius, and S. Austin, shall finde that many are reckoned for Hereticks for opinions in matters disputable, and undetermin'd, and of no consequence; and that in these Catalogues of Hereticks there are men num­bred for Hereticks, which by every side respectively are ac­quitted; so that there is no company of men in the world that admit these Catalogues as good Records, or sufficient sen­tences of condemnation. For the Churches of the Reformation, I am certain, they acquit Aërius for denying prayer for the dead, and the Eustathians for denying invocation of Saints. And I am partly of opinion that the Church of Rome is not willing to call the Collyridians Hereticks for offering a Cake to the Virgin Mary, unlesse she also will runne the hazard of the same sentence for offering Candles to her: And that they will be glad with S. Austin (l. 6. de haeres. c. 86.) to excuse the D. Thom. l. contr. gent. c. 21. Tertullianists for picturing God in a visible corporall representment. And yet these Sects are put in the black book by Epiphanius and S. Austin, and Isidore respectively. I remember also that the Osseni are cald Hereticks, be­cause they refused to worship toward the East; and yet in that dissent, I finde not the malignity of a heresy, nor any thing against an Article of Faith or good manners; and it be­ing only in circumstance, it were hard, if they were otherwise pious men and true believers, to send them to Hell for such a trifle. The Parermeneutae refused to follow other mens dictates like sheep, but would expound Scripture according to the best evidence themselves could finde, and yet were called Hereticks whether they expounded true or no. The Euthym. part. 1. tit. 21.▪ Epiphan. haeres. 64. Pauliciani for be­ing offended at crosses, the Proclians for saying in a regenerate man all his sinnes were not quite dead, but only curbed and asswaged, were called Hereticks, and so condemned; for ought I know for affirming that which all pious men feele in them­selves to be too true. And he that will consider how numerous the Catalogues are, and to what a volumn they are come in their last collections, to no lesse then five hundred and twenty [Page 38] (for so many heresies and Hereticks are reckoned by Prateolus) may think that if a re-trenchment were justly made of truths, and all impertinencies, and all opinions, either still disputable, or lesse considerable, the number would much decrease; and therefore that the Catalogues are much amisse, and the name Heretick is made a terriculamentum to affright people from their beliefe, or to discountenance the persons of men, and disrepute them, that their Schooles may be empty and their Di­sciples few.

So that I shall not neede to instance how that some men Numb. 20. were called Hereticks by Philastrius for rejecting the translati­on of the LXX. and following the Bible of Aquila, wherein the great faults mentioned by Philastrius, are that he translates [...], not Christum, but unctum Dei, and in stead of Emanuel writes Deus nobiscum. But this most concerns them of the Primitive Church with whom the translation of Aquila was in great reputation, is enim veluti plus à quibusdam ..... intellexisse laudatur. It was supposed he was a greater Clerk and understood more then ordinary; it may be so he did. But whether yea or no, yet since the other Translators by the Confession of Philastrius, quaedam praetermisisse necessitate ur­gente cogerentur, if some wise men or unwise did follow a Translatour who understood the Originall well (for so A­quila had learnt amongst the Jewes) it was hard to call men Hereticks for following his Translation, especially since the o­ther Bibles (which were thought to have in them contradi­ctories; and, it was confessed, had omitted some things) were excused by necessity, and the others necessity of following A­quila, when they had no better was not at all considered, nor a lesse crime then heresy laid upon their score Philastr 99. eos inter hae­reticos nume­rat qui spira­culum vitae in libro Genes. in­terpretantur animam rati­onalem, & non potiùs gratiam Spiritus sancti.. Such another was the heresy of the Quartodecimani; for the Easterlings were all proclaimed Hereticks for keeping Easter after the manner of the East; and as Socrates and Nicephorus report, the Bishop of Rome was very forward to Excommunicate all the Bishops of the lesser Asia for observing the Feast according to the Tradi­tion of their Ancestors, though they did it modestly, quietly, and without faction; and although they pretended, and were as well able to prove their Tradition from S. John, of so observing [Page 39] it, as the Western Church could prove their Tradition deri­vative from S. Peter and S. Paul. If such things as these make up the Catalogues of Hereticks (as we see they did) their accounts differ from the Precedents they ought to have followed, that is, the censures Apostolicall, and therefore are unsafe Precedents for us; and unlesse they took the liberty of using the word heresy, in a lower sense, then the world now doth, since the Councels have been forward in pronouncing Anathema, and took it only for a distinct sense, and a differing perswasion in matters of opi­nion and minute Articles, we cannot excuse the persons of the men: But if they intended the crime of heresy against those opinions as they laid them down in their Catalogues, that crime (I say) which is a work of the flesh, which ex­cludes from the Kingdome of Heaven, all that I shall say against them, is, that the causlesse curse shall return empty, and no man is damn'd the sooner, because his enemy cryes [...], and they that were the Judges and Accusers might erre as well as the persons accused, and might need as charitable construction of their opinions and practices as the other. And of this we are sure they had no warrant from any rule of Scripture or practice Apostolicall, for driving so furiously and hastily in such decretory sentences. But I am willing rather to believe their sense of the word heresy was more gentle then with us it is, and for that they might have warrant from Scripture.

But by the way, I observe that although these Catalogues are Numb. 21. a great instance to shew that they whose Age and spirits were farre distant from the Apostles, had also other judgements concerning Faith and heresy, then the Apostles had, and the Ages Apostolicall; yet these Catalogues although they are re­ports of heresies in the second and third Ages, are not to be put upon the account of those Ages, nor to be reckoned as an instance of their judgement, which although it was in some degrees more culpable then that of their Predecessors, yet in respect of the following Ages it was innocent and modest. But these Catalogues I speak of, were set down according to the sense of the then presentages, in which as they in all proba­bility did differ from the apprehensions of the former Cen­turies, so it is certain, there were differing learnings, other [Page 40] sancies, divers representments and judgements of men depend­ing upon circumstances which the first Ages knew, and the fol­lowing Ages did not; and therefore the Catalogues were drawn with some truth, but lesse certainty, as appears in their differing about the Authours of some heresies; severall opini­ons imputed to the same, and some put in the roll of Here­ticks by one, which the other left out; which to me is an Ar­gument that the Collectors were determin'd, not by the sense and sentences of the three first Ages but by themselves, and some circumstances about them, which to reckon for Hereticks, which not. And that they themselves were the prime Judges, or perhaps some in their own Age together with them; but there was not any sufficient externall judicatory competent to declare heresy that by any publike or sufficient sentence or acts of Court had furnished them with warrant for their Catalogues. And therefore they are no Argument sufficient that the first Ages of the Church, which certainly were the best, did much recede from that which I shewed to be the sense of the Scripture, and the practise of the Apostles; they all contented themselves with the Apostles Creed as the rule of the Faith; and therefore were not forward to judge of heresy, but by analogy to their rule of Faith: And those Catalogues made after these Ages are not sufficient Arguments that they did otherwise; but rather of the weaknesse of some persons, or of the spirit and genius of the Age in which the Compilers liv'd, in which the device of cal­ling all differing opinions by the name of heresies, might grow to be a design to serve ends, and to promote interests, as often as an act of zeale and just indignation against evill persons de­stroyers of the Faith and corrupters of manners.

For whatever private mens opinions were, yet till the Nicene Numb. 22. Councell, the rule of Faith was intire in the Apostles Creed, and provided they retained that, easily they broke not the unity of Faith, however differing opinions might possibly commence in such things in which a liberty were better suffered then prohi­bited with a breach of charity. And this appears exactly in the Question between S. Cyprian of Carthage, and Stephan Bishop of Rome, in which one instance it is easie to see what was law­full and safe for a wise and good man, and yet how others began [Page 41] even then to be abused by that temptation, which since hath invaded all Christendome. S. Cyprian re. baptized Hereticks, and thought he was bound so to doe; calls a Synod in Africk as being Metropolitan, and confirms his opinion by the con­sent of his Suffragans and Brethren, but still with so much mo­desty that if any man was of another opinion, he judg'd him not, but gave him that liberty that he desired himself; Stephen Bishop of Rome growes angry, Excommunicates the Bishops of Asia and Africa, that in divers Synods had consented to re­baptization, and without peace, and without charity condemns them for Hereticks. Indeed here was the rarest mixture and conjunction of unlikelihoods that I have observed. Here was errour of opinion with much modesty and sweetnesse of tem­per on one side; and on the other, an over-active and impetuous zeal to attest a truth, it uses not to be so, for errour usually is supported with confidence, and truth suppressed and discoun­tenanc'd by indifferency. But that it might appear that the errour was not the sinne but the uncharitablenesse, Stephan was accounted a zealous and furious person, and S. Vid. S. Aug. l. 2. c. 6. de baptis. contra Donat. Cyprian though deceiv'd, yet a very good man, and of great sanctity. For although every errour is to be opposed, yet according to the variety of errours, so is there variety of proceedings. If it be against Faith, that is, a destruction of any part of the foun­dation, it is with zeal to be resisted, and we have for it an Apostolicall warrant, contend earnestly for the Faith; but then as these things recede farther from the foundation, our cer­tainty is the lesse, and their necessity not so much, and there­fore it were very fit, that our confidence should be according to our evidence, and our zeal according to our confidence, and our confidence should then be the Rule of our Communi­on; and the lightnesse of an Article should be considered with the weight of a precept of charity. And therefore, there are some errours to be reproved, rather by a private friend then a publike censure, and the persons of the men not avoided but admonished, and their Doctrine rejected, not their Communi­on; few opinions are of that malignity which are to be re­jected with the same exterminating spirit, and confidence of aversation, with which the first Teachers of Christianity con­demn'd [Page 42] Ebion, Manes, and Cerinthus; and in the condemnation of Hereticks the personall iniquity is more considerable then the obliquity of the doctrine, not for the rejection of the Article, but for censuring the persons; and therefore it is the piety of the man that excused S. Cyprian, which is a certain Argument that it is not the opinion, but the impiety that condemns and makes the Heretick. And this was it which Vincentius Lirinensis Adv. haeres. c. 11. said in this very case of S. Cyprian, Vnius & ejusdem opinionis (mi­rum videri potest) judicamus authores Catholicos, & sequaces haere­ticos. Excusamus Magistros, & condemnamus Scholasticos. Qui scripserunt libros sunt haeredes Coeli, quorum librorum defensores detruduntur ad infernum. Which saying, if we confront against the saying of Salvian condemning the first Authors of the Arrian Sect, and acquitting the Followers, we are taught by these two wise men, that an errour is not it that sends a man to Hell, but he that begins the heresy, and is the authour of the Sect, he is the man mark'd out to ruine; and his Followers scap'd, when the Here siarch commenc'd the errour upon pride and ambition, and his Followers went after him in simplicity of their heart; and so it was most commonly: but on the con­trary, when the first man in the opinion was honestly and in­vincibly deceived, as S. Cyprian was, and that his Scholars to maintaine their credit, or their ends, maintaind the opinion, not for the excellency of the reason perswading, but for the be­nefit and accruments, or peevishnesse, as did the Donatisis, qui de Cypriani authoritate fibi carnaliter blandiuntur, as S. Austin said of them; then the Scholars are the Hereticks, and the Master is a Catholike. For his errour is not the heresy for­mally, and an erring person may be a Catholike. A wicked per­son in his errour becomes heretick, when the good man in the same errour shall have all the rewards of Faith. For what­ever an ill man believes, if he therefore believe it because it serves his own ends, be his belief true or false, the man hath an hereticall minde, for to serve his own ends, his minde is prepared to believe a lie. But a good man that believes what according to his light, and upon the use of his morall industry he thinks true, whether he hits upon the right or no, because he hath a minde desirous of truth, and [Page 43] prepared to believe every truth is therefore acceptable to God, because nothing hindred him from it, but what hee could not help, his misery and his weaknesse, which being imperfections meerly naturall, which God never punishes, he stands faire for a blessing of his morality, which God alwayes accepts. So that now if Stephen had followed the example of God Almighty, or retained but the same peaceable spirit which his Brother of Cathage did, he might with more advantage to truth, and reputation both of wisdome and piety have done his duty in attesting what he believ'd to be true; for we are as much bound to be zealous pursuers of peace as earnest con­tenders for the Faith I am sure more earnest we ought to be for the peace of the Church, then for an Article which is not of the Faith, as this Question of re-baptization was not; for S. Cyprian died in beliefe against it, and yet was a Catholike, and a Martyr for the Christian Faith.

The summe is this S. Cyprian did right in a wrong cause (as Numb. 23. it hath been since judged) and Stephen did ill in a good cause; as fame then as piety and charity is to be preferr'd before a true opinion, so farre is S. Cyprian's practise a better precedent for us, and an example of primitive sanctity, then the zeale and indiscretion of Stephen: S. Cyprian had not learn'd to forbid to any one a liberty of prophesying or interpretation, if hee transgressed not the foundation of Faith and the Creed of the Apostles.

Well thus it was, and thus it ought to be in the first Ages, Numb. 23. the Faith of Christendome rested still upon the same foundati­on, and the judgements of heresies were accordingly, or were amisie; but the first great violation of this truth was, when Generall Councels came in, and the Symbols were enlarged, and new Articles were made as much of necessity to be believed as the Creed of the Apostles, and damnation threatned to them that did diffent, and at last the Creeds multiplyed in number, and in Articles, and the liberty of prophesying began to be something restrained.

And this was of so much the more force and efficacy be­cause Numb. 25. it began upon great reason, and in the first instance, with successe good enough. For I am much pleased with the en­larging [Page 44] of the Creed, which the Councell of Nice made, be­cause they enlarged it to my sense; but I am not sure that o­thers are satisfied with it; While we look upon the Article they did determine, we see all things well enough; but there are some wise personages consider it in all circumstances, and think the Church had been more happy if she had not been in some sense constrain'd to alter the simplicity of her faith, and make it more curious and articulate, so much that he had need be a subtle man to understand the very words of the new de­terminations.

For the first Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, in the pre­sence Numb. 26. of his Clergy, entreats somewhat more curiously of the secret of the mysterious Trinity, and Unity, so curiously, that Socra. l. 1. c. 8. Arius (who was a Sophister too subtle as it afterward ap­pear'd) misunderstood him, and thought he intended to bring in the heresy of Sabellius. For while he taught the Unity of the Trinity either he did it so inartificially, or so intricately, that Arius thought he did not distinguish the persons, when the Bishop intended only the unity of nature. Against this Arius furiously drives, and to confute Sabellius, and in him (as he thought) the Bishop, distinguishes the natures too, and so to secure the Article of the Trinity, destroyes the Unity. It was the first time the Question was disputed in the world, and in such mysterious niceties, possibly every wise man may understand something, but few can understand all, and therefore suspect what they understand not, and are furiously zealous for that part of it which they doe perceive. Well, it hapned in these as alwayes in such cases, in things men understand not they are most impetuous; and because suspition is a thing infi­nite in degrees, for it hath nothing to determine it, a suspiti­ous person is ever most violent; for his feares are worse then the thing feared, because the thing is limited, but his feares are not; so that upon this grew contentions on both sides, and Lib. 1. c. 6. tumults, rayling and reviling each other; and then the Laity were drawn into parts, and the Meletians abetted the wrong part, and the right part fearing to be overborn, did any thing that was next at hand to secure it selfe. Now then they that lived in that Age, that understood the men, that saw how quiet [Page 45] the Church was before this stirre, how miserably rent now, what little benefit from the Question, what schisme about it, gave other censures of the businesse, then we since have done, who only look upon the Article determind with truth and appro­bation of the Church generally, since that time. But the Epi­stle of Constantine to Alexander and Arius, tells the truth, and Cap. 7. chides them both for commencing the Question, Alexander for broaching it, Arius for taking it up; and although this be true, that it had been better for the Church it never had be­gun, yet being begun, what is to be done in it? of this also in that admirable Epistle, we have the Emperours judgement (I suppose not without the advise and privity of Hosius Bishop of Corduba, whom the Emperour lov'd and trusted much, and imployed in the delivery of the Letters.) ‘For first he calls it a certain vain piece of a Question, ill begun and more unad­visedly published, a Question which no Law or Ecclesiasticall Canon defineth, a fruitlesse contention, the product of idle braines, a matter so nice, so obscure, so intricate that it was neither to be explicated by the Clergy, nor understood by the people, a dispute of words, a doctrine inexpliable, but most dangerous when taught least it introduce discord or blas­phemy; and therefore, the Objector was rash, and the answerer unadvised; for it concernd not the substance of Faith, or the worship of God, nor any cheife commandment of Scripture, and therefore, why should it be the matter of discord? For though the matter be grave; yet because neither necessary, nor explicable, the contention is trifling and toyish. And therefore, as the Philosophers of the same Sect, though dif­fering in explication of an opinion, yet more love for the uni­ty of their Profession, then disagree for the difference of opi­nion; So should Christians believing in the same God, retaining the same Faith, having the same hopes, opposed by the same enemies, not fall at variance upon such disputes, con­sidering our understandings are not all alike; and therefore, neither can our opinions in such mysterious Articles: so that the matter being of no great importance, but vaine, and a toy in respect of the excellent blessings of peace and charity, it were good that Alexander and Arius should leave contending, [Page 46] keep their opinions to themselves, ask each other forgivenesse, and give mutuall toleration.’ This is the substance of Con­stantine's letter, and it contains in it much reason, if he did not undervalue the Question; but it seems it was not then thought a Question of Faith but of nicety of dispute; they both did be­lieve one God, and the holy Trinity. Now then that he af­terward called the Nicene Councell, it was upon occasion of the vilenesse of the men of the Arian part, their eternall discord and pertinacious wrangling, and to bring peace into the Church; that was the necessity; and in order to it was the determination of the Article. But for the Article it selfe, the Letter declares what opinion he had of that, and this Letter was by Socrates called a wonderfull exhortation, full of grace and sober councels; and such as Hosius himself, who was the mes­senger, pressed with all earnestnesse, with all the skill and Au­thority he had.

I know the opinion the world had of the Article afterward is quite differing from this censure given of it before; and Numb. 27. therefore they have put it into the Creed (I suppose) to bring the world to unity, and to prevent Sedition in this Question, and the accidentall blasphemies, which were occasioned by their curious talkings of such secret mysteries, and by their illiterate resolutions. But although the Article was determin'd with an excellent spirit, and we all with much reason professe to be­lieve it; yet it is another consideration, whether or no it might not have been better determin'd, if with more simplicity; and another yet, whether or no since many of the Bishops who did believe this thing, yet did not like the nicety and curiosity of expressing it, it had not been more agreeable to the practise of the Apostles to have made a determination of the Article by way of Exposition of the Apostles Creed, and to have left this in a rescript, for record to all posterity, and not to have enlarged the Creed with it; for since it was an Explication of an Article of the Creed of the Apostles, as Sermons are of places of Scripture, it was thought by some, that Scripture might with good profit, and great truth be expounded, and yet the expositions not put into the Canon, or goe for Scripture, but that left still in the naked Originall simplicity, and so much the [Page 47] rather since that Explication was further from the foundation, and though most certainly true, yet not penn'd by so infalli­ble a spirit, as was that of the Apostles; and therefore not with so much evidence, as certainty. And if they had pleased, they might have made use of an admirable precedent to this and many other great and good purposes, no lesse then of the bles­sed Apostles, whose Symbol they might have imitated, with as much simplicity as they did the Expressions of Scripture, when they first composed it. For it is most considerable, that although in reason, every clause in the Creed should be clear, and so inopportune and unapt to variety of interpretation, that there might be no place left for severall senses or variety of Expositi­ons: yet when they thought fit to insert some mysteries into the Creed, which in Scripture were expressed in so mysterious words, that the last and most explicite sense would still be latent, yet they who (if ever any did) understood all the senses and secrets of it, thought it not fit to use any words but the words of Scripture, particularly in the Articles of [Christs de­scending into Hell, and sitting at the right hand of God] to shew us, that those Creeds are best which keep the very words of Scripture; and that Faith is best which hath greatest simplicity, and that it is better in all cases humbly to submit; then curiously to enquire and pry into the mystery under the cloud, and to hazard our Faith by improving our knowledge: If the Nicene Fathers had done so too, possibly the Church would never have repented it.

And indeed the experience, the Church had afterwards, Numb. 28. shewed that the Bishops and Priests were not satisfied in all circumstances, nor the schism appeased, nor the persons agreed, nor the Canons accepted, nor the Article understood, nor any thing right, but when they were overborn with Authority, which Authority when the scales turned, did the same service and promotion to the contrary.

But it is considerable, that it was not the Article or the Numb. 29. thing it selfe that troubled the disagreeing persons, but the manner of representing it. For the five Dissenters, Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis, Maris, Theonas, and Secundus, believed Christ to be very God of very God, but the clause of [...] [Page 48] they derided as being perswaded by their Logick, that he was neither of the substance of the Father, by division as a piece of a lump nor derivation as children from their Parents, nor by production as buds from trees, and no body could tell them any other way at that time, and that made the fire to burn still. And that was it I said; if the Article had been with more simplicity, and lesse nicety determin'd; charity would have gain'd more, and faith would have lost nothing. And we shall finde the wisest of them all, for so Eusebius Pamphilus was esteem'd, published a Creed or Confession in the Synod, and though he and all the rest believed that great mystery of God­linesle, Vide Sozo­men. lib. 2. c. 18. God manifested in the flesh, yet he was not fully satisfied, nor so soone of the clause of one substance, till he had done a little violence to his own understanding; for even when he had subscribed to the clause of one substance, he does it with a protestation, that heretofore he never had been acquainted, nor accustomed himselfe to such speeches. And the sense of the word was either so ambiguous, or their meaning so uncertain that Andreas Fricius does with some probability dispute that Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 26. the Nicene Fathers by [...], did meane Patris similitudi­nem, non essentiae unitatem, Sylva. 4. c. 1. And it was so well un­destood by personages disinterested, that when Arius and Eu­zoius had confessed Christ to be Deus verbum, without inser­ting the clause of one substance, the Emperour by his Letter approv'd of his Faith, and restor'd him to his Countrey and Office, and the Communion of the Church. And along time after although the Article was believed with Non impru­dentèr dix [...]t, qui curiosae ex­plicationi hu­jus mysterii dictum Aristo­nis Philosophi applicu [...]t, H [...]l­leborus niger si crassiùs su­matur purgat & senat. Quum autum teritur & comminui­tur, suffocat. nicety enough, yet when they added more words still to the myste­ry, and brought in the word [...], saying there were three hypostases in the holy Trinity; it was so long before it could be understood, that it was believed therefore, because they would not oppose their Superiours, or disturb the peace of the Church, in things which they thought could not be understood: in so much that S. Hierom writ to Damasus, in these words: Discerne si placet obsecro, non timebo tres hypostases dicere, si jubetis; and againe, Obtestor beatitudinem tuam per Crucifixum, mundi salutem, per [...] Trinitatem, ut mihi Epistolis tuis, sive tacendarum sive dicendarum hypostaseôn detur authoritas.

[Page 49] But without all Question, the Fathers determin'd the Que­stion Numb. 30. with much truth, though I cannot say, the Arguments upon which they built their Decrees, were so good as the con­clusion it selfe was certain; But that which in this case is considerable, is whether or no they did well in putting a curse to the foot of their Decree, and the Decree it selfe into the Symbol, as if it had been of the same necessity? For the curse, Eusebius Pamphilus could hardly finde in his heart to subscribe, at last he did; but with this clause that he subscribed it be­cause the forme of curse did only forbid men to acquaint them­selves with forraign speeches and unwritten languages, whereby confusion and discord is brought into the Church. So that it was not so much a magisteriall high assertion of the Article, as an endeavour to secure the peace of the Church. And to the same purpose for ought I know, the Fathers composed a Form of Confession, not as a prescript Rule of Faith to build the hopes of our salvation on but as a tessera of that Communion which by publike Authority was therefore established upon those Articles because the Articles were true, though not of prime necessity, and because that unity of confession was judg'd, as things then stood, the best preserver of the unity of minds.

But I shall observe this, that although the Nicene Fathers Numb. 31. in that case at that time, and in that conjuncture of circum­stances did well (and yet their approbation is made by after Ages ex post facto) yet if this precedent had been followed by all Councels (and certainly they had equall power, if they had thought it equally reasonable) and that they had put all their Decrees into the Creed, as some have done since, to what a volume had the Creed by this time swell'd? and all the house had run into foundation, nothing left for super-structures. But that they did not, it appeares 1 that since they thought all their Decrees true, yet they did not think them all necessary, at least not in that degree, and that they published such De­crees, they did it declarando, not imperando, as Doctors in their Chaires, not masters of other mens faith and consciences. 2 And yet there is some more modesty, or warinesse or neces­sity (what shall I call it?) then this comes too: for why are [Page 50] not all controversies determin'd? but even when Generall Assemblies of Prelates have been, some controversies that have been very vexatious, have been pretermitted, and others of lesse consequence have been determind: Why did never any Ge­nerall Councell condemn in expresse sentence the Pelagian heresy, that great pest, that subtle infection of Cristendome? and yet divers Generall Councells did assemble while the heresy was in the world. Both these cases in severall degrees leave men in their liberty of believing and prophesying. The latter proclaimes that all controversies cannot be determind to suf­ficient purposes, and the first declares that those that are, are not all of them matters of Faith, and themselves are not so se­cure, but they may bee deceived; and therefore possibly it were better it were let alone; for if the latter leaves them divided in their opinions, yet their Communions, and there­fore probably their charities are not divided; but the former di­vides their Communions, and hinders their interest; and yet for ought is certain, the accused person is the better Catho­like. And yet after all this, it is not safety enough to say, let the Councell or Prelates determine Articles warily, sel­dome, with great caution, and with much sweetnesse and mo­desty. For though this be better then to doe it rashly, fre­quently and furiously; yet if we once transgresse the bounds set us by the Apostles in their Creed, and not onely preach other truths, but determine them pro tribunali as well as pro cathedra, although there be no errour in the subject matter (as in Nice there was none) yet if the next Ages say they will determine another Article with as much care and caution, and pretend as great a necessity, there is no hindring them, but by giving reasons against it; and so like enough they might have done against the decreeing the Article at Nice; yet that is not sufficient; for since the Authority of the Nicene Councell hath grown to the heigth of a mountainous pre­judice against him that should say it was ill done, the same reason and the same necessity may be pretended by any Age and in any Councell, and they think themselves warranted by the great precedent at Nice, to proceed as peremptorily as they did; but then if any other Assembly of learned men may [Page 51] possibly be deceiv'd, were it not better they should spare the labour, then that they should with so great pomp and solen­nities engage mens perswasions, and determine an Article which after Ages must rescind; for therefore most certainly in their own Age, the point with safety of faith and salvation, might have been disputed and disbelieved: And that many mens faiths have been tyed up by Acts and Decrees of Coun­cels for those Articles in which the next Age did see a liber­ty had better beene preserved, because an errour was de­termined, wee shall afterward receive a more certaine ac­count.

And therefore the Councell of Nice did well, and Con­stantinople did well, so did Ephesus and Chalcedon; but it is Numb. 32. because the Articles were truly determin'd (for that is part of my beliefe;) but who is sure it should be so before hand, and whether the points there determin'd were necessary or no to be believ'd or to be determin'd, if peace had been concern'd in it through the faction and division of the parties, I suppose the judgement of Constantine the Emperour and the famous Ho­sius of Corduba is sufficient to instruct us, whose authority I ra­ther urge then reasons, because it is a prejudice and not a rea­son I am to contend against.

So that such determinations and publishing of Confessions with Authority of Prince and Bishop, are sometimes of very Numb. 33. good use for the peace of the Church, and they are good also to determine the judgement of indifferent persons, whose rea­sons of either side, are not too great to weigh down the pro­bability of that Authority: But for persons of confident and imperious understandings, they on whose side the determination is, are armed with a prejudice against the other, and with a weapon to affront them, but with no more to convince them; and they against whom the decision is, doe the more readily betake themselves to the defensive, and are engaged upon con­testation and publike enmities, for such Articles which either might safely have been unknown, or with much charity di­sputed. Therefore the Nicene Councell, although it have the advantage of an acquir'd and prescribing Authority, yet it must not become a precedent to others, least the inconveniences of [Page 52] multiplying more Articles upon as great pretence of reason as then, make the act of the Nicene Fathers in straightning Pro­phesying, and enlarging the Creed, become accidentally an in­convenience. The first restraint, although if it had been com­plaind of, might possibly have been better consider'd of; yet the inconvenience is not visible, till it comes by way of pre­cedent to usher in more. It is like an Arbitrary power, which although by the same reason it take six pence from the subject, it may take a hundred pound, and then a thousand, and then all, yet so long as it is within the first bounds, the inconve­nience is not so great; but when it comes to be a precedent or argument for more, then the first may justly be complaind of, as having in it that reason in the principle, which brought the inconvenience in the sequell; and we have seen very ill consequents from innocent beginnings.

And the inconveniences which might possibly arise from Numb. 34. this precedent, those wise Personages also did fore-see, and therefore although they took liberty in Nice, to adde some Articles, or at least more explicitely to declare the first Creed, yet they then would have all the world to rest upon that and goe no farther, as believing that to be sufficient. S. Athanasius declares their opinion, [...]. Epist ad Epict. That Faith which those Fathers there confessed, was sufficient for the refutation of all impiety, and the establishment of all Faith in Christ and true Religion. And therefore there was a fa­mous Epistle written by Zeno the Emperour, called the [...] Euagr. l. 3. c. 14. or the Epistle of reconciliation, in which all disagreeing inte­rests, are entreated to agree in the Nicene Symbol, and a promise made upon that condition to communicate with all other Sects, adding withall, that the Church should never re­ceive any other Symbol then that which was composd by the Nicene Fathers. And however Honorius was condemnd for a Monothelite; yet in one of the Epistles which the sixth Synod alledged against him, (viz. the second) he gave them counsell that would have done the Church as much service as the de­termination of the Article did; for he advised them not to be [Page 53] curious in their disputings, nor dogmaticall in their determi­nations about that Question; and because the Church was not used to dispute in that Question, it were better to preserve the simplicity of Faith, then to ensnare mens consciences by a new Article. And when the Emperour Constantius was by his Faction engaged in a contrary practise, the inconvenience and unreasonablenesse was so great, that a prudent Heathen ob­served and noted it in this character of Constantius, Christia­nam religionem absolutam & simplicem [N. B.] anili superstitione confudit. In quâ scrutandâ perplexiùs quam in componendà gra­tiùs, excitavit dissidia quae progressa fusiùs aluit concertatione verborum dum ritum omnem ad suum trahere conatur ar­bitrium.

And yet men are more lead by Example then either by Reason or by Precept; for in the Councell of Constantinople one Numb. 35. Article de novo & integro was added, viz. I believe one Baptism for the remission of sinnes; and then againe they were so confi­dent, that that Confession of Faith was so absolutely intire, and that no man ever after should neede to adde any thing to the integrity of Faith, that the Fathers of the Councell of Ephesus pronounced Anathema to all those that should adde any thing to the Creed of Constantinople. And yet for all this, the Church of Rome in a Synod at Gentilly added the clause of Filioque, to the Article of the procession of the holy Ghost, and what they have done since, all the world knowes, Exempla non consistunt, sed quamvis in tenuem recepta tramitem, latissimè evagandi sibi faciunt potestatem. All men were perswaded that it was most reasonable the limits of Faith should be no more enlarged; but yet they enlarged it themselves, and bound others from doing it, like an intemperate Father, who because he knowes he does ill himselfe, enjoyns temperance to his Son, but continues to be intemperate himselfe.

But now if I should be questioned concerning the Symbol of Numb. 36. Athanasius (for we see the Nicene Symbol was the Father of many more, some twelve or thirteen Symbols in the space of a hundred years) I confesse I cannot see that moderate sentence and gentlenesse of charity in his Preface and Conclusion as there was in the Nicene Creed. Nothing there but damnation [Page 54] and perishing everlastingly, unlesse the Article of the Trinity be believed, as it is there with curiosity and minute particularities explaind. Indeed Athanasius had been soundly vexed on one side, and much cryed up on the other; and therefore it is not so much wonder for him to be so decretory and severe in his censure; for nothing could more ascertain his friends to him, and dis-repute his enemies, then the beliefe of that damnatory Ap­pendix; but that does not justifie the thing. For the Articles themselves, I am most heartily perswaded of the truth of them, and yet I dare not say all that are not so, are irrevocably damnd, because citra hoc Symbolum, the Faith of the Apostles Creed is intire, and he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved, that is, he that believeth such a beliefe as is sufficient dispositi­on to be baptized, that Faith with the Sacrament is sufficient for heaven. Now the Apostles Creed does one; why therefore doe not both intitle us to the promise? Besides, if it were considered concerning Athanasius Creed, how many people un­derstand it not, how contrary to naturall reason it seems, how little the Vide Hosum de author. S. Scrip. l. 3. p. 53. & Gordon. Huntlaeum. Tom. 1. con­trov. 1. de ver­bo Dei, cap. 19. Scripture sayes of those curiosities of Explicati­on, and how Tradition was not cleare on his side for the Article it selfe, much lesse for those formes and minutes (how himselfe is put to make an answer, and excuse for the Vide Gretser. & Tanner. in coloq. Ra­tisbon. Eusebium fuisse Arrianum ait Perron. lib. 3. cap. 2. contre le Roy Iaques. Idem ait Originem negasse Di­vinitatem filii & Spir. S. l. 2. c. 7. de Euchar. contra. Duplessis. idem cap. 5. observ. 4. ait. Irenaeum talia dixifle quae qui hodiè diceret, pro Arriano reputaretur. vide etiam Fisher. in resp. ad 9. Quaest. Iacobi Reg. & Epiphan. in haeres. 69. Fathers speaking in favour of the Ar­rians, at least so seemingly, that the Ar­rians appeald to them for tryall, and the offer was declind) and after all this that the Nicene Creed it selfe went not so farre, neither in Article, nor Anathema nor Explication, it had not been amisse if the finall judgement had been left to Jesus Christ; for he is appointed Judge of all the World, and he shall Judge the peo­ple righteously, for he knowes every truth, the degree of eve­ry necessity, and all excuses that doe lessen, or take away the nature or malice of a crime; all which I think Athanasius though a very good man, did not know so well as to warrant such a sentence. And put case the heresy there condemnd be damnable, (as it is damnable enough) yet a man may maintain [Page 55] an opinion that is in it selfe damnable, and yet he not knowing it so, and being invincibly lead into it may goe to heaven; his opinion shall burn, and himselfe be saved. But however, I finde no opinions in Scripture cald damnable, but what are impious in materiâ practicâ, or directly destructive of the Faith or the body of Christianity, such of which S. Peter speaks [bringing in damnable heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, these are the false Prophets who out of covetousnesse make 2 Pet. 2. 1. merchandise of you through cozening words.] Such as these are truly heresies, and such as these are certainly damnable. But because there are no degrees either of truth or salshood, every true proposition being alike true; that an errour is more or lesse damnable, is not told us in Scripture, but is determind by the man and his manners, by circumstance and accidents; and therefore the censure in the Preface and end, are Arguments of his zeal and strength of his perswasion; but they are extrinse­call and accidentall to the Articles, and might as well have been spared. And indeed to me it seems very hard to put uncharita­blenesse into the Creed, and so to make it become as an Ar­ticle of Faith, though perhaps this very thing was no Faith of Athanasius who if we may believe Aquinas, made this mani­festation of Faitth, non per modum Symboli, sed per modum do­ctrinae, D. Tho. 22ae. q. 1. artic. 1. ad [...]um. that is, if I understood him right, not with a purpose to impose it upon others, but with confidence to declare his own beliefe; and that it was prescrib'd to others as a Creed, was the act of the Bishops of Rome; so he said, nay, possibly it was none of his: So said the Patriarch of C. P. Meletius about one hundred and thirty years since, in his Epistle to John Douza, Athanasio falsò adscriptum Symbolum cum Pontificum Rom. ap­pendice illâ adulteratum, luce lucidiùs contestamur. And it is more then probable that he said true, because this Creed was written originally in Latine, which in all reason Athanasius did not, and it was translated into Greek, it being apparent that the Latine Copy is but one, but the Greek is various, there being three Editions or Translations rather, expressed by Gene­brard, lib. 3. de Trinit. But in this particular, who list, may better satisfie himselfe in a disputation de Symbolo Athanasii, printed at Wertzburg 1590 supposed to be written by Serrarius or Cleneherus.

[Page 56] And yet I must observe that this Symbol of Athanasius, and Numb. 37. that other of Nice, offer not at any new Articles; they only pretend to a further Explication of the Articles Apostolicall, which is a certain confirmation that they did not believe more Articles to be of belief necessary to salvation: if they intended these further Explications to be as necessary as the dogmaticall Articles of the Apostles Creed, I know not how to answer all that may be objected against that; but the advantage that I shall gather from their not proceeding to new matters, is laid out ready for me in the words of Athanasius, saying of this Creed [this is the Catholike Faith] and if his authority bee good, or his saying true, or he the Authour, then no man can say of any other Article, that it is a part of the Catholike Faith, or that the Catholike Faith can be enlarged beyond the contents of that Symbol; and therefore it is a strange bold­nesse in the Church of Rome, first to adde twelve new Articles, Bulla Pii quar­ti supra forma juramenti pro­fessionis fidei, in fin. Conc. Trident. and then to adde the Appendix of Athanasius to the end of them, This is the Catholike Faith, without which no man can be saved.

But so great an example of so excellent a man, hath been either mistaken or followed with too much greedinesse, all Numb. 38. the world in factions, all damning one another, each party damnd by all the rest, and there is no disagreeing in opinion from any man that is in love with his own opinion, but damnati­on presently to all that disagree. A Ceremony and a Rite hath caused severall Churches to Excommunicate each other, as in the matter of the Saturday Fast, and keeping Easter. But what the spirits of men are when they are exasperated in a Question and difference of Religion, as they call it, though the thing it selfe may be most inconsiderable, is very evident in that request of Pope Innocent the Third, desiring of the Greeks (but reasonably a man would think) that they would not so much hate the Roman manner of consecrating in unleavened bread, as to wash, and scrape, and pare the Altars after a Roman Priest had consecrated. Nothing more furious than a mistaken zeal, and the actions of a scrupulous and abused conscience. When men think every thing to be their Faith and their Religion, com­monly they are so busie in trifles and such impertinencies in [Page 57] which the scene of their mistake lies, that they neglect the greater things of the Law, charity, and compliances, and the gentlenesse of Christian Communion; for this is the great prin­ciple of mischiefe, and yet is not more pernicious then unrea­sonable.

For I demand: Can any man say and justifie that the Apo­stles did deny Communion to any man that believed the Apo­stles Numb. 39. Creed, and liv'd a good life? And dare any man taxe that proceeding of remissenesse, and indifferency in Religion? And since our blessed Saviour promised salvation to him that believeth (and the Apostles when they gave this word the greatest extent, enlarged it not beyond the borders of the Creed) how can any man warrant the condemning of any man to the flames of Hell that is ready to die in attestation of this Faith, so expounded and made explicite by the Apostles, and lives accordingly? And to this purpose it was excellently said by a wise and a pious Prelate, S. Hilary, Non per difficiles nos L. 10. de Trin. ad finem. Deus ad b [...]atam vitam quaestiones vocat, &c. In absoluto nobis & facili est aeternitas; Jesum suscitatum à mortuis, per Deum credere, & ipsum esse Dominum confiteri, &c. These are the Articles which we must believe which are the sufficient and adequate object of that Faith which is required of us in order to Sal­vation. And therefore it was, that when the Bishops of Istria Concil. tom. 4. Edit. Paris. p. 473. deserted the Communion of Pope Pelagius, in causâ trium Ca­pitulorum, he gives them an account of his Faith by recitation of the Creed, and by attesting the four Generall Councels, and is confident upon this that de fidei firmitate nulla poterit esse quaestio vel suspicio generari; let the Apostles Creed, especially so explicated, be but secured, and all Faith is secured; and yet that explication too, was lesse necessary then the Articles them­selves; for the explication was but accidentall, but the Articles even before the Explication were accounted a sufficient inlet to the Kingdome of heaven.

And that there was security enough, in the simple believing Numb. 40. the first Articles, is very certain amongst them, and by their Principles who allow of an implicite faith to serve most persons to the greatest purposes; for if the Creed did contain in it the whole Faith, and that other Articles were in it implicitely, [Page 58] (for such is the doctrine of the Schoole, and particularly of Aquinas) then he that explicirely believes all the Creed, does implicitely believe all the Articles contain'd in it, and then it 22ae. q. 1. a. 10. cap. is better the implication should still continue, then that by any explication (which is simply unnecessary) the Church should be troubled with questions, and uncertain determinations, and factions enkindled, and animosities set on foot, and mens soules endanger'd, who before were secur'd by the explicite beliefe of all that the Apostles requir'd as necessary, which beliefe also did secure them for all the rest, because it implied the belief of what­soever was virtually in the first Articles, if such beliefe should by chance be necessary.

The summe of this discourse is this, if we take an estimate of the nature of Faith from the dictates and promises Evange­licall, Numb. 41. and from the practice Apostolicall, the nature of Faith and its integrity consists in such propositions which make the foundation of hope and charity, that which is sufficient to make us to doe honour to Christ, and to obey him, and to encou­rage us in both; and this is compleated in the Apostles Creed. And since contraries are of the same extent, heresy is to be judg'd by its proportion and analogy to faith, and that is heresy only which is against Faith. Now because Faith is not only a precept of Doctrines, but of manners and holy life, whatsoever is either opposite to an Article of Creed, or teaches ill life, that's heresy; but all those propositions which are extrinsecall to these two considerations, be they true or be they false, make not heresy, nor the man an Heretick; and therefore however hee may be an erring person, yet he is to be used accordingly, pittied and instructed, not condemned or Excommunicated; And this is the result of the first ground, the consideration of the nature of Faith and heresy.

SECT. III.

Of the difficulty and uncertainty of Arguments from Scripture, in Questions not simply necessary, not literally determined.

GOd who disposes of all things sweetly and according to the nature and capacity of things and persons, had made those Numb. 1. only necessary, which he had taken care should be sufficiently propounded to all persons of whom he required the explicite beliefe. And therefore all the Articles of Faith are cleerely and plainly set down in Scripture, and the Gospel is not hid nisi pereuntibus saith S. Paul; [...], saith Damascen, and that Orthod. fidei. lib. 4. c. 18. so manifestly that no man can be ignorant of the foundation of Faith without his own apparent fault. And this is acknow­ledged by all wise and good men, and is evident, besides the reasonablenesse of the thing, in the testimonies of Saints Super Psal. 88. & de util. cred. c. 6. Austin, Super Isa. c. 19 & in Psal. 86. Hierome, Homil. 3. in Thess. Ep. 2. Chrysostome, Serm de confess. Fulgentius, Miseel. 2. l. 1. tit. 46. Hugo de Sancto Victore, In Gen. ap. Struch p. 87. Theodoret, C. 6. c. 21. Lactantius, Ad Antioch. l. 2. p. 918. Theophilus Antiochenus, Par. 1. q. 1. art. 9 Numb. 2. Aquinas, and the latter Schoole men. And God hath done more; for many things which are only profitable, are also set down so plainly, that (as S. Austin sayes) nemo inde haurire non possit, si modò ad hauriendum devotè ac piè accedat (ubi supra de util. cred. c. 6.) but of such things there is no Question commenc'd in Christendome, and if there were, it cannot but be a crime and humane interest, that are the Authors of such disputes, and therefore these cannot be simple errours, but alwayes here­sies, because the principle of them is a personall sinne.

But besides these things which are so plainly set down, some for doctrine as S. Paul sayes, that is, for Articles and founda­tion of Faith, some for instruction, some for reproofe, some for comfort, that is, in matters practicall and speculative of severall tempers and constitutions, there are innumerable places con­taining in them great mysteries, but yet either so enwrapped with a cloud, or so darkned with umbrages, or heigthened with expressions, or so covered with allegories and garments of [Page 60] Rhetorick so profound in the matter, or so altered or made in­tricate in the manner in the clothing and in the dressing that God may seeme to have left them as tryalls of our industry, and Arguments of our imperfections, and incentives to the longings after heaven, and the clearest revelations of eternity, and as occasions and opportunities of our mutuall charity and toleration to each other, and humility in our selves, rather then the repositories of Faith, and furniture of Creeds, and Articles of beliefe.

For wherever the word of God is kept, whether in Scrip­ture Numb. 3. alone, or also in Tradition, he that considers that the mea­ning of the one, and the truth or certainty of the other are things of great Question, will see a necessity in these things (which are the subject matter of most of the Questions of Christendome) that men should hope to be excused by an implicite faith in God Almighty. For when there are in the Explications of Scripture so many Commentaries, so many senses and Interpretations, so many Volumnes in all Ages, and all, like mens faces, exactly none like another, either this difference and inconvenience is absolutely no fault at all, or if it be, it is excusable, by a minde prepar'd to consent in that truth which God intended. And this I call an implicite Faith in God, which is certainly of as great excellency as an implicite Faith in any man or company of men. Because they who doe require an im­plicite Faith in the Church for Articles lesse necessary, and excuse the want of explicite Faith by the implicite, doe require an implicite Faith in the Church, because they believe that God hath required of them to have a minde prepared to believe whatever the Church sayes; which because it is a proposition of no absolute certainty, whosoever does in readinesse of minde believe all that God spake, does also believe that sufficiently, if it be fitting to be believ'd, that is, if it be true, and if God hath said so; for he hath the same obedience of understanding in this as in the other. But because it is not so certain God hath tyed him in all things to believe that which is called the Church, and that it is certain we must believe God in all things, and yet neither know all that either God hath revealed or the Church taught, it is better to take the certain then the uncertain, to [Page 61] believe God rather then men, especially since if God hath bound us to believe men, our absolute submission to God does involve that, and there is no inconvenience in the world this way, but that we implicitely believe one Article more, viz. the Churches Authority or infallibility, which may well be pardoned, because it secures our beliefe of all the rest, and we are sure if we be­lieve all that God said explicitely or implicitely, we also believe the Church implicitely in case we are bound to it; but we are not certain, that if we believe any company of men whom we call the Church, that we therefore obey God and believe what he hath said. But however, if this will not help us, there is no help for us, but good fortune or absolute predestination; for by choyce and industry, no man can secure himselfe that in all the mysteries of Religion taught in Scripture he shall certainly understand and explicitely believe that sense, that God inten­ded. For to this purpose there are many considerations.

1. There are so many thousands of Copies that were writ by persons of severall interests and perswasions, such different Numb. 4. understandings and tempers, such distinct abilities and weaknes­ses, that it is no wonder there is so great variety of readings both in the Old Testament and in the New. In the Old Te­stament the Jewes pretend that the Christians have corrupted many places, on purpose to make symphony between both the Testaments. On the other side, the Christians have had so much reason to suspect the Jewes, that when Aquila had translated the Bible in their Schooles, and had been taught by them, they rejected the Edition many of them, and some of them called it heresy to follow it. And Justin Martyr justified it to Tryphon, that the Jewes had defalk'd many sayings from the Books of the old Prophets, and amongst the rest, he instances in that of the Psalm, Dicite in nationibus quia Dominus regnavit à ligno. The last words they have cut off, and prevail'd so farre in it, that to this day none of our Bibles have it; but if they ought not to have it, then Justin Martyrs Bible had more in it then it should have, for there it was; so that a fault there was ei­ther under or over. But however, there are infinite Readings in the New Testament (for in that I will instance) some whole Verses in one that are not in another, and there was in some [Page 62] Copies of S. Marks Gospel in the last Chapter a whole verse, a Chapter it was anciently called, that is not found in our Bibles, as S. Hierom. ad Hedibiam, q. 3. notes. The words he repeats, Lib. 2. contra Polygamos. Et illi satis faciebant dicentes, saeculum istud iniquitatis & incredulitatis sub stantia est, quae non sinit per immundos spiritus veram Dei apprehendi virtutem, idcirco jam nunc revela justitiam tuam. These words are thought by some, to favour of Manichaisme, and for ought I can finde were therefore rejected out of many Greek Copies, and at last out of the Latine. Now suppose that a Manichee in di­sputation should urge this place, having found it in his Bi­ble, if a Catholike should answer him by saying it is Apo­cryphall, and not found in divers Greek Copies, might not the Manichee ask how it came in, if it was not the word of God, and if it was, how came it out? and at last take the same liberty of rejecting any other Authority which shall be alledged against him; it he can finde any Copy that may favour him, however that favour be procured; and did not the Ebionites reject all the Epistles of S. Paul upon pretence he was an enemy to the Law of Moses? indeed it was boldly and most unreasonably done; but if one title or one Chapter of S. Mark be called Apocryphall, for being suspected of Ma­nicheisme, it is a plea that will too much justify others in their taking and chusing what they list. But I will not urge it so farre; but is not there as much reason for the fierce Lutherans to reject the Epistle of S. James for favouring justification by works, or the Epistle to the Hebrewes, upon pretence that the sixth and tenth Chapters doe favour Novatianisme; especially since it was by some famous Churches at first not accepted, even by the Church of Rome her selfe? The Parable of the woman taken in adultery, which is now in Joh. 8. Eusebius sayes was not in any Gospel, but the Gospel secundum Hebraeos, and S. Hierom makes it doubtfull, and so does S. Chrysostome and Euthimius, the first not vouchsafing to explicate it in Homilies upon S. John, the other affirming it not to be found in the exacter Copies. I shall not neede to urge that there are some words so neer in sound, that the Scribes might easily mistake: There is one famous one of [...], which yet some Copies [Page 63] read [...], the sense is very unlike though the words be neer, and there needs some little luxation to straine this latter reading to a good sense; That famous precept of S. Paul, that the women must pray with a covering on their head [...], because of the Angels, hath brought into the Church an opinion that Angels are present in Churches, and are Spectators of our devotion and deportment. Such an opi­nion if it should meet with peevish opposites on one side, and confident Hyperaspists on the other, might possibly make a Sect, and here were a cleer ground for the affirmative, and yet who knowes but that it might have been a mistake of the Transcri­bers to double the [...]? for if it were read [...], that the sense be, women in publike Assemblies must weare a vaile, by reason of the Companies of the young men there present, it would be no ill exchange for the losse of a letter, to make so probable so cleare a sense of the place. But the instances in this kinde, are too many, as appears in the variety of readings in severall Copies proceeding from the negligence or ignorance of the Transcribers, or the malicious Graeci cor­ruperunt no­vum Testa­mentum ut te­stantur Tertul. l. 5. adv. Mar­cion. Euseb. l. 5. Hist. c. ult. I­renae. l. 1. c. 29. allu. haerel. Ba­sil. l. 2. contr. Eunomium. endeavour of Hereticks, or the inserting Marginall Notes into the Text, or the neere­nesse of severall words. Indeed there is so much evidence of this particular, that it hath encouraged the servants of the Vulgar Translation (for so some are now adayes) to preferre that Tran­slation before the Originall; for although they have attempted that proposition with very ill successe yet that they could think it possible to be prov'd, is an Argument there is much variety and alterations in divers Texts; for if they were not, it were impudence to pretend a Translation, and that none of the best, should be better then the Originall. But so it is that this va­riety of reading is not of slight consideration; for although it be demonstrably true, that all things necessary to Faith and good manners are preserv'd from alteration and corruption, be­cause they are of things necessary, and they could not be ne­cessary, unlesse they were delivered to us, God in his goodnesse and his justice having oblig'd himself to preserve that which he hath bound us to observe and keep; yet in other things which God hath not oblig'd himselfe so punctually to preserve, in these things since variety of reading is crept in, every reading takes [Page 64] away a degree of certainty from any proposition derivative from those places so read: And if some Copies (especially if they be publike and notable) omit a verse or title, every argument from such a title or verse loses much of its strength and re­putation; and we finde it in a great instance. For when in pro­bation of the mystery of the glorious Unity in Trinity, we al­ledge that saying of S. John [there are three which bear witnesse in heaven, the Father, the Word and the Spirit, and these three are one:] the Antitrinitarians think they have answered the Argument by saying the Syrian Translation, and divers Greek Copies have not that verse in them, and therefore being of doubtfull Authority, cannot conclude with certainty in a Que­stion of Faith. And there is an instance on the Catholike part. For when the Arrians urge the saying of our Saviour, [No man knowes that day and houre (viz. of Judgement) no not the Sonne, but the Father only], to prove that the Sonne knowes not all things, and therefore cannot be God in the proper sense; S. Ambrose thinks he hath answered the Argument by saying, those words [no not the Sonne] was thrust into the Text by the fraud of the Arrians. So that here we have one objection, which must first be cleared and made infallible, before we can be ascertain'd in any such Question as to call them Hereticks that dissent.

2. I consider that there are very many senses and designs of Numb. 5. expounding Scripture, and when the Grammaticall sense is found out, we are many times never the neerer; it is not that which was intended; for there is in very many Scriptures a double sense, a literall and a Spirituall (for the Scripture is a Book wri­ten within and without (Apoc. 5.) And both these senses are sub-divided. For the literall sense is either naturall or figura­tive: And the Spirituall is sometimes allegoricall, sometimes anogogicall, nay, sometimes there are divers literall senses in the same sentence, as S. Austin excellently proves in divers Lib. 12. con­fess, cap. 26. Lib. 11. de Ci­vit. Dei. c. 19. Li. 3. de doctri­nâ Christ. cap. 27. places, and it appears in divers quotations in the New Testa­ment, where the Apostles and Divine Writers bring the same Testimony to divers purposes; and particularly, S. Paul's making that saying of the Psalme, Thou art my Sonne, this day have I begotten thee, to be an Argument of Christs Resurrection, and [Page 65] a designation or ordination to his Pontificate is an instance ve­ry famous in his 1. and 5. chapter to the Hebrewes. But now there being such variety of senses in Scripture, and but few places so mark'd out, as not to be capable of divers senses, if men will write Commentaries, as Herode made Orations [...], what infallible [...] will be left whereby to judge of the certain dogmaticall resolute sense of such places which have been the matter of Question? For put case a Questi­on were commenc'd concerning the degrees of glory in hea­ven, as there is in the Schooles a noted one, To shew an in­equality of reward, Christs Parable is brought of the reward of ten Cities, and of five according to the divers improve­ment of the Talents; this sense is mysticall, and yet very pro­bable, and understood by men for ought I know, to this very sense. And the result of the Argument is made good by S. Paul, as one starre differeth from another in glory; so shall it be in the resurrection of the dead. Now suppose another should take the same liberty of Expounding another Parable to a mysticall sense and Interpretation, as all Parables must be expounded; then the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard, and though differing in labour, yet having an equall reward, to any mans understanding may seem very strongly to prove the contrary, and as if it were of purpose, and that it were primum intentum of the Parable, the Lord of the Vineyard determin'd the point resolutely upon the mutiny and repining of them that had born the burthen and heat of the day, I will give unto this last even as to thee; which to my sense seems to determine the Question of degrees; They that work but little, and they that work long, shall not be distinguished in the reward, though acciden­tally they were in the work: And if this opinion could but answer S. Pauls words, it stands as faire, and perhaps fairer then the other. Now if we look well upon the words of S. Paul, we shall finde he speaks nothing at all of diversity of degrees of glory in beatified bodies, but the differences of glory in bodies heaven­ly and earthly. There are (sayes he) bodies earthly, and there are heavenly bodies: And one is the glory of the earthly, ano­ther the glory of the heavenly; one glory of the Sun, another of the Moone, &c. So shall it be in the Resurrection; for it is [Page 66] sowne in corruption, it is raised in incorruption. Plainly thus, our bodies in the Resurrection shall differ as much from our bo­dies here in the state of corruption, as one Starre does from ano­ther. And now suppose a Sect should be commenc'd upon this Question (upon lighter and vainer many have been) either side must resolve to answer the others Arguments, whether they can or no, and to deny to each other a liberty of expounding the parable to such a sense, and yet themselves must use it or want an Argument. But men use to be unjust in their own cases; And were it not better to leave each other to their liberty and seek to preserve their own charity? For when the words are capable of a mysticall or a divers sense, I know not why mens fancies or understandings should be more bound to be like one another then their faces: And either in all such places of Scrip­ture, a liberty must be indulg'd to every honest and peaceable wise man, or else all Argument from such places must be wholy declin'd. Now although I instanc'd in a Question, which by good fortune never came to open defiance, yet there have been Sects fram'd upon lighter grounds, more inconsiderable Que­stions, which have been disputed on either side with Arguments lesse materiall and lesse pertinent. S. Austin laught at the Donatists, for bringing that saying of the Spouse in the Canticles to prove their Schism, Indica mihi ubi pascas, ubi cubes in me­ridie. For from thence they concluded the residence of the Church was only in the South part of the world, only in Africa. It was but a weak way of Argument; yet the Fathers were free enough to use such mediums, to prove mysteries of great Hieron. in Matth. 13. concernment; but yet againe, when they speak either against an Adversary, or with consideration, they deny that such my­sticall senses can sufficiently confirm a Question of Faith. But I shall instance in the great Question of Rebaptization of He­reticks, which many Saints, and Martyrs, and Confessors, and divers Councells, and almost all Asia and Africa did once be­lieve and practise. Their grounds for the invalidity of the baptism by a Heretick, were such mysticall words as these, Oleum peccatoris non impinguet caput meum Ps. 140. And Qui baptiza­tur à mortuo, quid proficit lavatio ejus? Ecclus 34. And ab aquâ alienâ abstinete, Prov. 5. And Deus peccatores non exaudit, [Page 67] Joh. 9. And he that is not with me is against me, Luk. 11. I am not sure the other part had Arguments so good. For the great one of una fides, unum baptisma, did not conclude it to their understandings who were of the other opinion, and men famous in their generations; for it was no Argument that they who had been baptized by Johns baptism should not be bap­tized in the name of Jesus, because unus Deus, unum baptisma; and as it is still one Faith which a man confesseth severall times, and one Sacrament of the Eucharist, though a man often communicates; so it might be one baptism though of­ten ministred. And the unity of baptism might not be de­riv'd from the unity of the ministration, but from the unity of the Religion into which they are baptized; though baptized a thousand times, yet because it was still in the name of the holy Trinity, still into the death of Christ, it might be unum baptisma. Whether S. Cyprian, Firmilian, and their Collegues had this discourse or no (I know not) I am sure they might have had much better to have evacuated the force of that Ar­gument, although I believe they had the wrong cause in hand. But this is it that I say, that when a Question is so undeter­min'd in Scripture, that the Arguments rely only upon such mysticall places whence the best fancies can draw the greatest va­riety, and such which perhaps were never intended by the ho­ly Ghost, it were good the rivers did not swell higher then the fountaine, and the confidence higher then the Argument and evidence; for in this case there could not any thing be so certainly proved, as that the disagreeing party should deserve to be condemn'd by a sentence of Excommunication for dis­believing it, and yet they were; which I wonder at so much the more, because they (who as it was since judg'd) had the right cause, had not any sufficient Argument from Scripture, not so much as such mysticall Arguments, but did fly to the Tra­dition of the Church, in which also I shall afterward shew, they had nothing that was absolutely certaine.

3. I consider that there are divers places of Scripture con­taining Numb. 6. in them mysteries and Questions of great concernment, and yet the fabrick and constitution is such, that there is no certain mark to determine whether the sense of them should [Page 68] be literall or figurative; I speak not here concerning extrinsecall meanes of determination, as traditive Interpretation, Councels, Fathers, Popes, and the like; I shall consider them afterward in their severall places; but here the subject matter being con­cerning Scripture in its own capacity, I say there is nothing in the nature of the thing to determine the sense and meaning, but it must be gotten out as it can; and that therefore it is unreasonable, that what of it selfe is ambiguous should be un­derstood in its own prime sense and intention, under the paine of either a sinne or an Anathema; I instance in that famous place from whence hath sprung that Question of Transubstan­tiation, Hoc est corpus meum. The words are plain and clear, apt to be understood in the literall sense and yet this sense is so hard as it does violence to reason, and therefore it is the Question whether or no it be not a figurative speech. But here what shall we have to determine it? What mean soever we take, and to what sense soever you will expound it, you shall be put to give an account why you expound other places of Scripture in the same case to quite contrary senses. For if you expound it literally, then besides that it seems to intrench up­on the words of our blessed Saviour, The words that I speak they are Spirit and they are life, that is, to be spiritually under­stood (and it is a miserable thing to see what wretched shifts are used to reconcile the literall sense to these words, and yet to distinguish it from the Capernaiticall fancy) but besides this, why are not those other sayings of Christ expounded literal­ly, I am a Vine, I am the Doore, I am a Rock? Why doe we flie to a figure in those parallel words? This is the Covenant which I make between me and you; and yet that Covenant was but the sign of the Covenant; and why doe we fly to a figure in a precept, as well as in mystery and a proposition? If thy right hand offend thee cut it off; and yet we have figures enough to save a limb. If it be said because reason tells us these are not to be expounded according to the letter; This will be no plea for them who retaine the literall exposition of the other in­stance▪ against all reason, against all Philosophy, against all sense, and against two or three sciences. But if you expound these words figuratively, besides that you are to contest against [Page 69] a world of prejudices you give your selfe the liberty, which if others will use when either they have a reason or a necessity so to doe, they may perhaps turn all into Allegory, and so may evacuate any precept, and elude any Argument. Well, so it is that very wise men have expounded things Sic S Hieron. In ad [...]es [...]entiâ provocatus ar­dore & studio Scriptuarum allegoricè in­terpretatus sum Abdiam Pro­phetam, cujus historiam ne­sciebam. De sensu Allegorico S. Script. dixit Basilius, [...]. Allegorically, when they should have expounded them literally. So did the famous Origen, who as S. Hierom reports of him, turned Paradise so into an Allegory, that he took away quite the truth of the Story, and not only Adam was turned out of the Garden, but the Garden it selfe out of Paradise. Others expound things literally when they should understand them in Allegory; so did the Ancient Papias understand (Apocal. 20.) Christs Millenary raign upon earth, and so, depressed the hopes of Christianity and their desires to the longing and expectation of temporall pleasures and satisfactions, and he was followed by Justin Mar­tyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Lactantius, and indeed the whole Church generally till S. Austin and S. Hierom's time who first of any whose works are extant did reprove the errour. If such great spirits be deceiv'd in finding out what kinde of senses L. 23. de Civit. Dei, c 7. prae­fat. [...]. 19. in Isai. & in c. 36. Ezek. be to be given to Scriptures, it may well be endur'd that we who sit at their feet, may also tread in the steps of them whose feet could not alwayes tread aright.

4. I consider that there are some places of Scripture that Numb. 7. have the selfe same expressions, the same preceptive words, the same reason and account in all appearance, and yet either must be expounded to quite different senses, or else we must renounce the Communion, and the charities of a great part of Christen­dome. And yet there is absolutely nothing in the thing or in its circumstances, or in its adjuncts that can determine it to different purposes. I instance in those great exclusive negatives for the necessity of both Sacraments. Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aquâ &c. Nisi manducaveritis carnem filii hominis, &c. a non introibit in regnum coelorum for both these. Now then the first is urg'd for the absolute indispensable necessity of baptism even in Infants, insomuch that Infants goe to part of Hell if (inculpably both on their own and their Parents part) they misse of baptism, for that is the doctrine of the Church of Rome, which they learnt from S. Austin, and others also [Page 70] doe from hence baptize Infants, though with a lesse opinion of its absolute necessity. And yet the same manner of precept in the same forme of words, in the same manner of threat­ning, by an exclusive negative, shall not enjoyn us to com­municate Infants, though damnation (at least in forme of words) be exactly and per omnia alike appendant to the neglect of holy Baptism and the venerable Eucharist. If [nisi quis re­natus] shall conclude against the Anabaptist, for necessity of baptizing Infants (as sure enough we say, it does) why shall not an equall [nisi comederitis] bring Infants to the holy Commu­nion? The Primitive Church for some two whole Ages did follow their own principles, where ever they lead them; and see­ing that upon the same ground equall results must follow, they did Communicate Infants as soon as they had baptized them. And why the Church of Rome should not doe so too, being she expounds [nisi comederitis] of orall manducation, I cannot yet learn a reason. And for others that expound it of a spirituall manducation, why they shall not allow the disagreeing part the same liberty of expounding [nisi quis renatus] too, I by no meanes can understand. And in these cases no externall determiner can bee pretended in answer. For whatsoever is extrinsecall to the words, as Councels, Tradition, Church Au­thority, and Fathers, either have said nothing at all, or have concluded by their practise contrary to the present opinion, as is plaine in their communicating Infants by vertue of [nisi co­mederitis.]

5. I shall not need to urge the mysteriousnesse of some points in Scripture, which ex natura rei are hard to be under­stood Numb. 8. though very plainly represented. For there are some secreta Theologiae, which are only to be understood by persons very holy and spirituall, which are rather to be felt then dis­coursed of, and therefore if peradventure they be offered to publike consideration, they will therefore be opposed because they runne the same fortune with many other Questions, that is, not to be understood, and so much the rather because their understanding, that is, the feeling such secrets of the Kingdome, are not the results of Logick and Philosophy, nor yet of pub­like revelation, but of the publike spirit privately working, [Page 71] and in no man is a duty but in all that have it, is a reward, and is not necessary for all, but given to some, producing its ope­rations, not regularly, but upon occasions, personall necessities and new emergencies. Of this nature are the spirit of obsig­nation, beliefe of particular salvation, speciall influences and comforts comming from a sense of the spirit of adoption, actu­all fervours and great complacencies in devotion spirituall joyes, which are little drawings aside of the curtaines of peace and eternity, and antepasts of immortality. But the not under­standing the perfect constitution and temper of these mysteries (and it is hard for any man so to understand, as to make others doe so too that feele them not) is cause that in many Questions of secret Theology, by being very apt and easy to be mistaken, there is a necessity in forbearing one another; and this consideration would have been of good use in the Questi­on between Soto and Catharinus, both for the preservation of their charity and explication of the mystery.

6. But here it will not be unseasonable to consider, that Numb. 9. all systems and principles of science are expressed so that either by reason of the Universality of the termes and subject matter or the infinite variety of humane understandings, and these per­adventure swayed by interest, or determin'd by things accidentall and extrinsecall, they seem to divers men, nay to the same men upon divers occasions to speak things extremly disparate and sometimes contrary, but very often of great variety. And this very thing happens also in Scripture; that if it were not in re sacrâ & seria, it were excellent sport to observe how the same place of Scripture serves severall turns upon occasion, and they at that time believe the words sound nothing else, whereas in the liberty of their judgement and abstracting from that occasion, their Commentaries understand them wholy to a differing sense. It is a wonder of what excellent use to the Church of Rome, is [tibi dabo claves:] It was spoken to Peter and none else (sometimes) and therefore it concerns him and his Successors only; the rest are to derive from him. And yet if you Question them for their Sacrament of Penance, and Priestly Absolution, then tibi dabo claves comes in, and that was spoken to S. Peter, and in him to the whole Colledge of the Apostles, [Page 72] and in them to the whole Hierarchy. If you question why the Pope pretends to free soules from Purgatory, tibi dabo claves is his warrant; but if you tell him the Keyes are only for bind­ing and loosing on Earth directly, and in Heaven consequently; and that Purgatory is a part of Hell, or rather neither Earth nor Heaven nor Hell, and so the Keyes seem to have nothing to doe with it, then his Commission is to be enlarged by a suppleto­ry of reason and consequences, and his Keyes shall unlock this dif­ficulty; for it is clavis scientiae as well as authoritatis. And these Keyes shall enable him to expound Scriptures infallibly, to determine Questions, to preside in Councels, to dictate to all the World Magisterially, to rule the Church, to dispence with Oaths, to abrogate Lawes: And if his Key of knowledge will not, the Key of Authority shall, and tibi dabo claves shall an­swer for all. We have an instance in the single fancy of one man, what rare variety of matter is afforded from those plain words of [Oravi pro te Petre] Luk. 22. for that place sayes Bellarmine, is otherwise to be understood of Peter, otherwise of the Popes, and otherwise of the Church of Rome. And [pro te] Bellar. lib. 1. de Pontif. c. 3. § respondeo primò. signifies that Christ prayed that Peter might neither erre personally nor judicially, and that Peters Successors if they did erre personally, might not erre judicially, and that the Roman Church might not erre personally. All this variety of sense is pretended by the fancy of one man, to be in a few words which are as plain and simple as are any words in Scripture. And what then in those thousands that are intricate? So is done with pasce oves, which a man would think were a com­mission as innocent and guiltlesse of designs, as the sheep in the folds are. But if it be asked why the Bishop of Rome calls him­selfe Universall Bishop, pasce oves is his warrant? Why he pretends to a power of deposing Princes, Pasce oves, said Christ to Peter, the second time. If it be demanded why also he pretends to a power of authorizing his subjects to kill him, Pasce agnos said Christ the third time: And pasce is doce, and pasce is Impera, and pasce is occide. Now if others should take the same (unreasonable­nesse I will not say, but the same) liberty in expounding Scripture, or if it be not licence taken, but that the Scripture it selfe is so full and redundant in senses quite contrary, what [Page 73] man soever, or what company of men soever shall use this principle, will certainly finde such rare productions from seve­rall places, that either the unreasonablenesse of the thing will discover the errour of the proceeding, or else there will be a necessity of permitting a great liberty of judgement, where is so infinite variety without limit or mark of necessary deter­mination. If the first, then because an errour is so obvious and ready to our selves, it will be great imprudence or tyranny to be hasty in judging others; but if the latter, it is it that I con­tend for: for it is most unreasonable, when either the thing it selfe ministers variety, or that we take licence to our selves in variety of interpretations, or proclaime to all the world our great weaknesse, by our actually being deceived, that we should either prescribe to others magisterially when we are in errour, or limit their understandings when the thing it selfe affords li­berty and variety.

SECT. IV.

Of the difficulty of Expounding Scripture.

THese considerations are taken from the nature of Scripture it selfe; but then if we consider that we have no certain Numb. 1. wayes of determining places of difficulty and Question, infal­libly and certainly, but that we must hope to be sav'd in the be­liefe of things plaine, necessary and fundamentall, and our pi­ous endeavour to finde out Gods meaning in such places which he hath left under a cloud for other great ends reserved to his own knowledge, we shall see a very great necessity in al­lowing a liberty in Prophesying without prescribing authorita­tively to other mens consciences, and becomming Lords and Masters of their Faith. Now the meanes of expounding Scrip­ture are either externall, or internall. For the externall, as Church Authority, Tradition, Fathers, Councels and Decrees of Bishops, they are of a distinct consideration, and follow after in their order. But here we will first consider the inva­lidity and uncertainty of all those meanes of expounding [Page 74] Scripture which are more proper and internall to the nature of the thing. The great Masters of Commentaries, some whereof have undertaken to know all mysteries, have propounded many wayes to expound Scripture, which indeed are excellent helps, but not infallible assistances, both because themselves are but morall instruments which force not truth ex abscondito, as also because they are not infallibly used and applyed. 1. Sometime the sense is drawn forth by the context and connexion of parts: It is well when it can be so. But when there is two or three antecedents, and subjects spoken of, what man or what rule shall ascertain me that I make my reference true by drawing the relation to such an antecedent; to which I have a minde to ap­ply it, another hath not. For in a contexture where one part does not alwayes depend upon another, Where things of differing natures intervene and interrupt the first intentions, there it is not alwayes very probable to expound Scripture, take its meaning by its proportion to the neighbouring words. But who desires satisfaction in this, may read the observation verified in S. Gregory's moralls upon Job, lib. 5. c. 29. and the in­stances he there brings are excellent proofe, that this way of Interpretation does not warrant any man to impose his Expo­sitions upon the beliefe and understanding of other men too confidently and magisterially.

2. Another great pretence of medium is the conference of places, which Illyricus calls ingens remedium & faelicissimam ex­positionem Numb. 2. sanctae scripturae; and indeed so it is if well and temperately used; but then we are beholding to them that doe so; for there is no rule that can constrain them to it; for com­paring of places is of so indefinite capacity, that if there be ambiguity of words, variety of sense, alteration of circum­stances, or difference of stile amongst Divine Writers, then there is nothing that may be more abused by wilfull people, or may more easily deceive the unwary, or that may amuse the most intelligent Observer. The Anabaptists take advan­tage enough in this proceeding, (and indeed so may any one that list) and when we pretend against them the necessity of baptizing all, by authority of nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aquâ & spiritu, they have a parallel for it, and tell us that Christ [Page 75] will baptize us with the holy Ghost and with fire, and that one place expounds the other; and because by fire is not meant an Element or any thing that is naturall, but an Allegory and figurative expression of the same thing; so also by water may be meant the figure signifying the effect or manner of opera­tion of the holy Spirit. Fire in one place, and water in the other, doe but represent to us that Christs baptism is nothing else but the cleansing and purifying us by the holy Ghost; But that which I here note as of greatest concernment, and which in all reason ought to be an utter overthrow to this topique, is an universall abuse of it among those that use it most, and when two places seem to have the same expression, or if a word have a double signification, because in this place it may have such a sense, therefore it must, because in one of the places the sense is to their purpose, they conclude that there­fore it must be so in the other too. An instance I give in the great Question between the Socinians and the Catholikes. If any place be urg'd in which our blessed Saviour is called God, they shew you two or three where the word God is taken in a depressed sense, for a quasi Deus, as when God said to Moses, Constitui te Deum Pharaonis; and hence they argue, because I can shew the word is used for a Deus factus, therefore no Argument is sufficient to prove Christ to be Deus verus from the appellative of Deus. And might not another argue to the exact contrary, and as well urge that Moses is Deus verus, because in some places the word Deus is used pro Deo aeterno: Both wayes the Argument concludes impiously and unreasonably. It is a fallacy à posse ad esse affirmativè; be­cause breaking of bread is sometimes used for an Eucharisticall manducation in Scripture; therefore I shall not from any testi­mony of Scripture affirming the first Christians to have broken bread together, conclude that they liv'd hospitably and in com­mon society. Because it may possibly be eluded, therefore it does not signifie any thing. And this is the great way of an­swering all the Arguments that can be brought against any thing that any man hath a mind to defend; and any man that reads any controversies of any side, shall finde as many in­stances of this vanity almost as he finds Arguments from Scrip­ture; [Page 76] this fault was of old noted by S. Austin, for then they had got the trick, and he is angry at it, ne (que) enim putare debemus De doctri. Christian. lib. 3. esse praescriptum, ut quod in aliquo loco res aliqua per simili­tudinem significaverit, hoc etiam semper significare credamus.

3. Oftentimes Scriptures are pretended to be expounded by Numb. 3. a proportion and Analogy of reason. And this is as the other, if it be well, its well. But unlesse there were some intellectus universalis furnished with infallible propositions, by referring to which every man might argue infallibly, this Logick may deceive as well as any of the rest. For it is with reason as with mens tastes; although there are some generall principles which are reasonable to all men, yet every man is not able to draw out all its consequences, nor to understand them when they are drawn forth, nor to believe when he does understand them. There is a precept of S. Paul directed to the Thessalonians be­fore they were gather'd into a body of a Church, 2 Thes. 3. 6. To withdraw from every brother that walketh disorderly. But if this precept were now observed, I would faine know whether we should not fall into that inconvenience which S. Paul sought to avoyd in giving the same commandement to the Church of Corinth, 1 Cor. 5. 9. I wrote to you that yee should not company with fornicators; And yet not altogether with the fornicators of this world, for then yee must goe out of the world: And there­fore he restrains it to a quitting the society of Christians li­ving ill lives. But now that all the world hath been Christians, if we should sin in keeping company with vitious Christians, must we not also goe out of this world? Is not the precept made null, because the reason is altered, and things are come about, and that the [...] are the brethren [...] called brethren, as S. Pauls phrase is? And yet either this never was considered, or not yet believed; for it is generally taken to be obligatory, though (I think) seldome practised. But when we come to expound Scriptures to a certaine sense by Argu­ments drawn from prudentiall motives, then we are in a vast plain without any sufficient guide, and we shall have so many senses, as there are humane prudences. But that which goes fur­ther then this, is a parity of reason from a plain place of Scripture to an obscure, from that which is plainly set down in a Text [Page 77] to another that is more remote from it. And thus is that place in S. Matthew forced, If thy brother refuse to be amended, Dic ecclesiae. Hence some of the Roman Doctors argue, If Christ commands to tell the Church in case of adultery or private injury, then much more in case of heresy. Well, sup­pose this to be a good Interpretation; Why must I stay here? Why may not I also adde by a parity of reason, If the Church must be told of heresy, much more of treason: And why may not I reduce all sinnes to the cognizance of a Church tribunall, as some men doe indirectly, and Snecanus does heartily and plainly? If a mans principles be good, and his deductions cer­tain, he need not care whether they carry him. But when an Authority is intrusted to a person, and the extent of his power expressed in his commission, it will not be safety to meddle be­yond his commission upon confidence of a parity of reason. To instance once more; When Christ in pasce oves & tu es Pe­trus, gave power to the Pope to govern the Church (for to that sense the Church of Rome expounds those Authorities) by a certain consequence of reason, say they, he gave all things ne­cessary for exercise of this jurisdiction, and therefore in pasce oves] he gave him an indirect power over temporalls, for that is necessary that he may doe his duty: Well, having gone thus farre, we will goe further upon the parity of reason, therefore he hath given the Pope the gift of tongues, and he hath given him power to give it; for how else shall Xavier convert the In­dians? He hath given him also power to command the Seas and the winds, that they should obey him, for this also is very ne­cessary in some cases. And so pasce oves is accipe donum lingua­rum, and Impera ventis, & dispone regum diademata, & laico­rum praedia, and influentias caeli too, and whatsoever the parity of reason will judge equally necessary in order to pasce ovts; when a man does speak reason, it is but reason he should be heard; but though he may have the good fortune, or the great abilities to doe it, yet he hath not a certainty, no regular in­fallible assistance, no inspiration of Arguments and deducti­ons; and if he had, yet because it must be reason that must judge of reason, unlesse other mens understandings were of the same ayre, the same constitution and ability, they cannot be [Page 78] prescrib'd unto, by another mans reason; especially because such reasonings as usually are in explication of particular places of Scripture, depend upon minute circumstances and particularities, in which it is so easy to be deceived, and so hard to speak rea­son regularly and alwayes, that it is the greater wonder if we be not deceived.

4. Others pretend to expound Scripture by the analogy of Numb. 4. Faith, and that is the most sure and infallible way (as it is thought:) But upon stricter survey it is but a Chimera, a thing in nubibus which varies like the right hand and left hand of a Pillar, and at the best is but like the Coast of a Country to a Traveller out of his way; It may bring him to his jour­neyes end though twenty mile about; it may keep him from running into the Sea, and from mistaking a river for dry land; but whether this little path or the other be the right way it tells not. So is the analogy of Faith, that is, if I understand it right, the rule of Faith, that is the Creed. Now were it not a fine device to goe to expound all the Scripture by the Creed, there being in it so many thousand places which have no more relation to any Article in the Creed, then they have to Tityre tu patula? Indeed if a man resolves to keep the analogy of Faith, that is to expound Scripture, so as not to doe any violence to any fundamentall Article, he shall be sure however he erres, yet not to destroy Faith, he shall not pe­rish in his Exposition. And that was the precept given by S. Paul, that all Prophesyings should be estimated [...], Rom. 6. 12. and to this very purpose, S. Austin in his Ex­position of Genesis, by way of Preface sets down the Articles of Faith, with this design and protestation of it, that if he sayes nothing against those Articles, though he misse the par­ticular sense of the place, there is no danger, or sinne in his Exposition; but how that analogy of Faith should have any other influence in expounding such places in which those Ar­ticles of Faith are neither expressed, nor involv'd, I understand not. But then if you extend the analogy of Faith further then that which is proper to the rule of Symbol of Faith, then every man expounds Scripture according to the analogy of Faith; but what? His own Faith: which Faith if it be questioned, I am no [Page 79] more bound to expound according to the analogy of another mans Faith, then he to expound according to the analogy of mine. And this is it that is complain'd on of all sides that overvalue their own opinions. Scripture seems so clearly to speak what they believe, that they wonder all the world does not see it as clear as they doe; but they satisfie them­selves with saying that it is because they come with prejudice, whereas if they had the true beliefe, that is, theirs, they would easily see what they see. And this is very true: For if they did believe as others believe, they would expound Scriptures to their sense; but if this be expounding according to the analogy of Faith, it signifies no more then this, Be you of my mind and then my Arguments will seem concluding and my Authorities and Allegations pressing and pertinent: And this will serve on all sides, and therefore will doe but little service to the determi­nation of Questions, or prescribing to other mens consciences on any side.

Lastly, Consulting the Originals is thought a great matter Numb. 5. to Interpretation of Scriptures. But this is to small purpose: For indeed it will expound the Hebrew and the Greek, and rectifie Translations. But I know no man that sayes that the Scriptures in Hebrew and Greek are easie and certaine to be understood, and that they are hard in Latine and English: The difficulty is in the thing however it be expressed, the least is in the language. If the Originall Languages were our mother tongue, Scripture is not much the easier to us; and a naturall Greek or a Jew, can with no more reason, nor authority ob­trude his Interpretations upon other mens consciences, then a man of another Nation. Adde to this that the inspection of the Originall, is no more certain way of Interpretation of Scripture now then it was to the Fathers and Primitive Ages of the Church; and yet he that observes what infinite variety of Translations of the Bible were in the first Ages of the Church (as S. Hierom observes) and never a one like ano­ther; will think that we shall differ as much in our Inter­pretations as they did, and that the medium is as uncertain to us as it was to them; and so it is; witnesse the great number of late Translations, and the infinite number of Commentaries, [Page 80] which are too pregnant an Argument that wee neither a­gree in the understanding of the words nor of the sense.

The truth is, all these wayes of Interpreting of Scripture which of themselves are good helps, are made either by de­sign, Numb. 6. or by our infirmites wayes of intricating and involving Scriptures in greater difficulty, because men doe not learn their doctrines from Scripture, but come to the understanding of Scripture with preconceptions and idea's of doctrines of their own, and then no wonder that Scriptures look like Pi­ctures, wherein every man in the roome believes they look on him only, and that wheresoever he stands, or how often soever he changes his station. So that now what was intended for a remedy, becomes the promoter of our disease, and our meat becomes the matter of sicknesses: And the mischiefe is, the wit of man cannot find a remedy for it; for there is no rule, no limit, no certain principle, by which all men may be guided to a certain and so infallible an Interpretation, that he can with any equity prescribe to others to believe his Interpreta­tions in places of controversy or ambiguity. A man would think that the memorable Prophesy of Jacob, that the Scepter should not depart from Judah till Shiloh come, should have been so clear a determination of the time of the Messias, that a Jew should never have doubted it to have been verified in Jesus of Nazareth; and yet for this so clear vaticination, they have no lesse then twenty six Answers. S. Paul and S. James seem to speak a little diversly concerning Justification by Faith and Works, and yet to my understanding it is very easy to recon­cile them: but all men are not of my mind; for Osiander in his confutation of the book which Melanchton wrote against him, observes, that there are twenty severall opinions concer­ning Iustification, all drawn from the Scriptures, by the men only of the Augustan Confession. There are sixteen severall opinions concerning originall sinne; and as many definitions of the Sacraments as there are Sects of men that disagree about them.

And now what help is there for us in the midst of these uncertainties? If we follow any one Translation, or any one Numb. 7. mans Commentary, what rule shall we have to chuse the right [Page 81] by? or is there any one man, that hath translated perfectly, or expounded infallibly? No Translation challenges such a prero­gative as to be authentick, but the Vulgar Latine; and yet see with what good successe: For when it was declared authen­tick by the Councell of Trent, Sixtus put forth a Copy much mended of what it was, and tyed all men to follow that; but that did not satisfie; for Pope Clement reviews and corrects it in many places, and still the Decree remaines in a changed sub­ject. And secondly, that Translation will be very unapt to sa­tisfie, in which one of their own men Isidore Clarius a Monk of Brescia, found and mended eight thousand faults, besides innumerable others which he sayes he pretermitted. And then thirdly, to shew how little themselves were satisfied with it, divers learned men amongst them did new translate the Bible, and thought they did God and the Church good service in it. So that if you take this for your precedent, you are sure to be mistaken infinitely: If you take any other, the Authors them­selves doe not promise you any security. If you resolve to follow any one as farre only as you see cause, then you only doe wrong or right by chance; for you have certainty just proportionable to your own skill, to your own infallibility. If you resolve to follow any one, whether soever he leads, we shall oftentimes come thither where we shall see our selves become ridiculous, as it happened in the case of Spiridion Bi­shop of Cyprus, who so resolv'd to follow his old book, that when an eloquent Bishop who was desired to Preach, read his Text, Tu autem tolle cubile tuum & ambula; Spiridion was very angry with him, because in his book it was tolle lectum tuum, and thought it arrogance in the preacher to speak better Latine then his Translatour had done: And if it be thus in Translations, it is farre worse in Expositions: [Quia scil. Scripturam sacram pro ipsa sui altitudine non uno eodem (que) sensu omnes accipiunt, ut penè quot homines tot illic sententiae erui posse videantur, said Vincent Lirinensis] in which every man knows In Commonit. what innumerable wayes there are of being mistaken, God having in things not simply necessary left such a difficulty up­on those parts of Scripture which are the subject matters of controversy ad edomandam labore superbiam, & intellectum à [Page 82] [...] [Page 83] [...] [Page 80] [...] [Page 81] [...] [Page 82] fastidio revocandum (as S. Austin gives a reason) that all that erre honestly, are therefore to be pityed, and tolerated, be­cause Lib. 2. de doctr. Christian. c. 6. it is or may be the condition of every man at one time or other.

The summe is this: Since holy Scripture is the repository Numb. 8. of divine truths, and the great rule of Faith, to which all Sects of Christians doe appeale for probation of their severall opi­nions, and since all agree in the Articles of the Creed as things clearly and plainly set down, and as containing all that which is of simple and prime necessity; and since on the other side there are in Scripture many other mysteries, and matters of Questi­on upon which there is a vaile; since there are so many Copies with infinite varieties of reading; since a various Interpuncti­on, a parenthesis, a letter, an accent may much alter the sense; since some places have divers literall senses, many have spiritu­all, mysticall and Allegoricall meanings; since there are so many tropes, metonymies, ironies, hyperboles, proprieties and impro­prieties of language, whose understanding depends upon such circumstances that it is almost impossible to know its proper Interpretation; [now that the knowledge of such circumstances and particular stories is irrevocably lost: since there are some mysteries which at the best advantage of expression, are not easy to be apprehended, and whose explication, by reason of our imperfections, must needs be dark, sometimes weak, sometimes unintelligle: and lastly, since those ordinary meanes of expoun­ding Scripture, as searching the Originalls, conference of places, parity of reason, and analogy of Faith, are all dubious, uncer­tain, and very fallible, he that is the wisest and by consequence the likelyest to expound truest in all probability of reason, will be very farre from confidence, because every one of these and ma­ny more are like so many degrees of improbability and incer­tainty, all depressing our certainty of finding out truth in such mysteries and amidst so many difficulties. And therefore a wise man that considers this, would not willingly be prescrib'd to by others; and therefore if he also be a just man, he will not impose upon others; for it is best every man should be left in that liberty from which no man can justly take him, unlesse he could secure him from errour: So that here also there is a [Page 83] necessity to conserve the liberty of Prophesying, and Inter­preting Scripture; a necessity deriv'd from the considerati­on of the difficulty of Scripture in Questions controverted, and the uncertainty of any internall medium, of Interpre­tation.

SECT. V.

Of the insufficiency and uncertainty of Tradition to Expound Scripture, or determine Questions.

IN the next place, we must consider those extrinsecall meanes Numb. 1. of Interpreting Scripture, and determining Questions, which they most of all confide in that restraine Prophesying with the greatest Tyranny. The first and principall is Tradition, which is pretended not only to expound Scripture (Necesse enim est Vincent. Liri­nens. in Com­monitor. propter tantos tam varii erroris anfractus, ut Propheticae & A­postolicae interpretationis linea secundum Ecclesiastici & Catholici sensus normam dirigatur:) but also to propound Articles upon a distinct stock, such Articles whereof there is no mention and proposition in Scripture. And in this topick, not only the di­stinct Articles are clear and plain, like as the fundamentals of Faith expressed in Scripture, but also it pretends to expound Scripture, and to determine Questions with so much clarity and certainty, as there shall neither be errour nor doubt re­maining, and therefore no disagreeing is here to be endured. And indeed it is most true if Tradition can performe these pretensions, and teach us plainly, and assure us infallibly of all truths, which they require us to believe, we can in this case have no reason to disbelieve them, and therefore are certainly Hereticks if we doe, because without a crime, without some humane interest or collaterall design, we cannot disbelieve tra­ditive Doctrine or traditive Interpretation, if it be infallibly prov'd to us that tradition is an infallible guide.

But here I first consider that tradition is no repository of Numb. 2. Articles of Faith, and therefore the not following it is no [Page 84] Argument of heresy; for besides that I have shewed Scripture in its plain expresses to be an abundant rule of Faith and man­ners, Tradition is a topick as fallible as any other; so fallible that it cannot be sufficient evidence to any man in a matter of Faith or Question of heresy.

For 1. I find that the Fathers were infinitely deceived in Numb. 3. their account and enumeration of Traditions, sometimes they did call some Traditions, such, not which they knew to be so, but by Arguments and presumptions they concluded them so. Such as was that of S. Austin, ca quae universalis tenet Ecclesia nec à Con­ciliis Epist. 118. ad Ianuar. De bapt. contr. Donat. lib. 4. c. 24. instituta reperiuntur, credibile est ab Apostolorum traditione descendisse. Now suppose this rule probable, that's the most, yet it is not certaine; It might come by custome, whose Originall was not knowne, but yet could not derive from an Apostolicall principle. Now when they conclude of particular Traditions by a generall rule, and that generall rule not certain, but at the most probable in any thing, and certainly false in some things, it is wonder if the productions, that is, their judge­ments, and pretence faile so often. And if I should but instance in all the particulars, in which Tradition was pretended falsly or uncertainly in the first Ages, I should multiply them to a troublesome variety; for it was then accounted so glorious a thing to have spoken with the persons of the Apostles, that if any man could with any colour pretend to it, he might abuse the whole Church, and obtrude what he listed under the spe­cious title of Apostolicall Tradition, and it is very notorious to every man that will but read and observe the Recognitions or stromata of Clemens Alexandrinus, where there is enough of such false wares shewed in every book, and pretended to be no lesse then from the Apostles. In the first Age after the Apostles, Papias pretended he received a Tradition from the Apostles, that Christ before the day of Judgement should reign a thousand yeares upon Earth, and his Saints with him in temporall felicities; and this thing proceeding from so great an Authority as the testimony of Papias, drew after it all or most of the Christians in the first three hundred years. For besides, that the Millenary opinion is expresly taught by Papias, Justin Mar­tyr, Irenaus, Origen, Lactantius, Severus, Victorinus, Apollinaris, [Page 85] Nepos, and divers others famous in their time, Justin Martyr in his Dialogue against Tryphon sayes, it was the beliefe of all Christians exactly Orthodox, [...], and yet there was no such Tradition, but a mistake in Papias; but I find it nowhere spoke against, till Dionysins of Alexandria confuted Nepo's Book, and converted Coracion the Egyptian from the opinion. Now if a Tradition whose begin­ning of being called so began with a Scholar of the Apostles (for so was Papias) and then continued for some Ages upon the meer Authority of so famous a man, did yet deceive the Church: much more fallible is the pretence, when two or three hundred years after, it but commences, and then by some learned man is first called a Tradition Apostolicall. And so it hapned in the case of the Arrian heresy, which the Nicene Fathers did confute by objecting a contrary Tradition Apostolicall, as Theodoret re­ports; Lib. 1. hist. c. 8. and yet if they had not had better Arguments from Scrip­ture then from Tradition, they would have faild much in so good a cause; for this very pretence the Arrians themselves made, and desired to be tryed by the Fathers of the first three hundred years, which was a confutation sufficient to them who preten­ded Vide Peta [...]: in Epiph. her. 69. a clear Tradition, because it was unimaginable that the Tradition should leap so as not to come from the first to the last by the middle. But that this tryall was sometime decli­ned by that excellent man S. Athanasius, although at other times confidently and truly pretended, it was an Argument the Tradition was not so [...], [...] Matt. di [...]l ad Tryph. Iud. clear, but both sides might with some fairnesse pretend to it. And therefore one of the prime Founders of their heresy, the Heretick Euse. l. 5. c. ult. Artemon having ob­served the advantage might be taken by any Sect that would pretend Tradition, because the medium was plausible and con­sisting of so many particulars, that it was hard to be redargued, pretended a Tradition from the Apostles, that Christ was [...], and that the Tradition did descend by a constant succession in the Church of Rome to Pope Victors time inclusively, and till Zepherinus had interrupted the series and cor­rupted the Doctrine; which pretence if it had not had some appearance of truth, so as possibly to abuse the Church, had not been worthy of confutation, which yet was with care un­dertaken [Page 86] by an old Writer, out of whom Eusebius transcribes a large passage to reprove the vanity of the pretender. But I ob­serve from hence, that it was usuall to pretend to Tradition, and that it was easier pretended then confuted, and I doubt not but oftner done then discovered. A great Question arose in Africa concerning the Baptism of Hereticks, whether it were valid or no. S. Cyprian and his party appealed to Scripture; Stephen Bishop of Rome and his party, would be judged by cu­stome and Tradition Ecclesiasticall. See how much the nearer the Question was to a determination, either that probation was not accounted by S. Cyprian, and the Bishops both of Asia and Africk, to be a good Argument, and sufficient to determine them, or there was no certain Tradition against them; for unlesse one of these two doe it, nothing could excuse them from opposing a known truth, unlesse peradventure, S. Cyprian, Firmilian, the Bishops of Galatia, Cappadocia, and almost two parts of the World were ignorant of such a Tradition, for they knew of none such, and some of them expresly denyed it. And the sixth generall Synod approves of the Canon made in the Councell of Carthage under Cyprian upon this very ground, because in praedictorum praesulum locis & solum se­cundum Can. 2. traditam eis consuetudinem servatus est; they had a particular Tradition for Rebaptization, and therefore there could be no Tradition Universall against it, or if there were they knew not of it, but much for the contrary; and then it would be remembred that a conceal'd Tradition was like a si­lent Thunder, or a Law not promulgated; it neither was known, nor was obligatory. And I shall observe this too, that this very Tradition was so obscure, and was so obscurely delivered, silently proclaimed, that S. Austin who disputed against the Donatists upon this very Question was not able to prove it, but L. 5. de bap­tism. contr. Donat. c. 23. by a consequence which he thought probale and credible, as appears in his discourse against the Donatists. The Apostles, saith S. Austin, prescrib'd nothing in this particular: But this custome which is contrary to Cyprian ought to be believed to have come from their Tradition, as many other things which the Catholike Church observes. That's all the ground and all the reason; nay the Church did waver concerning that Question, and before the [Page 87] decision of a Councell, Cyprian and others might dissent with­out breach of charity. It was plain then there was no clear Tradi­tion Lib. 1. de bap­tism. c. 18. in the Question, possibly there might be a custome in some Churches postnate to the times of the Apostles, but nothing that was obligatory, no Tradition Apostolicall. But this was a supple­tory device ready at hand when ever they needed it; and De peccat. ori­ginal. l. 2. c. 40. contra Pelagi. & Caelest. S. Austin confuted the Pelagians, in the Question of Originall sinne, by the custome of exorcisme and insufflation, which S. Austin said came from the Apostles by Tradition, which yet was then, and is now so impossible to be prov'd, that he that shall affirm it, shall gaine only the reputation of a bold man and a confident.

2. I consider if the report of Traditions in the Primitive Numb. 4. times so neare the Ages Apostolicall was so uncertain, that they were fain to aym at them by conjectures, and grope as in the dark, the uncertainty is much encreased since, because there are many famous Writers whose works are lost, which yet if they had continued, they might have been good records to us, as Clemens Romanus, Egesippus, Nepos, Coracion, Dionysius Areopagite, of Alexandria, of Corinth, Firmilian and many more: And since we see pretences have been made without reason in those Ages where they might better have been confuted, then now they can, it is greater prudence to suspect any later pre­tences, since so many Sects have been, so many warres, so many corruptions in Authors, so many Authors lost, so much ignorance hath intervened, and so many interests have been ser­ved, that now the rule is to be altered; and whereas it was of old time credible, that that was Apostolicall whose beginning they knew not, now quite contrary we cannot safely believe them to be Apostolicall unlesse we doe know their beginning to have been from the Apostles. For this consisting of pro­babilities and particulars, which put together make up a morall demonstration, the Argument which I now urge hath been growing these fifteen hundred years; and if anciently there was so much as to evacuate the Authority of Tradition, much more is there now absolutely to destroy it, when all the particulars, which time and infinite variety of humane accidents have been amassing together, are now concentred, and are united by [Page 88] way of constipation. Because every Age and every great change, and every heresy, and every interest, hath increased the difficulty of finding out true Traditions.

3. There are very many Traditions which are lost, and yet they are concerning matters of as great consequence as most of Numb. 5. those Questions for the determination whereof Traditions are pretended: It is more then probable, that as in Baptism and the Eucharist the very formes of ministration are transmitted to us, so also in confirmation and ordination, and that there were speciall directions for visitation of the sick, and explicite interpretations of those difficult places of S. Paul which S. Pe­ter affirmed to be so difficult that the ignorant doe wrest them to their own damnation, and yet no Church hath conserved these or those many more which S. Basil affirms to be so many that [...]; the day would faile him in the very simple enumeration of all Cap. 29. despir. Sancto. Traditions Ecclesiasticall. And if the Church hath fail'd in keeping the great variety of Traditions, it will hardly be thought a fault in a private person to neglect Tradition, which either the whole Church hath very much neglected inculpably, or else the whose Church is very much too blame. And who can ascertain us that she hath not entertained some which are no Traditions as well as lost thousands that are? That she did entertain some false Traditions, I have already prov'd; but it is also as probable that some of those which these Ages did pro­pound for Traditions, are not so, as it is certain that some which the first Ages cald Traditions, were nothing lesse.

4. There are some opinions which when they began to be publikely received, began to be accounted prime Traditions, Numb. 6. and so became such not by a native title, but by adoption; and nothing is more usuall then for the Fathers to colour their popular opinion with so great an appellative. S. Austin cald the communicating of Infants an Apostolicall Tradition, and yet we doe not practise it, because we disbelieve the Allegation. And that every custome which at first introduction was but a private fancy or singular practise, grew afterwards into a publike rite and went for a Tradition after a while continuance, appears by Tertullian who seems to justifie it, Non enim existimas tu Contra Mar­con. [Page 89] licitum esse cuicun (que) fideli constituere quod Deo placere illi visum De coron. milit. c. 3. & 4. fuerit, ad disciplinam & salutem. And againe, A quocun (que) traditore censetur, nec authorem respicias sed authoritatem. And S. Hierome most plainly, Praecepra majorum Apostolicas Tradi­ones Apud Euseb. l. 5. c. 20. quis (que) existimat. And when Irenaeus had observed that great variety in the keeping of Lent, which yet to be a fourty dayes Fast is pretended to descend from Tradition Apostolicall, some fasting but one day before Easter, some two, some fourty, and this even long before Irenaeus time, he gives this reason, Varietas illa jejunii coepit apud Majores nostros qui non accuratè consue­tudinem eorum qui vel simplicitate quâdam vel privatâ authori­tate in posterum aliquid statuissent, observarant [ex translatione Christophorsoni:] And there are yet some points of good con­cernment, which if any man should Question in a high manner, they would prove indeterminable by Scripture, or sufficient rea­son, and yet I doubt not their confident Defenders would say they are opinions of the Church, and quickly pretend a Tra­dition from the very Apostles, and believe themselves so secure that they could not be discovered, because the Question never having been disputed, gives them occasion to say that which had no beginning known, was certainly from the Apostles. For why should not Divines doe in the Question of reconfirmation as in that of rebaptization? Are not the grounds equall from an indelible character in one as in the other? and if it hap­pen such a Question as this after contestation should be deter­min'd not by any positive decree, but by the cession of one part, and the authority and reputation of the other, does not the next Age stand faire to be abused with a pretence of Tradition, in the matter of reconfirmation, which never yet came to a serious Question? For so it was in the Question of rebaptization for which there was then no more evident Tradi­tion then there is now in the Question of reconfirmation, as I proved formerly, but yet it was carried upon that Title.

5. There is great variety in the probation of Tradition, so that whatever is proved to be Tradition, is not equally and Numb. 7. alike credible; for nothing but universall Tradition is of it selfe credible; other Traditions in their just proportion as they par­take of the degrees of universality. Now that a Tradition be [Page 90] universall, or which is all one that it be a credible Testimony, S. Irenaeus requires that Tradition should derive from all the Lib. 3. c. 4. Churches Apostolicall. And therefore according to this rule there was no sufficient medium to determine the Question about Easter, because the Eastern and Western Churches had severall Traditions respectively, and both pretended from the Apostles. Clemens Alexandrinus sayes, it was a secret Tradi­tion Li. 1. Stromat. from the Apostles that Christ preached but one year: But L. 2. c. 39. Irenaeus sayes it did derive from Hereticks, and sayes that he Omnes Senio­res testantur qui in Asiâ a­pud Iohannem Discipulum Domini con­venerunt id ipsum tradi­disse eis Io­hannem, &c. & qui alios Apo­stolos viderunt haec eadem ab ipsis audierunt, & testantur de ejusmodi relatione. by Tradition first from S. John, and then from his Disciples received another Tradition, that Christ was almost fifty years old when he dyed, and so by consequence preached almost twenty years; both of them were deceived, and so had all that had belie­ved the report of either pretending Tradition Apostolicall. Thus the custome in the Latine Church of fasting on Saturday was against that Tradition which the Greeks had from the Apostles; and therefore by this division and want of consent, which was the true Tradition was so absolutely indeterminable, that both must needs lose much of their reputation. But how then when not only particular Churches but single persons are all the proofe we have for a Tradition? And this often hapned; I think S. Austin is the chiefe Argument and Authority we have for the Assumption of the Virgin Mary; the Baptism of In­fants is called a Tradition by Origen alone at first, and from Salmeron. disput. 51. in Rom. him by others. The procession of the holy Ghost from the Sonne, which is an Article the Greek Church disavowes, de­rives from the Tradition Apostolicall, as it is pretended; and yet before S. Austin we heare nothing of it very cleerly or certainly, for as much as that whole mystery concerning the blessed Spirit was so little explicated in Scripture, and so little derived to them by Tradition, that till the Councell of Nice, you shall hardly find any form of worship or personall addresse of devotion to the holy Spirit, as Erasmus observes, and I think the contrary will very hardly be verified. And for this particu­lar in which I instance, whatsoever is in Scripture concerning it, is against that which the Church of Rome calls Tradition, which makes the Greeks so confident as they are of the point, and is an Argument of the vanity of some things which for no [Page 91] greater reason are called Traditions, but because one man hath said so, and that they can be proved by no better Argument to be true. Now in this case wherein Tradition descends upon us with unequall certainty, it would be very unequall to require of us an absolute beliefe of every thing not written, for feare we be accounted to slight Tradition Apostolicall. And since no thing can require our supreme assent, but that which is truly Catholike and Apostolike, and to such a Tradition is requir'd as Irenaeus sayes, the consent of all those Churches which the Apo­stles planted, and where they did preside, this topick will be of so little use in judging heresies that (besides what is deposited in Scripture) it cannot be proved in any thing but in the Canon of Scripture it selfe, and as it is now received, even in that there is some variety.

And therefore there is wholy a mistake in this businesse; for when the Fathers appeal to Tradition, and with much earnest­nesse, Numb. 8. and some clamour they call upon Hereticks to conform to or to be tryed by Tradition, it is such a Tradition as deli­vers the fundamentall points of Christianity, which were also recorded in Scripture. But because the Canon was not yet perfectly consign'd, they call'd to that testimony they had, which was the testimony of the Churches Apostolicall, whose Bishops and Priests being the Antistites religionis, did believe and preach Christian Religion and conserve all its great myste­ries according as they had been taught. Irenaeus calls this a Tra­dition Apostolicall, Christum accepisse calicem, & dixisse san­guinem suum esse, & docuisse novam oblationem novi Testa­menti, quam Ecclesia per Apostolos accipiens offert per totum mundum. And the Fathers in these Ages confute Hereticks by Ecclesiasticall Tradition, that is, they confront against their im­pious and blaspemous doctrines that Religion which the Apo­stles having taught to the Churches where they did preside, their Successors did still preach, and for a long while together suffered not the enemy to sow tares amongst their wheat. And yet these doctrines which they called Traditions, were no­thing but such fundamentall truths which were in Scripture, [...], is Irenaeus in Eusebius observes, in the instance of Polycarpus, and it is manifest by considering Lib. 5. cap. 20. [Page 92] what heresies they fought against, the heresies of Ebion, Ce­rinthus, Nicolaitans, Valentinians, Carpocratians, persons that Vid. Irenae. l. 3 & 4. cont. haeres. denyed the Sonne of God, the Unity of the God-head, that preached impurity, that practised Sorcery and Witch-craft. And now that they did rather urge Tradition against them then Scripture was, because the publike Doctrine of all the A­postolicall Churches was at first more known and famous then many parts of the Scripture, and because some Hereticks denyed S. Lukes Gospel, some received none but S. Matthews, some re­jected all S. Pauls Epistles, and it was a long time before the whole Canon was consign'd by universall Testimony, some Churches having one part some another, Rome her selfe had not all, so that in this case the Argument from Tradition was the most famous, the most certain, and the most prudent. And now according to this rule they had more Traditions then we have, and Traditions did by degrees lessen as they came to be writ­ten, and their necessity was lesse, as the knowledge of them was ascetained to us by a better Keeper of Divine Truths. All that great mysteriousnesse of Christs Priest-hood, the unity of his Sacrifice, Christs Advocation and Intercession for us in Heaven, and many other excellent. Doctrines might very well be accounted Traditions before S. Pauls Epistle to the He­brews was publish'd to all the World; but now they are written truths; and if they had not, possibly we might either have lost them quite, or doubted of them as we doe of many other Traditions, by reason of the insufficiency of the propounder. And therefore it was that S. Peter took order that the Gospel 2 Pet. 1. 13. should be Writ, for he had promised that he would doe some­thing which after his decease should have these things in re­membrance. He knew it was not safe trusting the report of men where the fountain might quickly run dry, or be corrup­ted so insensibly, that no cure could be found for it, nor any just notice taken of it till it were incurable. And indeed there is scarce any thing but what is written in Scripture, that can with any confidence of Argument pretend to derive from the Apostles, except ritualls, and manners of ministration; but no doctrines or speculative mysteries are so transmitted to us by so cleer a current, that we may see a visible channell, [Page 93] and trace it to the Primitive fountaines. It is said to be a Tradition Apostolicall, that no Priest should baptize without chrism and the command of the Bishop: Suppose it were, yet we cannot be oblig'd to believe it with much confidence, because we have but little proofe for it, scarce any thing but the single testimony of S. Hierom. And yet if it were, this is but a rituall, of which in passing by, I shall give that account: That, Dialog. adv. Lucifer. suppose this and many more ritualls did derive clearly from Tradition Apostolicall (which yet but very few doe) yet it is hard that any Church should be charged with crime for not ob­serving such ritualls, because we see some of them which cer­tainly did derive from the Apostles, are expir'd and gone out in a desuetude; such as are abstinence from blood, and from things strangled, the coenobitick life of secular persons, the colledge of widowes, to worship standing upon the Lords day, to give milk and honey to the newly baptized, and many more of the like nature; now there having been no mark to distinguish the necessity of one from the indifferency of the other, they are all alike necessary, or alike indifferent; if the former, why does no Church observe them? if the later, why does the Church of Rome charge upon others the shame of novelty, for leaving of some Rites and Ceremonies which by her own practice we are taught to have no obligation in them, but to be adiaphorous? S. Paul gave order, that a Bishop should be the husband of one wife; The Church of Rome will not allow so much; other Churches allow more: The Apostles commanded Christians to Fast on Wednesday and Friday, as appeares in their Canons; The Church of Rome Fasts Friday and Saturday, and not on Wednesday: The Apostles had their Agapae or love Feasts, we should believe them scandalous: They used a kisse of charity in ordinary addresses, the Church of Rome keeps it only in their Masse, other Churches quite omit it: The Apostles permitted Priests and Deacons to live in conjugall Society as appears in the 5. Can. of the Apostles (which to them is an Argument who believe them such) and yet the Church of Rome, by no meanes will endure it; nay more, Michael Medina gives Testimony that of 84 Canons Apostolicall which Clemens col­lected, De sacr. hom, continent, li 5. c. 105. scarce six or eight are observed by the Latine Church, [Page 94] and Peresius gives this account of it, In illis contineri multa quae temporum corruptione non plenè observantur, aliis pro temporis & De Tradit. part. 3. c. de Author. Can. Apost. materiae qualitate aut obliteratis, aut totius Ecclesiae magisterio abrogatis. Now it were good that they which take a liberty to themselves, should also allow the same to others. So that for one thing or other, all Traditions excepting those very few that are absolutely universall, will lose all their obligation, and become no competent medium to confine mens practises, or limit their faiths, or determine their perswasions. Either for the difficulty of their being prov'd, the incompetency of the testimony that transmits them, or the indifferency of the thing transmitted, all Traditions both rituall and doctrinall are dis­abled from determining our consciences either to a necessary believing or obeying.

6. To which I adde by way of confirmation, that there are some things called Traditions, and are offered to be proved to Numb. 9. us by a Testimony, which is either false or not extant. Cle­mens of Alexandria pretended it a Tradition that the Apostles preached to them that dyed in infidelity, even after their death, and then raised them to life, but he proved it only by the Testimony of the Book of Hermes; he affirmed it to be a Tra­dition Apostolicall, that the Greeks were saved by their Philo­sophy, but he had no other Authority for it but the Apocry­phall Books of Peter and Paul. Tertullian and S. Basil pretend it an Apostolicall Tradition, to sign in the aire with the sign of the Crosse, but this was only consign'd to them in the Go­spel of Nicodemus. But to instance once for all in the Epistle of Marcellus to the Bishop of Antioch, where he affirmes that it is the Canon of the Apostles, praeter sententiam Romani Pontificis, non posse Conciliae celebrari. And yet there is no such Canon extant, nor ever was for ought appears in any Re­cord we have; and yet the Collection of the Canons is so intire, that though it hath something more then what was Apostoli­call, yet it hath nothing lesse. And now that I am casually fal­len upon an instance from the Canons of the Apostles, I con­sider that there cannot in the world a greater instance be given how easy it is to be abused in the believing of Traditions. For 1. to the first 50. which many did admit for Apostolicall, 35 [Page 95] more were added, which most men now count spurious, all men call dubious, and some of them universally condemned by peremptory sentence, even by them who are greatest ad­mirers of that Collection, as 65. 67. and 8 ⅘ Canons. For the first 50, it is evident that there are some things so mixt with them, and no mark of difference left, that the credit of all is much impared, insomuch that Isidor of Sevill sayes, they were Apoeryphall, made by Hereticks, and published under the Apud Gratian. dist. 16. c. Ca­nones. title Apostolicall, but neither the Fathers nor the Church of Rome did give assent to them. And yet they have prevail'd so farre amongst some, that Damascen is of opinion they should Lib. [...]. c. 18 de Orthod. fide. be received equally with the Canonicall writings of the Apo­stles. One thing only I observe (and we shall find it true in most writings, whose Authority is urged in Questions of Theo­logy) that the Authority of the Tradition is not it which moves the assent, but the nature of the thing; and because such a Canon is delivered, they doe not therefore believe the sanction or proposition so delivered, but disbelieve the Traditi­on, if they doe not like the matter, and so doe not judge of the matter by the Tradition, but of the Tradition by the mat­ter. And thus the Church of Rome rejects the 84 or 85 Canon of the Apostles, not because it is delivered with lesse Authority, then the last 35 are, but because it reckons the Canon of Scripture otherwise then it is at Rome. Thus also the fifth Canon amongst the first 50, because it approves the marriage of Priests and Deacons does not perswade them to approve of it too, but it selfe becomes suspected for approving it: So that either they accuse themselves of palpable contempt of the Apostolicall Au­thority, or else that the reputation of such Traditions is kept up to serve their own ends, and therefore when they encounter them, they are more to be upheld; which what else is it but to teach all the world to contemn such pretences and under­value Traditions, and to supply to others a reason why they should doe that, which to them that give the occasion is most unreasonable?

7. The Testimony of the Ancient Church being the only Numb. 10. meanes of proving Tradition, and sometimes their dictates and doctrine being the Tradition pretended of necessity to be [Page 96] imitated, it is considerable that men in their estimate of it, take their rise from severall Ages and differing Testimonies, and are not agreed about the competency of their Testimony; and the reasons that on each side make them differ, are such as make the Authority it selfe the lesse authentick and more repudiable. Some will allow only of the three first Ages, as being most pure, most persecuted, and therefore most holy, least interested, serving fewer designs, having fewest factions, and therefore more likely to speak the truth for Gods sake and its own, as best complying with their great end of acquiring Heaven in recompence of losing their lives: Others Vid. Card. Petron. lettre an Sieur Casaubon. say, that those Ages being persecuted minded the present Doctrines proportionable to their purposes and constitution of the Ages, and make little or nothing of those Questions which at this day vex Christendome: And both speak true: The first Ages speak greatest truth, but least pertinently. The next Ages, the Ages of the foure generall Councels spake something, not much more pertinently to the present Questions, but were not so likely to speak true, by reason of their dispositions contrary to the capacity and circum­stance of the first Ages; and if they speak wisely as Doctors, yet not certainly as witnesses of such propositions which the first Ages noted not; and yet unlesse they had noted, could not possibly be Traditions. And therefore either of them will be lesse uselesse as to our present affaires. For indeed the Que­stions which now are the publike trouble, were not considered or thought upon for many hundred years, and therefore prime Tradition there is none as to our purpose, and it will be an insufficient medium to be used or pretended in the determina­tion; and to dispute concerning the truth or necessity of Tra­ditions, in the Questions of out times, is as if Historians dispu­ting about a Question in the English Story, should fall on wrangling whether Livie or Plutarch were the best Writers: And the earnest disputes about Traditions are to no better pur­pose. For no Church at this day admits the one halfe of those things, which certainly by the Fathers were called Traditions Apostolicall, and no Testimony of ancient Writers does consign the one halfe of the present Questions, to be or not to be Tradi­tions. So that they who admit only the Doctrine and Testimony [Page 97] of the first Ages cannot be determined in most of their doubts which now trouble us, because their Writings are of matters wholy differing from the present disputes, and they which would bring in after Ages to the Authority of a competent judge or witnesse, say the same thing; for they plainly confesse that the first Ages spake little or nothing to the present Question, or at least nothing to their sense of them; for therefore they call in aid from the following Ages, and make them suppletory and auxiliary to their designs, and therefore there are no Traditions to our purposes. And they who would willingly have it other­wise, yet have taken no course it should be otherwise; for they when they had opportunity in the Councels of the last Ages to determine what they had a mind to, yet they never nam'd the number, nor expressed the particular Traditions which they would faine have the world believe to be Apostolicall: But they have kept the bridle in their own hands, and made a reserve of their own power, that if need be, they may make new pretensions, or not be put to it to justifie the old by the en­gagement of a conciliary declaration.

Lastly, We are acquitted by the Testimony of the Primi­tive Fathers, from any other necessity of believing, then of Numb. 11. such Articles as are recorded in Scripture: And this is done by them, whose Authority is pretended the greatest Argument for Tradition, as appears largely in Irenaeus, who disputes professed­ly for the sufficiency of Scripture against certain Hereticks, who L. 3. c. 2. contr. haeres. affirm some necessary truths not to be written. It was an excel­lent saying of S. Basil and will never be wipt out with all the eloquence of Perron [in his Serm. de fide. Manifestus est fidei lapsus, & liquidum superbiae vitium vel respuere aliquid eorum quae Scriptura habet, vel inducere quicquam quod scriptum non est.] And it is but a poore device to say that every particular Tradition is consigned in Scripture by those places which give Authority to Tradition; and so the introducing of Tradition is not a super-inducing any thing over or besides Scripture, because Tradition is like a Messenger, and the Scripture is like his Let­ters of Credence, and therefore Authorizes whatsoever Tradi­tion speaketh. For supposing Scripture does consign the Autho­rity of Tradition (which it might doe before all the whole [Page 98] Instrument of Scripture it self was consign'd, and then afterwards there might be no need of Tradition) yet supposing it, it will follow that all those Traditions which are truly prime and Apostolicall, are to be entertain'd according to the intention of the Deliverers, which indeed is so reasonable of it selfe, that we need not Scripture to perswade us to it; it selfe is authentick as Scripture is, if it derives from the same fountain; and a word is never the more the Word of God for being written, nor the lesse for not being written; but it will not follow that whatsoever is pretended to be Tradition, is so, neither is the credit of the particular instances consign'd in Scripture; & dolosus versatur in generalibus, but that this craft is too palpa­ble. And if a generall and indefinite consignation of Tradition be sufficient to warrant every particular that pretends to be Tradition, then S. Basil had spoken to no purpose by saying it is Pride & Apostasy from the Faith, to bring in what is not written: For if either any man brings in what is written, or what he sayes is delivered, then the first being expresse Scripture, and the second being consign'd in Scripture, no man can be charged with superin­ducing what is not written, he hath his Answer ready; And then these are zealous words absolutely to no purpose; but if such ge­nerall consignation does not warrant every thing that pretends to Tradition, but only such as are truly proved to be Apostolicall; then Scripture is uselesse as to this particular; for such Tradition gives testimony to Scripture, and therefore is of it selfe first, and more credible, for it is credible of it selfe; and therefore unlesse S. Basil thought that all the will of God in matters of Faith and Doctrine were written, I see not what end nor what sense he could have in these words: For no man in the world except Enthusiasts and mad-men ever obtruded a Doctrine upon-the Church, but he pretended Scripture for it or Tradition, and therefore no man could be pressed by these words, no man con­futed, no man instructed, no not Enthusiasts or Montanists. For suppose either of them should say, that since in Scripture the holy Ghost is promised to abide with the Church for ever, to teach, whatever they pretend the Spirit in any Age hath taught them, is not to super-induce any thing beyond what is writ­ten, because the truth of the Spirit, his veracity, and his per­petuall [Page 99] teaching being promised and attested in Scripture, Scrip­ture hath just so consign'd all such Revelations, as Perron saith it hath all such Traditions. But I will trouble my selfe no more with Arguments from any humane Authorities; but he that is surprized with the beliefe of such Authorities, and will but consider the very many Testimonies of Antiquity to this pur­pose, as of Orat. ad Ni­cen. PP. apud. Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. Constantine, In Matth. l. 4. c. 23. & in Ag­gaeum. S. Hierom, De bono vi­duil. c. 1. S. Austin, Orat. contr. gent. S. Athae­nasius, In Psal. 132. S. Hilary, L. 2. contra. heres. tom. 1. haer. 61. S. Epiphanius, and divers others, all speaking words to the same sense, with that saying of S. 1. Cor. 4. Paul, Nemo sentiat super quod scriptum est, will see that there is reason, that since no man is materially a Heretick, but he that erres in a point of Faith, and all Faith is sufficienly recorded in Scripture, the judgement of Faith and Heresy is to be derived from thence, and no man is to be condemned for dissenting in an Article for whose probation Tradition only is pretended; only according to the degree of its evidence, let every one deter­mine himselfe, but of this evidence we must not judge for others; for unlesse it be in things of Faith, and absolute certain­ties, evidence is a word of relation, and so supposes two terms, the object and the faculty; and it is an imperfect speech to say a thing is evident in it selfe (unlesse we speak of first principles or clearest revelations) for that may be evident to one that is not so to another, by reason of the pregnancy of some appre­hensions, and the immaturity of others.

This Discourse hath its intention in Traditions Doctrinall and Rituall, that is such Traditions which propose Articles new in materiâ; but now if Scripture be the repository of all Divine Truths sufficient for us, Tradition must be considered as its instrument, to convey its great mysteriousnesse to our under­standings; it is said there are traditive Interpretations as well as traditive propositions, but these have not much distinct consideration in them, both because their uncertainty is as great as the other upon the former considerations; as also be­cause in very deed, there are no such things as traditive In­terpretations universall: For as for particulars, they signifie no more but that they are not sufficient determinations of Que­stions Theologicall, therefore because they are particular, con­tingent, and of infinite variety, and they are no more Argu­ment [Page 100] then the particular authority of these men whose Com­mentaries they are, and therefore must be considered with them.

The summe is this: Since the Fathers who are the best Numb. 12. Witnesses of Traditions, yet were infinitely deceived in their account, since sometimes they guest at them and conjectured by way of Rule and Discourse, and not of their knowledge, not by evidence of the thing; since many are called Traditi­ons which were not so, many are uncertaine whether they were or no, yet confidently pretended; and this uncertainty which at first was great enough, is increased by infinite causes and accidents in the succession of 1600 yeares; since the Church hath been either so carelesse or so abused that shee could not, or would not preserve Traditions with carefulnesse and truth; since it was ordinary for the old Writers to set out their own fancies, and the Rites of their Church which had been Ancient under the specious Title of Apostolicall Tra­ditions; since some Traditions rely but upon single Testimo­ny at first, and yet descending upon others, come to be attested by many, whose Testimony though conjunct, yet in value is but single, because it relies upon the first single Relator, and so can have no greater authority, or certainty, then they derive from the single person; since the first Ages who were most competent to consign Tradition, yet did consign such Traditions as be of a nature wholy discrepant from the present Questions, and speak nothing at all or very imperfectly to our purposes; and the fol­lowing Ages are no fit Witnesses of that which was not transmitted to them, because they could not know it at all, but by such transmission and prior consignation; since what at first was a Tradition, came afterwards to be written, and so ceased its being a Tradition; yet the credit of Traditions commenc'd upon the certainty and reputation of those truths first delivered by word, afterward consign'd by writing; since what was certainly Tradition Apostolicall, as many Rituals were, are rejected by the Church in severall Ages, and are gone out into a desuetude; and lastly, since, beside the no necessity of Traditions, there being abundantly enough in Scripture, there are many things called Traditions by the Fathers, which they [Page 101] themselves either proved by no Authors, or by Apocryphall and spurious and Hereticall, the matter of Tradition will in very much be so uncertain, so false, so suspitious, so contradi­ctory, so improbable, so unproved, that if a Question be con­tested and be offered to be proved only by Tradition, it will be very hard to impose such a proposition to the beliefe of all men with any imperiousnesse or resolved determination, but it will be necessary men should preserve the liberty of belie­ving and prophesying, and not part with it, upon a worse merchandise and exchange then Esau made for his birth­right.

SECT. VI.

Of the uncertainty and insufficiency of Councels Eccle­siasticall to the same purpose.

BUt since we are all this while in uncertainty, it is necessary that we should addresse our selves somewhere, where we Numb. 1. may rest the soale of our foot: And nature, Scripture, and ex­perience teach the world in matters of Question to submit to some finall sentence. For it is not reason that controversies should continue till the erring person shall be willing to con­demn himselfe; and the Spirit of God hath directed us by that great precedent at Jerusalem, to addresse our selves to the Church, that in a plenary Councell and Assembly, shee may synodically determine Controversies. So that if a Generall Councell have determin'd a Question, or expounded Scripture, we may no more disbelieve the Decree, then the Spirit of God himselfe who speaks in them. And indeed, if all Assemblies of Bishops were like that first, and all Bishops were of the same spirit of which the Apostles were, I should obey their Decree with the same Religion as I doe them whole preface was Visum est Spiritui Sancto & nobis: And I doubt not but our blessed Saviour intended that the Assemblies of the Church should be Judges of Controversies, and guides of our perswa­sions [Page 98] [...] [Page 99] [...] [Page 100] [...] [Page 101] [...] [Page 102] in matters of difficulty. But he also intended they should proceed according to his will which he had revealed, and those precedents which he had made authentick by the immediate assistance of his holy Spirit: He hath done his part, but we doe not doe ours. And if any private person in the simplicity and purity of his soule desires to find out a truth of which he is in search and inquisition, if he prayes for wisedome, we have a promise he shall be heard and answered liberally, and therefore much more, when the representatives of the Catholike Church doe meet, because every person there hath in individuo a title to the promise, and another title as he is a governour and a guide of soules, and all of them together have another title in their united capacity, especially, if in that union they pray, and proceed with simplicity and purity; so that there is no disputing against the pretence and promises, and authority of Generall Councels. For if any one man can hope to be guided by Gods Spirit in the search, the pious and impartiall and un­prejudicate search of truth, then much more may a Generall Councell. If no private man can hope for it, then truth is not necessary to be found, nor we are not oblig'd to search for it, or else we are sav'd by chance: But if private men can by vertue of a promise, upon certain conditions be assured of finding out sufficient truth, much more shall a Generall Councell. So that I consider thus: There are many promises pretended to belong to Generall Assemblies in the Church; But I know not any ground, nor any pretence, that they shall be absolutely assisted, without any condition on their own parts, and whether they will or no: Faith is a vertue as well as charity, and therefore consists in liberty and choyce, and hath nothing in it of ne­cessity: There is no Question but that they are obliged to proceed according to some rule; for they expect no assistance by way of Enthusiasme; if they should, I know no warrant for that, neither did any Generall Councell ever offer a Decree which they did not think sufficiently prov'd by Scripture, Rea­son, or Tradition, as appears in the Acts of the Councels; now then, if they be tyed to conditions, it is their duty to ob­serve them; but whether it be certaine that they will observe them, that they will doe all their duty, that they will not sin [Page 103] even in this particular in the neglect of their duty, that's the consideration. So that if any man questions the Title and Au­thority of Generall Councels, and whether or no great pro­mises appertain to them, I suppose him to be much mistaken; but he also that thinks all of them have proceeded according to rule and reason, and that none of them were deceived, be­cause possibly they might have been truly directed, is a stranger to the History of the Church, and to the perpetuall instances and experiments of the faults and failings of humanity. It is a famous saying of S. Gregory that he had the foure first Coun­cels in esteem and veneration next to the foure Evangelists; I suppose it was because he did believe them to have proceeded according to Rule, and to have judged righteous judgement; but why had not he the same opinion of other Councels too which were celebrated before his death; for he lived after the fifth Generall? not because they had not the same Authority; for that which is warrant for one is warrant for all; but because he was not so confident that they did their duty nor proceeded so without interest as the first foure had done, and the following Councels did never get that reputation which all the Catholike Church acknowledged due to the first foure. And in the next Order were the three following generalls; for the Greeks and Latines did never joyntly acknowledge but seven gene­ralls to have been authentick in any sense, because they were in no sense agreed that any more then seven had proceeded re­gularly and done their duty: So that now the Question is not whether Generall Councels have a promise that the holy Ghost will assist them; For every private man hath that promise, that if he does his duty he shall be assisted sufficiently in order to that end to which he needs assistance; and therefore much more shall Generall Councels in order to that end for which they convene, and to which they need assistance, that is, in order to the conservation of the Faith, for the doctrinall rules of good life, and all that concerns the essentiall duty of a Christian, but not in deciding Questions to satisfie conten­tious or curious or presumptuous spirits. But now can the Bi­shops so conven'd be factious, can they be abused with preju­dice, or transported with interests, can they resist the holy [Page 104] Ghost, can they extinguish the Spirit, can they stop their eares, and serve themselves upon the holy Spirit and the pre­tence of his assistances, and cease to serve him upon them­selves, by captivating their understandings to his dictates, and their wills to his precepts? Is it necessary they should per­form any condition? is there any one duty for them to perform in these Assemblies, a duty which they have power to doe or not doe? If so, then they may faile of it, and not doe their duty: And if the assistance of the holy Spirit be conditionall, then we have no more assurance that they are assisted, then that they doe their duty and doe not sinne.

Now let us suppose what this duty is: Certainly, if the Go­spel Numb. 2. be hid, it is hid to them that are lost; and all that come to the knowledge of the truth, must come to it by such meanes which are spirituall and holy dispositions, in order to a holy and spirituall end. They must be shod with the pre­paration of the Gospel of peace, that is, they must have peace­able and docible dispositions, nothing with them that is violent, and resolute to encounter those gentle and sweet assistances: and the Rule they are to follow, is the Rule which the holy Spirit hath consign'd to the Catholike Church, that is the ho­ly Scripture, either Vid. Optat. Milev. l. 5. adv. Parm. Bald­vin. in eun­dem. & S. Au­gust. in Psa. 21. Expos. 2. intirely or at least for the greater part of the Rule: So that now if the Bishops bee factious and pre­possest with perswasions depending upon interest, it is certain they may judge amisse; and if they recede from the Rule, it is certain they doe judge amisse: And this I say upon their grounds who most advance the authority of Generall Coun­cels: For if a Generall Councell may erre if a Pope confirm it not, then most certainly if in any thing it recede from Scrip­ture, it does also erre; because that they are to expect the Popes confirmation they offer to prove from Scripture: now if the Popes confirmation be required by authority of Scripture, and that therefore the defaillance of it does evacuate the Au­thority of the Councell, then also are the Councels Decrees invalid, if they recede from any other part of Scripture: So that Scripture is the Rule they are to follow, and a man would have thought it had been needlesse to have proved it, but that we are fallen into Ages in which no truth is certaine, no reason [Page 105] concluding, nor is there any thing that can convince some men. For Stapleton with extreme boldnesse against the piety of Christendome, against the publike sense of the ancient Relect. cen­trov. 4. q. 1. a. 3 Church, and the practise of all pious Assemblies of Bishops af­firmes the Decrees of a Councell to be binding, etiamsi non confirmetur ne probabili testimonio Scripturarum; nay, though it be quite extra Scripturam, but all wise and good men have ever said that sense which S. Hilary expressed in these words, Quae extra Evangelium sunt non defendam; This was it which the good Emperour Constantine propounded to the Fathers I. 2. ad Con­stant. met at Nice, libri Evangelici, oracula Apostolorum, & veterum Prophetarum clarè nos instruunt quid sentiendum in Divinis, Apud Theodor. l 1. c. 7. and this is confessed by a sober man of the Roman Church it selfe, the Cardinall of Cusa, Oportet qnod omnia talia quae le­gere debent, contineantur in Authoritatibus sacrarum Scriptura­rum: Concord. Ca­thol. l. 2. c 10. Now then all the advantage I shall take from hence, is this, That if the Apostles commended them who examined their Sermons by their conformity to the Law and the Prophets, and the men of Berea were accounted noble for searching the Scriptures whether those things which they taught were so or no; I suppose it will not be denyed, but the Councels De­crees, may also be tryed whether they be conform to Scripture yea or no; and although no man can take cognisance and judge the Decrees of a Councell pro Authoritate publicâ, yet pro in­formatione privatâ they may; the Authority of a Councell is not greater then the Authority of the Apostles, nor their di­ctates more sacred or authentick. Now then put case a Councell should recede from Scripture; whether or no were we bound to believe its Decrees? I only aske the Question: For it were hard to be bound to believe what to our understanding seems contrary to that which we know to be the Word of God: But if we may lawfully recede from the Councels Decrees, in case they be contrariant to Scripture, it is all that I require in this Question. For if they be tyed to a Rule, then they are to be examined and understood according to the Rule, and then we are to give our selves that liberty of judgement which is requisite to distinguish us from beasts, and to put us into a capacity of reasonable people, following reasonable guides. But [Page 106] how ever if it be certaine that the Councells are to follow Scripture, then if it be notorious that they doe recede from Scripture, we are sure we must obey God rather then men, and then we are well enough. For unlesse we are bound to shut our eyes, and not to look upon the Sunne, if we may give our selves liberty to believe what seemes most plaine, and un­lesse the Authority of a Councell be so great a prejudice as to make us to doe violence to our understanding, so as not to disbelieve the Decree, because it seemes contrary to Scrip­ture, but to believe it agrees with Scripture, though we know not how, therefore because the Councell hath decreed it, un­lesse I say we be bound in duty to be so obediently blind, and sottish, we are sure that there are some Councels which are pre­tended Generall, that have retired from the publike notorious words and sence of Scripture. For what wit of man can re­concile the Decree of the thirteenth Session of the Councell of Constance with Scripture, in which Session the halfe Com­munion was decreed, in defiance of Scripture, and with a non obstante to Christs institution. For in the Preface of the Decree, Christs institution and the practise of the Primitive Church is expressed, and then with a non obstante, Communion in one kind is establisht. Now then suppose the non obstante in the form of words relates to the Primitive practise; yet since Christs institution was taken notice of in the first words of the Decree, and the Decree made quite contrary to it, let the non obstante relate whither it will, the Decree (not to call it a defiance) is a plaine recession from the institution of Christ, and therefore the non obstante will referre to that without any sensible error; and indeed for all the excuses to the contrary, the Decree was not so discreetly fram'd but that in the very form of words, the defiance and the non obstante is too plainly relative to the first words. For what sense can there be in the first licet else? licet Christus in utra (que) specie, and licet Ecclesia Primiti­va, &c. tamen hoc non obstante, &c. the first licet being a re­lative terme, as well as the second licet, must be bounded with some correspondent. But it matters not much; let them whom it concernes enjoy the benefit of all excuses they can imagine, it is certaine Christs institution and the Councels sanction [Page 107] are as contrary as light and darknesse. Is it possible for any man to contrive a way to make the Decree of the Councell of Trent, commanding the publike Offices of the Church to be in Latine, friends with the fourteenth chapter of the Corinthians? It is not amisse to observe how the Hyperaspists of that Councell sweat to answer the Allegations of S. Paul, and the wisest of them doe it so extremly poore, that it proclaimes to all the world that the strongest man, that is, cannot eat Iron or swal­low a Rock. Now then, would it not be an unspeakable Ty­ranny to all wise persons, (who as much hate to have their soules enslaved as their bodies imprisoned) to command them to believe that these Decrees are agreeable to the word of God? Upon whose understanding soever these are imposed, they may at the next Session reconcile them to a crime, and make any sinne sacred, or perswade him to believe propositions contradicto­ry to a Mathematicall demonstration. All the Arguments in the world that can be brought to prove the infallibility of Councels, can not make it so certain that they are infallible, as these two instances doe prove infallibly that these were de­ceived, and if ever we may safely make use of our reason and consider whether Councels have erred or no, we cannot by any reason be more assured, that they have or have not, then we have in these particulars: so that either our reason is of no manner of use, in the discussion of this Question, and the thing it selfe is not at all to be disputed, or if it be, we are certain that these actually were deceived, and we must never hope for a clearer evidence in any dispute. And if these be, others might have been, if they did as these did, that is, depart from their Rule. And it was wisely said of Cusanus: Notandum est expe­rimento rerum universale Concilium posse deficere: The expe­rience L. 2. c. 14. Con­cord. Cathol. of it is notorious, that Councels have erred: And all the Arguments against experience are but plain sophistry.

And therefore I make no scruple to slight the Decrees of such Councels, wherein the proceedings were as prejudicate Numb. 3. and unreasonable, as in the Councell wherein Abailardus was condemned, where the presidents having pronounced Damna­mus, they at the lower end being awaked at the noise, heard the latter part of it, and concurred as farre as Mnamus went, and [Page 108] that was as good as Damnamus, for if they had been awake at the pronouncing the whole word, they would have given sen­tence accordingly. But by this meanes S. Bernard numbred the Epist. Abailar­di. ad Heliss. conjugem. major part of voices against his Adversary Abailardus: And as farre as these men did doe their duty, the duty of Priests and Judges, and wise men; so we may presume them to be assisted: But no further. But I am content this (because but a private Assembly) shall passe for no instance: But what shall we say of all the Arrian Councels celebrated with so great fancy, and such numerous Assemblies? we all say that they erred. And it will not be sufficient to say they were not lawfull Councels: For they were conven'd by that Authority which all the world knowes did at that time convocate Councels, and by which (as it is Cusanus, l. 2. cap. 25, Con­cord. confessed and is notorious) the first eight Generalls did meet, that is by the Authority of the Emperour all were cal­led, and as many and more did come to them, then came to the most famous Councell of Nice: So that the Councels were lawfull, and if they did not proceed lawfully, and therefore did erre, this is to say that Councels are then not deceiv'd, when they doe their duty, when they judge impartially, when they decline interest, when they follow their Rule; but this sayes also that it is not infallibly certain that they will doe so; for these did not, and therefore the others may be deceiv'd as well as these were. But another thing is in the wind; for Councels not confirmed by the Pope, have no warrant that they shall not erre, and they not being confirmed, therefore faild. But whe­ther is the Popes confirmation after the Decree or before? It cannot be supposed before; for there is nothing to be confirmed till the Decree be made, and the Article composed. But if it be after, then possibly the Popes Decree may be requisite in solemnity of Law, and to make the Authority popular, publike and humane; but the Decree is true or false before the Popes confirmation, and is not at all altered by the supervening Decree, which being postnate to the Decree, alters not what went before, Nunquam enim crescit ex postfacto praeteriti aesti­matio, is the voyce both of Law and reason. So that it can­not make it divine, and necessary to be heartily believed. It may make it lawfull, not make it true, that is, it may possibly [Page 109] by such meanes become a Law but not a truth. I speak now upon supposition the Popes confirmation were necessary, and requir'd to the making of conciliary and necessary sancti­ons. But if it were, the case were very hard: For suppose a heresy should invade, and possesse the Chaire of Rome, what remedy can the Church have in that case, if a Generall Coun­cell be of no Authority without the Pope confirm it? will the Pope confirm a Councell against himselfe; will he condemn his own heresy? That the Pope may be a Heretick appears in the Dist. 40. Can. si Papa. Canon Law, which sayes he may for heresy be deposed, and therefore by a Councell which in this case hath plenary Authority without the Pope. And therefore in the Synod at Rome held under Pope Adrian the Second, the Censure of the Sixth Synod against Honorius who was convict of heresy, is approved with this Appendix, that in this case the case of he­resy, minores possint de majoribus judicare: And therefore if a Pope were above a Councell, yet when the Question is concer­ning heresy, the case is altered; the Pope may be judg'd by his inferiours, who in this case which is the maine case of all, be­come his Superiours. And it is little better then impudence to pretend that all Councells were confirmed by the Pope, or that there is a necessity in respect of divine obligation, that any should be confirmed by him, more then by another of the Patriarchs. For the Councell of Chalcedon it selfe one of those foure which S. Gregory did revere next to the foure Evangelists, is rejected by Pope Leo, who in his 53 Epistle to Anatolius, and in his 54 to Martian, and in his 55 to Pulcheria, accuses it of ambition and inconsiderate temerity, and therefore no fit Assembly for the habitation of the holy Spirit, and Gelasius in his Tome de vinculo Anathematis, affirms that the Councell is in part to be receiv'd, in part to be rejected, and compares it to hereticall books of a mixt matter, and proves his assertion by the place of S. Paul, Omnia probate, quod bonum est retinete. And Bellarmine sayes the same; In Concilio Chalcedonensi quaedam sunt bona, quaedam mala, quaedam recipienda, quaedam rejicienda; De laicis, l. 3. c. 20. § ad hoc ult. ita & in libris haereticorum, and if any thing be false, then all is Questionable, and judicable and discernable, and not infallible ante­cedently. And however, that Councell hath ex postfacto, and by the [Page 110] voluntary consenting of after Ages obtained great reputation; yet they that lived immediately after it, that observed all the circumstances of the thing, and the disabilities of the persons, and the uncertainty of the truth of its decrees, by reason of the un­concludingnesse of the Arguments brought to attest it, were of another mind, Quod autem ad Concilium Chalcedonense attinet, illud id temporis (viz. Anastasii Imp.) ne (que) palam in Ecclesiis sanctissimis praedicatum fuit, ne (que) ab omnibus rejectum, nam singuli Evagr. lib. 3. cap. 30. Ecclesiarum praesides pro suo arbitratu in ea re egerunt. And so did all men in the world that were not master'd with preju­dices and undone in their understanding with accidentall imper­tinencies; they judg'd upon those grounds which they had and saw, and suffered not themselves to be bound to the imperious dictates of other men, who are as uncertain in their determi­nations as other in their Questions. And it is an evidence that there is some deception, and notable errour either in the thing or in the manner of their proceeding, when the Decrees of a Councell shall have no authority from the Compilers, nor no strength from the reasonablenesse of the decision, but from the accidentall approbation of Posterity: And if Posterity had pleased, Origen had believed well and been an Orthodox per­son. And it was pretty sport to see that Papias was right for two Ages together, and wrong ever since; and just so it was in Councels, particularly in this of Chalcedon, that had a fate alterable according to the Age, and according to the Climate, which to my understanding is nothing else but an Argument that the businesse of infallibility is a later device, and com­menc'd to serve such ends as cannot be justified by true and substantiall grounds, and that the Pope should confirm it as of necessity, is a fit cover for the same dish.

In the sixth Generall Councell, Honorius Pope of Rome was condemned; did that Councell stay for the Popes Confirma­tion Numb. 4. before they sent forth their Decree? Certainly they did not think it so needfull, as that they would have suspended or cassated the Decree, in case the Pope had then disavowed it: For besides the condemnation of Pope Honorius for heresy, the 13th and 55th Canons of that Councell are expressely against the custome of the Church of Rome. But this particular is in­volved [Page 111] in that new Question, whether the Pope be above a Councell. Now since the Contestation of this Question, there was never any free or lawfull Councell Vid. postea de Concil. Sin­vessane. §. 6. N. 9. that determined for the Pope, it is not likely any should, and is it likely that any Pope will confirm a Councell that does not? For the Councell of Basil is therefore condemn'd by the last Lateran which was an Assem­bly in the Popes own Palace, and the Councell of Constance is of no value in this Question, and slighted in a just proportion, as that Article is disbelieved. But I will not much trouble the Question with a long consideration of this particular; the pre­tence is senselesse and illiterate, against reason and experience, and already determin'd by S. Austin sufficiently as to this par­ticular, Epist. 162. ad Glorium. Ecce putemus illos Episcopos qui Romae judicaverunt non bonos judices fuisse, Restabat adhuc plenarium Ecclesiae universae Concilium ubi etiam cum ipsis judicibus causa possit agitari, ut si male judicasse convicti essent, eorum sententiae solverentur. For since Popes may be parties, may be Simoniacks, Schismaticks, Hereticks, it is against reason that in their own causes, they should be judges, or that in any causes they should be superior to their judges. And as it is against reason, so is it against all experience too; for the Councell Sinvessanum (as it said) was conven'd to take Cognisance of Pope Marcellinus; and divers Councels were held at Rome to give judgement in the causes of Damasus, Sixtus the III, Symmachus, and Leo III and IV, as is to be seen in Platina, and the Tomes of the Councels. And it is no answer to this and the like allegations to say in mat­ters of fact and humane constitution, the Pope may be judg'd by a Councell, but in matters of Faith all the world must stand to the Popes determination and authoritative decision: For if the Pope can by any colour pretend to any thing, it is to a suprem Judicature in matters Ecclesiasticall, positive and of fact; and if he failes in this pretence, he will hardly hold up his head for any thing else; for the ancient Bishops deriv'd their Faith from the fountaine, and held that in the highest tenure, even from Christ their Head; but by reason of the Imperiall Vide Concil. Chalced act. 15. City it became the principall Seat, and he surpriz'd the highest Judicature, partly by the concession of others, partly by his own accidentall advantages, and yet even in these things [Page 112] although he was major singulis, yet he was minor universis: And this is no more then what was decreed of the eighth Gene­rall Act. ult. can. 21. Synod; which if it be sense, is pertinent to this Question; for Generall Councels are appointed to take Cognizance of Questions and differences about the Bishop of Rome, non tamen audacter in eum ferre sententiam: By audactèr, as is supposed, is meant praecipitanter hastily and unreasonably; but if to give sentence against him bee wholy forbidden, it is non-sense, for to what purpose is an Authority of taking Cognizance, if they have no power of giving sentence, unlesse it were to de­serre it to a superiour Judge, which in this case cannot be sup­posed? for either the Pope himselfe is to judge his own cause af­ter their examination of him, or the Generall Councell is to judge him: So that although the Councell is by that Decree enjoyn'd to proceed modestly and warily, yet they may pro­ceed to sentence, or else the Decree is ridiculous and im­pertinent.

But to cleare all, I will instance in matters of Question and opinion: For not only some Councels have made their Decrees Numb. 5. without or against the Pope, but some Councels have had the Popes confirmation, and yet have not been the more legiti­mate or obligatory, but are known to be hereticall. For the Canons of the sixth Synod although some of them were made against the Popes, and the custome of the Church of Rome, a Pope a while after did confirm the Councell, and yet the Canons are impious and hereticall, and so esteem'd by the Church of Rome her selfe. I instance in the second Canon which approves of that Synod of Carthage under Cyprian for rebaptization of Hereticks, and the 72 Canon that dissolves marriage between persons of differing perswasion in matters of Christian Religion; and yet these Canons were approved by Pope Adrian I. who in his Epistle to Tharasius, which is in the second action of the seventh Synod, calls them Ca­nones divinè & legalitèr praedicatos. And these Canons were used by Pope Nicholas I. in his Epistle ad Michaclem, and by Innocent III. c. à multis. extra. de aetat. ordinandorum. So that now (that wee may apply this) there are seven Ge­nerall Councels which by the Church of Rome are condemn'd [Page 113] of errour. The Vid. Socra. l. z. c. 5. & Sozom. l. 3. c. 5. Councell of Antioch, A. D. 345. in which S. Athanasius was condemn'd: The Councell of Millaine A. D. 354. of above 300 Bishops: The Councell of Arimi­num, consisting of 600 Bishops: The second Councell of Ephe­sus, A. D. 449. in which the Eutychian heresy was confirmed, Gregor. in Re­gist. li. 3. caus. 7. ait. Concilium Numidiae er­rasse. Concili­um Aquisgra­ni erravit. De ra ptore & raptâdist. 20. can. de libellis. in glossâ. and the Patriarch Flavianus kild by the faction of Dioscorus: The Councell of Constantinople under Leo Isaurus, A. D. 730: And another at Constantinople 35 years after: And lastly, the Coun­cel at Pisa 134 years since. Now that these Generall Coun­cels are condemn'd, is a sufficient Argument that Councels may erre; and it is no answer to say they were not confirm'd by the Pope; for the Popes confirmation I have shewn not to be necessa­ry, or if it were, yet even that also is an Argument that Gene­rall Councels may become invalid, either by their own fault, or by some extrinsecall supervening accident, either of which evacuates their Authority; and whether all that is required to the legitimation of a Councell, was actually observ'd in any Councell, is so hard to determine, that no man can be infalli­bly sure that such a Councell is authentick and sufficient probation.

2. And that is the second thing I shall observe, There are so many Questions concerning the efficient, the forme, the Numb. 6. matter of Generall Councells, and their manner of proceeding, and their finall sanction, that after a Question is determin'd by a Conciliary Assembly, there are perhaps twenty more Que­stions to be disputed before we can with confidence either be­lieve the Councell upon its meere Authority, or obtrude it up­on others. And upon this ground, how easy it is to elude the pressure of an Argument drawn from the Authority of a Ge­nerall Councell, is very remarkable in the Question about the Popes or the Councels Superiority, which Question although it be defin'd for the Councell against the Pope by five Gene­rall Councels, the Councell of Florence, of Constance, of Basil, of Pisa, and one of the Lateran's, yet the Jesuites to this day, account this Question pro non definitâ, and have rare pre­tences for their escape; as first, It is true, a Councell is above a Pope, in case there be no Pope, or he uncertain; which is Bel­larmine's answer, never considering whether he spake sense or no, [Page 114] nor yet remembring that the Councell of Basil deposed Eugenius who was a true Pope and so acknowledg'd. Secondly, sometimes the Pope did not confirm these Councels, that's their Answer: (And although it was an exception that the Fathers never thought of, when they were pressed with the Authority of the Councell of Ariminum or Syrmium, or any other Arrian Con­vention;) yet the Councell of Basil was conven'd by Pope Martin V. then, in its sixteenth Session, declar'd by Eugenius the IV. to be lawfully continued and confirmed expresly in some of its Decrees by Pope Nicholas, and so stood till it was at last rejected by Leo X. very many years after; but that came too late, and with too visible an interest; and this Councell did decree fide Catholicâ tenendum Concilium esse supra Papam: But if one Pope confirms it, and another rejects it, as it happened in this case and in many more, does it not destroy the com­petency of the Authority? and we see it by this instance, that it so serves the turns of men, that it is good in some cases, that is, when it makes for them, and invalid when it makes against them. Thirdly, but it is a little more ridiculous in the case of the Councell of Constance, whose Decrees were confirm'd by Martin V. But that this may be no Argument against them, Bellarmine tells you he only confirm'd those things quae facta fuerant Conciliaritèr, re diligenter examinatâ, of which there being no mark, nor any certain Rule to judge it, it is a device that may evacuate any thing we have a mind to, it was not done Conciliaritèr, that is, not according to our mind; for Con­ciliaritèr is a fine new nothing, that may signifie what you please. Fourthly, but other devices yet more pretty they have: As, Whether the Councell of Lateran was a Generall Councell or no, they know not, (no nor will not know) which is a wise and plaine reservation of their own advantages, to make it Generall or not Generall, as shall serve their turns. Fifthly, as for the Councell of Florence, they are not sure, whether it hath defin'd the Question satis apertè; apertè they will grant, if you will allow them not satis apertè. Sixthly and lastly, the Coun­cell of Pisa is ne (que) approbatum ne (que) reprobatum, which is the greatest folly of all and most prodigious vanity; so that by Bellar. de conc. l. 1. c. 8. something or other, either they were not conven'd lawfully, or [Page 115] they did not proceed Conciliariter, or 'tis not certain that the Councell was Generall or no, or whether the Councell were approbatum, or reprobatum or else it is partim confirmatum partim reprobatum, or else it is ne (que) approbatum ne (que) reprobatum; By one of these wayes or a device like to these, all Councels and all Decrees shall be made to signifie nothing, and to have no Authority.

3. There is no Generall Councell that hath determined Numb. 7. that a Generall Councell is infallible: No Scripture hath re­corded it; no Tradition universall hath transmitted to us any such proposition; So that we must receive the Authority at a lower rate, and upon a lesse probability then the things con­signed by that Authority. And it is strange that the Decrees of Councels should be esteem'd authentick and infallible, and yet it is not infallibly certain, that the Councels themselves are infallible, because the beliefe of the Councels infallibi­lity is not prov'd to us by any medium, but such as may de­ceive us.

4. But the best instance that Councels are some and may all be deceived, is the contradiction of one Councell to another; Numb. 8. for in that case both cannot be true, and which of them is true, must belong to another judgement, which is lesse then the solennity of a Generall Councell; and the determination of this matter can be of no greater certainty after it is con­cluded, then when it was propounded as a Question, being it is to be determin'd by the same Authority or by a lesse then it selfe. But for this allegation, we cannot want instances; The Councell of Trent allowes picturing of God the Father; The Councell of Nice altogether disallowes it; The same Nicene Sess. 25. Councell, which was the seventh Generall, allows of picturing Christ in the form of a Lamb; But the sixth Synod by no Act. 2. meanes will endure it, as Caranza affirms: The Councell of Neocaesarea confirm'd by Leo IV, dist. 20. de libellis, and approv'd Can. 82. by the first Nicene Councell as it is said in the seventh Session of the Councell of Florence, forbids second Marriages, and imposes Penances on them that are married the second time, forbidding Priests to be present at such Marriage Feasts: Besides, that this is expresly against the Doctrine of S. Paul, it is also against [Page 116] the Doctine of the Councell of Laodicea which took off such Cap. 1. Penances, and pronounced second Marriages to be free and lawfull: Nothing is more discrepant then the third Councell of Carthage and the Councell of Laodicea, about assignation of the Canon of Scripture, and yet the sixth Generall Synod ap­proves both: And I would faine know if all Generall Councels are of the same mind with the Fathers of the Councell of Car­thage, who reckon into the Canon five Books of Solomon. I am sure S. Austin reckoned but three, and I think all Christen­dome L. 17. de cul. Dei. c. 20. beside are of the same opinion. And if we look into the title of the Law de Conciliis, called Concordantia discordan­tiarum, we shall find instances enough to confirm that the De­crees of some Councels are contradictory to others, and that no wit can reconcile them: And whether they did or no, that they might disagree, and former Councels be corrected by la­ter, was the beliefe of the Doctors in those Ages in which the best and most famous Councels were conven'd, as appears in that famous saying of S. Austin speaking concerning the re­baptizing of Hereticks; and how much the Africans were de­ceived in that Question, he answers the Allegation of the Bi­shops Letters, and those Nationall Councels which confirmed S. Cyprians opinion by saying that they were no finall determi­nation. For Episcoporum literae emendari possunt à Conciliis na­tionalibus, L. 2. de bapt. Donat. c. 3. Concilia nationalia à plenariis, ipsa (que) plenaria priora à posterioribus emendari. Not only the occasion of the Que­stion being a matter not of fact, but of Faith, as being in­stanc'd in the Question of rebaptization: but also the very fa­brick and oeconomy of the words, put by all the answers of those men who think themselves pressed with the Authority of S. Austin. For as Nationall Councels may correct the Bishops Letters, and Generall Councels may correct Nationall, so the later Generall may correct the former, that is, have contrary and better Decrees of manners, and better determinations in matters of faith. And from hence hath risen a Question whe­ther is to be received the former or the later Councels, in case they contradict each other. The former are nearer the fountaines Apostolicall, the later are of greater consideration; The first, have more Authority, the later more reason; The first are more venerable, the later more inquisitive and seeing. [Page 117] And now what rule shall we have to determine out beliefes, whe­ther to Authority, or Reason the Reason and the Authority both of them not being the highest in their kinde, both of them being repudiable, and at most but probable? And here it is that this great uncertainty is such as not to determine any body, but fit to serve every body; and it is sport to see that Bellarmine will by all meanes have the Councell of Carthage preferr'd before the Councell of Laodicea, because it is later, and L. 2. de Conc. c. 8. § respon­deo in primis. yet he preferres the second Nicene Ibid. § de Concilio au­tem. Councell before the Coun­cell of Frankfurt, because it is elder: S. Austin would have the former Generals to be mended by the later; but Isidore in Gratian sayes when Councels doe differ scandum esse antiquiori­bus, the elder must carry it: And indeed these probables are Dist. 20. Can. Domino San­cto. buskins to serve every foot, and they are like magnum & parvum, they have nothing of their own, all that they have is in com­parison of others; so these topicks have nothing of resolute and dogmaticall truth, but in relation to such ends as an interessed person hath a mind to serve upon them.

5. There are many Councels corrupted, and many preten­ded and alledged, when there were no such things, both which Numb. 9. make the topick of the Authority of Councels to be little and inconsiderable: There is a Councell brought to light in the edi­tion of Councels by Binius, viz. Sinvessanum, pretended to be kept in the year 303, but it was so private till then, that we find no mention of it in any ancient Record: Neither Eusebius, nor Ruffinus, S, Hierom, nor Socrates, Sozomen, nor Theodoret, nor Eutropius, nor Bede knew any thing of it, and the eldest allegation of it is by Pope Nicholas I, in the ninth Century. And he that shall consider that 300 Bishops in the midst of horrid Persecutions (for so then they were) are pretended to have con­ven'd, will need no greater Argument to suspect the imposture; besides, he that was the framer of the engine did not lay his ends together handsomely, for it is said that the deposition of Marcellinus by the Synod was told to Diocletian, when he was in the Persian Warre, when as it is known before that time he had return'd to Rome, and triumph'd for his Persian Conquest as Eusebius in his Chronicle reports: And this is so plain that Binius and Baronius pretend the Text to be corrupted & to go to Pro [cum esset in bello Persarum] le­gi volunt [cum reversus esset è bello Persa­rum] Euseb. Chronicon vide Binium in no­tis ad Concil. Sinvessanum. Tom. 1. Concil. & Baron. An­nal. Tom. 3. A. D. 303. num. 107. mend [Page 118] it by such an emendation as is a plain contradiction to the sense, and that so un-clerk-like, viz. by putting in two words and leaving out one, which whether it may be allowed them by any licence lesse then Poeticall let Criticks judge. S. Gregory saith that the Constantinopolitans had corrupted the Synod of I. 5. Ep. 14. ad Narsem. Chalcedon, and that he suspected the same concerning the Ephesine Councell: And in the fifth Synod there was a noto­rious prevarication, for there were false Epistles of Pope Vigilius and Menna the Patriarch of Constantinople inserted, and so they passed for authentick till they were discovered in the sixth Generall Synod, Actions the 12. and 14: And not only false Decrees and Actions may creep into the Codes of Councels; but sometimes the authority of a learned man may abuse the Church with pretended Decrees, of which there is no Copy or shadow in the Code it selfe: And thus Thomas Aquinas sayes that the Epistle to the Hebrewes was reckoned in the Canon Comment. in Hebr. by the Nicene Councell, no shadow of which appears in those Copies we now have of it; and this pretence and the reputation of the man prevail'd so farre with Melchior Canus the learned Bishop of Canaries, that he believ'd it upon this ground, Vir sanctus rem adeo gravem non astrueret, nisi compertum habuisset; and there are many things which have prevail'd upon lesse reason and a more slight Authority. And that very Councell of Nice, hath not only been pretended by Aquinas, but very much abused by others, and its Authority and great reputation hath made it more lyable to the fraud and pretences of idle people: For whereas the Nicene Fathers made but twenty Canons, for so many and no more were received by Con. Car­thag. VI. cap. 9. Cecilian of Carthage, that was at Nice in the Councell; by S. Con. African. Austin, and 200 African Bishops with him, by S. Ibid. c. 102. &c. 133. Cyrill of Alexandria, by Lib. 1. Eccl. Hist. c. 6. Atticus of Constantinople, by Ruffinus, In princ. Con. de Synod. Princ. Isidore and Theo­doret, as Baronius, tom. 3. A. D. 325. n. 156. Tom. 3. ad A. D. 325. n. 62 63. Baronius witnesses, yet there are fourscore lately found out in an Arabian M. S. and published in Latine by Turrian and Alfonsus of Pisa Jesuites surely, and like to be masters of the mint. And not only the Canons, but the very Acts of the Nicene Councell are false and spurious, and are so confessed by Baronius; though how he and Panopl. l. 2. c. 6. Lindanus will be reconcil'd upon the point, I neither know well nor much care. [Page 119] Now if one Councell be corrupted, we see by the instance of S. Gregory, that another may be suspected and so all; because he found the Councell of Chalcedon corrupted, he suspected also the Ephesine, and another might have suspected more, for the Nicene was tampered fouly with, and so three of the foure Generals were fullied and made suspicious, and therefore we could not be secure of any; If false Acts be inserted in one Councell, who can trust the actions of any, unlesse he had the keeping the Records himselfe, or durst swear for the Register: And if a very learned man (as Thomas Aquinas was,) did ei­ther wilfully deceive us, or was himselfe ignorantly abused in Allegation of a Canon which was not, it is but a very fallible Topick at the best, and the most holy man that is, may be abused himselfe, and the wisest may deceive others.

6. And lastly, To all this and to the former instances, by way of Corollary, I adde some more particulars in which it is notorious Numb. 10. that Councels Generall, and Nationall, that is, such as were ei­ther Generall by Originall, or by adoption into the Canon of the Catholike Church did erre, and were actually deceived. The first Councell of Toledo admits to the Communion him that hath a Concubine, so he have no wife besides, and this Councell is approved by Pope Leo in the 92 Epistle to Rusticus Bishop of Narbona: Gratian sayes that the Councell meanes by a Con­cubine, a wife married sine dote & solennitate; but this is Dist. 34. can. omnibus. dawbing with untemper'd mortar. For though it was a cu­stome amongst the Jewes to distinguish Wives from their Concubines, by Dowry and legall Solennities, yet the Chri­stian distinguished them no otherwise, then as lawfull and unlawfull, then as Chastity and Fornication: And besides, if by a Concubine is meant a lawfull wife without a Dowry, to what purpose should the Councell make a Law that such a one might be admitted to the Communion? for I suppose it was never thought to be a Law of Christianity, that a man should have a Portion with his Wife, nor he that married a poore Virgin should deserve to be Excommunicate. So that Gratian and his Followers are prest so with this Canon, that to avoid the impiety of it, they expound it to a signification without sense or purpose. But the businesse then was, that Adultery [Page 120] was so publike and notorious a practise that the Councell did chuse rather to endure simple Fornication, that by such per­mission of a lesse, they might slacken the publike custome of a greater, just as at Rome they permit Stewes to prevent unnaturall sinnes; But that by a publike sanction Fornicators, habitually and notoriously such, should be admitted to the holy Communi­on was an act of Priests, so unfit for Priests, that no excuse can make it white or cleane. The Councell of Wormes does au­thorize a superstitious custome at that time too much used, of Cap. 3. discovering stoln goods by the holy Sacrament, which Part. 3. q 80. a. 6. ad 3 m. A­quinas justly condemns for Superstition. The Can. 72. sixth Synod se­parates persons lawfully married upon an accusation and crime of heresy: The Roman Councell under Can ego Berengar. de consecrat. dist. 2. Pope Nicholas II. defin'd that not only the Sacrament of Christs body, but the very body it selfe of our blessed Saviour is handled and broke by the hands of the Priest, and chewed by the teeth of the Communicants, which is a manifest errour derogatory from the truth of Christs beatificall Resurrection, and glorification in the Heavens, and disavowed by the Church of Rome it selfe: But Bellarmine that answers all the Arguments in the world, whither it be possible or not possible, would faine make the Lib. 2. c. 8. de Concil. matter faire, and the Decree tolerable, for sayes he, the Decree meanes that the body is broken not in it selfe but in the sign, and yet the Decree sayes that not only the Sacrament (which if any thing be, is certainly the sign) but the very body it selfe is broken and champed with hands and teeth respectively; which indeed was nothing but a plaine over-acting the Article in contradiction to Berengarius. And the answer of Bellar­mine is not sense; for he denies that the body it selfe is broken in it selfe (that was the errour we charg'd upon the Roman Synod) and the sign abstracting from the body is not broken, (for that was the opinion that Councell condemn'd in Beren­garius) but sayes Bellarmine, the body in the sign: What's that? for neither the sign, nor the body, nor both together are broken: For if either of them distinctly, they either rush upon the errour which the Roman Synod condemn'd in Be­rengarius, or upon that which they would fain excuse in Pope Nicholas; but if both are broken then 'tis true to affirm [Page 121] it of either, and then the Councell is blasphemous in saying that Christ's glorified body is passible and frangible by natu­rall manducation: So that it is and it is not, it is not this way, and yet it is no way else, but it is some way, and they know not how, and the Councell spoke blasphemy, but it must be made innocent; and therefore, it was requisite a cloud of a distincti­on should be raised, that the unwary Reader might be amused, and the Decree scape untoucht; but the truth is, they that under­take to justifie all that other men say, must be more subtle then they that said it, and must use such distinctions which possibly the first Authors did not understand. But I will multiply no more instances, for what instance soever I shall bring, some or other will be answering it, which thing is so farre from satisfying me in the particulars, that it increases the difficulty in the generall, and satisfies me in my first beliefe: For Illa demùm cis videntur edicta & Con­cilia quae in rem suam fa­ciunt; reliqua non pluris aestimant quam conven­tum mulier­cularum in textrinâ vel thermis. Ludo. Vives. in Scholiis lib. 20. Aug. de Civit. Dei. c. 26. if no De­crees of Councels can make against them though they seeme never so plain against them, then let others be allowed the same liberty, (and there is all the reason in the world they should) and no Decree shall conclude against any Doctrine, that they have already entertain'd; and by this meanes the Church is no fitter instrument to Decree Controversies then the Scripture it selfe, there being as much obscurity and disputing in the sense, and the manner, and the degree, and the compe­tency, and the obligation of the Decree of a Councell, as of a place of Scripture. And what are we the nearer for a Decree, if any Sophister shall think his elusion enough to contest against the Authority of a Councell? yet this they doe, that pretend highest for their Authority, which consideration or some like it might possibly make Gratian preferre S. Hierom's single 36. q. 2. c. pla­cuit. Testimony before a whole Councell, because hee had Scrip­ture of his side; which sayes, that the Authority of Coun­cels is not [...], and that Councels may possibly recede from their Rule, from Scripture; and in that case, a single person proceeding according to Rule is a better Argument; which indeed was the saying of Panormitan, in concernentibus Part. 1. de ele­ction. Et elect. potest. cap. significant. fidem etiam dictum unius privati esset dicto Pape aut totius Concilii praeferendum, si ille moveretur melioribus Argu­mentis.

[Page 122] I end this Discourse with representing the words of Gregory Nazianzen in his Epistle to Procopius; Ego si vera scribere Numb. 11. oportet ita animo affectus sum, ut omnia Episcoporum Concilia Athanas. lib. de Synod. Frusta igitur circum­cursitantes praetexunt ob fidem se Syno­dos postulare, cum sit Divina Scriptura om­nibus poten­tior. fugiam, quoniam nullius Concilii finem laetum faustum (que) vidi, nec quod depulsionem malorum potius quam accessionem & incre­mentum habuerit: But I will not be so severe and dogmaticall against them: For I believe many Councels to have been cald with sufficient Authority, to have been managed with singular piety and prudence, and to have been finished with admirable successe and truth. And where we find such Councels, he that will not with all veneration believe their Decrees, and receive their sanctions, understands not that great duty he owes to them who have the care of our soules, whose faith we are bound to follow (saith S. Paul) that is so long as they fol­low Christ, and certainly many Councels have done so: But Heb. 13. 7. this was then when the publike interest of Christendome was better conserv'd in determining a true Article, then in finding a discreet temper, or a wise expedient to satisfie disagreeing persons; (As the Fathers at Trent did, and the Lutherans and Calvinists did at Sendomir in Polonia; and the Sublapsarians and Supralapsarians did at Dort:) It was in Ages when the summe of Religion did not consist in maintaining the Gran­dezza of the Papacy; where there was no order of men with a fourth Vow upon them to advance S. Peters Chaire; when there was no man, nor any company of men, that esteem'd themselves infallible, and therefore they searched for truth as if they meant to find it, and would believe it if they could see it prov'd, not resolv'd to prove it because they had upon chance or interest believ'd it; then they had rather have spoken a truth, then upheld their reputation, but only in order to truth. This was done sometimes, and when it was done, God's Spirit never fail'd them, but gave them such assistances as were sufficient to that good end for which they were Assembled, and did implore his aid: And therefore it is that the foure generall Councels so called by way of eminency, have gained so great a reputation above all others, not because they had a better promise, or more speciall assistances, but because they proceeded better according to the Rule, with lesse [Page 123] faction, without ambition and temporall ends.

And yet those very Assemblies of Bishops had no Autho­rity by their Decrees to make a Divine Faith, or to constitute Numb. 12. new objects of necessary Credence; they made nothing true that was not so before, and therefore they are to be apprehended in the nature of excellent Guides, and whose Decrees are most certainly to determine all those who have no Argument to the contrary of greater force and efficacy then the Authority or reasons of the Councell. And there is a duty owing to every Parish Priest, and to every Dioecesan Bishop; these are appoin­ted over us and to answer for our soules, and are therefore mo­rally to guide us, as reasonable Creatures are to be guided, that is, by reason and discourse: For in things of judgement and understanding, they are but in forme next above Beasts, that are to be ruled by the imperiousnesse and absolutenesse of Au­thority, unlesse the Authority be Divine, that is, infallible. Now then in a juster height, but still in its true proportion, Assemblies of Bishops are to guide us with a higher Autho­rity, because in reason it is supposed they will doe it better, with more Argument and certainty, and with Decrees, which have the advantage by being the results of many discourses of very wise and good men: But that the Authority of ge­nerall Councels, was never esteem'd absolute, infallible and unlimited, appears in this, that before they were obliging, it was necessary that each particular Church respectively should accept them, Concurrente universali totius Ecclesiae consensu, &c. Vid. S. August. 1. l. c. 18. de bapt. contr. Donat. in declaratione veritatum quae credendae sunt &c. That's the way of making the Deerees of Councels become authentik, and be turn'd into a Law as Gerson observes; and till they did, their Decrees were but a dead letter (and therefore it is that these later Popes have so labour'd, that the Councell of Trent should be received in France; and Carolus Molineus a great Lawyer, and of the Roman Communion disputed So did the third Estate of France in the Convention of the three E­states under Lewis the 13th earnestly con­tend against it. against the recep­tion,) and this is a known condition in the Canon Law, but it proves plainly that the Decrees of Councels have their Au­thority from the voluntary submission of the particular Churches, not from the prime sanction and constitution of the Councell. And there is great reason it should; for as the representative [Page 124] body of the Church derives all power from the diffusive body which is represented, so it resolves into it, and though it may have all the legall power, yet it hath not all the naturall; for more able men may be unsent, then sent; and they who are sent may be wrought upon by stratagem, which cannot happen to the whole diffusive Church; it is therefore most fit that since the legall power, that is, the externall was passed over to the body representative, yet the efficacy of it, and the internall should so still remaine in the diffusive, as to have power to con­sider whether their representatives did their duty yea or no, and so to proceed accordingly: For unlesse it be in matters of justice, in which the interest of a third person is concern'd, no man will or can be supposed to passe away all power from him­selfe of doing himselfe right, in matters personall, proper, and of so high concernment: It is most unnaturall and unreasonable. But besides, that they are excellent instruments of peace, the best humane Judicatories in the world, rare Sermons for the determining a point in Controversy, and the greatest probabili­ty from humane Authority, besides these advantages (I say) I know nothing greater that generall Councels can pretend to with reason and Argument sufficient to satisfie any wise man: And as there was never any Councell so generall, but it might have been more generall; for in respect of the whole Church, even Nice it selfe was but a small Assembly; so there is no Decree so well constituted, but it may be prov'd by an Argument higher then the Authority of the Councell: And therefore generall Councels, and Nationall, and Provinciall, and Dioecesan in their severall degrees, are excellent Guides for the Prophets and directions and instructions for their Pro­phesyings, but not of weight and Authority to restraine their Liberty so wholy, but that they may dissent when they see a reason strong enough so to perswade them, as to be willing up­on the confidence of that reason and their own sincerity, to answer to God for such their modesty, and peaceable, but (as they believe) their necessary disagreeing.

SECT. VII.

Of the fallibility of the Pope, and the uncertainty of his Expounding Scripture, and resolving Questions.

BUt since the Question between the Councell and the Pope Numb. 1. grew high, there have not wanted abettors so confident on the Popes behalfe, as to believe Generall Councels to be no­thing but Pompes and Solennities of the Catholike Church, and that all the Authority of determining Controversies is formally and effectually in the Pope. And therefore to appeale from the Pope to a future Councell is a heresy, yea, and Trea­son too said Pope Pius II, and therefore it concerns us now Epist. ad No­rimberg. to be wise and wary. But before I proceed, I must needs re­member that Pope Pius II, while he was the wise and learned Patrum & a­vorum no­strorum tem­pore pauci au­debant dicere Papam esse supra Conci­lium. l. 1. de gestis Concil. Basil. Aeneas Sylvius, was very confident for the preheminence of a Councell, and gave a merry reason why more Clerks were for the Popes then the Councell, though the truth was on the other side, even because the Pope gives Bishopricks and Ab­beys, but Councels give none; and yet as soone as he was made Pope, as if he had been inspired, his eyes were open to see the great priviledges of S. Peters Chaire, which before he could not see, being amused with the truth, or else with the reputation of a Generall Councell. But however, there are many that hope to make it good, that the Pope is the Uni­versall and the infallible Doctor, that he breathes Decrees as Oracles, that to dissent from any of his Cathedrall determina­tions is absolute heresy, the Rule of Faith being nothing else but consormity to the Chaire of Peter. So that here we have met a restraint of Prophecy indeed; but yet to make amends, I hope we shall have an infallible Guide, and when a man is in Heaven, he will never complaine that his choyce is taken from him, and that he is confin'd to love and to admire, since his love and his admiration is fixt, upon that which makes him happy, even upon God himselfe. And in the Church of Rome there is in a lower degree, but in a true proportion as little cause to be troubled, that we are confin'd to believe just [Page 126] so, and no choice left us for our understandings to discover or our wills to chuse, because though we be limited, yet we are pointed out where we ought to rest, we are confin'd to our Center, and there where our understandings will be satisfied, and therefore will be quiet, and where after all our strivings, studies and endeavours we desire to come, that is, to truth, for there we are secur'd to find it, because we have a Guide that is infallible: If this prove true, we are well enough. But if it be false or uncertain, it were better we had still kept our liberty, then be cozened out of it with gay pretences. This then we must consider.

And here we shall be oppressed with a cloud of Witnesses: For what more plaine then the Commission given to Peter? Numb. 2. Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church. And to thee will I give the Keyes. And again, for thee have I prayed that thy faith faile not; but thou when thou art conver­ted confirm thy brethren; And again, If thou lovest me feed my sheep: Now nothing of this being spoken to any of the other Apostles, by one of these places S. Peter must needs be appoin­ted Foundation or Head of the Church, and by consequence he is to rule and govern all. By some other of these places he is made the supreme Pastor, and he is to teach and determine all, and inabled with an infallible power so to doe: And in a right understanding of these Authorities, the Fathers speak great things of the Chaire of Peter; for we are as much bound to be­lieve that all this was spoken to Peters Successors, as to his Person; that must by all meanes be supposed, and so did the old Doctors, who had as much certainty of it as we have, and no more; but yet let's hear what they have said, Irenae. con­tra. haeres. l. 3. c. 3. To this Church by reason of its more powerfull principality, it is necessary all Churches round about should Convene: ..... In this, Tradition Apostolicall alwayes was observed, and therefore to communicate with this Bishop with this Ambr. de obitu Salyri, & l. 1. Ep. 4. ad Imp. Cypr. Ep. 52. Church, was to be in Communion with the Church Catholike: .... Cypr. Ep. 55. ad Cornel. To this Church errour or perfidiousnesse cannot have accesse: .... S. Austin. in Psal. contra. partem. Donat. Against this Sea the gates of Hell cannot prevaile: .... Hieron. Ep. 57. ad Dama­sum. For we know this Church to be built upon a Rock: .... And whoever eats the Lamb not within this House, is prophane; he that is not in the Ark of [Page 127] Noah perishes in the inundation of waters. He that gathers not with this Bishop he scatters; and he that belongeth not to Christ, must needs belong to Antichrist. And that's his finall sentence: But if you would have all this prov'd by an infallible Argu­ment, L. 2. contra. Parmenian. Optatus of Milevis in Africa supplies it to us from the very name of Peter: For therefore Christ gave him the cognomination of Cephas [...], to shew that S. Peter was the visible Head of the Catholike Church. Dignum patellà operculum! This long harangue must needs be full of tra­gedy to all them that take liberty to themselves to follow Scripture and their best Guides, if it happens in that liberty that they depart from the perswasions or the Communion of Rome: But indeed, if with the peace of the Bishops of Rome I may say it, this Scene is the most unhandsomely laid, and the worst carried of any of those pretences that have lately abused Christendome.

1. Against the Allegations of Scripture, I shall lay no grea­ter Numb. 3. prejudice then this, that if a person dis-interested should see them, and consider what the products of them might pos­sibly be, the last thing that he would think of, would be how that any of these places should serve the ends or pretences of the Church of Rome: For to instance in one of the particulars, that man had need have a strong fancy who imagines that be­cause Christ pray'd for S. Peter, that (being he had design'd him to be one of those upon whose preaching and Doctrine he did meane to constitute a Church) that his faith might not faile, (for it was necessary that no bitternesse or stopping should be in one of the first springs, least the current be either spoil'd or obstructed) that therefore the faith of Pope Alexan­der VI, or Gregory, or Clement 1500 years after, should be be preserved by vertue of that prayer, which the forme of words, the time, the occasion, the manner of the addresse, the effect it selfe, and all the circumstances of the action and per­son did determine to be personall: And when it was more then personall, S. Peter did not represent his Successors at Rome, but 22ae. q. 2. a. 6. ar. 6. ad 3 m. the whole Catholike Church, sayes Aquinas and the Divines of the University of Paris, Volunt enim pro solâ Ecclesiâ esse L. 4. de Ro­man. Pont. c. 3. § 1. oratum, sayes Bellarmine of them, and the glosse upon the Canon [Page 128] Law plainly denies the effect of this prayer at all to appertain to the Pope: Quaere de quâ Ecclesia intelligas quod hoc dicitur quod Caus. 21. cap. à recta. q. 1. non possit errare, si de ipso Papâ qui Ecclesia dicitur? sed certum est quod Papa errare potest—Respondeo ipsa Congregatio fidelium hic dicitur Ecclesia, & talis Ecclesia non potest non esse, 29. dist. Ana. statius 60. dist. si Papa. nam ipse Dominus orat pro Ecclesiâ, & voluntate labiorum suo­rum non fraudabitur. But there is a little danger in this Ar­gument when we well consider it; but it is likely to redound on the head of them whose turns it should serve: For it may be remembred that for all this prayer of Christ for S. Peter, the good man sell fouly, and denyed his Master shamefully: And shall Christs prayer be of greater efficacy for his Successors, for whom it was made but indirectly and by consequence, then for himselfe, for whom it was directly and in the first intention? And if not, then for all this Argument, the Popes may deny Christ as well as their cheife and Decessor Peter. But it would not be forgotten how the Roman Doctors will by no meanes allow that S. Peter was then the chiefe Bishop or Pope, when he denyed his Master. But then much lesse was he chosen chiefe Bishop, when the prayer was made for him, because the prayer was made before his fall; that is, before that time in which it is confessed, he was not as yet made Pope: And how then the whole Succession of the Papacy should be intitled to it, passes the length of my hand to span. But then also if it be supposed and allowed, that these words shall intaile in­fallibility upon the Chaire of Rome, why shall not also all the Apostolicall Sees bee infallible as well as Rome? why shall not Constaentinople or Byzantium where S. Andrew sate? why shall not Ephesus where S. John sate? or Jerusalem where S. James sate? for Christ prayed for them all, ut Pater sanctifi­caret eos sua veritate, Joh. 17.

2. For [tibi dabo claves,] was it personall or not? If it were, then the Bishops of Rome have nothing to doe with it: Numb. 4. If it were not, then by what Argument will it be made evi­dent that S. Peter, in the promise represented only his Suc­cessors, and not the whole Colledge of Apostles, and the whole Hierarchy? For if S. Peter was chiefe of the Apostles, and Head of the Church, he might faire enough be the representative of the [Page 129] whole Colledge, and receive it in their right as well as his own; which also is certain that it was so, for the same promise of binding and loosing, (which certainly was all that the keyes were given for) was made afterward to all the Apostles, Mat. 18. and the power of remitting and retaining which in reason and according to the stile of the Church is the same thing in other words, was actually given to all the Apostles, and unlesse that was the performing the first and second promise, we find it not recorded in Scripture how or when or whether yet or no, the promise be performed: That promise I say which did not per­taine to Peter principally and by origination, and to the rest by Communication, society and adherence, but that promise which was made to Peter first, but not for himselfe, but for all the Colledge and for all their Successors, and then made the second time to them all, without representation but in diffusion, and perform'd to all alike in presence except S. Thomas. And if he went to S. Peter to derive it from him, I know not; I find no record for that, but that Christ convey'd the promise to him by the same Commission, the Church yet never doubt­ed, nor had she any reason. But this matter is too notorious: I say no more to it, but repeat the words and Argument of S. Austin, Si hoc Petro tantum dictum est, non facit hoc Ecclesia: If the Keyes were only given and so promised to S. Peter, that Tra. 50. in Ioann. the Church hath not the Keyes, then the Church can neither bind nor loose, remit nor retaine, which God forbid; if any man should endevour to answer this Argument, I leave him and S. Austin to contest it.

3. For pasce oves there is little in that Allegation, besides the boldnesse of the Objectors; for were not all the Apostles Numb. 5. bound to feed Christ's sheep? had they not all the Commission from Christ, and Christ's Spirit immediately? S. Paul had cer­tainly; did not S. Peter himselfe say to all the Bishops of Pon­tus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithinia, that they should feed the flock of God, and the great Bishop and Shepheard should give them an immarcescible Crown; plainly implying, that from whence they derived their Authority, from him they were sure of a reward: In pursuance of which S. Cyprian laid his Argument upon this basis, Nam cum statutum sit omnibus L. 1. Epist. 3. [Page 130] nobis, &c. & singulis pastoribus portio gregis, &c. Did not S. Paul call to the Bishops of Ephesus to feed the flock of God, of which the holy Ghost hath made them Bishops or Over-seers? and that this very Commission was spoken to Peter not in a personall, but a publike capacity, and in him spoke to all the Apostles we see at­tested by S. Austin, and S. Ambrose and generally by all An­tiquity; De agone Christi, c, 30. and it so concern'd even every Priest that Damasus was willing enough to have S. Hierom explicate many questions for him. And Liberius writes an Epistle to Athanasius with much modesty requiring his advice in a Question of Faith, Epist. ad Atha­nas. apud Athanas. tom. 1. pag 42. Pa­ris. [...]. That I also may be perswaded without all doubting of those things which you shall be pleased to command me. Now Li­berius needed not to have troubled himselfe to have writ into the East to Athanasius; for if he had but seated himselfe in his Chaire, and made the dictate, the result of his pen and inke would certainly have taught him and all the Church; but that the good Pope was ignorant that either pasce oves was his own Charter, and Prerogative, or that any other words of Scripture had made him to be infallible, or if he was not ignorant of it, he did very ill to complement himselfe out of it. So did all those Bishops of Rome that in that troublesome and unprofitable Question of Easter, being unsatisfied in the supputation of the Egyptians, and the definitions of the Mathe­maticall Bishops of Alexandria, did yet require and intreat S. Ambrose to tell them his opinion, as he himselfe witnesses; If pasce oves belongs only to the Pope by primary title, in these L. 10. Epist. 83. cases the sheep came to feed the Shepherd, which though it was well enough in the thing, is very ill for the pretensions of the Roman Bishops; and if we consider how little many of the Popes have done toward feeding the sheep of Christ, we shall hardly determine which is the greater prevarication, that the Pope should claime the whole Commission to be granted to him, or that the execution of the Commission should be wholly passed over to others; and it may be there is a my­stery in it, that since S. Peter sent a Bishop with his staffe to raise up a Disciple of his from the dead, who was afterward Bishop of Triers, the Popes of Rome never weare a Pastorall [Page 131] staffe except it be in that Diocesse (sayes Aquinas) for great reason that he who does not doe the office, should not beare the M. 4. Sent. dist. 24. Symbol; but a man would think that the Popes Master of the Ceremonies was ill advised not to assigne a Pastorall staffe to him, who pretends the Commission of pasce oves to belong to him by prime right and origination. But this is not a busi­nesse to be merry in.

But the great support is expected from Tu es Petrus & super Numb. 6. hanc Petram adificabo Ecclesiam, &c. Now there being so great difference in the exposition of these words, by persons dis-inter­ressed, who, if any, might be allowed to judge in this Question, it is certain that neither one sense nor other can be obtruded for an Article of faith, much lesse as a Catholicon instead of all, by constituting an Authority which should guide us in all Faith, and determine us in all Questions: For if the Church was not built upon the person of Peter, then his Successors can challenge no­thing from this instance; now that it was the confession of Peter upon which the Church was to rely for ever, we have wit­nesses very credible, Ad Phila­delph. S. Ignatius, S. Seleuc. orat. 25. Basil, L. 6. de Tri­nit. S. Hilary, De Trini­tate advers. Iudaeos. S. Gregory Nyssen, L. 3. Ep. 33. S. Gregory the Great, In 1. Eph. Ioann. tr. 10. S. Austin. De Trinit. l. 4. S. Cyrill of Alex­andria, L. 1. Ep. 235. Isidore Pelusiot, and very many more. And although all these witnesses concurring cannot make a proposition to be true, yet they are sufficient witnesses, that it was not the Universall beliefe of Christendome that the Church was built upon S. Peters person. Cardinall Perron hath a fine fancy to elude this variety of Exposition, and the consequents of it; For (saith he) these Expositions are not contrary or exclusive of each other, but inclusive and consequent to each other: For the Church is founded causally upon the confession of S. Peter, formally upon the ministry of his person, and this was a reward or a conse­quent of the former: So that these Expositions are both true, but they are conjoyn'd as mediate and immediate, di­rect and collaterall, literall and morall, originall and perpetuall, accessory and temporall, the one consign'd at the beginning, the other introduc'd upon occasion: For before the spring of the Arrian heresy, the Fathers expounded these words of the person of Peter; but after the Arrians troubled them, the Fathers finding great Authority, and Energy in this confession [Page 132] of Peter for the establishment of the naturall siliation of the Son of God, to advance the reputation of these words and the force of the Argument, gave themselves lience to expound these words to the present advantage, and to make the confession of Peter to be the foundation of the Church, that if the Arrians should encounter this Authority, they might with more pre­judice to their persons declaime against their cause by saying they overthrew the foundation of the Church. Besides that this answer does much dishonour the reputation of the Fa­thers integrity, and makes their interpretations lesse credible as being made not of knowledge or reason but of necessity and to serve a present turn, it is also false: For Epist. ad Philadelph. In c. 16. Mat. tract. 1. Ignatius expounds it in a spirituall sense, which also the Liturgy attibuted to S. James cals [...]: And Origen expounds it mystically to a third purpose, but exclusively to this: And all these were before the Arrian Controversy. But if it be lawfull to make such unproved observations, it would have been to better purpose, and more reason to have observed it thus: The Fathers so long as the Bishop of Rome kept himselfe to the limits prescrib'd him by Christ, and indulged to him by the Constitution or con­cession of the Church, were unwary and apt to expound this place of the person of Peter; but when the Church began to enlarge her phylacteries by the favour of Princes, and the Sun­shine of a prosperous fortune, and the Pope by the advantage of the Imperiall Seat, and other accidents began to invade up­on the other Bishops and Patriarchs, then that he might have no colour from Scripture for such new pretensions, they did most generally turn the stream of their expositions from the person to the confession of Peter, and declar'd that to be the foundation of the Church. And thus I have required fancy with fancy; but for the maine point, that these two Expositions are inclusiue of each other, I find no warrant; for though they may consist together well enough, if Christ had so intended them; yet unlesse it could be shown by some circumstance of the Text, or some other extrinsecall Argument that they must be so, and that both senses were actually intended. it is but gratis dictum and a begging of the Question, to say that they are so, and the fancy so new, that when S. Austin had [Page 133] expounded this place of the person of Peter, he reviewes it againe, and in his Retractations leaves every man to his li­berty, which to take; as having nothing certaine in this Article: which had been altogether needlesse if he had be­lieved them to be inclusively in each other, neither of them had need to have beene retracted, both were alike true, both of them might have been believed: But I said the fancy was new, and I had reason; for it was so unknown till yesterday, that even the late Writers of his own side, expound the words of the confession of S. Peter exclusively to his person or any thing else, as is to be seen in Desens. pa­cis part. 2. c. 28. Marsilius, Recommend. sacr. Script. Petrus de Aliaco and the glosse upon Dist. 19. can. ita Dominus, § ut supra, which also was the Interpretation of Phavorinus Camers their own Bishop, from whom they learnt the resemblance of the word [...] and [...], of which they have made so many gay dis­courses, [...].

5. But upon condition I may have leave at another time to Numb. 7. recede from so great and numerous Testimony of Fathers, I am willing to believe that it was not the confession of S. Peter, but his person upon which Christ said he would build his Church, or that these Expositions are consistent with and consequent to each other that this confession was the objective foundation of Faith, and Christ and his Apostles the subjective, Christ prin­cipally, and S. Peter instrumentally; and yet I understand not any advantage will hence accrue to the Sea of Rome: For upon S Peter it was built, but not alone, for it was upon the foundati­on of the Apostles and Prophets, Jesus Christ himselfe being the chief corner stone; and when S. Paul reckoned the Oeconomy of Hierarchy, he reckons not Peter first, and then the Apostles. But first Apostles secondarily Prophets, &c. And whatsoever is first, either is before all things else, or at least nothing is be­fore it: So that at least S. Peter is not before all the rest of the Apostles, which also S. Paul expresly averres, I am in nothing inferiour to the very chiefest of the Apostles, no not in the very being a Rock and a foundation; and it was of the Church of Ephesus, that S. Paul said in particular it was columna & firmamentum veritatis, that Church was, not excluding others, [Page 134] for they also were as much as she; for so we keep close and be united to the corner stone, although some be master builders, Vid. Socrat. l. 1. c. 19. 20. Sozom. l. 2. c 14. Niceph. l. 14. c. 40. yet all may build, and we have known whole Nations converted by Lay-men and women, who have been builders so farre as to bring them to the corner stone.

6. But suppose all these things concern S. Peter in all the Numb. 8. capacities can be with any colour pretended, yet what have the Bishops of Rome to doe with this? For how will it appear that these promises and Commissions did relate to him as a parti­cular Bishop, and not as a publike Apostle? Since this later is so much the more likely, because the great pretence of all seemes in reason more proportionable to the founding of a Church, then its continuance: And yet if they did relate to him as a particular Bishop (which yet is a further degree of improbability, removed further from certainty) yet why shall S. Clement or Linus rather succeed in this great office of head­ship then S. Iohn or any of the Apostles that survived Peter: It is no way likely a private person should skip over the head of an Apostle; or why shall his Successors at Rome more en­joy the benefit of it then his Successors at Antioch, since that he was at Antioch and preached there, we have a Divine Au­thority, but that he did so at Rome at most we have but a hu­mane; and if it be replyed that because he dyed at Rome, it was Argument enough that there his Successors were to inherit his priviledge, this besides that at most it is but one little degree of probability, and so not of strength sufficient to support an Article of faith: it makes that the great Divine Right of Rome, and the Apostolicall presidency was so contingent and fallible as to depend upon the decree of Nero; and if he had sent him to Antioch there to have suffered Martyrdome, the Bishops of that Town had been heads of the Catholike Church. And this thing presses the harder, because it is held by no meane persons in the Church of Rome, that the Bishoprick of Rome and the Papacy are things separable: And the Pope may quit that Sea and sit in another, which to my understanding is an Argument, that he that succeeded Peter at Antioch, is as much supream by Divine Right as he that sits at Rome; both alike, that is, Vid. Camera­cens. Qu. ve­l [...] est. neither by Divine Ordinance: For if the Roman Bishops by [Page 135] Christ's intention were to be Head of the Church, then by the same intention, the Succession must be continued in that Sea, and then let the Pope goe whether he will, the Bishop of Rome must be the Head, which they themselves deny, and the Pope himselfe did not believe, when in a schisme he sate at Avignon; and that it was to be continued in the Sea of Rome, it is but offered to us upon conjecture, upon an act provi­dence, as they fancy it, so ordering it by vision, and this pro­ved by an Author which themselves call fabulous and Apocry­phall, under the name of Linus, in Biblioth. PP. de passione Pe­tri & Pauli: A goodly building which relies upon an event that was accidentall, whose purpose was but infinuated, the meaning of it but conjectur'd at, and this conjecture so uncer­tain, that it was an imperfect aime at the purpose of an event, which whether it was true or no, was so uncertain, that it is ten to one there was no such matter. And yet again another degree of uncertainty is, to whom the Bishops of Rome doe succeed: For S. Paul was as much Bishop of Rome, as S. Peter was; there he presided, there he preach'd, and he it was that was the Doctor of the Uncircumcision and of the Gentiles, S. Peter of the Circumcision, and of the Jewes only; and therefore the con­verted Jewes at Rome, might with better reason claim the privi­ledge of S. Peter, then the Romans and the Churches in her Communion, who doe not derive from Jewish Parents.

7. If the words were never so appropriate to Peter, or also Numb. 9. communicated to his Successors, yet of what value will the consequent be? what prerogative is entail'd upon the Chaire of Rome? For that S. Peter was the Ministeriall Head of the Church, is the most that is desir'd to be prov'd by those and all other words brought for the same purposes, and interests of that Sea: Now let the Ministerall Head have what Dignity can be imagined, let him be the first (and in all Communities that are regular, and orderly there must be something that is first, upon certain occasions where an equall power cannot be exercised, and made pompous or ceremoniall:) But will this Ministeriall Headship inferre an infallibility? will it inferre more then the Headship of the Jewish Synagogue, where clear­ly the High Priest was supreme in many senses, yet in no sense [Page 136] infallible? will it inferre more to us, then it did amongst the Apostles? amongst whom if for orders sake, S. Peter was the first, yet he had no compulsory power over the Apostles; there was no such thing spoke of, nor any such thing put in practise. And that the other Apostles were by a personall priviledge as infallible as himselfe, is no reason to hinder the exercise of ju­risdiction or any compulsory power over them; for though in Faith they were infallible, yet in manners and matter of fact as likely to erre as S. Peter himselfe was, and certainly there might have something hapned in the whole Colledge, that might have been a Record of his Authority, by transmitting an example of the exercise of some Judiciall power over some one of them: If he had but withstood any of them to their faces as S. Paul did him, it had been more then yet is said in his behalfe. Will the Ministeriall Headship inferre any more then when the Church in a Community or a publike capacity, should doe any Act of Ministery Ecelesiasticall, he shall be first in Order? Suppose this to be a dignity to preside in Councels, which yet was not alwayes granted him; Suppose it to be a power of taking cognisance of the Major Causes of Bishops when Coun­cels cannot be called; Suppose it a double voyce or the last decisive, or the negative in the causes exteriour; Suppose it to be what you will of dignity or externall regiment, which when all Churches were united in Communion, and neither the interest of States, nor the engagement of opinions had made disunion, might better have been acted then now it can; yet this will fall infinitely short of a power to determine Controversies infallibly, and to prescribe to all mens faith and consciences. A Ministeriall Headship or the prime Minister cannot in any capacity become the foundation of the Church to any such purpose. And therefore men are causlessely amused with such premises, and are afraid of such Conclusions which will never follow from the admission of any sense of these words that can with any probability be pretended.

8. I consider that these Arguments from Scripture, are too weak to support such an Authority which pretends to give Numb. 10. Oracles, and to answer infallibly in Questions of Faith, because there is greater reason to believe the Popes of Rome have [Page 137] erred, and greater certainty of demonstration, then these places can be that they are infallible, as will appear by the in­stances and perpetuall experiment of their being deceived, of which there is no Question, but of the sense of these places there is: And indeed, if I had as clear Scripture for their in­fallibility, as I have against their halfe Communion, against their Service in an unknown tongue, worshipping of Images, and di­vers other Articles, I would make no scruple of believing, but limit and conform my understanding to all their Dictates, and believe it reasonable all Prophecying should be restrain'd: But till then, I have leave to discourse, and to use my reason; And to my reason, it seemes not likely that neither Christ nor any of his Apostles, S. Peter himselfe, not S. Paul writing to the Church of Rome, should speak the least word or tittle of the infallibility of their Bishops, for it was certainly as convenient to tell us of a remedy, as to foretell that certainly there must needs be heresies, and need of a remedy. And it had been a certain determination of the Question, if when so rare an oppor­tunity was ministred in the Question about Circumcision that they should have sent to Peter, who for his infallibility in or­dinary, and his power of Headship would not only with rea­son enough as being infallibly assisted, but also for his Authority have best determin'd the Question, if at least the first Christians had known so profitable and so excellent a secret; and al­though we have but little Record, that the first Councell at Jerusalem did much observe the solennities of Law, and the forms of Conciliary proceedings, and the Ceremonials; yet so much of it as is recorded, is against them, S. James and not S. Peter gave the finall sentence, and although S. Peter deter­min'd the Question pro libertate, yet S. James made the De­cree, and the Assumentum too, and gave sentence they should abstaine from some things there mentioned, which by way of temper he judg'd most expedient: And so it passed. And S. Peter shewed no sign of a Superiour Authority, nothing of S. Chrysost. hom. 3. in. act. Apost. Superiour jurisdiction, [...].

So that if this Question be to be determin'd by Scripture, it Numb. 11. must either be ended by plaine places or by obscure; plaine [Page 138] places there are none, and these that are with greatest fancy pretended, are expounded by Antiquity to contrary purposes. But if obscure places be all the [...], by what meanes shall we infallibly find the sense of them? The Popes interpretation though in all other cases it might be pretended, in this cannot; for it is the thing in Question, and therefore cannot determine for it selfe; either therefore we have also another infallible guide besides the Pope, and so we have two Foundations and two Heads (for this as well as the other upon the same reason) or else (which is indeed the truth) there is no infallible way to be infallibly assured that the Pope is infallible. Now it being against the common condition of men, above the pretences of all other Governours Ecclesiasticall, against the Analogy of Scrip­ture, and the deportment of the other Apostles, against the Oeconomy of the Church, and S. Peters own entertainment, the presumption lies against him, and these places, are to be left to their prime intentions and not put upon the rack, to force them to confesse what they never thought.

But now for Antiquity, if that be deposed in this Question, there are so many circumstances to be considered to reconcile Numb. 12. their words and their actions, that the processe is more trouble­some, then the Argument can be concluding, or the matter con­siderable: But I shall a little consider it, so farre at least as to shew either Antiquity said no such thing as is pretended, or if they did, it is but little considerable, because they did not believe themselves; their practise was the greatest evidence in the world against the pretence of their words. But I am much cased of a long disquisition in this particular (for I love not to prove a Question by Arguments whose Authority is in it selfe as fallible, and by circumstances made as uncertain as the Question) by the saying of Aeneas Sylvius, that before the Nicene Councell every men liv'd to himselfe, and small respect was had to the Church of Rome, which practise could not well consist with the Doctrine of their Bishops infallibility, and by consequence supreme judgement and last resolution in matters of Faith; but especially by the insinuation and consequent De Rom. Pont. l, 4. c. 2. § se­cunda senten­tia. acknowledgement of Bellarmine, that for 1000 years together the Fathers knew not of the Doctrine of the Popes infallibility, [Page 139] for Nilus, Gerson, Alemain, the Divines of Paris, Alphonsus de Castro, and Pope Adrian VI, persons who liv'd 1400 after Christ, affirm, that infallibility is not seated in the Popes person, that he may erre and sometimes actually hath, which is a clear de­monstration that the Church knew no such Doctrine as this; there had been no Decree nor Tradition, nor generall opini­on of the Fathers, or of any age before them; and therefore this opinion which Bellarmine would faine blast if he could, yet in his Conclusion he sayes it is not propriè haeretica. A device, and an expression of his own without sense or precedent. But if the Fathers had spoken of it and believed it, why may not a disagreeing person as well reject their Authority when it is in behalf of Rome, as they of Rome without scruple cast them off when they speak against it? For as Bellarmine being pressed with the Authority of Nilus Bishop of Thessalonica and other Fathers, he sayes that the Pope acknowledges no Fathers but they are all his children, and therefore they cannot depose against him; and if that be true, why shall we take their Testimonies for him? for if Sonnes depose in their Fathers behalfe, it is twenty to one, but the adverse party will be cast, and therefore at the best it is but suspectum Testimonium. But in­deed this discourse signifies nothing, but a perpetuall uncertainty in such topicks, and that where a violent prejudice, or a con­cerning interest is engag'd, men by not regarding what any man sayes, proclaim to all the world that nothing is certain, but Divine Authority.

But I will not take advantage of what Bellarmine sayes, nor what Stapleton, or any one of them all say, for that will bee Numb. 13. but to presse upon personall perswasions, or to urge a ge­nerall Question with a particular defaillance, and the Question is never the nearer to an end; for if Bellarmine sayes any thing that is not to another mans purpose or perswasion, that man will be tryed by his own Argument, not by anothers: And so would every man doe that loves his liberty, as all wise men doe, and therefore retain it by open violence, or private evasions: But to return.

An Authority from Irenaeus in this Question, and on behalf of the Popes infallibility, or the Authority of the Sea of Rome, Numb. 14. [Page 140] or of the necessity of communicating with them is very fallible; for besides that there are almost a dozen answers to the words of the Allegation, as is to be seen in those that trouble them­selves in this Question with the Allegation, and answering such Authorities, yet if they should make for the affirmative of this Question, it is protestatio contra factum. For Irenaeus had no such great opinion of Pope Victors infallibity, that he be­lieved things in the same degree of necessity that the Pope did, for therefore he chides him for Excommunicating the Asian Bishops [...] all at a blow in the Question concerning Easter day; and in a Question of Faith he expresly disagreed from the doctrine of Rome; for Irenaeus was of the Millenary opinion, and believed it to be a Tradition Apostolicall; now if the Church of Rome was of that opinion, then why is she not now? where is the succession of her doctrine? But if she was not of that opinion then, and Irenaeus was, where was his be­liefe of that Churches infallibility? The same I urge concer­ning S. Cyprian who was the head of a Sect in opposition to the Church of Rome, in the Question of rebaptization, and he and the abettors, Firmilian and the other Bishops of Cappadocia, and the voisinage spoke harsh words of Stephen, and such as become them not to speak to an infallible Doctor, and the supreme Head of the Church. I will urge none of them to the disadvantage of that Sea, but only note the Satyrs of Firmilian against him, because it is of good use, to shew that it is possible for them in their ill carriage to blast the reputation and efficacy of a great Authority: For he sayes that that Church did pretend the Au­thority of the Apostles, cum in multis sacramentis divinae rei, à Epist. Firmili­ani contr. Steph. ad Cy­prian. Vid. eti­am Ep. Cypria­ni ad Pompei­um. principio discrepet, & ab Ecclesia Hierosolymitanâ, & defamet Pe­trum & Paulum tanquam authores. And a little after justè dedignor (sayes he) apertam & manifestam stultitiam Stepha­ni, per quam veritas Christianae petrae aboletur, which words say plainly that for all the goodly pretence of Apostolicall Autho­rity, the Church of Rome did then in many things of Religion disagree from Divine Institution (and from the Church of Je­rusalem, which they had as great esteeme of for Religion sake, as of Rome for its principality) and that still in pretending to S. Peter and S. Paul they dishonoured those blessed Apostles, and [Page 141] destroyed the honour of their pretence by their untoward pre­varication; which words I confesse passe my skill to reconcile them to an opinion of infallibility; and although they were spoken by an angry person, yet they declare that in Africa they were not then perswaded, as now they were at Rome: Nam Cyprian Epist, ad Quintum. [...]. nec Petrus quem primum Dominus clegit vendicavit sibi aliquid insolentèr aut arrogantèr assumpsit, ut diceret se primatum tenere: That was their belief then, and how the contrary hath grown up to that heigth where now it is all the world is witnesse: And now I shall not need to note concerning S. Hierome, that he gave a complement to Damasus, that he would not have given to Liberius, Qui tecum non colligit spargit. For it might be true enough of Damasus who was a good Bishop and a right believer; but if Liberius's name had been put instead of Da­masus, the case had been altered with the name; for S. Hierom did believe and write it so, that Liberius had subscrib'd to Ar­rianism. And if either he or any of the rest had believ'd the De Script, Eccles. in For­tunatiano. Pope could not be a Heretick nor his Faith faile, but be so good and of so competent Authority as to be a Rule to Christen­dome; Why did they not appeale to the Pope in the Arrian Controversy? why was the Bishop of Rome made a Party and a concurrent as other good Bishops were, and not a Judge and an Arbitrator in the Question? Why did the Fathers prescribe so many Rules and cautions and provisoes for the discovery of heresy? Why were the Emperours at so much charge, and the Church at so much trouble as to call and convene in Councels respectively, to dispute so frequently, to write so: se­dulously, to observe all advantages against their Adversaries, and for the truth, and never offered to call for the Pope to determine the Question in his Chaire? Certaindly no way coud have been so expedite, none so concluding and pe­remptory, none could have convinc'd so certainly, none could have triumph'd so openly over all discrepants as this, if they had known of any such thing as his being infallible, or that he had been appointed by Christ to be the Judge of Controversies. And therefore I will not trouble this discourse to excuse any more words either pretended or really said to this purpose of the Pope, for they would but make books swell and the Question [Page 142] endlesse, I shall only to this purpose observe that the Old Writers were so farre from believing the infallibility of the Ro­man Church or Bishop, that many Bishops and many Churches did actually live and continue out of the Roman Communion; particularly Vbi illa Au­gustini & re­liquorum pru­dentia? quis jam ferat cras­sissimae igno­rantiae illam vocem in tot & tantis Pa­tribus? Alan. Cop. dialog. p. 76, 77. Vide etiam Bonifac. 11. E­pist. ad Eulalium Alexandrinum. Lindanum Pa­nopli. l. 4. c. 89. in fine. Sa'me­ron Tom. 12. Tract. 68. § ad Canonem San­der. de visibili Monarchia, l. 7. n. 411. Baron. Tom. 10. A. D. 878. S. Austin, who with 217 Bishops and their Suc­cessors for 100 years together stood separate from that Church, if we may believe their own Records: So did Ignatius of Constantinople, S. Chrysostome, S. Cyprian, Firmilian, those Bishops of Asia that separated in the Question of Easter, and those of Africa in the Question of rebaptization: But besides this, most of them had opinions which the Church of Rome disavowes now, and therefore did so then, or else she hath innovated in her Doctrine, which though it be most true and notorious, I am sure she will never confesse. But no ex­cuse can be made for S. Austins disagreeing, and contesting in the Question of appeales to Rome, the necessity of Commu­nicating Infants, the absolute damnation of Infants to the paines of Hell, if they die before Baptism, and divers other particu­lars. It was a famous act of the Bishops of Liguria and Istria who seeing the Pope of Rome consenting to the fifth Synod in disparagement of the famous Councell of Chalcedon, which for their own interests they did not like of, they renounced sub­jection to his Patriarchate, and erected a Patriarch at Aquileia who was afterwards translated to Venice, where his name re­maines to this day. It is also notorious that most of the Fa­thers were of opinion that the soules of the faithfull did not enjoy the beatifick Vision before Doomesday; whether Rome was then of that opinion or no, I know not, I am sure now they are not; witnesse the Councels of Florence and Trent; but of this I shall give a more full account afterwards. But if to all this which is already noted, we adde that great variety of opi­nions amongst the Fathers and Councels in assignation of the Canon, they not consulting with the Bishop of Rome, nor any of them thinking themselves bound to follow his Rule in enu­meration of the books of Scripture, I think no more need to be said as to this particular.

8. But now if after all this, there be some Popes which were notorious Hereticks, and Preachers of false Doctrine, some that Numb. 15. [Page 143] made impious Decrees both in faith and manners; some that have determin'd Questions with egregious ignorance and stu­pidity, some with apparent Sophistry, and many to serve their own ends most openly, I suppose then the infallibility will dis­band, and we may doe to him as to other good Bishops, believe him when there is cause; but if there be none, then to use our Consciences, Non enim salvat Christianum quod Pontifex Tract. de in­terdict. Com­pos. à Theol. Venet. prop. 13. constantèr affirmat praeceptum suum esse justum, sed oportet illud examinari, & se juxta regulam superius datum dirigere: I would not instance and repeat the errours of dead Bishops, if the ex­treme boldnesse of the pretence did not make it necessary: But if we may believe Tertullian, Pope Zepherinus approv'd the Lib. adver. Praxeam. Prophecies of Montanus, and upon that approbation granted peace to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, till Praxeas per­swaded him to revoke his act: But let this rest upon the credit of Tertullian, whether Zepherinus were a Montanist or no; some such thing there was for certain. Pope Vigilius denyed Vid. Liberal. in breviatio, cap. 22. Durand. 4. dist. 7. q. 4. two natures in Christ, and in his Epistle to Theodora the Em­presse anathematiz'd all them that said he had two natures in one person; S. Gregory himselfe permitted Priests to give con­firmation, which is all one as if he should permit Deacons to consecrate, they being by Divine Ordinance annext to the higher orders; and upon this very ground Adrianus affirms that the Pope may erre in definiendis dogmatibus fidei. And that we may not feare we shall want instances, we may to secure it Quae. de con­firm. art. ult. take their own confession, Nam multae sunt decretales haereticae sayes Occham as he is cited by Almain, & firmitèr hoc credo 3. dist. 24. q. unica. (sayes he for his own particular) sed non licet dogmatizare op­positum quoniam sunt determinatae. So that we may as well see that it is certain that Popes may be Hereticks, as that it is dangerous to say so; and therefore there are so few that teach it: All the Patriarchs and the Bishop of Rome himselfe subscrib'd to Arrianism (as Baronius confesses;) and Dist. 19. c. 9. L. 4. Ep. 2. Gratian affirms that Pope Anastasius the Second was strucken of God for commu­nicating A. D. 357. n. 44. with the Heretick Photinus. I know it will be made light of that Gregory the Seventh saith, the very exorcists of the Roman Church are Superiour to Princes. But what shall we think of that decretall of Gregory the Third, who wrore [Page 144] to Bonaface his Legate in Germany, quod illi quorum uxores infirmitate aliquâ morbidae debitum reddere noluerunt, aliis pote­rant Vid. C [...]iranz. Sum. Concil. sol. 218. Edit. Antwerp. nubere? was this a Doctrine fit for the Head of the Church, an infallible Doctor? it was plainly, if any thing ever was doctrina Daemoniorum, and is noted for such by Gratian, caus. 32. q. 7. can. quod proposuisli. Where the glosse also in­timates that the same priviledge was granted to the Englishmen by Gregory, quia novi erant in fide. And sometimes we had little reason to expect much better; for, not to instance in that learned discourse in the * Canon Law de majoritate & obedientiâ, where the Popes Supremacy over Kings is proved from the first chapter of Genesis, and the Pope is the Sunne, and the Cap per vene­rabitem. qui filii sint legiti­mi. Emperour is the Moone, for that was the fancy of one Pope perhaps; though made authentick and doctrinall by him; it was (if it be possible) more ridiculous, that Pope Innocent the Third urges that the Mosaicall Law was still to be observed, and that upon this Argument, Sanè, saith he, cum Deuterono­mium secunda lex interpretetur ex vi vocabuli comprobatur ut quod ibi decernitur in Testamento novo debeat observari: Worse yet; for when there was a corruption crept into the Decree called Sancta Romana, where instead of these words Sedulii opus Dist. 15. [...]pud Gratian. heroicis versibus descriptum, all the old Copies till of late read haereticis versibus descriptum; this very mistake made many wise men, (as Pierius sayes) yea Pope Adrian the Sixth, no De Sacord. b [...]b. worse man, believe that all Poetry was hereticall, because (for­sooth) Pope Gelasius whose Decree that was, although he believ'd Sedulius to be a good Catholike, yet as they thought, he concluded his Verses to be hereticall: But these were ignorances; it hath been worse amongst some others, whose errours have been more malitious. Pope Honorius was con­demned by the sixth Generall Synod, and his Epistles burnt, and in the seventh action of the eigth Synod, the Acts of the Romane Councell under Adrian the Second are recited, in which it is said that Honorius was justly Anathematiz'd, be­cause he was convict of heresy. Bellarmine sayes it is probable that Pope Adrian and the Roman Councell were deceived with false Copies of the sixth Synod, and that Honorius was no Here­tick. To this I say, that although the Roman Synod and the [Page 145] eighth generall Synod, and Pope Adrian, altogether are better witnesses for the thing then Bellarmines conjecture is against it, yet if we allow his conjecture wee shall lose nothing in the whole, for either the Pope is no infallible Doctor, but may be a Heretick as Honorius was, or else a Councell is to us no infallible determiner; I say, as to us, for if Adrian and the whole Roman Councell & the eighth Generall were all cozen'd with false Copies of the sixth Synod, which was so little a while before them, and whose acts were transacted & kept in the Theatre and Records of the Catholike Church; he is a bold man that will be confident that he hath true Copies now. So that let which they please stand or fall, let the Pope be a Heretick or the Councels be deceived and palpably abused, (for the other, we will dispute it upon other instances and arguments when we shall know which part they will choose) in the meane time we shall get in the generall what we loose in the particular. This only, this device of saying the Copies of the Councels were false, was the stratagem of Albertus Pighius 900 years after the thing was Vid. diatrib. de act. 6. & 7ae. Sy­nod. praefatione ad Lectorem & Dominicum Bannes 22ae. q. 1. a. 10. dub. 2. done, of which invention Pighius was presently admonished, blamed, and wished to recant. Pope Nicholas explicated the Mystery of the Sacrament with so much ignorance and zeale that in condemning Berengarius he taught a worse impiety. But what need I any more instances; it is a confessed case by Baro­nius, by Biel, by Stella, Almain, Occham, and Canus, and ge­nerally by the best Scholars in the Church of Rome, that a Pope Picus Mi­rand. in expo­sit. theorem. 4. may be a Heretick, and that some of them actually were so, and no lesse then three generall Councels did beleive the same thing: viz. sixth, seaventh, and eighth, as Bellarmine is pleased to acknowledge in his fourth book de Pontifice Romano. c. 11. resp. ad Arg. 4. And the Canon si Papadist. 40. affirms it in expresse termes, that a Pope is judicable and punishable in that case. But there is no wound but some Emperick or other will pretend to cure it, and there is a cure for this too. For though it be true that if a Pope were a Heretick, the Church might depose him, yet no Pope can be a Heretick, not but that the man may, but the Pope cannot, for he is ipso facto no Pope, for he is no Christian; so Bellarmine: and so when you think you have L. 2. c. 30. ubi supra. §. est ergo. him fast, he is gone, and nothing of the Pope left; but who [Page 146] sees not the extream folly of this evasion? For besides that out of feare and caution he grants more then he needs, more then was sought for in the Question, the Pope hath no more priviledge then the Abbot of Cluny, for he cannot be a Heretick, nor be deposed by a Councell, for if he be manifestly a Heretick he is ipso facto no Abbot, for he is no Christian; and if the Pope be a Heretick privaetely and occultly, for that, he may be accused and judged sayd the Glosse upon the Canon si Papa dist. 40. And the Abbot of Cluny and one of his meanest Monks can be no more, therefore the case is all one. But Vide Al­phons. à Castr. l b. 1. adv. haeres. c. 4. hoc lemma riden­tem affabrè. this is fitter to make sport with then to interrupt a serious discourse. And therefore although the Canon Sanctae Romana approves all the Decretals of Popes, yet that very Decretall hath not decreed it firm enough, but that they are so warily receiv'd by them, that when they list they are pleased to dissent from them; And it is evident in the Extravagant of Sixtus IV. Com. De reliquiis; who appointed a Vid. etiam In­nocentium Serm. 2. de conserat. Pon­tif. act. 7. 8ae. Synodi. & Concil. 5. sub Symmadio. vide Collat. 8. can. 12. ubi PP. judicialem sententiam P. vigilii in causâ trium Capitu­lorum damna­runt expressè. Extra. comm. Extrav. grave. Tit. X. Feast of the immaculate conception, a speciall Office for the day, and Indulgences enough to the observers of it: And yet the Dominicans were so farre from believing the Pope to be infalli­ble and his Decree authentick, that they declaim'd against it in their Pulpits so furiously and so long till they were prohibited under paine of Excommunication, to say the Virgin Mary was conceived in Originall sin; Now what sollennity can be more required for the Pope to make a Cathedrall determination of an Article? The Article was so concluded, that a Feast was institu­ted for its celebration, and pain of Excommunication threatned to them which should preach the contrary; Nothing more so­lemne, nothing more confident and severe: And yet after all this, to shew that whatsoever those people would have us to be­lieve, they'll believe what they list themselves: This thing was not determined de fide saith Victorellus; Nay, the Author of the Glosse of the Canon Law hath these expresse words, De festo Conceptionis nihil dicitur quiae celebrandum non est, sicut in multis De Angelo custod. fol. 59. de consecrat. dist. 3. can. pro­nunciand. gloss. verb. Nativit. regionibus fit, & maxime in Angliâ, & haec est ratio, quia in pec­catis concepta fuit sicut & caeteri Sancti. And the Commissaries, of Sixtus V. and Gregory XIII. did not expunge these words, but left them upon Record, not only against a received and more approved opinion of the Jesuites and Franciscans, but also [Page 147] in plain defiance of a Decree made by their visible head of the Church, who (if ever any thing was decreed by a Pope, with an intent to oblige all Christendome) decreed Hâc in per­petuum valitu­râ constitutio­ne statuimus, &c. De reliqui­is, &c. Extrav. Com. Sixt. 4, cap. 1. this to that purpose.

So that without taking particular notice of it, that egregi­ous sophistry and flattery of the late Writers of the Roman Church is in this instance, besides divers others before mentio­ned, clearly made invalid. For here the Bishop of Rome not as Numb. 16. a private Doctor, but as Pope, not by declaring his own opi­nion, but with an intent to oblige the Church, gave sentence in a Question which the Dominicans will still account pro non de­terminatâ. And every decretall recorded in the Canon Law if it be false in the matter, is just such another instance: And Alphonsus à Castro sayes it to the same purpose, in the instance of Celestine dissolving Marriages for heresy, Ne (que) Caelestini error talis fuit qui soli negligentiae imputari debeat, ita ut illum errasse dicamus velut privatam personam & non ut Papam, quoniam hujusmodi Caelestini definitio habetur in antiquis decretalibus in cap. Laudabilem, titulo de conversione infidelium; quam ego ipse vidi & legi, lib. 1. adv. haeres. cap. 4. And therefore 'tis a most intolerable folly to pretend that the Pope cannot erre in his Chaire, though he may erre in his Closet, and may maintaine a false opinion even to his death: For besides that, it is sottish to think that either he would not have the world of his own opinion (as all men naturally would) or that if he were set in his Chaire, he would determine contrary to himselfe in his study (and therefore to represent it as possible, they are faine to flie to a Miracle for which they have no colour, neither instru­ctions, nor insinuation, nor warrant, nor promise; besides that, it were impious and unreasonable to depose him for heresy, who may so easily, even by setting himselfe in his Chaire and reviewing his Theorems, be cured:) it is also against a very great experience: For besides the former Allegations it is most notorious, that Pope Alexander III in a Councell at Rome of 300 Archbishops and Bishops A. D. 1179. condemn'd Peter Lombard of heresy in a matter of great concernment, no lesse then something about the incarnation; from which sentence he was, after 36 years abiding it, absolv'd by Pope Innocent III, [Page 148] without repentance or dereliction of the opinion: Now if this sentence was not a Cathedrall Dictate, as solemn and great as could be expected, or as is said to be necessary to oblige all Chri­stendome, let the great Hyperaspists of the Roman Church be Judges, who tell us that a particular Councell with the Popes confirmation is made Oecumenicall by adoption, and is infalli­ble and obliges all Christendome; so Bellarmine: And therefore he sayes, that it is temerarium, erroneum, & proximum haeresi, to L. 2. de. Con­cil. cap. 5. deny it, but whether it be or not it is all one, as to my purpose: For it is certain, that in a particular Councell confirm'd by the Pope, if ever; then and there the Pope sate himselfe in his Chaire, and it is as certain that he sate besides the cushion and determined ridiculously and falsly in this case: But this is a de­vice De Pontif. Rom. c. 14. § respondeo. In 3. sent. d. 24. q. in conl. 6. dub. 6. in fine. for which there is no Scripture, no Tradition, no one dog­maticall resolute saying of any Father, Greek or Latine, for above 1000 years after Christ: And themselves when they list can acknowledge as much. And therefore Bellarmine's saying, I perceive is believ'd by them to be true: That there are many things in the Proverbiali­tèr olim dictū erat, de De­cretalibus. Ma­lè cum rebus humanis actum esse, ex quo de­cretis alae ac­cesserunt. scil. cum Decretales post decretum Gratiani sub nomine Gre­gorii noni ede­bantur. Decretall Epistles, which make not Articles to be de fide. And therefore, Non est necessariò credendum deter­minatis per summum Pontific [...]m, sayes Almain: And this serves their turns in every thing they doe not like, and therefore I am resolved it shall serve my turn also for some thing, and that is, that the matter of the Pope's infallibility is so ridiculous and impro­bable, that they doe not believe it themselves: Some of them clearly practised the contrary, and although Pope Leo X hath determined the Pope to be above a Councell, yet the Sorbon to this day scorn it at the very heart. And I might urge upon them that scorn that Almain truly enough by way of Argument alledges. It is a wonder that they who affirm the Pope cannot De Authorit. Eccles. cap, 10. in fine. erre in judgement, doe not also affirm that he cannot sinne: they are like enough to say so sayes he, if the vitious lives of the Popes did not make a daily confutation of such flattery: Now for my own particular, I am as confident and think it as certain, that Popes are actually deceived in matters of Chri­stian Doctrine, as that they doe prevaricate the lawes of Christian piety: And therefore L. 1. ca. 4. ad­vers. haeres. e­dit. Paris 1534. In seqq. non expurgantur ista verba. at idem sensus maner. Alphonsus à Castro calls them impudentes Papae assentatores, that ascribe to him infallibili­ty [Page 149] in judgement or interpretation of Scripture.

But if themselves did believe it heartily, what excuse is there Numb. 11. in the world, for the strange uncharitablenesse or supine negli­gence of the Popes, that they doe not set themselves in their Chaire and write infallible Commentaries, and determine all Controversies without errour, and blast all heresies with the word of their mouth, declare what is and what is not de fide, that his Disciples and Confidents may agree upon it; reconcile the Franciscans and Dominicans, and expound all Mysteries? for it cannot be imagined but he that was endued with so supreme power in order to so great ends, was also fitted with proportiona­ble, that is, extraordinary personall abilities, succeeding and de­riv'd upon the persons of all the Popes. And then the Doctors of his Church, need not trouble themselves with study, nor writing explications of Scripture, but might wholly attend to practicall devotion, and leave all their Scholasticall wranglings, the distinguishing opinions of their Orders, and they might have a fine Church, something like Fairy land, or Lucians King­dome in the Moone: But if they say they cannot doe this when they list, but when they are mov'd to it by the Spirit, then we are never the nearer; for so may the Bishop of Angolesme write infallible Commentaries when the holy Ghost moves him to it, for I suppose his motions are not ineffectuall, but hee will sufficiently assist us in performing of what he actually moves us to: But among so many hundred Decrees which the Popes of Rome have made or confirmed and attested (which is all one) I would faine know in how many of them did the holy Ghost assist them? If they know it, let them declare it, that it may be certain which of their Decretals are de fide; for as yet none of his own Church knowes: If they doe not know, then neither can we know it from them, and then we are as uncertaine as ever, and besides, the holy Ghost may possibly move him, and he by his ignorance of it may neglect so profitable a motion, and then his promise of infallible assistance will be to very little purpose, because it is with very much fallibility ap­plicable to practise: And therefore it is absolutely uselesse to any man or any Church, because, suppose it settled in Thesi, that the Pope is infallible, yet whether he will doe his duty, and [Page 150] perform those conditions of being assisted which are required of him, or whether he be a secret Simoniack (for if he be, he is ipso facto, no Pope) or whether he be a Bishop, or Priest, or a Christian, being all uncertain; every one of these depending up­on the intention and power of the Baptizer or Ordainer, which also are fallible, because they depend upon the honesty and power of other men; we cannot be infallibly certain of any Pope that he is infallible, and therefore when our Questions are dermin'd, we are never the nearer, but may hugge our selves in an imaginary truth, the certainty of finding truth out depen­ding upon so many fallible and contingent circumstances. And therefore, the thing, if it were true, being so to no purpose, it is to be presum'd that God never gave a power so impertinent­ly, and from whence no benefit can accrue to the Christian Church, for whose use and benefit, if at all, it must needs have been appointed.

But I am too long in this impertinency: If I were bound Numb. 18. to call any man Master upon earth, and to believe him upon his own affirmative and authority; I would of all men least follow him that pretends he is infallible and cannot prove it. For that he cannot prove it, makes me as uncertaine as ever, and that he pretends to infallibility makes him carelesse of using such meanes which will morally secure those wise persons, who knowing their own aptnesse to be deceiv'd, use what en­deavours they can to secure themselves from errour, and so be­come the better and more probable guides.

Well! Thus farre we are come: Although we are secured in fundamentall points from involuntary errour, by the plaine, Numb. 19. expresse, and dogmaticall places of Scripture, yet in other things we are not but may be invincibly mistaken, because of the ob­scurity and difficulty in the controverted parts of Scripture, by reason of the incertainty of the meanes of its Interpretation, since Tradition is of an uncertain reputation, and sometimes evidently false, Councels are contradictory to each other, and therefore certainly are equally deceiv'd many of them, and therefore all may; and then the Popes of Rome are very likely to mislead us, but cannot ascertain us of truth in matter of Que­stion; and in this world we believe in part, and prophecy in [Page 151] part, and this imperfection shall never be done away till we be translated to a more glorious state; either we must throw our chances, and get truth by accident or predestination, or else we must lie safe in a mutuall toleration, and private liberty of perswasion, unlesse some other Anchor can bee thought upon where wee may fasten our floating Vessels, and ride safely.

SECT. VIII.

Of the disability of Fathers, or Writers Ecclesiasticall, to determine our Questions, with certainty and Truth.

THere are some that think they can determine all Questi­ons Numb. 1. in the world by two or three sayings of the Fathers, or by the consent of so many as they will please to call a concurrent Testimony: But this consideration will soon be at an end; for if the Fathers, when they are witnesses of Tradition doe not alwayes speak truth, as it hapned in the case of Papias and his numerous Followers for almost three Ages together, then is their Testimony more improbable when they dispute or write Commentaries.

2. The Fathers of the first Ages spake unitedly concerning Numb. 2. divers Questions of secret Theology, and yet were afterwards contradicted by one personage of great repution, whose credit had so much influence upon the world, as to make the contrary opinion become popular; why then may not we have the same liberty, when so plain an uncertainty is in their perswasions, and so great contrariety in their Doctrines? But this is evident in the case of absolute predestination, which till S. Austine's time no man preached, but all taught the contrary, and yet the repu­tation of this one excellent man altered the scene. But if he might dissent from so Generall a Doctrine, why may not we doe so too, it being pretended that he is so excellent a prece­dent to be followed, if we have the same reason? he had no more Authority nor dispensation to dissent, then any Bishop hath now. And therefore S. Austin hath dealt ingeniously, and [Page 152] as he took this liberty to himself, so he denies it not to others, but indeed forces them to preserve their own liberty: And Sess. ult. therefore when S. Hierom had a great mind to follow the Fa­thers in a point that he fancyed, and the best security he had, was, Patiaris me cum talibus errare, S. Austin would not endure it, but answered his reason, and neglected the Authority. And therefore it had been most unreasonable that we should doe that now, though in his behalfe, which he towards greater per­sonages (for so they were then) at that time judg'd to be un­reasonable. It is a plaine recession from Antiquity, which was determin'd by the Councell of Florence, piorum animas purga­tas, &c. mox in Caelum recipi, & intueri clarè ipsum Deum tri­num & unum sicuti est: As who please to try, may see it dogma­tically resolved to the contrary by Q. 60. ad Christian. Justin Martyr, Lib. 5. Irenaeus, by Hom. 7. in Levit. Origen, Hom. 39 in 1 Cor. S. Chrysostome, In c. 11. ad Heb. Theodoret, In c. 6. ad Apoc. Arethas Caesarien­sis, In 16. c. Luc. Euthymius, who may answer for the Greek Church, and it is plaine that it was the opinion of the Greek Church by that great difficulty the Romans had of bringing the Greeks to subscribe to the Florentine Councell, where the Latines acted their master-piece of wit and stratagem, the greatest that hath been till the famous and superpolitick design of Trent. And for the Latine Church, Lib. 4. adv. Mar. Tertullian, L. 2. de. Cain. c. 2. S. Ambrose, Ep. 111. ad Fortunatia­num. S. Austin, In Psal. 138. S. Hilary, De exeq. desunctor. Prudentius, L. 7. c. 21. Lactantius, In c. 6. Apoc. Victorinus Martyr, and Serm. 3. de om. sanctis. Vid. enim, S. Aug. in Enchir. c. 108. & l. 12. de civit. Dei. c. 9. & in Ps. 36. & in. l. 1. retract. c. 14. Vid. insuper testimonia quae collegit. Spala. l. 5. c. 8. n. 98. de repub. Eccl. & Sixt. Senens. l. 6. annot. 345. S. Bernard are known to be of opinion that the soules of the Saints are in abditis receptaculis, & exterioribus atriis, where they expect the resurrection of their bodies, and the glorifica­tion of their soules, and though they all believe them to be happy, yet they enjoy not the beatifick Vision before the re­surrection: Now there being so full a consent of Fathers (for many more may be added) and the Decree of Pope John XXII, besides, who was so confident for his Decree that he commanded the University of Paris to swear that they would preach it and no other, and that none should be promoted to degrees in Theology, that did not swear the like, (as In oper. 90. dierum. Occham, Serm. de Paschal. Gerson, In 4. sent. q. 13. a. 3. Marsilius and In 4. de Sacram. confirmat. Adrianus report:) Since it is esteemed lawfull to dissent from all these, I hope no man will be so unjust to presse other men to consent to an Authority which he him­selfe [Page 153] judges to be incompetent. These two great instances are enough, but if more were necessary I could instance in the opinion of the Chiliasts, maintained by the second and third Centuries and disavowed ever since: in the Doctrine of communicating Infants, taught and practised as necessary by the fourth and fifth Centu­ries, & detested by the Latine Church in all the following Ages: in the variety of opinions concerning the very form of baptism, some keeping close to the institution and the words of its first sanction, others affirming it to be sufficient, if it be administred in nomine De consecrat dist. 4. c. à quodum Iudaeo Christi; particularly S. Ambrose, Pope Nicholas the First, In c. 10. Act. V. Bede and Ep. 340. S. Bernard besides some Writers of after Ages as Hugo de S. Victore, and the Doctors generally his contemporaries. And it would not be inconsiderable to observe, that if any Synod, Ge­nerall, Nationall, or Provinciall, be receded from by the Church of the later Age, (as there have been very many) then, so many Fathers as were then assembled and united in opinion are esteem­ed no Authority to determine our perswasions. Now suppose 200 Fathers assembled in such a Councell, if all they had writ Books, and Authorities, 200 Authorities had beene alleadged in confirmation of an opinion, it would have made a mighty noise, and loaded any man with an insupportable prejudice that should dissent: And yet every opinion maintained against the Authority of any one Councell, though but Provinciall, is in its proportion such a violent recession and neglect of the Authority and doctrine of so many Fathers as were then assembled, who did as much declare their opinion in those Assemblies by their Suffra­ges, as if they had writ it in so many books; and their opinion is more considerable in the Assembly then in their writings, because it was more deliberate, assisted, united and more dogmaticall. In pursuance of this observation, it is to be noted by way of in­stance, that S. Austin and two hundred and seventeene Bishops and all their Successors Vid. Epist. Bonifacii 11. apud Nicoli­num, Tom. 2. Concil. pag. 544. & exem­plar precum Eulalii apud eundem. ibid. p. 525. Qui a­nathematizat omnes deciso­res suos qui in in ea [...] causa Romae se op­ponendo rectae fidei regulam praevaricati sunt, inter quos tomen fuit Augustinus, quem pro maledicto Caelestinus ta­cite agnoscit, admittendo sc. exemplar precum. Vid. Doctor. Marta. de jurisdict. part. 4. p. 273. & Erasm annot. in Hieron. praefatin Daniel. for a whole Age together did consent in denying appeals to Rome; and yet the Authority of so many Fathers (all true Catholicks) is of no force now at Rome in this Question; but if it be in a matter they like, one of these Fa­thers [Page 154] alone is sufficient. The Doctrine of S. Austin alone brought in the festivall and veneration of the assumption of the blessed Virgin, and the hard sentence passed at Rome upon unbaptized Infants and the Dominican opinion concerning predetermination, derived from him alone as from their Originall: so that if a Fa­ther speaks for them, it is wonderfull to see what Tragedies are stirred up against them that dissent, as is to be seen in that excellent nothing of Campian's ten reasons. But if the Fathers be against them, then Patres in quibusdam non leviter lapsi sunt sayes Berllarmine, and constat quosdam ex praecipuis, it is cer­tain the chiefest of them have fouly erred. Nay, Posa, Sal­meron, De verb. Dei l. 3. c. 10. §. dices. and Wadding in the Question of the immaculate con­ception make no scruple to dissent from Antiquity; to preferre new Doctors before the Old, and to justifie themselves, bring instances in which the Church of Rome had determin'd against the Fathers. And it is not excuse enough to say that singly the Fathers may erre, but if they concurre they are certain Testi­mony. For there is no question this day disputed by persons that are willing to be tryed by the Fathers, so generally attested on either side, as some points are which both sides dislike se­verally or conjunctly. And therefore tis not honest for either side to presse the Authority of the Fathers, as a concluding Ar­gument in matter of dispute, unlesse themselves will bee con­tent to submit in all things to the Testimony of an equall number of them, which I am certain neither side will doe.

3. If I should reckon all the particular reasons against the certainty of this topick, it would be more then needs as to this Numb. 3. Question, and therefore I will abstaine from all disparagement of those worthy Personages, who were excellent lights to their severall Dioceses, and Cures. And therefore I will not instance that Clemens Alexandrinus taught that Christ felt no hunger or thirst, but eat only to make demonstration of the verity of his Strom. l. 3. & 6. humane nature: Nor that S. Hilary taught that Christ in his sufferings had no sorrow; nor that Origen taught the paines of Hell not to have an eternall duration: Nor that S. Cyprian taught rebaptization; nor that Athenagoras condemned second marriages; nor that S. John Damascen said, Christ only prayed in appearance, not really and in truth; I will let them all rest [Page 155] in peace, and their memories in honour; for if I should enquire into the particular probations of this Article, I must doe to them as I should be forced to doe now; if any man should say that the Writings of the School-men were excellent Argu­ment and Authority to determine mens perswasions; I must consider their writings, and observe their defaillances, their contradictions, the weaknesse of their Arguments, the mis-alle­gations of Scripture, their inconsequent deductions, their false opinions, and all the weaknesses of humanity, and the failings of their persons, which no good man is willing to doe, unlesse he be compel'd to it by a pretence that they are infallible, or that they are followed by men even into errors or impiety. And therefore since there is enough in the former instances, to cure any such misperswasion and prejudice, I will not instance in the innumerable particularities that might perswade us to keep our Liberty intire or to use it discreetly. For it is not to be deny­ed but that great advantages are to be made by their writings, & probabile est quod omnibus, quod pluribus, quod sapientibus vi­detur; If one wise man sayes a thing, it is an Argument to me to believe it in its degree of probation, that is, proportionable to such an assent as the Authority of a wise man can produce, and when there is nothing against it that is greater; and so in proportion higher and higher as more wise men (such as the old Doctors were) doe affirm it. But that which I complain of is that we look upon wise men that lived long agoe with so much veneration and mistake, that we reverence them not for having been wise men, but that they lived long since. But when the Question is concerning Authorty, there must bee something to build it on; a Divine Commandment, humane Sanction, excellency of spirit, and greatnesse of understanding, on which things all humane Authority is regularly built. But now if we had lived in their times (for so we must look upon them now, as they did who without prejudice beheld them) I suppose we should then have beheld them, as we in England look on those Prelates, who are of great reputation for lear­ning and sanctity; here only is the difference; when persons are living, their authority is depressed by their personall defail­lances, and the contrary interests of their contemporaries, [Page 156] which disband when they are dead, and leave their credit intire upon the reputation of those excellent books, and monuments of learning and piety which are left behind: But beyond this why the Bishop of Hippo shall have greater Authority then the Bishop of the Canaries, caeteris paribus, I understand not. For did they that liv'd (to instance) in S. Austine's time believe all that he wrote? If they did, they were much too blame, or else himselfe was too blame for retracting much of it a little before his death; And if while he lived, his affirmative was no more Authority, then derives from the credit of one very wise man, against whom also very wise men were opposed; I know not why his Authority should prevaile further now; For there is nothing added to the strength of his reason, since that time, but only that he hath been in great esteem with po­sterity: And if that be all, why the opinion of the following Ages, shall be of more force then the opinion of the first Ages, against whom S. Austin in many things clearly did oppose him­selfe, I see no reason; or whether the first Ages were against him or no, yet that he is approved by the following Ages is no better Argument; for it makes his Authority not to be innate, but derived from the opinion of others, and so to be precaria, and to depend upon others, who if they should change their opinions, and such examples there have been many, then there were nothing left to urge our consent to him; which when it was at the best, was only this, because he had the good Fortune to be believed by them that came after, he must be so still; and because it was no Argument for the old Doctors before him, this will not be very good in his behalfe: The same I say of any company of them, I say not so of all of them, it is to no purpose to say it, for there is no Question this day in contesta­tion, in the explication of which all the old Writers did consent: In the assignation of the Canon of Scripture, they never did consent for six hundred yeares together, and then by that time the Bishops had agreed indiffently well, and but indifferently, upon that, they fell out in twenty more; and except it be in the Apostels Creed, and Articles of such nature, there is no­thing which may with any colour be called a consent, much lesse Tradition Universall.

[Page 157] 4. But I will rather chuse to shew the uncertainty of this Numb. 4. Topick by such an Argument, which was not in the Fathers power to help, such as makes no invasion upon their great re­putation, which I desire should be preserved as sacred as it ought. For other things, let who please read Mr Daillè du vray usage des Peres; But I shall only consider that the Writings of the Fathers have been so corrupted by the intermixture of Hereticks, so many false books put forth in their names, so many of their Writings lost which would more clearly have explicated their sense, and at last an open profession made and a trade of making the Fathers speak, not what themselves thought, but what other men pleased, that it is a great instance of God's providence and care of his Church, that we have so much good preserved in the Writings which we receive from the Fathers, and that all truth is not as clear gone, as is the certainty of their great Authority and reputation.

The publishing books with the inscription of great names be­gan in S. Paul's time; for some had troubled the Church of Numb. 5. Thessalonica with a false Epistle in S. Paul's name against the inconvenience of which he arms them in 2 Thess. 2. 1. And this increased daily in the Church. The Arrians wrot an Epistle to Constantine, under the name of Athanasius, and the Eutychi­ans Apolog. Atha­nas. ad Con­stant. wrot against Cyrill of Alexandria under the name of Theo­doret; and of the Age in which the seventh Synod was kept, Erasmus reports, Libris falso celebrium virorum titulo commen­datis Vid. Baron. A. D. 553. scatere omnia. It was then a publike businesse, and a trick not more base then publick: But it was more ancient then so, and it is memorable in the books attributed to S. Basil, contain­ing thirty Chapters de Spiritu Sancto, whereof fifteen were plainly added by another hand under the covert of S. Basil, as appears in the difference of the stile, in the impertinent digressi­ons, against the custome of that excellent man, by some passages contradictory to others of S. Basil, by citing Meletius as dead before him, who yet lived three Vid. Baron, in Annal. years after him, and by the very frame and manner of the discourse; and yet it was so hand­somly carried, and so well serv'd the purposes of men, that it was quoted under the title of S. Basil by many, but without naming the number of chapters, and by S. John Damascen in [Page 158] these words, Basilius in opere triginta capitum de Spiritu S. ad Amphilochium, and to the same purpose, and in the number L [...]. de imagin. orat. 1. of 27 & 29. chapters he is is cited by Nomocan. tit. 1. cap. 3. Photius, by Euthymius, by Burchard, by Zonaras, Balsamon and Nicephorus; but for this see more in Erasmu's his Preface upon this book of S. Basil. There is an Epistle goes still under the name of S. Hierom ad Demetria­dem vi [...]ginem, and is of great use in the Question of Predesti­nation, with its appendices, and yet a very V. Beda. de gratiâ Christi adv. Iulianum. learned man 800 yeares agone did believe it to be written by a Pelagian, and un­dertakes to confute divers parts of it, as being high and confi­dent Pelagianisme, and written by Julianus Episc. Eclanensis, but Gregorius Ariminensis from S. Austin affirmes it to have been written by Pelagius himselfe. I might instance in too many; Greg. Arim. in 2. sent. dist. 26. q. 1. a. 3. There is not any one of the Fathers who is esteemed Author of any considerable number of books, that hath escaped un­touched; But the abuse in this kinde hath been so evident that now if any interessed person of any side be pressed with an Authority very pregnant against him, he thinks to escape by accusing the Edition, or the Author, or the hands it passed through, or at last he therefore suspects it, because it makes against him; both sides being resolv'd that they are in the right, the Authorities that they admit, they will believe not to be against them; and they which are too plainly against them, shall be no Authorities: And indeed the whole world hath been so much abused that every man thinks he hath reason to suspect whatsoever is against him, that is, what he please; which prooceeding only produces this truth, that there neither is nor can be any certainty, nor very much probability in such Allegations.

But there is a worse mischiefe then this, besides those very many which are not yet discovered, which like the pestilence Numb. 6. destroyes in the dark, and growes into inconvenience more in­sensibly and more irremediably, and that is, corruption of parti­cular places, by inserting words and altering them to contrary senses: A thing which the Fathers of the sixth Generall Synod complain'd of concerning the constitutions of S. Clement, quibus jam olim ab iis qui à sidè aliena sent iunt adulterina quaedam etiam pietate aliena introducta sunt quae divinorum nobis Decretorum Can. 2. [Page 159] elegantem & venustam speciem obscurarunt: And so also have his Recognitions, so have his Epistles been used, if at least they were his at all, particularly the fifth Decretall Epistle that goes under the name of S. Clement, in which community of Wives is taught upon the Authority of S. Luke saying the first Christians had all things common; if all things, then Wives also sayes the Epistle; a forgery like to have been done by some Nicolaitan, or other impure person: There is an Epistle of Cyrill extant to Successus Bishop of Diocaesarea, in which he relates that hee was ask'd by Budus Bishop of Emessa, whe­ther he did approve of the Epistle of Athanasius to Epictetus Bishop of Corinth, and that his answer was, Si haec apud vos scripta non sint adultera: Nam plura ex his ab hostibus Ecclesiae Euseb. l. 4. c. 23. deprehenduntur esse depravata: And this was done even while the Authors themselves were alive; for so Dionysius of Corinth complan'd that his writings were corrupted by Hereticks, and Pope Leo, that his Epistle to Flavianus was perverted by the Greeks: And in the Synod of Constantinople before quoted (the Act. 8. vid. eti­am. Synod 7. act. 4. sixth Synod) Macarius and his Disciples were convicted quod Sanctorum testimonia aut truncârint aut depravârint: Thus the third Chapter of S. Cyprians book de unitate Ecclesiae in the Edition of Pamelius suffered great alteration: These words [Primatus Petro datur] wholly inserted, and these [super Ca­thedram Petri fundata est Ecclesia] and whereas it was before, super unum aedificat Ecclesiam Christus, that not being enough they have made it super [illum] unum. Now these Additions are against the faith of all old Copies, before Minutius and Pame­lius, and against Gratian, even after himselfe had been chastiz'd by the Roman Correctors, the Commissaries of Gregory XIII, as is to be seen where these words are alledged, Decret. c. 24. Q. 1. can. loquitur Dominus ad Petrum. So that we may say of Cyprians works as Pamelius himself said concerning his writings and the writings of other of the Fathers, unde colligimus (saith he) Cypriani scripta ut & aliorum Veterum à librariis variè fuisse Annot. Cypri­an. super. Con­cil. Carthage. n. 1. interpolata. But Gratian himselfe could doe as fine a feat when he listed, or else some body did it for him, and it was in this very Question, their beloved Article of the Popes Supremacy; for de paenit. dist. 1. c. potest fieri. he quotes these words out [Page 160] of S. Ambrose, Non habent Petri haereditatem qui non habent Pe­tri sedem; sidem, not sedem, it is in S. Ambrose; but this errour was made authentick by being inserted into the Code of the Law of the Catholick Church; and considering how little notice the Clergy had of Antiquity, but what was transmitted to them by Gratian, it will be no great wonder that all this part of the world swallowed such a bole and the opinion that was wrapped in it. But I need not instance in Gratian any further, but referre any one that desires to be satisfied concerning this Collection of his, to Augustinus Archbishop of Tarracon in emendatione Gra­tiani, where he shall find fopperies and corruptions good store noted by that learned man: But that the Indices Expurgatorii Vid. Ind. Ex­purg. Belg. in Bertram. & Flandr. Hispan. Portugal. Neo­politan. Roma­num. lunium in praefat. ad Ind. Expurg. Belg. Hasen muslerum, pag. 275. Withring­ton. Apolog. num. 449. commanded by Authority, and practised with publike license professe to alter and correct the sayings of the Fathers, and to reconcile them to the Catholike sense by putting in and lea­ving out, is so great an Imposture, so unchristian a proceeding, that it hath made the faith of all books and all Authors justly to be suspected; For considering their infinite diligence and great opportunity, as having had most of the Copies in their own hands, together with an unsatisfiable desire of prevailing in their right or in their wrong, they have made an absolute de­struction of this Topick, and when the Fathers speak Videat Lector Andream Cri­stovium in Bel­lo Iesuitico, & Ioh. Rei­nolds in hbr. de idol. Rom. Latine, or breathe in a Roman Diocese, although the providence of God does infinitely over-rule them, and that it is next to a miracle that in the Monuments of Antiquity, there is no more found that can pretend for their advantage then there is, which indeed is infinitely inconsiderable: Yet our Questions and uncertainties are infinitely multiplȳed in stead of a proba­ble and reasonable determination. For since the Latines al­wayes complain'd of the Greeks for privately corrupting the Ancient Records both of Councels and Vid. Ep. Ni­colai ad Mi­chael. Imperat. Fathers, and now the Latines make open profession not of corrupting, but of cor­recting their writings (that's the word) and at the most it was but a humane authority, and that of persons not alwayes lear­ned, and very often deceiv'd; the whole matter is so un­reasonable, that it is not worth a further disquisition. But if any one desires to enquire further, he may be satisfied in Erasmus, in Henry and Robert Stephens, in their Prefaces [Page 161] before the Editions of Fathers, and their Observations upon them: in Bellarmine de script. Eccles. in Dr. Reynolds, de libris A­pocryphis, in Scaliger, and Robert Coke of Leedes in Yorkeshire, in his Book De censura Patrum.

SECT. IX.

Of the incompetency of the Church in its diffusive capacity to be judge of Controversies, and the impertinency of that pretence of the Spirit.

ANd now after all these considerations of the severall To­picks, Numb. 1. Tradition, Councels, Popes and ancient Doctors of the Church, I suppose it will not be necessary, to consider the au­thority of the Church apart. For the Church either speaks by Tradition, or by a representative body in a Councel, by Popes, or by the Fathers: for the Church is not a Chimaera, not a shadow, but a company of men beleeving in Jesus Christ, which men ei­ther speak by themselves immediately, or by their Rulers, or by their proxies and representatives; now I have considered it in all senses but in its diffusive capacity; in which capacity she cannot be supposed to be a Judge of Controversies, both because in that capacity she cannot teach us, as also because if by a Judge we mean all the Church diffused in all its parts and members, so there can be no controversie, for if all men be of that opinion, then there is no question contested; if they be not all of a mind, how can the whole diffusive Catholike Church be pretended in defiance of any one article, where the diffusive Church being divided, part goes this way, and part another? But if it be said, the greatest part must carry it; Besides that it is impossible for us to know which way the greatest part goes in many questions, it is not alwaies true that the greater part is the best, sometimes the contrary is most cer­tain, and it is often very probable, but it is alwayes possible. And when paucity of followers was objected to Liberius, he gave this in answer, There was a time when but three Children of the Cap­tivity Theod. l. 2. c. 16. hist. resisted the Kings Decree. And Athanasius wrote on pur­pose against those that did judge of truth by multitudes, and in­deed Tom. 2. it concerned him so to doe, when he alone stood in the gap against the numerous armies of the Arrians.

[Page 162] But if there could in this case be any distinct consideration of Numb. 2. the Church, yet to know which is the true Church is so hard to be found out, that the greatest questions of Christendome are jud­ged before you can get to your Judge, and then there is no need of him. For those questions which are concerning the Judge of questions must be determined before you can submit to his judge­ment, and if you can your selves determine those great questions which consist much in universalities, then also you may determine the particulars as being of less difficulty. And he that considers how many notes there are given to know the true Church, no less then 15. by Bellarmine, and concerning every one of them almost whether it be a certaine note or no there are very many questi­ons and uncertainties, and when it is resolved which are the notes, there is more dispute about the application of these notes then of the [...], will quickly be satisfied that he had better sit still then to goe round about a difficult and troublesome passage, and at last get no further, but returne to the place from whence he first set out. And there is one note amongst the rest, Holiness of Doctrine, that is, so as to have nothing false either in Doctrina fidei or morum, (for so Bellarmine explicates it) which supposes all your Controversies, judged before they can be tryed by the authority of the Church, and when we have found out all true Doctrine (for that is necessary to judge of the Church by, that as Saint Austin's councell is Ecclesiam in verbis Christi investigemus) then we are bound to follow because we judge it true, not because the Church hath said it, and this is to judge of the Church by her Doctrine, not of the Doctrine by the Church. And indeed it is the best and only way; But then how to judge of that Doctrine will be afterwards inquired into. In the meane time, the Church, that is, the Governours of the Churches are to judge for themselves, & for all those who cannot judge for them­selves. For others, they must know that their Governours judge for them too, so as to keepe them in peace and obedience, though not for the determination of their private perswasions. For the Oeconomy of the Church requires that her authority be received by all her children. Now this authority is divine in its originall, for it derives immediately from Christ, but it is humane in its mi­nistration. We are to be lead like men not like beasts; A rule is [Page 163] prescribed for the guides themselves to follow, as we are to fol­low the guides; and although in matters indeterminable or am­biguous the presumption lyes on behalfe of the Governours, (for we do nothing for authority if we suffer it not to weigh that part down of an indifferency and a question which she chooses) yet if there be error manifestus, as it often happens, or if the Church-Governours themselves be rent into innumerable sects, as it is this day in Christendome, then we are to be as wise as we can in choosing our guides, and then to follow so long as that reason re­mains for which we first chose them. And even in that Govern­ment which was an immediate sanction of God, I mean the Ec­clesiasticall government of the Synagogue, where God had con­sign'd the High-Priests authority with a menace of death to them that should disobey, that all the world might know the meaning and extent of such precepts, and that there is a limit beyond which they cannot command, and we ought not to obey: it came once to that pass, that if the Priest had been obeyed in his Conciliary decrees, the whole Nation had been bound to beleeve the con­demnation of our blessed Saviour to have been just, and at ano­ther time the Apostles must no more have preached in the name of JEsus. But here was manifest error. And the case is the same to every man that invincibly and therefore innocently beleeves it so. Deo potius quàm hominibus is our rule in such cases. For al­though every man is bound to follow his guide, unless he beleeves his guide to mislead him; yet when he sees reason against his guide, it is best to follow his reason: for though in this he may fall into error, yet he will escape the sin; he may doe violence to truth, but never to his own conscience; and an honest error is better then an hypocriticall profession of truth, or a violent lu­xation of the understanding, since if he retains his honesty and simplicity, he cannot erre in a matter of faith or absolute neces­sity: Gods goodness hath secur'd all honest and carefull persons from that; for other things, he must follow the best guides he can, and he cannot be obliged to follow better then God hath given him.

And there is yet another way pretended of infallible Numb. 3. Expositions of Scripture; and that is, by the Spirit. But of this I shall say no more, but that it is impertinent as to this question. [Page 164] For put case the Spirit is given to some men enabling them to expound infallibly, yet because this is but a private assistance, and cannot be proved to others, this infallible assistance may de­termine my own assent, but shall not inable me to prescribe to o­thers, because it were unreasonable I should, unless I could prove to him that I have the Spirit, and so can secure him from being deceived, if he relyes upon me. In this case I may say as S. Paul in the case of praying with the Spirit, He verily giveth thanks well, but the other is not edified. So that let this pretence be as true as it will, it is sufficient that it cannot be of consideration in this question.

The result of all is this; Since it is not reasonable to limit and prescribe to all mens understandings by any externall rule in the Numb. 4. interpretation of difficult places of Scripture which is our rule: Since no man nor company of men is secure from error, or can secure us that they are free from malice, interest and design; and since all the wayes by which we usually are taught, as Tradition, Councels, Decretals, &c. are very uncertain in the matter, in their authority, in their being legitimate and naturall, and many of them certainly false, and nothing certain but the divine autho­rity of Scripture, in which all that is necessary is plain, and much of that that is not necessary is very obscure, intricate and involv'd, either we must set up our rest, onely upon articles of faith, and plain places, and be incurious of other obscurer revelations, (which is a duty for persons of private understandings, and of no publike function) or if we will search further (to which in some measure the guides of others are obliged) it remains we inquire how men may determine themselves, so as to doe their duty to God, and not to diserve the Church, that every such man may doe what he is bound to, in his personall capacity, and as he re­lates to the publike as a publike minister.

SECT. X.

Of the authority of Reason, and that it proceeding upon best grounds is the best judge,

HEre then I consider, that although no man may be trusted to judge for all others, unless this person were infallible and Numb. 1. authorized so to doe, which no man nor no company of men is, yet every man may be trusted to judge for himself, I say every man that can judge at all, (as for others they are to be saved as it pleaseth God) but others that can judge at all must either choose their guides who shall judge for them, (and then they of­tentimes doe the wisest, and alwayes save themselves a labour, but then they choose too) or if they be persons of greater under­standing, then they are to choose for themselves in particular, what the others doe in generall, and by choosing their guide; and for this any man may be better trusted for himselfe then any man can be for another: For in this case his own interest is most con­cerned; and ability is not so necessary as honesty, which certain­ly every man will best preserve in his owne case, and to himselfe, (and if he does not, it is he that must smart for't) and it is not required of us not to be in errour, but that we endeavour to a­void it.

2. He that followes his guide so far as his reason goes along with him, or which is all one, he that followes his owne reason Numb. 2. (not guided onely by naturall arguments, but by divine revelation, and all other good meanes) hath great advantages over him that gives himselfe wholly to follow any humane guide whatsoever, because he followes all their reasons and his own too; he follows them till reason leaves them, or till it seemes so to him, which is all one to his particular, for by the confession of all sides, an erro­neous Conscience binds him, when a right guide does not bind him. But he that gives himselfe up wholly to a guide is often­times (I meane, if he be a discerning person) forc'd to doe vio­lence to his own understanding, and to lose all the benefit of his owne discretion, that he may reconcile his reason to his guide. And of this we see infinite inconveniences in the Church of Rome, [Page 166] for we finde persons of great understanding, oftentimes so amused with the authority of their Church, that it is pity to see them sweat in answering some objections, which they know not how to doe, but yet beleeve they must, because the Church hath said it. So that if they reade, study, pray, search records, and use all the means of art and industry in the pursuite of truth, it is not with a resolution to follow that which shall seem truth to them, but to confirm what before they did beleeve: and if any argument shall seeme unanswerable against any Article of their Church, they are to take it for a temptation, not for an illumination, and they are to use it accordingly: which makes them make the De­vill to be the Author of that which Gods Spirit hath assisted them to find in the use of lawfull means and the search of truth. And when the Devill of falshood is like to be cast out by Gods Spirit, they say that it is through Beelzebub; which was one of the worst things that ever the Pharisees said or did: And was it not a plain stifling of the just and reasonable demands made by the Emperour, by the Kings of France and Spaine, and by the a­blest Divines among them which was used in the Councell of Trent, when they demanded the restitution of Priests to their li­berty of marriage, the use of the Chalice, the Service in the vul­gar Tongue, and these things not onely in pursuance of Truth, but for other great and good ends, even to take away an infinite scandall and a great schisme? And yet when they themselves did profess it, and all the world knew these reasonable demands were denyed meerly upon a politick consideration, yet that these things should be fram'd into articles, and decrees of faith, and they for ever after bound not onely not to desire the same things, but to think the contrary to be divine truths: never was Reason made more a slave or more useless. Must not all the world say, either they must be great hypocrites, or doe great violence to their understanding, when they not onely cease from their claim, but must also beleeve it to be unjust? If the use of their reason had not been restrained by the tyrannie & imperiousness of their guide, what the Emperour, and the Kings, and their Theologues would have done, they can best judge who consider the reasona­bleness of the demand, and the unreasonableness of the denyall. But we see many wise men who with their Optandum esset ut Ec­clesia [Page 167] licentiam daret, &c. proclaime to all the world, that in some things they consent and doe not consent, and doe not heartily be­leeve what they are bound publickly to profess and they them­selves would cleerly see a difference, if a contrary decree should be fram'd by the Church, they would with an infinite greater con­fidence rest themselves in other propositions then what they must beleeve as the case now stands, and they would find that the au­thority of a Church is a prejudice as often as a free and modest use of reason is a temptation.

3. God will have no man pressed with anothers inconvenien­ces in matters spirituall and intellectuall, no mans salvation to de­pend Numb. 3. upon another, and every tooth that eats sowre grapes shall be set on edge for it selfe, and for none else: and this is remarka­ble in that saying of God by the Prophet, If the Prophet ceases to Ezek. 33. tell my people of their sins, and leads them into error, the people shall die in their sins, and the blood of them I will require at the hands of that Prophet: Meaning, that God hath so set the Prophets to guide us, that we also are to follow them by a voluntary assent by an act of choice and election. For although accidentally and occasionally the sheep may perish by the shepherds fault, yet that which hath the chiefest influence upon their finall condition, is their owne act and election, and therefore God hath so appoin­ted guides to us, that if we perish, it may be accounted upon both our scores, upon our own and the guides too, which sayes plain­ly, that although we are intrusted to our guides, yet we are in­trusted to our selves too. Our guides must direct us, and yet if they faile, God hath not so left us to them, but he hath given us enough to our selves to discover their failings, and our own duties in all things necessary. And for other things we must doe as well as we can. But it is best to follow our guides, if we know nothing better; but if we doe, it is better to follow the pillar of fire, than a pillar of cloud, though both possibly may lead to Ca­naan: But then also it is possible that it may be otherwise. But I am sure if I doe my own best, then if it be best to follow a Guide, and if it be also necessary, I shall be sure by Gods grace and my own endeavour, to get to it; But if I without the particular in­gagement of my own understanding, follow a guide, possibly I may be guilty of extream negligence, or I may extinguish Gods [Page 168] Spirit, or doe violence to my own reason. And whether intrust­ing my self wholly with another, be not a laying up my talent in a napkin, I am not so well assured. I am certain the other is not. And since another mans answering for me will not hinder, but that I also shall answer for my self; as it concerns him to see he does not wilfully misguide me, so it concerns me to see that he shall not if I can help it, if I cannot it will not be required at my hands: whether it be his fault, or his invincible error, I shall be charg'd with neither.

4. This is no other then what is enjoyned as a duty. For since Numb. 4. God will be justified with a free obedience, and there is an obe­dience of understanding as well as of will and affection, it is of great concernment, as to be willing to beleeve what ever God sayes, so also to enquire diligently whether the will of God be so as is pretended. Even our acts of understanding are acts of choice, Mat. 15. 10. Joh. 5. 40. 1 Joh. 4. 1. Ephes. 5. 17. Luk. 24. 25. Rom. 3. 11. 1. 28. Apoc. 2. 2. Act. 17. 11. and therefore it is commanded as a duty, to search the Scriptures, to try the spirits whether they be of God or no, of our selves to be able to judge what is right, to try all things, and to retaine that which is best. For he that resolves not to consider, resolves not to be care­full whether he have truth or no, and therefore hath an affection indifferent to truth or falshood, which is all one as if he did choose amiss; and since when things are truly propounded and made reasonable and intelligible we cannot but assent, and then it is no thanks to us; we have no way to give our wills to God in matters of beliefe, but by our industry in searching it and exa­mining the grounds upon which the propounders build their di­ctates. And the not doing it is oftentimes a cause that God gives a man over [...], into a reprobate and undiscerning mind and understanding.

5. And this very thing (though men will not understand it) is Numb. 5. the perpetuall practice of all men in the world that can give a reasonable account of their faith. The very Catholike Church it selfe is rationabilis & ubi (que) diffusa, saith Optatus, reasonable, as Lib. 3. well as diffused, every where. For take the Proselites of the Church of Rome, even in their greatest submission of understan­ding, they seem to themselves to follow their reason most of all. For if you tell them, Scripture and Tradition are their rules to follow, they will beleeve you when they know a reason for it, [Page 169] and if they take you upon your word, they have a reason for that too, either they beleeve you a learned man, or a good man, or that you can have no ends upon them, or something that is of an equall height to fit their understandings. If you tell them they must beleeve the Church, you must tell them why they are bound to it, and if you quote Scripture to prove it, you must give them leave to judge, whether the words alledged speak your sense or no, and therefore to dissent if they say no such thing. And al­though all men are not wise, and proceed discreetly, yet all make their choice some way or other. He that chooses to please his fancie takes his choice as much as he that chooses prudently. And no man speaks more unreasonably, then he that denyes to men the use of their Reason in choice of their Religion. For that I may by the way remove the common prejudice, Reason and Authori­ty are not things incompetent or repugnant, especially when the Authority is infallible and supreme: for there is no greater rea­son in the world then to beleeve such an authority. But then we must consider, whether every authority that pretends to be such, is so indeed. And therefore Deus dixit, ergo hoc verum est, is the greatest demonstration in the world for things of this nature. But it is not so in humane dictates, and yet reason and humane authority are not enemies. For it is a good argument for us to fol­low such an opinion, because it is made sacred by the authority of Councells and Ecclesiasticall Tradition, and sometimes it is the best reason we have in a question, and then it is to be strictly fol­lowed; but there may also be at other times a reason greater than it that speaks against it, and then the authority must not carry it. But then the difference is not between reason and authority, but between this reason and that, which is greater: for authority is a very good reason, and is to prevaile, unless a stronger comes and disarms it, but then it must give place. So that in this question by [Reason] I doe not meane a distinct Topick, but a transcendent that runs through all Topicks; for Reason, like Logick, is instru­ment of all things else, and when Revelation, and Philosophie, and publick Experience, and all other grounds of probability or demonstration have supplyed us with matter, then Reason does but make use of them; that is, in plain terms, there being so ma­ny wayes of arguing, so many sects, such differing interests, such [Page 170] variety of authority, so many pretences, and so many false be­liefes, it concernes every wise man to consider which is the best argument, which proposition relies upon the truest grounds: & if this were not his only way, why doe men dispute and urge argu­ments, why do they cite Councels & Fathers, why do they alledge Scripture and Tradition, and all this on all sides, and to contrary purposes? If we must judge, then we must use our reason; if we must not judge, why doe they produce evidence? Let them leave disputing and decree propositions magisterially, but then we may choose whether we will believe them or no; or if they say we must believe them, they must prove it, and tell us why. And all these disputes concerning Tradition, Councells, Fathers, &c. are not arguments against or besides reason, but contestations and pretences to the best arguments, and the most certain satisfaction of our reason. But then all these comming into question, submit themselves to reason, that is, to be judged by humane understan­ding, upon the best grounds and information it can receive. So that Scripture, Tradition, Councells, and Fathers, are the evi­dence in a question, but Reason is the Judge: That is, we being the persons that are to be perswaded, we must see that we be perswa­ded reasonably, and it is unreasonable to assent to a lesser evi­dence, when a greater and cleerer is propounded, but of that eve­ry man for himselfe is to take cognisance if he be able to judge, if he be not, he is not bound under the tye of necessity to know any thing of it; that, that is necessary shall be certainly conveyed to him, God that best can, will certainly take care for that; for if he does not, it becomes to be not necessary; or if it should still remain necessary, and he damned for not knowing it, and yet to know it be not in his power, then who can help it? there can be no further care in this business. In other things, there being no ab­solute and prime necessity, we are left to our liberty to judge that way that makes best demonstration of our piety and of our love to God and truth, not that way that is alwayes the best argu­ment of an excellent understanding, for this may be a blessing, but the other onely is a duty.

And now that we are pitch'd upon that way which is most na­turall Numb. 6. and reasonable in determination of our selves rather then of questions, which are often indeterminable, since right reason [Page 171] proceeding upon the best grounds it can, viz. of divine revelati­on and humane authority, and probability is our guide, (Stando in humanis) and supposing the assistance of Gods Spirit (which he never denies them that faile not of their duty in all such things in which he requires truth and certainty) it remaines that we consider how it comes to pass that men are so much deceived in the use of their reason, and choice of their Religion, and that in this account we distinguish those accidents which make error in­nocent from those which make it become a heresie.

SECT. XI.

Of some causes of Errour in the exercise of Reason which are inculpate in themselves.

1. THen I consider, that there are a great many inculpable causes of Errour, which are arguments of humane imper­fections, Numb. 1. not convictions of a sinne. And (1.) the variety of hu­mane understandings is so great, that what is plaine and apparent to one, is difficult and obscure to another; one will observe a consequent from a common principle, and another from thence will conclude the quite contrary. When S. Peter saw the vision of the sheet let downe with all sorts of beasts in it, and a voice say­ing, Surge Petre, macta & manduca, if he had not by a particular assistance beene directed to the meaning of the holy Ghost, pos­sibly he might have had other apprehensions of the meaning of that vision, for to my selfe it seemes naturally to speake nothing but the abolition of the Mosaicall rites, and the restitution of us to that part of Christian liberty which consists in the promiscu­ous eating of meates; and yet besides this, there want not some understandings in the world, to whom these words seeme to give Saint Peter a power to kill hereticall Princes. Me thinkes it is a strange understanding that makes such extractions, but Bozius and Baronius did so. But men may understand what they please, especially when they are to expound Oracles. It was an argu­ment of some wit, but of singularity of understanding, that hap­ned in the great contestation betweene the Missalls of Saint Am­brose and Saint Gregory. The lot was throwne, and God made [Page 172] to be Judge, so as he was tempted to a miracle, to answer a que­stion which themselves might have ended without much trouble. The two Missals were laid upon the Altar, & the Church door shut and sealed. By the morrow Mattins they found S. Gregories Missall torne in pieces (saith the story) and thrown about the Church, but S. Ambrose's open'd and laid upon the Altar in a posture of being read. If I had been to judge of the meaning of this Mira­cle, I should have made no scruple to have said it had been the will of God that the Missall of S. Ambrose which had been anci­ently used, and publickly tryed and approved of, should still be read in the Church, and that of Gregory let alone, it being torn by an Angelicall hand as an argument of its imperfection, or of the inconvenience of innovation. But yet they judg'd it otherwise, for by the tearing and scattering about, they thought it was meant, it should be used over all the world, and that of S. Am­brose read onely in the Church of Millaine. I am more satisfied that the former was the true meaning, then I am of the truth of the story: But we must suppose that. And now there might have been eternal disputings about the meaning of the miracle, and no­thing left to determine, when two fancies are the litigants, and the contestations about probabilities hinc inde. And I doubt not this was one cause of so great variety of opinions in the Primitive Church, when they proved their severall opinions which were my­sterious questions of Christian Theologie, by testimonies out of the obscurer Prophets, out of the Psalmes and Canticles, as who please to observe their arguments of discourse and actions of Councel shall perceive they very much used to doe. Now although mens understandings be not equall, and that it is fit the best un­derstandings should prevaile, yet that will not satisfie the weaker understandings, because all men will not think that another un­derstanding is better then his own, at least not in such a particu­lar, in which with fancy he hath pleased himself. But commonly they that are least able, are most bold, and the more ignorant is the more confident, therefore it is but reason if he would have a­nother beare with him, he also should beare with another, and if he will not be prescribed to, neither let him prescribe to others. And there is the more reason in this; because such modesty is commonly to be desired of the more imperfect; for wise men [Page 173] know the ground of their perswasion, and have their confidence proportionable to their evidence, others have not, but over-act their trifles: and therefore I said it is but a reasonable demand, that they that have the least reason should not be most imperi­ous; and for others it being reasonable enough, for all their great advantages upon other men, they will be soone perswaded to it; for although wise men might be bolder, in respect of the persons of others less discerning, yet they know there are but few things so certaine as to create much boldness and confidence of assertion, If they doe not, they are not the men I take them for.

2. When an action or opinion is commenc'd with zeale and piety against a knowne vice or a vitious person, commonly all the Numb. 2. mistakes of it's proceeding are made sacred by the holiness of the principle, and so abuses the perswasions of good people, that they make it as a Characteristick note to distinguish good per­sons from bad; and then whatever error is consecrated by this means, is therefore made the more lasting, because it is accounted holy, and the persons are not easily accounted hereticks, because they erred upon a pious principle. There is a memorable instance in one of the greatest questions of Christendome, viz. concerning Images. For when Philippicus had espyed the images of the six first Synods upon the front of a Church, he caused them to be pulled down; now he did it in hatred of the sixth Synod: for he being a Monothelite, stood condemn'd by that Synod. The Ca­tholiques that were zealous for the sixth Synod, caused the ima­ges and representments to be put up againe, and then sprung the question concerning the lawfullness of images in Churches; Phi­lippicus and his party strived by suppressing images to do dispa­ragement to the sixth Synod: the Catholiques to preserve the ho­nour Vid. Paulum Diaconum. of the sixth Synod, would uphold images. And then the question came to be changed, and they who were easie enough to be perswaded to pull downe images, were over-awed by a pre­judice against the Monothelites, and the Monothelites striv'd to maintain the advantage they had got by a just and pious pretence against images. The Monothelites would have secur'd their error by the advantage and consociation of a truth, & the other would rather defend a dubious and disputable error, than lose and let [Page 174] goe a certain truth. And thus the case stood, and the successors of both parts were led invincibly. For when the Heresie of the Monothelites disbanded, (which it did in a while after) yet the opinion of the Iconoclasts, & the question of Images grew stron­ger. Yet since the Iconoclasts at the first were Heretiques, not for their breaking Images, but for denying the two wils of Christ, his Divine and his Humane: that they were called Iconoclasts was to distinguish their opinion in the question concerning the Images, but that then Iconoclasts so easily had the reputation of Hereticks, was because of the other opinion which was conjunct in their persons; which opinion men afterwards did not easily distinguish in them, but took them for Hereticks in gross, and whatsoever they held to be hereticall. And thus upon this preju­dice grew great advantages to the veneration of Images, and the persons at first were much to be excused, because they were mis­guided by that which might have abused the best men. And if Epiphanius who was as zealous against Images in Churches as Philippicus or Leo Isaurus, had but begun a publike contestation, and engaged Emperours to have made Decrees against them, Christendom would have had other apprehensions of it, then they had when the Monothelites began it. For few men will endure a truth from the mouth of the Devill, and if the person be suspect­ed, so are his wayes too. And it is a great subtlety of the Devill so to temper truth and falshood in the same person, that truth may lose much of its reputation by its mixture with error, and the error may become more plausible by reason of its conjuncti­on with truth. And this we see by too much experience, for we see many truths are blasted in their reputation, because persons whom we think we hate upon just grounds of Religion, have taught them. And it was plain enough in the case of Maldonat, that said of an explication of a place of Scripture, that it was In cap 6. Io­han. most agreeable to Antiquity, but because Calvin had so expoun­ded it, he therefore chose a new one. This was malice. But when a prejudice works tacitely, undiscernably, and irresistabl [...] of the person so wrought upon, the man is to be pityed, not condemned, though possibly his opinion deserves it highly. And therefore it hath been usuall to discredit doctrines by the personall defaillan­ces of them that preach them: or with the disreputation of that [Page 175] sect that maintains them in conjunction with other perverse do­ctrines. Faustus the Manichee in S. Austin, glories much, that in their Religion God was worshipped purely and without Images. L. 20. c. 3. cont. Faustum Man. L. 1. c. ult. de Imagin. S. Austin liked it well, for so it was in his too, but from hence Sanders concludes, that to pull down Images in Churches was the heresie of the Manichees. The Jews endure no Images, therefore Bellarmine makes it to be a piece of Judaisme to oppose them. He might as well have concluded against saying our prayers, and Church musick, that it is Judaicall, because the Jews used it. And De reliq. SS. l. 2. c. 6. Sect. Nicolaus. he would be loth to be served so himself, for he that had a mind to use such arguments, might with much better probability con­clude against their Sacrament of extreme unction, because when the miraculous healing was ceased, then they were not Catho­liques, but Heretiques that did transferre it to the use of dying persons, (sayes Irenaeus;) for so did the Valentinians: And indeed L. 1. c. 8. adv. haer. this argument is something better then I thought for at first, be­cause it was in Irenaeus time reckoned among the heresies. But there are a sort of men that are even with them, and hate some good things which the Church of Rome teaches, because she who teaches so many errors, hath been the publisher, and is the pra­cticer of those things. I confess the thing is alwayes unreasona­ble, but sometimes it is invincible and innocent; and then may serve to abate the fury of all such decretory sentences, as con­demne all the world but their own Disciples.

3. There are some opinions that have gone hand in hand with Numb. 3. a blessing, and a prosperous profession; and the good success of their defenders hath amused many good people, because they thought they heard Gods voice where they saw Gods hand, and therefore have rushed upon such opinions with great piety and as great mistaking. For where they once had entertain'd a feare of God, and apprehension of his so sensible declaration, such a feare produces scruple, and a scrupulous conscience is alwayes to be pityed, because though it is seldome wise, it is alwayes pious. And this very thing hath prevail'd so farre upon the understandings even of wise men, that Bellarmine makes it a note of the true Church. Which opinion when it prevailes is a ready way to make, that instead of Martyrs all men should prove hereticks or a­postates in persecution; for since men in misery are very suspici­ous, [Page 176] out of strong desires to finde out the cause, that by re­moving it they may be relieved, they apprehend that to be it that is first presented to their fears; and then if ever truth be af­flicted, she shall also be destroyed. I will say nothing in defiance of this fancy, although all the experience in the world sayes it is false, and that of all men Christians should least believe it to be true, to whom a perpetuall crosse is their certain expectation, (and the argument is like the Moone, for which no garment can be fit, it alters according to the success of humane affairs, and in one age will serve a Papist, and in another a Protestant) yet when such an opinion does prevaile upon timerous persons, the malignity of their error (if any be consequent to this fancie, and ta­ken up upon the reputation of a prosperous heresie) is not to be considered simply and nakedly, but abatement is to be made in a just proportion to that feare, and to that appre­hension.

4. Education is so great and so invincible a prejudice, that he Numb. 4. who masters the inconvenience of it, is more to be commended than he can justly be blam'd that complyes with it. For men doe not alwayes call them principles which are the prime fountaines of reason, from whence such consequents naturally flow, as are to guide the actions and discourses of men; but they are princi­ples which they are first taught, which they suckt in next to their milke, and by a proportion to those first principles they usu­ally take their estimate of propositions. For whatsoever is taught to them at first they believe infinitely, for they know nothing to the contrary, they have had no other masters, whose theoremes might abate the strength of their first perswasions, and it is a great advantage in those cases to get possession; and before their first principles can be dislodg'd, they are made habituall and comple­xionall, it is in their nature then to believe them, and this is hel­ped forward very much by the advantage of love and veneration which we have to the first parents of our perswasions. And we see it in the orders of Regulars in the Church of Rome. That opi­nion which was the opinion of their Patron or Founder, or of some eminent Personage of the Institute, is enough to engage all the Order to be of that opinion; and it is strange that all the Dominicans should be of one opinion in the matter of Prede­termination [Page 177] and immaculate conception, and all the Franciscans of the quite contrary, as if their understandings were form'd in a different mold, and furnished with various principles by their ve­ry rule. Now this prejudice works by many principles, but how strongly they doe possess the understanding is visible in that great instance of the affection and perfect perswasion the weaker sort of people have to that which they call the Religion of their Fore­fathers. You may as well charm a feaver asleep with the noise of Optima vati ea quae magno os­sensu, recepta sunt, quorum (que) exempla multa sant, nec ad ra­tionem, sed ad similitudinem vivimus. Sen. Vid. Minut. Fel. octav. bells, as make any pretence of reason against that Religion which old men have intayl'd upon their heirs male so many generations till they can prescribe. And the Apostles found this to be most true in the extremest difficulty they met with, to contest against the rites of Moses, and the long superstition of the Gentiles, which they therefore thought fit to be retain'd, because they had done so formerly, Pergentes non quo eundum est, sed quo itur, and all the blessings of this life which God gave them, they had in conjunction with their Religion, and therefore they beleeved it was for their Religion, and this perswasion was bound fast in them with ribs of iron, the Apostles were forc'd to unloose the whole conjuncture of parts & principles in their understandings, before they could make them malleable and receptive of any im­presses. But the observation and experience of all wise men can justifie this truth. All that I shall say to the present purpose, is this, that consideration is to be had to the weakness of persons when they are prevail'd upon by so innocent a prejudice, and when there cannot be arguments strong enough to over-master an habituall perswasion bred with a man, nourish'd up with him, that alwayes eat at his table, and lay in his bosome, he is not easi­ly to be called Heretique, for if he keeps the foundation of faith, other articles are not so cleerly demonstrated on either side, but that a man may innocently be abused to the contrary. And there­fore in this case to handle him charitably, is but to doe him ju­stice: And when an opinion in minoribus articulis, is entertain'd upon the title and stock of education, it may be the better per­mitted to him, since upon no better stock nor stronger arguments, most men entertain their whole Religion, even Christianity it selfe.

5. There are some persons of a differing perswasion, who there­fore Numb. 5. [Page 178] are the rather to be tolerated, because the indirect practices and impostures of their adversaries have confirmed them, that those opinions which they disavow, are not from God, as being upheld by means not of Gods appointment: For it is no unrea­sonable discourse to say, that God will not be served with a lye, for he does not need one, and he hath means enough to support all those truths which he hath commanded, and hath supplyed eve­ry honest cause with enough for its maintenance, and to contest against its adversaries. And (but that they which use indirect arts will not be willing to lose any of their unjust advantages, nor yet be charitable to those persons, whom either to gain or to undoe, they leave nothing unattempted) the Church of Rome hath much reason not to be so decretory in her sentences against persons of a differing perswasion, for if their cause were entirely the cause of God, they have given wise people reason to suspect it, because some of them have gone to the Devill to defend it. And if it be remembred what tragedies were stirred up against Luther, for saying, the Devill had taught him an argument against the Mass, it will be of as great advantage against them, that they goe to the Devill for many arguments to support not onely the Mass, but the other distinguishing Articles of their Church: I instance in the notorious forging of Miracles, and framing of false and ri­diculous Legends. For the former I need no other instances then what hapned in the great contestation about the immaculate con­ception, when there were Miracles brought on both sides to prove the contradictory parts; and though it be more then pro­bable that both sides play'd the jugglers, yet the Dominicans had the ill luck to be discovered, and the actors burn'd at Berne. But this discovery hapned by providence; for the Dominican opini­on hath more degrees of probability then the Franciscan; is cleerly more consonant both to Scripture and all antiquity, and this part of it is acknowledged by the greatest Patrons them­selves, as Salmeron, Posa and Wadding, yet because they played the knaves in a just question, and used false arts to maintain a true proposition, God Almighty to shew that he will not be served by a lye, was pleased rather to discover the imposture in the right opinion then in the false, since nothing is more dishonourable to God, then to offer a sin in sacrifice to him, and nothing more in­congruous [Page 179] in the nature of the thing, then that truth and falshood should support each other, or that true doctrine should live at the charges of a lye. And he that considers the arguments for each opinion will easily conclude, that if God would not have truth confirmed by a lye, much lesse would he himself attest a lye with a true miracle. And by this ground it will easily follow, that the Franciscan party, although they had better luck then the Dominicans, yet had not more honesty, because their cause was worse, and therefore their arguments no whit the better. And although the argument drawn from miracles is good to attest a holy doctrine, which by its own worth will support it selfe, after way is a little made by miracles, yet of it selfe and by its owne reputation it will not support any fabrick; for instead of pro­ving a doctrine to be true, it makes that the miracles themselves are suspected to be illusions, if they be pretended in behalfe of a doctrine, which we think we have reason to account false. And therefore the Jews did not beleeve Christs doctrine for his Mi­racles, but dis-beleeved the truth of his Miracles, because they did not like his doctrine. And if the holinesse of his doctrine, and the Spirit of God by inspirations and infusions, and by that which Saint Peter calls a surer word of prophecy, had not attested the Divinity both of his Person and his Office, we should have wanted many degrees of confidence which now we have upon the truth of Christian Religion. But now since we are fore-told by this surer word of prophecy, that is, the prediction of Jesus Christ, Vid. Baron. AE. D. 68. n. 22. Philostrat. l. 4. T. 485. com­pend. Cedren. p. 202. that Antichrist should come in all wonders, and signs, and lying miracles, and that the Church saw much of that already verified in Simon Magus, Apollonius Tyaneus, and Manetho, and divers Stapleton. prompt. Moral. pars aestiva, p. 627. Heretiques, it is now come to that passe, that the argument in its best advantage proves nothing so much as that the doctrine which it pretends to prove, is to be suspected, because it was foretold that false doctrine should be obtruded under such pre­tences. But then when not onely true miracles are an insufficient argument to prove a truth since the establishment of Christianity, but that the miracles themselves are false and spurious, it makes that doctrine in whose defence they come, justly to be suspected, because they are a demonstration that the interested persons use all means, leave nothing unattempted to prove their propositi­ons; [Page 180] but since they so faile as to bring nothing from God, but something from the Devill for its justification, it's a great signe that the doctrine is false, because we know the Devill, unlesse it be against his will, does nothing to prove a true proposition that makes against him. And now then those persons who will en­dure no man of another opinion, might doe well to remember how by their exorcismes, their Devils tricks at Lowdon, and the other side pretending to cure mad folkes and persons bewitched, and the many discoveries of their jugling, they have given so much reason to their adversaries to suspect their doctrine, that either they must not be ready to condemne their persons who are made suspicious by their indirect proceeding in attestation of that which they value so high as to call their Religion, or else they must condemne themselves for making the scandall active and effectuall.

As for false Legends, it will be of the same consideration, be­cause Numb. 4. they are false Testimonies of Miracles that were never done, which differs onely from the other as a lye in words from a lye in action, but of this we have witness enough in that decree of Pope Leo X. session the eleventh, of the last Lateran Councell, where he excommunicates all the forgers and inventors of visions and false Miracles, which is a testimony that it was then a pra­ctice so publicke as to need a Law for its suppression; and if any man shall doubt whether it were so or not, let him see the Cen­tum gravamina of the Princes of Germany where it is highly com­plain'd of. But the extreme stupidity and sottishness of the in­ventors of lying stories is so great, as to give occasion to some persons to suspect the truth of all Church [...]. I [...]d. Pelus. story, witness the Le­gend of Lombardy: of the author of which the Bishop of the Ca­naries gives this Testimony, In illo enim libro miraculorum monstra saepius quam vera miracula legas. Hanc homo scripsit ferrei oris, plumbei cordis, animi certe parum severi & prudentis. But I need not descend so low, for Saint Gregory and V. Bede themselves re­ported miracles, for the authority of which they only had the re­port of the common people, and it is not certaine that S. Hierome Vid. L. 11. loc. Theol. cap. 6. had so much in his stories of S. Paul and S. Anthony, and the Fauns and the Satyrs which appear'd to them, and desir'd their Canus ibid. Prayers. But I shall onely by way of eminency, note what Sir [Page 181] Thomas More sayes in his Epistle to Ruthal the Kings Secretary before the Dialogue of Lucian [Philopseudes] that therefore he undertook the translation of that dialogue, to free the world from a superstition that crept in under the face and title of Religion. For such lyes (sayes he) are transmitted to us with such authority that a certaine impostor had perswaded S. Austin, that the very fable which Lucian scoffes, makes sport withall in that Viz. De duo­bus spu inis, al­tero decedente, altero in vi­tam redeunte post viginti di­es; quam in ali is nominibus videt [...]cianus. Vide etiam ar­gumentum Gil­berti Cognati, in Annotat. in hunc Dialog. Dialogue was a reall story, and acted in his owne dayes. The Epistle is worth the reading to this purpose; but he sayes this abuse grew to such a height, that scarce any life of any Saint or Martyr is truly related, but is full of lyes and lying wonders, and some persons thought they served God if they did honour to God's Saints by inventing some prodigious story, or miracle for their reputation. So that now it is no wonder if the most pious men are apt to believe, and the greatest historians are easie enough to report such stories, which serving to a good end, are also consigned by the report of persons, otherwise pious and prudent enough. I will not instance in Vincentius his speculum, Turonensis, Thomas Cantipratanus, John Herolt, Vitae Patrum, nor the revelations of Vid. Palaeot. de sacra sindone, part 1. Epist. ad Lector. Saint Briget though confirmed by two Popes, Martin V. and Boniface IX. even the best and most deliberate amongst them, Lippoman, Surius, Lipsius Bzovius, and Baronius are so full of fa­bles that they cause great disreputation to the other Monuments and records of antiquity, and yet doe no advantage to the cause under which they serve and take pay. They doe no good and much hurt; but yet accidentally they may procure this advantage to charity, since they doe none to faith; that since they have so abused the credit of story that our confidences want much of that support we should receive from her records of antiquity, yet the men that dissent and are scandaliz'd by such proceedings should be excused if they should chance to be afraid of truth that hath put on garments of imposture: and since much violence is done to the truth & certainty of their judging, let none be done to their liberty of judging: since they cannot meet a right guide, let them have a charitable judge. And since it is one very great argument against Simon Magus and against Mahomet that we can prove their miracles to be impostures, it is much to be pittied if timorous and suspitious persons shall invincibly and honestly [Page 182] lesse apprehend a truth which they see conveyed by such a testimo­ny which we all use as an argument to reprove the Mahumetan superstition.

6. Here also comes in all the weaknesses and trifling prejudices which operate not by their own strength, but by advantage taken Numb. 7. from the weaknesse of some understandings. Some men by a Proverb or a common saying are determin'd to the beliefe of a proposition, for which they have no argument better then such a Proverbiall sentence. And when divers of the common People in Jerusalem were ready to yeild their understandings to the be­liefe of the Messias, they were turn'd cleerly from their apprehen­sions by that proverb, looke and see, does any good thing come from Galilee? And this, when Christ comes, no man knowes from whence he is; but this man was knowne of what parents, of what City. And thus the weaknesse of their understanding was abused, and that made the argument too hard for them. And the whole seventh Chapter of Saint Iohns Gospell is a perpetuall instance of the efficacy of such trifling prejudices, and the vanity and weak­nesse of popular understandings. Some whole ages have beene abused by a definition, which being once received, as most com­monly they are upon slight grounds, they are taken for certain­tyes in any science respectively, and for principles, and upon their reputation men use to frame conclusions, which must be false or uncertaine according as the definitions are. And he that hath observ'd anything of the weaknesses of men, and the successions of groundlesse doctrines from age to age, and how seldome definiti­ons which are put into systemes, or that derive from the Fa­thers, or approved among Shool-men are examined by persons of the same interests, will beare me witnesse, how many and great inconveniences presse hard upon the perswasions of men, who are abused and yet never consider who hurt them. Others, and they very many, are lead by authority or examples of Princes, & great personages, Numquis credit ex Principibus? Some by the reputa­tion of one learned man are carryed into any perswasion what­soever. Joh. 7. And in the middle and latter ages of the Church, this was the more considerable, because the infinite ignorance of the Clerks, and the men of the long robe gave them over to be lead by those few guides which were mark'd to them by an eminency, [Page 183] much more then their ordinary: which also did the more amuse them, because most commonly they were fit for nothing but to admire what they understood not; their learning then was in some skill in the Master of the Sentences, in Aquinas or Sco­tus whom they admir'd next to the most intelligent order of An­gels; hence came opinions that made Sects & division of names, Thomists, Scotists, Albertists, Nominalls, Realls, and I know not what monsters of names; and whole families of the same opini­on, the whole institute of an Order being ingag'd to believe ac­cording to the opinion of some leading man of the same Order, as if such an opinion were imposed upon them in vitute sanctae obedientiae. But this inconvenience is greater when the principle of the mistake runs higher, when the opinion is deriv'd from a Pri­mitive man and a Saint, for then it often happens that what at first was but a plain innocent seduction, comes to be made sacred by the veneration which is consequent to the person for having lived long agone; and then, because the person is also since ca­noniz'd, the error is almost made eternall, and the cure despe­rate. These and the like prejudices which are as various as the miseries of humanity or the variety of humane understandings are not absolute excuses, unlesse to some persons, but truly if they be to any, they are exemptions to all, from being pressed with too peremptory a sentence against them, especially if we consider what leave is given to all men by the church of Rome to follow any one probable Doctor in an opinion which is contested a­gainst by many more. And as for the Doctors of the other side, they being destitute of any pretences to an infallible medium to determine questions, must of necessity allow the same liberty to the people, to be as prudent as they can in the choice of a fallible guide; and when they have chosen, if they doe follow him into er­ror, the matter is not so inexpiable for being deceiv'd in using the best guides we had, which guides because themselves were abused, did also against their wills deceive me. So that this prejudice may the easier abuse us, because it is almost like a duty to follow the dictates of a probable Doctor, or if it be over-acted or acciden­tally passe into an inconvenience, it is therefore to be excused because the principle was not ill, unlesse we judge by our event, not by the antecedent probability. Of such men as these it was [Page 184] said by Saint Austin, Caeteram turbam non intelligendi vivacitas, sed Contr. Fund. c. 4. credendi simplicitas tutissimam facit. And Gregory Nazianzen, [...]. The common sort of people are Orat. 21. safe in their not inquiring by their owne industry, and in the sim­plicity of their understanding relying upon the best guides they can get.

But this is of such a nature in which as we may inculpably be deceived, so we may turne it into a vice or a designe, and then Numb. 6. the consequent errors will alter the property, and become here­sies. There are some men that have mens persons in admiration because of advantage, and some that have itching eares, and heap up teachers to themselves. In these and the like cases the authority of a person, and the prejudices of a great re­putation is not the excuse but the fault: And a sinne is so farre from excusing an Errour, that Errour becomes a sinne by reason of it's relation to that sinne as to it's parent and prin­ciple.

SECT. XII.

Of the innocency of Errour in opinion in a pious person.

ANd therefore as there are so many innocent causes of Error, as there are weaknesses within, and harmlesse and unavoyda­ble Numb. 1. prejudices from without, so if ever errour be procured by a vice it hath no excuse, but becomes such a crime, of so much ma­lignity, as to have influence upon the effect and consequent, and by communication makes it become criminall. The Apostles no­ted two such causes: Covetousness & Ambition, the former in them of the Circumcision, and the latter in Diotrephes and Simon Ma­gus; and there were some that were [...] 2 Tim. 3. they were of the long robe too, but they were the she-Disciples, upon whose Consciences some false Apostles had influence by ad­vantage of their wantonness, and thus the three principles of all sinne become also the principles of heresie, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, and the pride of life. And in pursuance of these arts the Devill hath not wanted fuell to set aworke incen­diaries [Page 185] in all ages of the church. The Bishops were alwayes ho­nourable, and most commonly had great revenues, and a Bisho­prick would satisfie the two designs of Covetousnesse and Am­bition, and this hath been the golden apple very often contended for, and very often the cause of great fires in the Church. Thebulis quia rejectus ab Episcopatu Hierosolymitano, turbare coepit Ecclesiam, said Egesippus in Eusebius. Tertullian turn'd Montanist in dis­content for missing the Bishoprick of Carthage after Agrippinus, and so did Montanus himselfe for the same discontent, saith Ni­cephorus. Novatus would have been Bishop of Rome, Donatus of Carthage, Arrius of Alexandria, Aerius of Sebastia, but they all missed, and therefore all of them vexed Christendome. And this was so common a thing, that oftentimes, the threatning the Church with a schisme, or a heresie, was a design to get a Bisho­prick: And Socrates reports of Asterius, that he did frequent the Conventicles of the Arrians; Nam Episcopatum aliquem am­biebat. And setting aside the infirmities of men, and their inno­cent prejudices; Epiphanius makes pride to be the onely cause of heresies, [...], Pride and Prejudice cause them all, the one criminally, the other innocently. And indeed S. Paul does almost make pride the onely cause of heresies, his words can­not be expounded, unlesse it be at least the principall, [...], and consents not to sound words, and the doctrine that is ac­cording to godlinesse, [...].

The summe is this, If ever an opinion be begun with pride, or manag'd with impiety, or ends in a crime; the man turns Here­tique: Numb. 2. but let the error be never so great, so it be not against an Article of Creed, if it be simple and hath no confederation with the personall iniquity of the man, the opinion is as innocent as the person, though perhaps as false as he is ignorant, and therefore shall burne though he himselfe escape. But in these cases and ma­ny more, (for the causes of deception increase by all accidents, and weaknesses, and illusions) no man can give certaine judge­ment upon the persons of men in particular, unlesse the matter of fact and crime be accident and notorious. The man cannot by humane judgement be concluded a heretique, unlesse his opinion be an open recession from plaine demonstrative divine authority [Page 186] (which must needs be notorious, voluntary, vincible and criminal) or that there be a palpable serving of an end accidentall and ex­trinsecall to the opinion.

But this latter is very hard to be discerned, because those acci­dentall and adherent crimes which makes the man a heretique, Numb. 3. in questions not simply fundamentall or of necessary practice, are actions so internall and spirituall, that cognizance can but sel­dome be taken of them. And therefore (to instance) though the opinion of Purgatory be false, yet to beleeve it cannot be heresie, if a man be abused into the beliefe of it invincibly, because it is not a Doctrine either fundamentally false or practically impious, it neither proceeds from the will, nor hath any immediate or di­rect influence upon choice and manners. And as for those other ends of upholding that opinion which possibly its Patrons may have, as for the reputation of their Churches infallibility, for the advantage of Derges, Requiems, Masses, Monthly minds, Anniver­saries, and other offices for the dead, which usually are very profi­table, rich and easie, these things may possibly have sole influences upon their understanding, but whether they have or no God only knowes. If the proposition and article were true, these ends might justly be subordinate and consistent with a true propositi­on. And there are some truths that are also profitable, as the ne­cessity of maintenance to the Clergy, the Doctrine of restitu­tion, giving Almes, lending freely, remitting debts in cases of great necessity: and it would be but an ill argument that the prea­chers of these doctrines speake false, because possibly in these articles they may serve their owne ends. For although De­metrius and the Crafts-men were without excuse for resisting the Preaching of S. Paul, because it was notorious they resist­ed the truth upon ground of profit and personall emoluments, and the matter was confessed by themselves, yet if the Clergie should maintaine their just rites and Revenues which by pious dedications and donatives were long since ascertained upon them, is it to be presumed in order of Law and cha­rity, that this end is in the men subordinate to truth, because it is so in the thing it selfe, and that therefore no judge­ment in prejudice of these truths can be made from that obser­vation?

[Page 187] But if aliunde we are ascertain'd of the truth or falshood of Numb. 4. a proposition respectively, yet the judgement of the personall ends of the men, cannot ordinarily be certaine and judiciall, because most commonly the acts are private, and the purpo­ses internall, and temporall ends may sometimes consist with truth, and whether the purposes of the men make these ends principall or subordinate, no man can judge; and be they how they will, yet they doe not alwayes prove that when they are conjunct with error, that the error was caused by these purposes and cri­minall intentions.

But in questions practicall, the doctrine it selfe and the person Numb. 5. too, may with more ease be reproved, because matter of fact being evident, and nothing being so certaine as the experiments of hu­mane affaires, and these being the immediate consequents of such doctrines, are with some more certainty of observation redargued, then the speculative; whose judgement is of it self more difficult, more remote from matter and humane observation, and with lesse curiosity and explicitenesse declared in Scripture as being of lesse consequence and concernment in order to Gods and Man's great end. In other things which end in notion and ineffective contemplation, where neither the doctrine is malicious, nor the person apparently criminall, he is to be left to the judgement of God, and as there is no certainty of humane judicature in this case, so it is to no purpose it should be judged. For if the person may be innocent with his Error, and there is no rule whereby he can certainly be pronounced, that he is actually criminall; (as it happens in matters speculative.) Since the end of the Command­ment is love out of a pure conscience, and faith unfained; and the Commandment may obtaine its end in a consistence with this simple speculative Errour, Why should men trouble themselves with such opinions, so as to disturbe the publicke charity or the private confidence? Opinions and persons are just so to be jud­ged as other matters and persons criminall. For no man can judge any thing else: it must be a crime, and it must be open, so as to take cognizance, and make true humane judgement of it. And this is all I am to say concerning the causes of heresies, and of the distinguishing rules for guiding of our judgments towards others.

[Page 188] As for guiding our judgements and the use of our reason Numb. 6. in judging for our selves, all that is to be said is reducible to this one proposition. Since errors are then made sinnes when they are contrary to charity or inconsistent with a good life and the honour of God, that judgement is the truest, or at least that opi­nion most innocent that 1. best promotes the reputation of Gods Glory, and 2. is the best instrument of holy life. For in questions and interpretations of dispute, these two analogies are the best to make propositions, & conjectures and determinations. Diligence and care in obtaining the best guides, and the most convenient as­sistances, prayer, and modesty of spirit, simplicity of purposes and intentions, humility and aptnesse to learn, & a peaceable dispositi­on, are therefore necessary to finding out truths, because they are parts of good life, without which our truths will doe us little advantage, and our errours can have no excuse, but with these dispositions as he is sure to find out all that is necessary, so what truth he inculpably misses of, he is sure is therefore not necessary, because he could not finde it when he did his best and his most innocent endeavours. And this I say to secure the persons; because no rule can antecedently secure the proposition in mat­ters disputable. For even in the proportions and explications of this rule there is infinite variety of disputes: And when the dis­pute is concerning free will, one partie denyes it because he be­leeves it magnifies the grace of God, that it workes irresistably; the other affirmes, because he beleeves it engages us upon grea­ter care and piety of our endeavours. The one opinion thinks God reapes the glory of our good actions, the other thinks it charges our bad actions upon him. So in the question of merit, one part chooses his assertion because he thinks it incourages us to doe good works, the other beleeves it makes us proud, and therefore he rejects it. The first beleeves it increases piety, the second beleeves it increases spirituall presumption and vanity. The first thinks it magnifies God's justice, the other thinks it de­rogates from his mercy. Now then, since neither this nor any ground can secure a man from possibility of mistaking, we were infinitely miserable if it would not secure us from punishment, so long as we willingly consent not to a crime, and doe our best endeavour to avoid an errour. Onely by the way, let me observe, [Page 189] that since there are such great differences of apprehension con­cerning the consequents of an article, no man is to be charged with the odious consequences of his opinion. Indeed his doctrine is, but the person is not, if he understands not such things to be consequent to his Doctrine; for if he did, and then avows them, they are his direct opinions, & he stands as chargeable with them as with his first propositions; but if he dis-avowes them, he would certainly rather quit his opinion then avow such errours or impi­eties, which are pretended to be consequent to it, because every man knows that can be no truth, from whence falshood naturally and immediately does derive, and he therefore beleeves his first proposition, because he beleeves it innocent of such errors as are charg'd upon it directly or consequently.

So that now, since no error neither for its selfe nor its conse­quents Numb. 7. is to be charg'd as criminall upon a pious person, since no simple errour is a sin, nor does condemne us before the throne of God, since he is so pittifull to our crimes, that he pardons many de toto & integro, in all makes abatement for the violence of temptation, and the surprizall and invasion of our faculties, and therefore much lesse will demand of us an account for our weak­nesses; and since the strongest understanding cannot pretend to such an immunity and exemption from the condition of men, as not to be deceived and confesse its weaknesse; it remaines we inquire what deportment is to be used towards persons of a dif­fering perswasion, when we are (I doe not say doubtfull of a proposition, but) convinc'd that he that differs from us is in Errour, for this was the first intention, and the last end of this discourse.

SECT. XIII.

Of the deportment to be used towards persons disagreeing, and the reasons why they are not to be punished with death, &c.

FOr although every man may be deceived, yet some are right and may know it too, for every man that may erre, does Numb. 1. not therefore certainly erre, and if he erres because he recedes from his rule, then if he followes it he may doe right, and if ever [Page 190] any man upon just grounds did change his opinion, then he was in the right and was sure of it too, and although confidence is mista­ken for a just perswasion many times, yet some men are confident, and have reason so to be. Now when this happens, the question is what deportment they are to use towards persons that disagree from them, and by consequence are in error.

1. Then no Christian is to be put to death, dismembred, or otherwise directly persecuted for his opinion, which does not Numb. 2. teach impiety or blasphemy. If it plainly and apparently brings in a crime, and himselfe does act it or incourage it, then the matter of fact is punishable according to its proportion or ma­lignity; as if he preaches treason or sedition, his opinion is not his excuse, because it brings in a crime, and a man is never the lesse traitor, because he beleeves it lawful to commit treason; & a man is a murtherer if he kills his brother unjustly, although he thinks he does God good service in it. Matters of fact are equally ju­dicable whether the principle of them be from within or from without: And if a man could pretend to innocence in being se­ditious, blasphemous, or perjur'd by perswading himself it is law­full, there were as great a gate opened to all iniquity, as will en­tertaine all the pretences, the designes, the impostures, and dis­guises of the world. And therefore God hath taken order that all rules concerning matters of fact and good life shall be so cleerely explicated, that without the crime of the man, he cannot be ignorant of all his practicall duty. And therefore the Apo­stles and primitive Doctors made no scruple of condemning such persons for hereticks, that did dogmatize a sinne. He that teaches others to sinne, is worse then he that commits the crime, whether he be tempted by his owne interest, or incouraged by the others doctrine. It was as bad in Basilides to teach it to be lawfull to renounce Faith and Religion, and take all manner of Oathes and Covenants in time of persecution, as if himselfe had done so; nay it is as much worse, as the mischeife is more univer­sall, or as a fountaine is greater then a drop of water taken from it. He that writes Treason in a booke, or preaches Sedition in a Pulpit, and perswades it to the people, is the greatest Traitor and incendiary, and his opinion there is the fountaine of a sinne, and therefore could not be entertain'd in his understanding [Page 191] upon weaknesse, or inculpable or innocent prejudice; he cannot from Scripture or divine revelation have any pretence to colour that so fairely as to seduce either a wise or an honest man. If it rest there and goes no further, it is not cognoscible, and so scapes that way; but if it be published and comes à stylo ad Machae­ram (as Tertullians phrase is) then it becomes matter of fact in principle and in perswasion, and is just so punishable, as is the crime that it perswades: such were they of whom S. Paul com­plaines, who brought in damnable doctrines and lusts. S. Pauls Gal. 5. Utinam abscindantur is just of them, take it in any sense of rigour and severity, so it be proportionable to the crime, or criminall doctrine. Such were those of whom God spake in Deut. 13. If any Prophet tempts to idolatry, saying, let us goe after other Gods, he shall be slaine. But these doe not come into this question. But the proposition is to be understood concerning questions disputa­ble in materiâ intellectuali, which also for all that law of killing, such false Prophets were permitted with impunity in the Syna­gogue, as appeares beyond exception in the great divisions and disputes betweene the Pharisees and the Sadduces. I deny not but certaine and knowne idolatry or any other sort of practi­call impiety with its principiant doctrine may be punished cor­porally, because it is no other but matter of fact, but no matter of meere opinion, no errors that of themselves are not sins are to be persecuted or punished by death or corporall inflictions. This is now to be proved.

2. All the former discourse is sufficient argument how easie it is for us in such matters to be deceived. So long as Christian Re­ligion Numb. 3. was a simple profession of the articles of beliefe, and a hearty prosecution of the rules of good life, the fewnesse of the articles and the clearnesse of the rule, was cause of the seldome prevarication. But when divinity is swell'd up to so great a bo­dy, when the severall questions which the peevishnesse and wantonnesse of sixteene ages have commenc'd, are concentred into one, and from all these questions something is drawne into the body of Theologie till it hath ascended up to the greatnesse of a mountaine, and the summe of Divinity collected by Aquinas, makes a volume as great as was that of Livy mock'd at in the Epigramme,

[Page 192] Quem mea vix totum bibliotheca capit.

It is impossible for any industry to consider so many particu­lars in the infinite numbers of questions as are necessary to be consider'd before we can with certainty determine any. And after all the considerations which we can have in a whole age, we are not sure not to be deceived. The obscurity of some questions, the nicety of some articles, the intricacy of some revelations, the variety of humane understandings, the windings of Logicke, the tricks of adversaries, the subtilty of Sophisters, the ingagement of educations, personall affections, the portentous number of writers, the infinity of authorities, the vastnesse of some argu­ments, as consisting in enumeration of many particulars, the un­certainty of others, the severall degrees of probability, the diffi­culties of Scripture, the invalidity of probation of tradition, the opposition of all exteriour arguments to each other, and their open contestation, the publicke violence done to authors and re­cords, the private arts and supplantings, the falsifyings, the indefa­tigable industry of some men to abuse all understandings, and all perswasions into their owne opinions, these and thousands more, even all the difficulty of things, and all the weaknesses of man & all the arts of the Devill, have made it impossible for any man in so great variety of matter not to be deceived. No man pretends to it but the Pope, and no man is more deceived then he is in that very particular.

3. From hence proceeds a danger which is consequent to this proceeding, for if we, who are so apt to be deceived, & so in­secure Numb. 4. in our resolution of questions disputable, should persecute a dis-agreeing person, we are not sure we doe not fight against God, for if his proposition be true and persecuted, then, because all truth derives from God, this proceeding is against God, and therefore this is not to be done upon Gamaliel's ground, lest per­adventure we be found to fight against God, of which because we can have no security (at least) in this case, we have all the guilt of a doubtfull or an uncertaine Conscience. For if there be no se­curity in the thing as I have largely proved, the Conscience in such cases is as uncertaine as the question is, and if it be not doubt­full where it is uncertaine, it is because the man is not wise, but as confident as ignorant, the first without reason, and the second [Page 193] without excuse. And it is very disproportionable for a man to per­secute another certainly, for a proposition, that if he were wise, he would know is not certaine, at least, the other person may in­nocently be uncertaine of it. If he be kill'd, he is certainly kill'd, but if he be call'd hereticke, it is not so certaine that he is an he­reticke. It were good therefore, that proceedings were accor­ding to evidence, and the rivers not swell over the banks, nor a certaine definitive sentence of death pass'd upon such perswa­sions which cannot certainly be defin'd. And this argument is of so much the more force, because we see that the greatest per­secutions that ever have been, were against truth, even against Christianity it selfe, and it was a prediction of our blessed Saviour, that persecution should be the lot of true beleevers: and if we compute the experience of suffering Christendome, and the pre­diction, that truth should suffer, with those few instances of suffe­ring hereticks, it is odds, but persecution is on the wrong side, and that it is errour and heresie, that is, cruell and tyrannicall, especially since the truth of Jesus Christ, and of his Religion are so meeke, so charitable, and so mercifull: and we may in this case, exactly use the words of S. Paul, But as then, he that was borne after the flesh, persecuted him that was borne after the spirit; even so it is now: and so it ever will be till Christs second coming. Numb. 5.

4. Whoever persecutes a disagreeing person, armes all the Quo comperto illi in nostram pemiciem licen­tiore audacia grassabuntur. S Aug. epist. ad Dona. Pro­cons. & Contr. ep. Fund. ita nunc debeo su­stinére & tan­tâ patientiâ vobiscum agere quantâ mecum egerunt proxi­mi mei cum in vestro dogmate rabiosus ac ca­cus err [...]rem. world against himselfe, and all pious people of his owne perswa­sion, when the scales of authority return to his adversary, and at­test his contradictory; and then, what can he urge for mercy for himselfe, or his party that sheweth none to others? If he sayes, that he is to be spared because he beleeves true, but the other was justly persecuted because he was in errour, he is ridiculous. For he is as confidently beleeved to be a heretick, as he beleeves his adversary such, and whether he be or no, being the thing in questi­on, of this he is not to be his owne judge, but he that hath authority on his side, will be sure to judge against him. So that, what either side can indifferently make use of, it is good that nei­ther would, because neither side can with reason sufficient doe it in prejudice of the other. If a man will say, that every man must take his adventure, and if it happens authority to be with [Page 194] him, he will persecute his adversaries, and if it turnes against him he will bear it as well as he can, and hope for a reward of Martyr­dome, and innocent suffering; besides that this is so equall to be said of all sides, and besides, that this is a way to make an eter­nall disunion of hearts and charities, and that it will make Chri­stendome nothing but a shambles, and a perpetuall butchery, and as fast as mens wits grow wanton, or confident, or proud, or abused, so often there will be new executions and massacres. Besides all this, it is most unreasonable and unjust, as being con­trariant to those Lawes of Justice and Charity, whereby we are bound with greater zeale to spare and preserve an innocent, then to condemne a guilty person, and there's lesse malice and iniquity in sparing the guilty, then in condemning the good. Be­cause it is in the power of men to remit a guilty person to divine judicature, and for divers causes, not to use severity, but in no case is it lawfull, neither hath God at all given to man a power to condemne such persons as cannot be proved other than pious and innocent. And therefore it is better, if it should so happen, that we should spare the innocent person, and one that is actually deceiv'd, then that upon the turn of the wheele, the true believers should be destroyed.

And this very reason, he that had authority sufficient, and ab­solute to make Lawes, was pleased to urge as a reasonable induce­ment Numb. 6. for the establishing of that Law which he made for the in­demnity of erring persons. It was in the parable of the tares ming­led with the good seed in Agro dominico the good seed (Christ himselfe being the interpreter) are the Children of the King­dome, the tares are the children of the wicked one, upon this comes the precept, gather not the tares by themselves, but let them both grow together till the harvest, that is, till the day of Judge­ment. This Parable hath been tortur'd infinitely to make it con­fesse its meaning, but we shall soone dispatch it. All the difficul­ty and variety of exposition is reducible to these two questions; What is meant by [Gather not,] and what by [Tares.] That is, what kind of sword is forbidden, and what kind of persons are to be tolerated. The former is cleare; for the spirituall sword is not forbidden to be used to any sort of criminals, for that would destroy the power of excommunication. The prohibition [Page 195] therefore lyes against the use of the temporall sword, in cutting off some persons. Who they are, is the next difficulty. But by tares, or the children of the wicked one, are meant either persons of ill lives, wicked persons onely in re practicâ, or else another kind of evill persons, men criminall or faulty in re intellectuali. One or other of these two must be meant; a third I know not. But the former cannot be meant, because it would destroy all bodies politique, which cannot consist without lawes, nor lawes without a compulsory and a power of the sword, therefore if criminalls were to be let alone till the day of Judgement, bodies politique must stand or fall ad arbitrium impiorum, and nothing good could be protected, not Innocence it selfe, nothing could be se­cure but violence and tyrannie. It followes then that since a kind of persons which are indeed faulty are to be tolerated, it must be meant of persons faulty in another kind, in which the Gospell had not in other places cleerely established a power ex­ternally compulsory, and therefore since in all actions practically criminall a power of the sword is permitted, here where it is de­nyed must meane a crime of another kind, and by consequence errors intellectuall, commonly call'd heresie. Numb. 7.

And after all this the reason there given confirmes this Vide S. Chry­sost. homil. 47. in Cap. 13. Matth. et. S. August. in­terpretation, for therefore it is forbidden to cut off these tares, lest we also pull up the wheat with them, which is the summe of these two last arguments. For because Heresie is of so nice con­sideration, and difficult sentence, in thinking to root up heresies, Quest. in cap. 13 Mat. S. Cy­prian. Ep. lib. 3 Ep. 1. we may by our S. Hieron. in cap 13. Matth. ait, per hanc parabolam sig­nificari, ne in rebus aub [...]is praecep [...] fiat judicium. mistakes destroy true doctrine, which although it be possible to be done in all cases of practicall question, by mi­stake, yet because externall actions are more discernable then inward speculations and opinions, innocent persons are not so Theophyl. in 13. Matth. easily mistaken for the guilty, in actions criminall, as in matters of inward perswasion. And upon that very reason Saint Martin was zealous to have procured a revocation of a Commission granted to certaine Tribunes to make enquiry in Spaine for sects and opinions; for under colour of rooting out the Priscilia­nists, there was much mischiefe done, and more likely to hap­pen to the Orthodox. For it happened then, as oftentimes since, Pallore potius & veste quam fide haeretieus dijudicari sole­bat aliquando per Tribunos Maximi. They were no good inquisi­tors [Page 196] of hereticall pravity, so Sulpitius witnesses. But secondly, the reason sayes, that therefore these persons are so to be permitted as not to be persecuted, lest when a revolution of humane affaires sets contrary opinions in the throne or chaire, they who were persecuted before, should now them­selves become persecutors of others, and so at one time or o­ther, before or after, the wheat be rooted up, and the truth be persecuted. But as these reasons confirme the Law, and this sense of it, so abstracting from the Law, it is of it selfe conclu­ding by an argument ab incommodo, and that founded upon the Numb. 8. principles of justice, and right reason, as I formerly alledged.

4. We are not onely uncertaine of finding out truths in mat­ters disputable, but we are certaine that the best and ablest Illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt cum quo labore ve­rum invenia­tur, & quam difficilè cave­antur errores. Illi in vos saeviant qui nes­ciunt quam ra­rum et arduum sit carnalia phantasmatae piae mentis se­renitaete supe­vare. Illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt quibus & suspi­riis & gemiti­bus fiat ut ex­quantulācun­que parte possit intelligi Deus. Postremo illi in vos saeviant qui nullo tali errore decepti sunt, quali vos deceptos vi­dent. Doctors of Christendome have been actually deceived in mat­ters of great concernment, which thing is evident in all those instances of persons from whose doctrines all sorts of Christi­ans respectively take liberty to dissent. The errors of Papias, Irenaeus, Lactantius, Iustin Martyr in the Millenary opinion, of Saint Cyprian, Firmilian, the Asian and African Fathers in the question of Re-baptization, Saint Austin in his decretory and un­charitable sentence against the unbaptized children of Christian parents, the Roman or the Greek Doctors in the question of the procession of the holy Ghost, and in the matter of images, are examples beyond exception. [...]. Now if these great personages had been per­secuted or destroyed for their opinions, who should have answered the invaluable losse the Church of God should have sustained in missing so excellent, so exemplary, and so great lights? But then if these persons erred, and by consequence, might have been destroyed, what should have become of others whose understan­ding was lower, and their security lesse, their errors more, and their danger greater? At this rate all men should have passed through the fire, for who can escape, when Saint Cyprian and Saint Austin cannot? Now to say these persons were not to be persecuted because although they had errors, yet none condem­ned by the Church, at that time or before, is to say nothing to the purpose, nor nothing that is true. Not true, because Saint Cypri­ans S. August. Contr. Ep. Fund. error was condemned by Pope Stephen, which in the present [Page 197] sense of the prevailing party in the Church of Rome, is to be con­demned by the Church. Not to the purpose; because it is nothing else but to say that the Church did tolerate their errors. For since those opinions were open and manifest to the world, that the Church did not condemne them, it was either because those opi­nions were by the Church not thought to be errors, or if they were, yet she thought fit to tolerate the error and the erring per­son. And if she would doe so still, it would in most cases be bet­ter then now it is. And yet if the Church had condemned them, it had not altered the case as to this question, for either the per­sons upon the condemnation of their error should have been per­secuted or not. If not, why shall they now, against the instance and precedent of those ages who were confessedly wise & pious, and whose practice are often made to us arguments to follow? If yea, and that they had been persecuted, it is the thing which this argument condemnes, and the losse of the Church had been invaluable in the losing or the provocation and temptation of such rare personages: and the example and the rule of so ill consequence, that all persons might upon the same ground have suffered, and though some had escaped, yet no man could have any more security from punishment then from error.

5. Either the disagreeing person is in error, or not, but a true believer; in either of the cases to persecute him is extremely im­prudent. Numb. 9 For if he be a true beleever, then it is a cleere case that we doe open violence to God, and his servants, and his truth. If he be in error, what greater folly and stupidity then to give to error the glory of Martyrdome, and the advantages which are accidentally consequent to a persecution? For as it was true of the Martyrs Quoties morimur toties nascimur, and the increase of their trouble was the increase of their confidence and the esta­blishment of their perswasions: so it is in all false opinions; for that an opinion is true or false is extrinsecall or accidentall to the consequents and advantages it gets by being afflicted. And there is a popular pity that followes all persons in misery, and that compassion breeds likenesse of affections, and that very often produces likenesse of perswasion; and so much the rather, because there arises a jealousie and pregnant suspicion that they who per­secute [Page 198] an opinion are destitute of sufficient arguments to confute it, and that the hangman is the best disputant. For if those ar­guments which they have for their owne doctrine were a suffici­ent ground of confidence & perswasion, men would be more wil­ling to use those means arguments which are better complyan­ces with humane understanding, which more naturally doe satisfie it, which are more humane and Christian, then that way which satisfies none, which destroyes many, which provokes more, which makes all men jealous. To which adde that those who dye for their opinion, leave in all men, great arguments of the hearti­nesse of their beliefe, of the confidence of their perswasion, of the piety and innocencie of their persons, of the purity of their in­tention and simplicity of purposes; that they are persons totally disinterest, and separate from designe. For no interest can be so great as to be put in balance against a mans life and his soul, & he does very imprudently serve his ends who seeingly & fore-know­ingly loses his life in the prosecution of them. Just as if Titius should offer to dye for Sempronius upon condition he might re­ceive twenty talents when he had done his work. It is certainly an argument of a great love, and a great confidence, and a great sincerity, and a great hope when a man layes downe his life in at­testation of a proposition. Greater love then this hath no man, then to lay downe his life, saith our Blessed Saviour. And although lay­ing of a wager is an argument of confidence more then truth, yet laying such a wager, staking of a mans Soule, and pawning his life gives a hearty testimony that the person is honest, confident, re­signed, Charitable and Noble. And I know not whether truth can doe a person or a cause more advantages, then these can doe to an error. And therefore besides the impiety, there is great im­prudence in Canonizing a hereticke, and consecrating an errour by such meanes, which were better preserv'd as incouragements of truth, and comforts to reall and true Martyrs. And it is not amisse to observe that this very advantage was taken by hereticks who were ready to shew and boast their Catalogues of Martyrs, in particular the Circumcellians did so, and the Donatists, and yet the first were heretickes, the second Schismaticks. And it was remarkeable in the Schollers of Priscillian, who, as they had their Master in the reputation of a Saint while he was living, so when [Page 199] he was dead, they had him in veneration as a Martyr; they with reverence and devotion carryed his, and the bodies of his slaine companions to an honourable sepulture, and counted it Religion to sweare by the name of Priscillian. So that the extinguishing of the person, gives life and credit to his doctrine, and when he is dead he yet speaks more effe­ctually.

6. It is unnaturall and unreasonable to persecute disagreeing opinions. Unnaturall; for Understanding being a thing wholly Numb. 10. spirituall, cannot be restrained, and therefore neither punished by corporall afflictions. It is in alienâ republicâ, a matter of ano­ther world; you may as well cure the colick by brushing a mans clothes, or fill a mans belly with a syllogisme: these things doe not communicate in matter, and therefore neither in action nor passion; and since all punishments in a prudent government punish the offender to prevent a future crime, and so it proves more medicinall then vindictive, the punitive act being in order to the cure and prevention: and since no punishment of the body can cure a disease in the soule, it is disproportionable in nature, and in all civill government, to punish where the punishment can doe no good. It may be an act of tyrannie, but never of ju­stice. For is an opinion ever the more true or false for being per­secuted? Some men have beleeved it the more, as being provo­ked into a confidence, and vexed into a resolution, but the thing it selfe is not the truer, and though the hangman may confute a man with an inexplicable dilemma, yet not convince his under­standing, for such premises can inferre no conclusion, but that of a mans life: and a Wolfe may as well give lawes to the under­standing, as he whose dictates are onely propounded in violence, and writ in bloud. And a dog is as capable of a law as a man, if there be no choice in his obedience, nor discourse in his choice, nor reason to satisfie his discourse. And as it is unnaturall, so it is unreasonable, that Sempronius should force Caius to be of his opinion, because Sempronius is Consul this yeare, and commands the Lictors: As if he that can kill a man cannot but be infallible: and if he be not, why should I doe violence to my conscience, be­cause he can doe violence to my person?

7. Force in matters of opinion can doe no good, but is very Numb. 11. [Page 200] apt to doe hurt; for no man can change his opinion when he will, or be satisfied in his reason that his opinion is false, be­cause discountenanced. If a man could change his opinion when he lists, he might cure many inconveniences of his life: all his feares and his sorrowes would soone disband, if he would but al­ter his opinion, whereby he is perswaded, that such an accident that afflicts him is an evill, and such an object formidable; let him but beleeve himselfe impregnable, or that he receives a bene­fit when he is plundered, disgraced, imprisoned, condemned, and afflicted, neither his sleeps need to be disturbed, nor his quietnesse discomposed. But if a man cannot change his opinion when helists, nor ever does heartily or resolutely but when he cannot do other­wise, then to use force, may make him an hypocrite, but never to be a right beleever, and so instead of erecting a trophee to God and true Religion, we build a Monument for the Devill. Infinite examples are recorded in Church story to this very purpose: But Socrates instances in one for all; for when Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum was threatned by the Emperour Ualens with banish­ment and confiscation, if he did not subscribe to the decree of Ariminum, at last he yeilded to the Arrian opinion, and presently fell into great torment of Conscience, openly at Cyzicum recan­ted the errour, asked God and the Church forgivenesse, and com­plain'd of the Emperours injustice, and that was all the good the Arrian party got by offering violence to his Conscience. And so many families in Spain which are as they call them new Christi­ans, and of a suspected faith, into which they were forc'd by the tyrannie of the Inquisition, and yet are secret Moores, is evidence enough, of the Ejusmodi fuit Hipponensium conversio, cujus quidem species decepit August. ita ut opinare­tur haereticos licet non morte trucidandos vi tamen coer­cendos. Expe­rientiaenim de­monstravit eos tam facile ad Arianismum transiisse at (que) ad Cathelicis­mum, cum Arri­ani Principes rerum in ed ci­vitate petiren­tur. inconvenience of preaching a doctrine in ore gladii cruentandi. For it either punishes a man for keeping a good con­science, or forces him into a bad; it either punishes sincerity, or perswades hypocrisie; it persecutes a truth, or drives into error: and it teaches a man to dissemble and to be safe, but never to be honest.

8. It is one of the glories of Christian Religion, that it was so pious, excellent, miraculous and petswasive, that it came in upon its owne piety and wisdome, with no other force but a torrent Numb. 12. of arguments and demonstration of the Spirit; a mighty rush­ing wind to beat downe all strong holds, and every high thought [Page 201] and imagination; but towards the persons of men it was alwayes full of meeknesse and charity, complyance and toleration, con­descension and bearing with one another, restoring persons over­taken with an error, in the spirit of meeknesse, considering lest we al­so be tempted. The consideration is as prudent, and the proposition as just as the precept is charitable, and the precedent was pious and holy. Now things are best conserved with that which gives it the first being, and which is agreeable to its temper and consti­tution. That precept which it chiefly preaches in order to all the blessednesse in the world, that is, of meekness, mercy and charity, should also preserve it selfe and promote its owne interest. For indeed nothing will doe it so well, nothing doth so excellently in­sinuate it selfe into the understandings and affections of men, as when the actions and perswasions of a sect, and every part and principle and promotion are univocall. And it would be a migh­ty disparagement to so glorious an institution, that in its principle it should be mercifull and humane, and in the promotion and propagation of it so inhumane: And it would be impro­bable and unreasonable that the sword should be used in the perswasion of one proposition, and yet in the perswasion of the whole Religion nothing like it. To doe so, may serve the end of a temporall Prince, but never promote the honour of Christs Kingdome; it may secure a designe of Spaine, but will ve­ry much disserve Christendome, to offer to support it by that which good men believe to be a distinctive cognisance of the Ma­humetan Religion, from the excellencie and piety of Christianity, whose sense and spirit is described in those excellent words of S. Paul, 2 Tim. 2. 24. The servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle unto all men, in meeknesse instructing those that oppose themselves, if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging the truth. They that oppose themselves, must not be strucken by any of Gods servants; and if yet any man will smite these who are his opposites in opinion, he will get nothing by that, he must quit the title of being a servant of God for his paines. And I think a distinction of persons Secular and Ecclesia­sticall will doe no advantage for an escape, because even the Se­cular power if it be Christian, and a servant of God must not be [...], I meane in those cases where [Page 202] meeknesse of instruction is the remedy, or if the case be irremedia­ble, abscission by Censures is the penalty.

9. And if yet in the nature of the thing it were neither unjust Numb. 13. nor unreasonable, yet there is nothing under God Almighty that hath power over the soule of man, so as to command a perswasi­on, or to judge a disagreeing: Humane positive Lawes direct all externall acts in order to severall ends, and the Judges take cog­nisance accordingly, but no man can command the will, or punish him, that obeys the Law against his will: for because its end is served in externall obedience, it neither looks after more, neither can it be served by more, nor take notice of any more. And yet possibly the understanding is lesse subject to humane power then the will, for that humane power hath a command over externall acts which naturally and regularly flow from the will, & ut plu­rimùm suppose a direct act of will, but alwayes either a direct or indirect volition, primary or accidentall; but the understand­ing is a naturall faculty subject to no command, but where the command is it selfe a reason fit to satisfie and perswade it. And therefore God commanding us to beleeve such revelations, per­swades and satisfies the understanding, by his commanding and revealing: for there is no greater probation in the world that a proposition is true, then because God hath commanded us to be­lieve it. But because no mans command is a satisfaction to the understanding, or a verification of the proposition, therefore the understanding is not subject to humane authority. They may per­swade, but not enjoyne where God hath not; and where God hath, if it appeares so to him, he is an Infidell if he does not be­leeve it. And if all men have no other efficacie or authority on the understanding but by perswasion, proposall and intreaty, then a man is bound to assent but according to the operation of the argument, and the energie of perswasion, neither indeed can he, though he would never so faine, and he that out of feare and too much complyance and desire to be safe, shall desire to bring his understanding with some luxation to the beliefe of humane di­ctates and authorities, may as often misse of the truth as hit it, but is sure alwaies to lose the comfort of truth, because he beleeves it upon indirect, insufficient, and incompetent arguments: and as his desire it should be so is his best argument that it is so, so the [Page 203] pleasing of men is his best reward, and his not being condemned and contradicted all the possession of a truth.

SECT. XIIII.

Of the practice of Christian Churches towards persons disagreeing, and when persecution first came in.

ANd thus this truth hath been practiced in all times of Chri­stian Religion, when there were no collaterall designes on foot, nor interests to be served, nor passions to be satisfied. In S. Pauls time, though the censure of heresie were not so loose and forward as afterwards, and all that were called Heretiques were cleerly such, and highly criminall; yet as their crime was, so was, their censure, that is, spirituall. They were first admonished, once at least, for so l. 3. cap. 3. Irenaeus, de pre­script. Tertullian, lib. ad Quirinum. Cyprian, in hunc locum. Am­brose, and ibidem. Hierome read that place of Titus 3. But since that time all men, and at that time some read it, Post unam & alteram admonitionem, reject a Heretique. Rejection from the communion of Saints after two warnings, that's the penalty. Saint John ex­presses it by not eating with them, not bidding them God speed, but the persons against whom he decrees so severely, are such as denyed Christ to become in the flesh, direct Antichrists: and let the sentence be as high as it lists in this case, all that I observe is, that since in so damnable doctrines nothing but spirituall cen­sure, separation from the communion of the faithfull was en­joyned and prescribed, we cannot pretend to an Apostolicall precedent, if in matters of dispute and innocent question, and of great uncertainty and no malignity we should proceed to sen­tence of death.

For it is but an absurd and illiterate arguing, to say that excom­munication is a greater punishment, and killing, a lesse; and there­fore Numb. 2. whoever may be excommunicated may also be put to death (which indeed is the reasoning that Bellarmine uses) for first, ex­communication is not directly, and of it self a greater punishment then corporall death. Because it is indefinite, and incompleat, and in order to a further punishment, which if it happens, then the excommunication was the inlet to it, if it does not, the excom­munication [Page 204] did not signifie halfe so much as the losse of a mem­ber, much lesse, death. For it may be totally ineffectuall, either by the iniquity of the proceeding, or repentance of the person: and in all times and cases it is a medicine if the man please; if he will not, but perseveres in his impiety, then it is himselfe that brings the Censure to effect, that actuates the judgement and gives a sting, and an energy upon that which otherwise would be [...]. Secondly, but when it is at worst, it does not kill the Soule, it onely consignes it to that death which it had deserved, and should have received independently from that sen­tence of the Church. Thirdly, and yet excommunication is to admirable purpose; for whether it referres to the person censured or to others, it is prudentiall in it selfe, it is exemplary to others, it is medicinall to all. For the person censured, is by this meanes threatned into piety, and the threatning made the more energe­ticall upon him because by fiction of Law, or as it were by a Sa­cramentall representment the paines of hell are made presentiall to him; and so becomes an act of prudent judicature, and excel­lent discipline, and the best instrument of spirituall Government: Because the neerer the threatning is reduced to matter, & the more present and circumstantionable it is made, the more operative it is upon our spirits while they are immerged in matter. And this is the full sense and power of excommunication in its direct intention: consequently and accidentally other evills might follow it, as in the times of the Apostles, the censured persons were buffeted by Satan, and even at this day there is lesse security even to the temporall condition of such a person whom his spiri­tuall parents have Anathematiz'd. But besides this, I know no war­rant to affirme any thing of excommunication, for the sentence of the Church does but declare, not effect the finall sentence of damnation. Whoever deserves excommunication deserves damnation; and he that repents shall be saved, though he dye out of the Churches externall Communion, and if he does not repent, he shall be damn'd though he was not excommunicate.

But suppose it greater then the sentence of corporall death, yet Numb. 3. it followes not, because hereticks may be excommunicate, there­fore kill'd, for from a greater to a lesse, in a severall kind of things the argument concludes not. It is a greater thing to make an ex­cellent [Page 205] discourse then to make a shooe, yet he that can doe the greater cannot doe this lesse. An Angell cannot beget a man, & yet he can doe a greater matter in that kind of operations which we terme spirituall and Angelicall. And if this were concluding that whoever may be excommunicate may be kill'd, then, be­cause of excommunications the Church is confessed the sole and intire Judge, she is also an absolute disposer of the lives of per­sons. I beleeve this will be but ill doctrine in Spaine: for in Bullâ Coenae Domini the King of Spaine is every year excommunicated on Maunday Thursday; but if by the same power he might also be put to death (as upon this ground he may) the Pope might with more ease be invested in that part of S. Peters patrimony which that King hath invaded and surpriz'd. But besides this, it were ex­treme harsh Doctrine in a Roman Consistory, from whence ex­communications issue for trifles, for fees, for not suffering them­selves infinitely to be oppressed, for any thing; if this be greater then death, how great a tyrannie is that which does more then kill men for less then trifles, or else how inconsequent is that argument which concludes its purpose upon so false pretence & supposition?

Well, however zealous the Apostles were against hereticks, yet none were by them, or their dictates put to death. The death of Numb. 4. Ananias and Saphira, and the blindnesse of Elymas the Sorcerer amount not to this, for they were miraculous inflictions: and the first was a punishment to Vow-breach and Sacriledge, the second of Sorcery, and open contestation against the Religion of Jesus Christ; neither of them concerned the case of this present questi­on: or if the case were the same, yet the authority is not the same: For he that inflicted these punishments was infallible, and of a power competent: But no man at this day is so. But as yet, peo­ple were converted by Miracles, & Preaching, and Disputing, and Hereticks by the same meanes were redargued, and all men in­structed, none tortured for their opinion. And this continued till Christian people were vexed by disagreeing persons, and were impatient and peevish, by their owne too much confidence and the luxuriancy of a prosperous fortune: but then they would not endure persons that did dogmatize any thing which might in­trench upon their reputation or their interest. And it is observa­ble that no man, nor no age did ever teach the lawfullnesse of [Page 206] putting hereticks to death, till they grew wanton with prosperi­ty. But when the reputation of the Governours was concerned, when the interests of men were indangered, when they had some­thing to lose, when they had built their estimation upon the cre­dit of disputable questions, when they began to be jealous of o­ther men, when they over-valued themselves and their owne opi­nions, when some persons invaded Bishopricks upon pretence of new opinions, then they as they thrived in the favour of Empe­rours, and in the successe of their disputes, sollicited the temporall power to banish, to fine, to imprison, and to kill their adversaries.

So that the case stands thus. In the best times, amongst the Numb. 5. best men, when there were fewer temporall ends to be served, when Religion and the pure and simple designes of Christianity were onely to be promoted; in those times and amongst such men, no persecution was actuall, nor perswaded nor allowed to­wards disagreeing persons. But as men had ends of their owne and not of Christs, as they receded from their duty, and Religi­on from its purity, as Christ anity began to be compounded with interests, and blended with temporall designes, so men were per­secuted for their opinions. This is most apparent, if we consider when persecution first came in, and if we observe how it was chec­ked by the holiest and the wisest persons.

The first great instance I shall note was in Priscillian and his Numb. 6. followers, who were condemned to death by the Tyrant Maxi­mus. Which instance although S. Hierom observes as a punishment, and judgement for the crime of heresie, yet is of no use in the pre­sent question, because Maximus put some Christians of all sorts to death promiscuously, Catholike and Heretick without choyce, and therefore the Priscilianists might as well have called it a judge­ment upon the Catholiques, as the Catholiques upon them.

But when Ursatus and Stacius, two Bishops, procured the Priscilianists death by the power they had at Court: S. Martin Numb. 7. was so angry at them for their cruelty, that he excommunicated them both. And S. Ambrose upon the same stock denyed his com­munion to the Itaciani. And the account that Sulpitius gives of the story is this, Hoc modo (sayes he) homines luce indignissimi pes­simo exemplo necati sunt. The example was worse then the men. If the men were hereticall, the execution of them however was unchristian.

[Page 207] But it was of more authority that the Nicene Fathers suppli­cated Numb. 8. the Emperour, and prevailed for the banishment of Arius, Sozom. l. 1. c. 20 of this we can give no other account, but that by the historie of the time we see basenesse enough, and personall misdemeanour, Socrat. l. 1. c. 26 Cont. Crescon. Grammat. lib. 3. c. 50. vide etiam Epist. 61. ad dulcilium. et Epist. 158. et 159. et lib. 1. c. 29. cont. tit. petilian. vide etiam Socrat. li. 3. c. 3, et c. 29. and factiousnesse of spirit in Arius, to have deserved worse then banishment, though the obliquity of his opinion were not put into the ballance; which we have reason to beleeve was not so much as considered, because Constantine gave toleration to diffe­ring opinions, and Arius himselfe was restored upon such conditi­ons to his country and office, which would not stand with the ends of the Catholiques, if they had been severe exactors of con­currence and union of perswasions.

I am still within the scene of Ecclesiasticall persons, and am considering what the opinion of the learnedest and the holiest prelates were concerning this great question. If we will beleeve Lib. 2. Cap. 5. retractat. vide Epist. 48. ad vincent. script. post. retract. et Epist. 50. ad Bonifac. Saint Austin (who was a credible person) no good man did al­low it. Nullis tamen bonis in Catholicâ hoc placet, si us (que) ad mor­tem in quenquam licet haereticum saeviatur. This was S. Austins finall opinion; For he had first been of the mind that it was not honest to doe any violence to mis-perswaded persons; and when upon an accident happening in Hippo he had altered and retracted that part of the opinion, yet then also he excepted death, and would by no means have any meere opinion made capitall. But for ought appears, S. Austin had greater reason to have retracted that retractation, then his first opinion. For his saying of nullis bo­nis placet was as true as the thing was reasonable it should be so. Witnes those known testimonies of ad S capulā. Tertullian, lib. 3. Ep. 1. Epist Cyprian, Lib. 5. c. 20. Lactantius, in cap 13. Matth. et in cap. 2. hos. Hierom, in vit: S. Martin. Severus Sulpitius, O ctav. Minutius, cont. Aux­ent. Arr. Hilary, 3. sect: C. 32. Damascen, in cap. 13. Matth. hom: 47. Chrysostome, in cuang. Matth. Theophylact, and in verba Apost. fides ex auditu. Bernard, and divers others, whom the Reader may find quoted by the Arch-Bishop of Spalato, Lib. 8. de rep. Eccles. cap. 8.

Against this concurrent testimony my reading can furnish me with no adversarie, nor contrary instances, but in Attious of C. P. Theodosius of Synada, in Stacius & Ursaeus before reckoned. On­ly indeed some of the later Popes of Rome began to be busie and unmercifull, but it was then when themselves were secure, and their interests great, and their temporall concernments highly considerable.

[Page 208] For it is most true, and not amisse to observe it, that no man who was under the ferula did ever think it lawfull to have opi­nions Numb. 11. forced, or heretiques put to death, and yet many men who themselves have escaped the danger of a pile and a faggot, have changed their opinion just as the case was altered, that is, as them­selves were unconcern'd in the suffering. Petilian, Parmenian, and Apud Aug li. 1. c. 7. coat. Epist. Parme­nian. & l. 2. c. 1 [...]. coat. tit. Petilian. Gaudentius, by no means would allow it lawfull, for themselves were in danger, and were upon that side that is ill thought of and discountenanc'd: but Epist. 1. ad Tu [...]bium. Gregory and Lib. 1. cp. 72. Leo, Popes of Rome, upon whose side the authority and advantages were, thought it lawfull they should be punished and persecuted, for themselves were un­concerned in the danger of suffering. And therefore S. Gregory commends the Exarch of Ravenna, for forcing them who dis­sented from those men who called themselves the Church. And there were some Divines in the Lower Germany, who upon great reasons spake against the tyrannie of the Inquisition, and restrai­ning Prophesying, who yet when they had shaked off the Spanish yoke, began to persecute their Brethren. It was unjust in them, in all men unreasonable and uncharitable, and often increases the error, but never lessens the danger.

But yet although the Church, I mean, in her distinct & Clericall capacity, was against destroying or punishing difference in opinion, Numb. 12. till the Popes of Rome did super-seminate and perswade the con­trary, yet the Bishops did perswade the Emperours to make Lawes against Heretiques, and to punish disobedient persons with fines, with imprisonment, with death and banishment respective­ly. This indeed calls us to a new account. For the Church-men might not proceed to bloud nor corporall inflictions, but might they not deliver over to the Secular arme, and perswade Tempo­rall Princes to doe it? For this, I am to say, that since it is noto­rious that the doctrine of the Clergie was against punishing Here­tiques, the Lawes which were made by the Emperours against them might be for restraint of differing Religion in order to the preservation of the publique peace, which is too frequently viola­ted by the division of opinions. But I am not certaine whether that was alwayes the reason, or whether or no some Bishops of the Court did not also serve their owne ends in giving their Prin­ces such untoward counsell; but we find the Lawes made severally [Page 209] to severall purposes, in divers cases and with different severity. Constantine the Emperour made a Sanction, Ut parem cum fideli­bus Apud Euseb. de vita Con­stant. ii qui errant pacis & quietis fruitionem gaudentes accipiant. The Emperour Gratian decreed, Ut quam quis (que) vellet religionem se­queretur; & conventus Ecclesiasticos semoto metu omnes agerent. But he excepted the Manichees, the Photinians, and Eunomians. Theodosius the elder made a law of death against the Anabaptists of his time, and banish'd Eunomius, and against other erring per­sons vide Socrat. l 7. c. 12. appointed a pecuniary mulct; but he did no executions so severe as his sanctions, to shew they were made in terrorem onely. Vid. Cod. de heretic. L. ma­nichees. & leg. Arriani, & l. Quicunque. So were the Lawes of Valentinian and Martian, decreeing contra omnes qui prava docere tenent, that they should be put to death; so did Apud Pau­lum Diac. l. 16. & l. 24. Michael the Emperour, but Iustinian onely decreed ba­nishment.

But what ever whispers some Politiques might make to their Princes, as the wisest & holiest did not think it lawful for Church­men alone to doe executions, so neither did they transmit such Numb. 11. persons to the Secular Judicature. And therefore when the Edict of Macedonius the President was so ambiguous, that it seemed to threaten death to Heretiques, unlesse they recanted; S. Austin admonished him carefully to provide that no Heretique should be put to death, alledging it also not onely to be unchristian, but il­legall also, and not warranted by imperiall constitutions; for be­fore his time no Lawes were made for their being put to death: but however he prevailed, that Macedonius published another Edict, more explicite, and lesse seemingly severe. But in his Epistle to Donatus, the African Proconsul, he is more confi­dent and determinate, Necessitate nobis impactâ & indictâ, ut potiùs occidi ab eis eligamus, quam eos occidendos vestris judiciis ingeramus.

But afterwards many got a trick of giving them over to the Secular power, which at the best is no better then hypocrisie, re­moving Numb. 12. envie from themselves, and laying it upon others, a refu­sing to doe that in externall act, which they doe in councell and approbation: which is a transmitting the act to another, and re­taining a proportion of guilt unto themselves, even their own and the others too. I end this with the saying of Chrysostome, Dog­muta Serw. de Ana­themate. [Page 210] impia & quae ab haereticis profecta sunt arguere & anathemati­zare oportet, hominibus autem parcendum & pro salute eorum c­andum.

SECT. XV.

How farre the Church or Governours may act to the restraining false or differing opinions.

BUt although Hereticall persons are not to be destroyed, yet heresy being a work of the flesh, and all hereticks criminall persons, whose acts and doctrine have influence upon Communi­ties of men whether Ecclesiasticall or civill, the governours of the Republique, or Church respectively are to do their duties in re­straining those mischiefes which may happen to their severall charges, for whose indemnity they are answerable. And there­fore according to the effect or malice of the doctrine or the per­son, so the cognisance of them belongs to severall judicatures. If it be false doctrine in any capacity and doth mischiefe in any sense, or teaches ill life in any instance, or incourages evill in any particular, [...], these men must be silenced, they must be convinced by sound doctrine, and put to silence by spirituall evi­dence, and restrained by authority Ecclesiasticall, that is, by spiri­tuall censures according as it seemes necessary to him who is most concern'd in the regiment of the Church. For all this we have pre­cept and precedent Apostolicall, and much reason. For by thus doing, the governour of the Church uses all that authority that is competent, and all the meanes that is reasonable, and that pro­ceeding which is regular, that he may discharge his cure and secure his flock. And that he possibly may be deceived in judging a do­ctrine to be hereticall, and by consequence the person excommu­nicate suffers injury, is no argument against the reasonablenesse of the proceeding. For all the injury that is, is visible and in appea­rance, and so is his crime. Iudges must judge according to their best reason guided by law of God as their rule, and by evidence and appearance as their best instrument, and they can judge no [Page 211] better. If the Judges be good and prudent, the error of procee­ding will not be great, nor ordinary, and there can be no better establishment of humane judicature, then is a fallible proceeding upon an infallible ground; And if the judgement of heresie be made by estimate and proportion of the opinion to a good or a bad life respectively, supposing an error in the deduction, there will be no malice in the conclusion; and that he endeavours to secure piety according to the best of his understanding, and yet did mistake in his proceeding, is onely an argument that he did his duty after the manner of men, possibly with the piety of a Saint, though not with the understanding of an Angel. And the little inconvenience that happens to the person injuriously judged is abundantly made up in the excellency of the Discipline, the goodnesse of the example, the care of the publike, and all those great influences into the manners of men which derive from such an act so publiquely consign'd. But such publique judgement in matters of opinion must be seldome and curious, and never but to secure piety, and a holy life; for in matters speculative, as all determinations are fallible, so scarce any of them are to purpose, nor ever able to make compensation of either side, either for the publike fraction, or the particular injustice if it should so happen in the censure.

But then as the Church may proceed thus far, yet no Christian man, or Community of men may proceed farther. For if they Numb. 2. be deceived in their judgement and censure, and yet have passed onely spirituall censures, they are totally ineffectuall, and come to nothing, there is no effect remaining upon the soule, and such censures are not to meddle with the body so much as indirectly. But if any other judgement passe upon persons erring, such judge­ments whose effects remaine, if the person be unjustly censured nothing will answer and make compensation for such injuries. If a person be excommunicate unjustly, it will doe him no hurt, but if he be killed or dismembred unjustly, that censure and in­fliction is not made ineffectuall by his innocence, he is certainly kill'd and dismembred. So that as the Churches authority in such cases so restrained and made prudent, cautelous, and orderly, is just and competent: so the proceeding is reasonable, it is pro­vident [Page 212] for the publike, and the inconveniences that may fall upon particulars so little, as that the publique benefit makes ample compensation, so long as the proceeding is but spiri­tuall.

This discourse is in the case of such opinions, which by the former rules are formall heresies, and upon practicall inconve­niences. Numb. 3. But for matters of question which have not in them an enmity to the publique tranquillity, as the Republique hath no­thing to doe, upon the ground of all the former discourses; so if the Church meddles with them where they doe not derive into ill life, either in the person or in the consequent, or else are destructi­ons of the foundation of Religion, which is all one, for that those fundamentall articles are of greatest necessity in order to a vertu­ous and godly life, which is wholly built upon them, (and there­fore are principally necessary) If she meddles further, otherwise then by preaching, and conferring, and exhortation, she becomes tyrannicall in her government, makes her selfe an immediate judge of consciences and perswasions, lords it over their faith, destroyes unity, and charity; and as if he that dogmatizes the opinion becomes criminall, if he troubles the Church with an im­modest, peevish, and pertinacious proposall of his article, not simply necessary; so the Church does not doe her duty, if she so condemnes it pro tribunali as to enjoyne him and all her subjects to beleeve the contrary. And as there may be pertinacy in do­ctrine, so there may be pertinacy in judging, and both are faults. The peace of the Church and the unity of her doctrine is best conserved when it is judged by the proportion it hath to that rule of unity which the Apostles gave, that is the Creed for Articles of meer beliefe, and the precepts of Jesus Christ, and the practicall rules of piety, which are most plaine and easie, and without controversie, set downe in the Gospels, and Writings of the Apostles. But to multiply articles, and adopt them into the family of the faith, and to require assent to such articles which (as S. Pauls phrase is) are of doubtfull disputation, equall to that assent wee give to matters of faith, is to build a Tower upon the top of a Bulrush, and the further the effect of such pro­ceedings does extend, the worse they are; the very making [Page 213] such a Law is unreasonable, the inflicting spirituall censures up­on them that cannot doe so much violence to their understan­ding as to obey it, is unjust and ineffectuall; but to punish the person with death, or with corporall infliction, indeed it is ef­fectuall, but it is therefore tyrannicall. We have seen what the Church may doe towards restraining false or differing opinions, next I shall consider by way of Corollarie what the Prince may doe as for his interest, and onely in securing his people, and ser­ving the ends of true Religion.

SECT. XVI.

Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Re­ligions.

FOr upon these very grounds we may easily give account of Numb. 1. that great question, Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Religions.

For first, it is a great fault that men will call the severall sects of Christians by the names of severall Religions. The Religi­on of JESUS CHRIST is the forme of sound doctrine and wholsome words, which is set downe in Scripture indefinitely, actually conveyed to us by plaine places, and sepa­rated as for the question of necessary or not necessary by the Sym­bol of the Apostles. Those impertinencies which the wantonness and vanity of men hath commenced, which their interests have promoted, which serve not truth so much as their own ends, are farre from being distinct Religions; for matters of opinion are no parts of the worship of God, nor in order to it, but as they promote obedience to his Commandments; and when they contribute towards it, are in that proportion as they contri­bute parts and actions, and minute particulars of that Religion to whose end they doe, or pretend to serve. And such are all the sects and all the pretences of Christians, but pieces and mi­nutes of Christianity, if they doe serve the great end, as every man for his owne sect and interest beleeves for his share it does.

[Page 214] 2. Tolleration hath a double sense or purpose, for sometimes by it men understand a publick licence and exercise of a sect: Sometimes it is onely an indemnity of the persons privately to convene and to opine as they see cause, and as they meane to ans­wer to God. Both these are very much to the same purpose, un­lesse some persons whom we are bound to satisfie be scandaliz'd, and then the Prince is bound to doe as he is bound to satisfie. To God it is all one. For abstracting from the offence of persons, which is to be considered just as our obligation is to content the persons, it is all one whether we indulge to them to meet pub­likely or privately, to do actions of Religion concerning which we are not perswaded that they are truely holy. To God it is just one to be in the dark and in the light, the thing is the same, onely the Circumstance of publick and private is different, which cannot be concerned in any thing, nor can it concerne any thing but the matter of Scandall and relation to the minds and fantasies of certaine persons.

3. So that to tolerate is not to persecute. And the question Numb. 3. whether the Prince may tollerate divers perswasions, is no more then whether he may lawfully persecute any man for not being of his opinion. Now in this case he is just so to tollerate diversity of perswasions as he is to tolerate publike actions, for no opinion is judicable, nor no person punishable, but for a sin, and if his opi­nion by reason of its managing, or its effect, be a sinne in it selfe, or becomes a sinne to the person, then as he is to doe towards other sinnes, so to that opinion or man so opining. But to be­leeve so, or not so, when there is no more but meere beleeving, is not in his power to enjoyne, therefore not to punish. And it is not onely lawfull to tollerate disagreeing perswasions, but the authority of God onely is competent to take notice of it, and in­fallible to determine it, and fit to judge, and therefore no humane authority is sufficient to doe all those things which can justifie the inflicting temporall punishments upon such as doe not conforme in their perswasions to a rule or authority which is not only fal­lible, but supposed by the disagreeing person to be actually de­ceived.

But I consider that in the toleration of a different opinion, Numb. 4. [Page 215] Religion is not properly and immediately concerned, so as in any degree to be endangered. For it may be safe in diversity of per­swasions, and it also a part of Christian Humani iu­ris & natura­lis peteslatis, unicuique quod putaverit, cole­re Sed nec re­ligionis est co­gere religionem, quae suscipi sponte debet, non vi. Tertul. ad Scapulam. Religion that the li­berty of mens Consciences should be preserved in all things, where God hath not set a limit and made a restraint; that the soule of man should be free, and acknowledge no master but Jesus Christ; that matters spirituall should not be restrain'd by purishments corporall; that the same meekenesse and charity should be pre­served in the promotion of Christianity, that gave it foundation and increment, & firmness in its first publication; that conclusions should not be more dogmaticall then the vertuall resolution and efficacy of the premises: And that the persons should not more certainly be condemned then their opinions confuted; and lastly, that the infirmities of men and difficulties of things should be both put in ballance to make abatement in the definitive sentence against mens persons. But then because tolleration of opinions is not properly a question of Religion, it may be a question of poli­cy: And although a man may be a good Christian, though he be­leeve an errour not fundamentall, and not directly or evidently impious, yet his opinion may accidentally disturbe the publick peace through the over-activenesse of the person, and the confi­dence of their beliefe and the opinion of its appendant necessity, and therefore tolleration of differing perswasions in these cases is to be considered upon politicall grounds, and is just so to be ad­mitted or denyed as the opinions or tolleration of them may consist with the publicke and necessary ends of Government. Onely this: As Christian Princes must looke to the interest of their Government, so especially must they consider the interests of Christianity, & not call every redargution or modest discovery of an established errour, by the name of disturbance of the peace. For it is very likely that the peevishness and impatience of contra­diction in the Governours may break the peace. Let them remem­but the gentlenesse of Christianity, the Liberty of Consciences which ought to be preserved, and let them doe justice to the per­sons, whoever they are that are peevish, provided no mans person be over-born with prejudice. For if it be necessary for all men to subscribe to the present established Religion, by the same reason [Page 216] at another time a man may be bound to subscribe to the contra­dictory, and so to all Religions in the world. And they only, who by their too much confidence intitle God to all their fancies, and make them to be questions of Religion, and evidences for Hea­ven, or consignations to Hell, they onely think this doctrine un­reasonable, and they are the men that first disturb the Churches peace, and then thinke there is no appeasing the tumult but by getting the victory. But they that consider things wisely, under­stand that since salvation and damnation depend not upon im­pertinencies, and yet that publick peace and tranquillity may, the Prince is in this case to seeke how to secure Government, and the issues and intentions of that, while there is in these cases di­rectly no insecurity to Religion, unlesse by the accidentall uncha­ritablenesse of them that dispute: Which uncharitablenesse is also much prevented when the publike peace is secured, and no person is on either side ingaged upon Dextera prae­cipuè capit in­dulgentia men­tes, A [...]peritas oditi saeva (que) bella parit. revenge, or troubled with disgrace, or vexed with punishments by any decretory sentence against him. It was the saying of a wise states-man (I meane Thuanus) Haeretici qui pace data factionibus scinduntur, persecutione uniuntur contra Remp. If you persecute heretickes or discrepants, they unite themselves as to a common defence: If you permit them, they divide themselves upon private interest, and the rather, if this in­terest was an ingredient of the opinion.

The Summe is this, it concernes the duty of a Prince because it concernes the Honour of God, that all vices and every part of Numb. 5. ill life be discountenanced and restrain'd: And therefore in relati­on to that, opinions are to be dealt with. For the understanding being to direct the will, and opinions to guide our practices, they are considerable onely as they teach impiety and vice, as they ei­ther dishonour God or disobey him. Now all such doctrines are to be condemned; but for the persons preaching such Do­ctrines, if they neither justifie nor approve the pretended Con­sequences which are certainly impious, they are to be separated from that consideration. But if they know such consequences and allow them, or if they doe not stay till the doctrines produce impiety, but take sinne before hand, and mannage them impiously in any sense; or if either themselves or their doctrine doe really [Page 217] and without colour or fained pretext, disturb the publique peace Extat pru­dens monitum Mecaenatis a­pud Dionem Cassium ad Augustum in haec verba. Eos vero qui in Divinis ali­quid inno­vant, adio habe, & coerce, non Deorum solùm causâ: sed quia nova numina hi tales introducentes mulios impellunt ad mutationem rerum. Unde conjurationes, seditiones, Conciliabula existunt, res pro­fectò minime conducibiles principatui. Et legib us quo (que) expressum est, quod in religionem com­mittitur, in omnium fertur injuriam. and just interests, they are not to be suffered. In all other cases it is not onely lawfull to permit them, but it is also necessary, that Princes and all in authority should not persecute discrepant opi­nions. And in such cases wherein persons not otherwise incom­petent are bound to reprove an error, (as they are in many) in all these if the Prince makes restraint, he hinders men from doing their duty, and from obeying the Lawes of JESUS CHRIST.

SECT. XVII.

Of complyance with disagreeing persons or weake constiences in ge­nerall.

VPon these grounds it remaines that we reduce this doctrine Numb. 1. to practicall Conclusions, and consider among the differing sects and opinions which trouble these parts of Christendome, and come into our concernment, which sects of Christians are to be tolerated, and how farre? and which are to be restrained and punished in their severall proportions?

The first consideration is, that since diversity of opinions does Numb. 2. more concerne publike peace then religion, what is to be done to persons who disobey a publike sanction upon a true allega­tion; that they cannot believe it to be lawfull to obey such con­stitutions, although they dis-believe them upon insufficient grounds, that is, whether in constituta lege disagreeing persons or weake consciences are to be complyed withall, and their diso­beying and disagreeing tolerated?

1. In this question there is no distinction can be made between Numb. 3. [Page 218] persons truely weake, and but pretending so. For all that pre­tend to it, are to be allowed the same liberty whatsoever it be; for no mans spirit is knowne to any, but to God and himselfe: and therefore pretences and realityes in this case, are both alike in order to the publike toleration. And this very thing is one ar­gument to perswade a Negative. For the chiefe thing in this case is the concernment of publique government, which is then most of all violated, when what may prudently be permitted to some purposes, may be demanded to many more, and the piety of the Lawes abused to the impiety of other mens ends. And if laws be made so malleable, as to comply with weak consciences, he that hath a mind to disobey, is made impregnable against the coercitive power of the Law by this pretence. For a weak con­science signifyes nothing in this case, but a dislike of the Law up­on a contrary perswasion. For if some weak consciences doe o­bey the law, and others doe not, it is not their weaknesse inde­finitely that is the cause of it, but a definite and particular per­swasion to the contrary. So that if such a pretence be excuse suf­ficient from obeying, then the law is a sanction obliging every one to obey that hath a mind to it, and he that hath not, may choose, that is, it is no Law at all, for he that hath a mind to it may doe it if there be no Law, and he that hath no mind to it need not for all the Law.

And therefore the wit of man cannot prudently frame a law Numb. 4. of that temper, and expedient, but either he must lose the for­mality of a law, and neither have power coercitive nor obligato­ry, but ad arbitrium inferiorum, or else it cannot antecedently to the particular case give leave to any sort of men to disagree or disobey.

2. Suppose that a Law be made with great reason so as to satis­fie divers persons pious & prudent, that it complyes with the ne­cessity Numb. 5. of government, and promotes the interest of Gods ser­vice and publike order, it may easily be imagined that these per­sons which are obedient sons of the Church, may be as zealous for the publike order and discipline of the Church, as others for their opinion against it, and may be as much scandalized if diso­bedience [Page 219] be tolerated, as others are if the Law be exacted, and what shall be done in this case? Both sorts of men cannot be complyed withall, because as these pretend to be offended at the Law, and by consequence (if they understand the conse­quents of their owne opinion) at them that obey the Law: so the others are justly offended at them that unjustly disobey it. If therefore there be any on the right side as confident and zea­lous as they who are on the wrong side, then the disagreeing per­sons are not to be complyed with, to avoid giving offence; for if they be, offence is given to better persons, and so the mis­chiefe, which such complying seeks to prevent, is made greater and more unjust, obedience is discouraged, and disobedience is legally canonized for the result of a holy and a tender con­science.

3. Such complying with the disagreeings of a sort of men, is Numb. 6. the totall overthrow of all Discipline, and it is better to make no Lawes of publique worship, then to rescind them in the very con­stitution: and there can be no end in making the sanction, but to make the Law ridiculous, and the authority contemptible. For to say that complying with weake consciences in the very framing of a Law of Discipline, is the way to preserve unity, were all one as to say, To take away all Lawes is the best way to prevent disobedience. In such matters of indifferencie, the best way of cementing the fraction, is to unite the parts in the authority, for then the question is but one, viz. Whether the authority must be obeyed or not? But if a permission be given of disputing the particulars, the questions become next to infinite. A Mirrour when it is broken represents the object multiplyed and divided: but if it be entire and through one centre transmits the species to the eye, the Vision is one and naturall. Lawes are the Mirrour in which men are to dresse and compose their actions, and there­fore must not be broken with such clauses of exception which may without remedy be abused to the prejudice of authority, and peace, and all humane sanctions. And I have knowne in some Churches that this pretence hath been nothing but a designe to discredit the Law, to dismantle the authority that made it, to [Page 220] raise their owne credit, and a trophey of their zeale, to make it a characteristick note of a sect, and the cognisance of holy persons, and yet the men that claim'd exemption from the Lawes, upon pretence of having weake consciences, if in hearty expression you had told them so to their heads, they would have spit in your face, and were so farre from confessing themselves weake, that they thought themselves able to give Lawes to Christen­dome, to instruct the greatest Clerks, and to Catechize the Church her selfe; And which is the worst of all, they who were perpetually clamorous that the severity of the Lawes should slacken as to their particular, and in matter adiapho­rous (in which, if the Church hath any authority, she hath power to make Lawes) to indulge a leave to them to doe as they list, yet were the most imperious amongst men, most decretory in their sentences, and most impatient of any disagree­ing from them though in the least minute and particular: where­as by all the justice of the world, they who perswade such a complyance in matters of fact, and of so little question, should not deny to tolerate persons that differ in questions of great difficulty and contestation.

4. But yet since all things almost in the world have beene Numb. 7. made matters of dispute, and the will of some men, and the malice of others, and the infinite industry and pertinacie of con­testing and resolution to conquer hath abused some persons in­nocently into a perswasion, that even the Lawes themselves, though never so prudently constituted, are superstitious or im­pious, such persons who are otherwise pious, humble and reli­gious, are not to be destroyed for such matters, which in them­selves are not of concernment to salvation, and neither are so accidentally to such men and in such cases where they are innocently abused, and they erre without purpose and de­signe. And therefore if there be a publike disposition in some persons to dislike Lawes of a certaine quality, if it before-seene it is to be considered in lege dicendâ; and whatever inconveni­ence or particular offence is fore-seene, is either to be directly avoided in the Law, or else a compensation in the excellency of [Page 221] the Law, and certaine advantages, made to out-weigh their pretensions: But in lege jam dictâ, because there may be a necessi­ty some persons should have a liberty indulged them, it is necessary that the Governours of the Church should be in­trusted with a power to consider the particular case, and in­dulge a liberty to the person, and grant personall dispensati­ons. This I say is to be done at severall times, upon parti­cular instance, upon singular consideration, and new emergen­cies. But that a whole kind of men, such a kind to which all men without possibility of being confuted may pretend, should at once in the very frame of the Law be permitted to disobey, is to nullifie the Law, to destroy Discipline, and to hallow dis­obedience; it takes away the obliging part of the Law, and makes that the thing enacted shall not be enjoyn'd, but tolerated onely: it destroyes unity and uniformity, which to preserve was the very end of such lawes of Discipline: it bends the rule to the thing which is to be ruled, so that the law obeyes the subject, not the subject the law: it is to make a law for particulars, not upon generall reason and congruity, against the prudence and designe of all Lawes in the world, and absolutely without the example of any Church in Christendome; it prevents no scan­dall, for some will be scandalized at the authority it selfe, some at the complying, and remisnesse of Discipline, and severall men at matters, and upon ends contradictory: All which cannot, some ought not to be complyed withall.

6. The summe is this. The end of the Lawes of Discipline are in an immediate order to the conservation and ornament of the Numb. 8. publique, and therefore the Lawes must not so tolerate, as by con­serving persons to destroy themselves and the publike benefit, but if there be cause for it, they must be cassated, or if there be no suf­ficient cause, the complyings must be so as may best preserve the particulars in conjunction with the publike end, which because it is primarily intended, is of greatest consideration. But the parti­culars whether of case or person are to be considered occasionally and emergently by the Judges, but cannot antecedently and regu­larly be determined by a Law.

[Page 222] But this sort of men is of so generall pretence, that all Lawes Numb. 9. and all Judges may easily be abused by them. Those sects which are signified by a Name, which have a systeme of Articles, a body of profession, may be more cleerly determined in their question concerning the lawfulnesse of permitting their professi­ons and assemblies.

I shall instance in two, which are most troublesome and most dislik'd; and by an account made of these, we may make judge­ment what may be done towards others whose errors are not ap­prehended of so great malignity. The men I meane are the Ana­baptists and the Papists.

SECT. 18.

A particular consideration of the opinions of the Anabaptists.

IN the Anabaptists I consider onely their two capitall opini­ons, the one against the baptisme of infants, the other against Numb. 1. Magistracy: and because they produce different judgements and various effects, all their other fancyes which vary as the Moon does, may stand or fall in their proportion and likenesse to these.

And first I consider their denying baptisme to infants; al­though it be a doctrine justly condemned by the most sorts of Numb. 2. Christians, upon great grounds of reason, yet possibly their de­fence may be so great, as to take off much, and rebate the edge of their adversaries assault. It will be neither unpleasant nor unpro­fitable to draw a short scheme of plea for each party, the result of which possibly may be, that though they be deceived, yet they have so great excuse on their side, that their errour is not impudent or vincible. The baptisme of infants rests wholly upon this discourse.

When God made a covenant with Abraham for himselfe and his posterity, into which the Gentiles were reckoned by sprituall Numb. 3. adoption, he did for the present consigne that covenant with the Sacrament of circumcision. The extent of which rite, was to all his family, from the Major domo, to the Proselytus domicilio, and to infants of eight dayes old. Now the very nature of this cove­nant being a covenant of faith for its formallity, and with all faithfull people for the object; and circumcision being a seale of this covenant, if ever any rite doe supervene to consigne the same covenant, that rite must acknowledge circumcision for its type and precedent. And this the Apostle tels us in expresse doctrine. Now the nature of types, is to give some proportions to its suc­cessour the Antitype, and they both being seales of the same righ­teousnesse of faith, it will not easily be found where these two seales have any such distinction in their nature or purposes, as to appertaine to persons of differing capacity, and not equally con­cerne all, and this argument was thought of so much force by some of those excellent men which were Bishops in the primi­tive church, that a good Bishop writ an Epistle to S. Cyprian, to [Page 224] know of him whether or no it were lawfull to baptize infants be­fore the eighth day, because the type of baptisme was ministred in that circumcision, he in his discourse supposing that the first rite was a direction to the second, which prevailed with him so farre as to believe it to limit every circumstance.

And not onely this type, but the acts of Christ which were Numb. 4. previous to the institution of baptisme did prepare our under­standing by such impresses as were sufficient to produce such per­swasion in us, that Christ intended this ministery for the actuall advantage of infants as well as of persons of understanding. For Christ commanded that children should be brought unto him, he took them in his armes, he imposed hands on them and blessed them, and without question did by such acts of favour consigne his love to them, and them to a capacity of an eternall partici­pation of it. And possibly the invitation which Christ made to all to come to him, all them that are heavy laden, did in its pro­portion concerne infants as much as others, if they be guilty of Originall sinne, and if that sinne be a burthen, and presses them to any spirituall danger or inconvenience. And it is all the reason of the world, that since the grace of Christ is as large as the preva­rication of Adam, all they who are made guilty by the first Adam, should be cleansed by the second. But as they are guilty by ano­ther mans act, so they should be brought to the Font, to be puri­fyed by others, there being the same proportion of reason, that by others acts, they should be relieved who were in danger of pe­rishing by the act of others. And therefore S. Austin argues ex­cellently to this purpose. Accommodat illis mater Ecclesia aliorum pedes, ut veniant; aliorum cor, ut credant; aliorum linguam, ut fate­antur: ut quoniam quod aegri sunt, alio peccante praegravantur, sic cum Serm. 10. de verb. Apost. sani fiant alio confitente salventur. And Iustin Martyr, [...]. Resp. ad Or­thodoxos.

But whether they have originall sinne or no, yet take them in puris naturalibus, they cannot goe to God, or attaine to eternity: Numb. 5. to which they were intended in their first being and creation, and therefore much lesse since their naturals are impair'd by the curse on humane nature, procur'd by Adams prevarication. And if a naturall agent cannot in puris naturalibus attaine to heaven, [Page 225] which is a supernaturall end, much lesse when it is loaden with accidentall and grievous impediments. Now then since the only way revealed to us of acquiring Heaven is by Jesus Christ; and the first inlet into Christianity, and accesse to him is by Baptism, as appears by the perpetuall Analogy of the New Te­stament; either Infants are not persons capable of that end which is the perfection of humane nature, and to which the soule of man in its being made immortall was essentially design'd, and so are miserable and deficient from the very end of humanity, if they die before the use of reason; or else they must be brought to Christ by the Church doores, that is by the Font and waters of Baptism.

And in reason, it seemes more pregnant and plausible that In­fants rather then men of understanding should be baptized: For Numb. 6. since the efficacy of the Sacraments depends upon Divine Insti­tution and immediate benediction, and that they produce their effects independently upon man, in them that doe not hinder their operation; since Infants cannot by any act of their own promote the hope of their own salvation, which men of reason and choice may, by acts of vertue & election; it is more agreeable to the goodnesse of God, the honour and excellency of the Sacra­ment, and the necessity of its institution that it should in In­fants supply the want of humane acts and free obedience. Which the very thing it selfe seemes to say it does, because its effect is from God, and requires nothing on man's part, but that its efficary bee not hindered: And then in Infants, the disposition is equall, and the necessity more: they cannot ponere obicens, and by the same reason cannot doe others acts, which without the Sacraments doe advantage us towards our hopes of heaven, and therefore have more need to be supplyed by an act, and an Institution Divine and supernaturall.

And this is not only necessary in respect of the condition of Infants in capacity, to doe acts of grace, but also in obedience Numb. 7. to Divine precept. For Christ made a Law whose Sanction is with an exclusive negative to them that are not baptized, [Unlesse a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he shall not enter into the Kingdome of heaven;] If then Infants have a ca­pacity of being co-heires with Christ in the Kingdome of his [Page 226] Father, as Christ affirms they have, by saying [for of such is the kingdome of heaven] then there is a necessity that they should be brought to Baptism, there being an absolute exclusion of all persons unbaptized, and all persons not spirituall from the king­dome of heaven.

But indeed, it is a destruction of all the hopes and happinesse of Infants, a denying to them an exemption from the finall Numb. 8. condition of Beasts and Insectiles, or else a designing of them to a worse misery, to say that God hath not appointed some externall or internall meanes of bringing them to an eternall happinesse: Internall they have none; for Grace being an improvement and heigthning the faculties of nature, in order to a heigthen'd and supernaturall end, Grace hath no influence or efficacy upon their faculties, who can do no naturall acts of understanding: And if there be no externall meanes, then they are destitute of all hopes, and possibilities of salvation.

But thanks be to God, he hath provided better and told us Numb. 9. accordingly, for he hath made a promise of the holy Ghost to Infants as well as to men: The Promise is made to you and to your children, said S. Peter; The Promise of the Father, the Promise that he would send the holy Ghost: Now if you ask how this Promise shall be convey'd to our children, we have an ex­presse out of the same Sermon of S. Peter, Be baptized, and ye Act. 2. 38. 39. shall receive the gift of the holy Ghost; So that therefore be­cause the holy Ghost is promised, and Baptism is the meanes of receiving the Promise, therefore Baptism pertaines to them, to whom the Promise which is the effect of Baptism does ap­pertaine. And that we may not think this Argument is fal­lible, or of humane collection, observe that it is the Argument of the same Apostle in expresse termes: For in the case of Cor­nelius and his Family, he justified his proceeding by this very medium, Shall we deny Baptism to them who have received the gift of the holy Ghost as well as we? Which Discourse if it be reduced to form of Argument sayes this; They that are capa­ble of the same Grace are receptive of the same sign; but then (to make the Syllogism up with an assumption proper to our present purpose) Infants are capable of the same Grace, that is of the holy Ghost (for the Promise is made to our Children [Page 227] as well as to us, and S. Paul sayes the Children of believing Pa­rents are holy, and therefore have the holy Ghost who is the Fountaine of holinesse and sanctification) therefore they are to receive the sign and the seale of it, that is, the Sacrament of Baptism.

And indeed since God entred a Covenant with the Jewes, Numb. 10. which did also actually involve their Children, and gave them a sign to establish the Covenant, and its appendant Promise, ei­ther God does not so much love the Church as he did the Sy­nagogue, and the mercies of the Gospel are more restrain'd, then the mercies of the Law, God having made a Covenant with the Infants of Israel, and none with the Children of Christian Parents; or if he hath, yet we want the comfort of its Consignation; and unlesse our Children are to be baptiz'd, and so intitled to the Promises of the new Covenant, as the Jewish Babes were by Circumcision, this mercy which apper­taines to Infants is so secret and undeclar'd and unconsign'd, that wee want much of that mercy and outward Testimony which gave them comfort and assurance.

And in proportion to these Precepts and Revelations was the practise Apostolicall: For they (to whom Christ gave in Numb. 11. Precept to make Disciples all Nations baptizing them, and knew that Nations without Children never were, and that therefore they were passively concern'd in that commission,) baptized whole Families, particularly that of Stephanus and di­vers others, in which it is more then probable there were some Minors if not sucking Babes. And this practise did descend upon the Church in after Ages by Tradition Apostolicall: Of this we have sufficient Testimony from Origen, Pro hoc Ecclesia In Rom. 6. tom. 2. pag. 543. ab Apostolis traditionem accepit, etiam parvulis baptismum dare: And S. Austin, Hoc Ecclesia à majorum fide percepit: And Serm. 10. de verb. Apost. c. 2. generally all Writers (as Calvin sayes) affirm the same thing: For nullus est Scriptor tam vetustus, qui non ejus originem ad Apostolorum saeculum pro certo referat. From hence the Con­clusion 4. Instir. cap. 16. §. 8. is, that Infants ought to be baptiz'd, that it is simply necessary, that they who deny it are Hereticks, and such are not to be endured because they deny to Infants hopes and take away the possibility of their salvation, which is revealed to us [Page 228] on no other condition of which they are capable but Baptism. For by the insinuation of the Type, by the action of Christ, by the title Infants have to Heaven, by the precept of the Gospel, by the Energy of the Promise, by the reasonablenesse of the thing, by the infinite necessity on the Infants part, by the practise Apostolcall, by their Tradition, and the universall practise of the Church; by all these God and good people proclaime the law­fulnesse, the conveniency, and the necessity of Infants Baptism.

To all this, the Anabaptist gives a soft and gentle Answer, that it is a goodly harangue, which upon strict examination will Numb. 12. come to nothing, that it pretends fairely and signifies little; That some of these Allegations are false, some impertinent, and all the rest insufficient.

For the Argument from Circumcision is invalid upon infinite Numb. 13. considerations; Figures and Types prove nothing, unlesse a Commandement goe along with them, or some expresse to sig­nifie such to be their purpose: For the Deluge of Waters and the Ark of Noah were a figure of Baptism said Peter; and if therefore the circumstances of one should be drawn to the o­ther, we should make Baptism a prodigy rather then a Rite: The Paschall Lamb was a Type of the Eucharist which succeeds the other as Baptism does to Circumcision; but because there was in the manducation of the Paschall Lamb, no prescription of Sacramentall drink, shall we thence conclude that the Eu­charist is to be ministred but in one kind? And even in the very instance of this Argument, supposing a correspondence of analogy between Circumcision and Baptism, yet there is no correspondence of identity: For although it were granted that both of them did consign the Covenant of Faith, yet there is nothing in the circumstance of childrens being circumcised that so concernes that Mystery, but that it might very well be given to Children, and yet Baptism only to men of reason; because Circumcision left a Character in the flesh, which being imprin­ted upon Infants did its work to them when they came to age; and such a Character was necessary because there was no word added to the sign; but Baptism imprints nothing that re­maines on the body, and if it leaves a Character at all it is up­on the soule, to which also the word is added which is as much [Page 229] a part of the Sacrament as the signe it selfe is; for both which reasons, it is requisite that the persons baptized should be ca­pable of reason, that they may be capable both of the word of the Sacrament, and the impresse made upon the Spirit: Since therefore the reason of this parity does wholly faile, there is no thing left to inferre a necessity of complying in this cir­cumstance of age any more then in the other annexes of the Type: And the case is cleare in the Bishop's Question to Cyprian, for why shall not Infants be baptized just upon the L. 3. Epist. 8. ad Fidum. eighth day as well as circumcised? If the correspondence of the Rites be an Argument to inferre one circumstance which is impertinent and accidentall to the mysteriousnesse of the Rite, why shall it not inferre all? And then also Femals must not be baptiezd, because they were not circumcised: But it were more proper if we would understand it right, to prosecute the analogy from the Type to the Anti-type by way of letter and spirit, and signification, and as Circumcision figures Baptism, so also the adjuncts of the Circumcision shall signifie something, spirituall, in the adherencies of Baptism: And therefore as In­fants were circumcised, so spirituall Infants shall be baptized, which is spirituall Circumcision; for therfore Babes had the mi­nistry of the Type, to signifie that we must when we give our names to Christ become [...] children in malice, [for unlesse you become like one of these little ones, you cannot enter into the Kingdome of heaven] said our blessed Saviour, and then the Type is made compleat. And this seemes to have been the sense of the Primitive Church; for in the Age next to the Apostles they gave to all baptized persons milk and honey to re­present to them their duty, that though in age and understanding they were men, yet they were Babes in Christ, and children in malice. But to inferre the sense of the Paedo-baptists is so weak a manner of arguing that Austin whose device it was (and men use to bee in love with their own fancies) at the most pretended it but as probable and a meare con­jecture.

And as ill successe will they have with the other Arguments as with this; For from the action of Christs blessing Infants Numb. 14. to inferre that they are to be baptized, proves nothing so much [Page 230] as that there is great want of better Arguments; The Con­clusion would be with more probability derived thus: Christ blessed children and so dismissed them, but baptized them not, therefore Insants are not to be baptized: But let this be as weak as its enemy, yet that Christ did not baptize them, is an Argument sufficient that Christ hath other wayes of bringing them to heaven then by baptism, he passed his act of grace upon them by benediction and imposition of hands.

And therefore, although neither Infants nor any man in puris naturalibus can attain to a supernaturall end without the addi­tion Numb. 15. of some instrument or meanes of Gods appointing ordina­rily and regularly, yet where God hath not appointed a Rule nor an Order, as in the case of Infants we contend he hath not, the Argument is invalid. And as we are sure that God hath not commanded Infants to be baptized; so we are sure God will doe them no injustice, nor damn them for what they cannot help.

And therefore, let them be pressed with all the inconveniences that are consequent to Originall sinne, yet either it will not be Numb. 16. laid to the charge of Infants, so as to be sufficient to condemn them; or if it could, yet the mercy and absolute goodnesse of God will secure them, if he takes them away before they can glorifie him with a free obedience; Quid ergo festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum, was the Question of Tertullian, (lib. de bapt.) he knew no such danger from their Originall guilt as to drive them to a laver of which in that Age of innocence they had no need, as he conceived. And therefore, there is no necessity of flying to the help of others, for tongue, and heart, and faith, and predispositions to baptism; for what need all this stirre? as Infants without their own consent, without any act of their own; and without any exteriour solennity contracted the guilt of Adams sinne, and so are lyable to all the punish­ment which can with justice descend upon his posterity who are personally innocent; so Infants shall be restored without any solennity or act of their own, or of any other men for them, by the second Adam, by the redemption of Jesus Christ, by his righteousnesse and mercies applyed either immediatly, or how or when he shall be pleased to appoint. And so Austin's [Page 231] Argument will come to nothing without any need of God­fathers, or the faith of any body else. And it is too narrow a conception of God Almighty, because he hath tyed us to the ob­servation of the Ceremonies of his own institution, that there­fore he hath tyed himselfe to it. Many thousand wayes there are by which God can bring any reasonable soule to himselfe: But nothing is more unreasonable, then because he hath tyed all men of years and discretion to this way, therefore we of our own heads shall carry Infants to him that way without his di­rection: The conceit is poore and low, and the action conse­quent to it is too bold and ventrous, mysterium meum mihi & filiis domus meae: Let him doe what he please to Infants, wee must not.

Only this is certain, that God hath as great care of Infants as of others, and because they have no capacity of doing such acts Numb. 17. as may be in order to acquiring salvation, God will by his own immediate mercy bring them thither where he hath intended them; but to say that therefore he will doe it by an externall act and ministery, and that confin'd to a particular, viz. This Rite and no other, is no good Argument, unlesse God could not doe it without such meanes, or that he had said he would not: And why cannot God as well doe his mercies to Infants now immediately, as he did before the institution either of Circum­cision or Baptism?

However, there is no danger that Infants should perish for want of this externall Ministery, much lesse for prevaricating Numb. 18. Christs precept of Nisiquis renatus fuerit, &c. For first, the Wa­ter and the Spirit in this place signifie the same thing; and by Water is meant the effect of the Spirit, cleansing and purifying the Soule, as appears in its parallel place of Christ baptizing with the Spirit and with Fire. For although this was literally fulfilled in Pentecost, yet morally there is more in it, for it is the sign of the effect of the holy Ghost, and his productions upon the soule; and it was an excellency of our blessed Sa­viour's office, that he baptizes all that come to him with the holy Ghost and with fire; for so S. John preferring Christs mission and office before his own, tells the Jewes, not Christ's Disci­ples, that Christ shall baptize them with Fire and the holy Spi­rit, [Page 232] that is, all that come to him, as John the Baptist did with water, for so lies the Antithesis: And you may as well con­clude that Infants must also passe through the fire as through the water. And that we may not think this a trick to elude the pressure of this place, Peter sayes the same thing; for when he had said that Baptism saves us, he addes by way of explicati­on [not the washing of the flesh, but the confidence of a good Con­science towards God] plainly saying that it is not water, or the purifying of the body, but the cleansing of the Spirit, that does that which is supposed to be the effect of Baptism; and if our Saviour's exclusive negative be expounded by analogy to this of Peter, as certainly the other parallel instance must, and this may, then it will be so farre from proving the necessity of In­fants Baptism, that it can conclude for no man that he is ob­lig'd to the Rite; and the doctrine of the Baptism is only to derive from the very words of Institution, and not be forced from words which were spoken before it was Ordain'd. But to let passe this advantage, and to suppose it meant of exter­nall Baptism, yet this no more inferres a necessity of Infant's Baptism, then the other words of Christ inferre a necessity to give them the holy Communion, Nisi comederitis carnem filii hominis, & biberitis sangninem, non introibitis in regnum coelonum; and yet we doe not think these words sufficient Ar­gument to communicate them; if men therefore will doe us Justice, either let them give both Sacraments to Infants, as some Ages of the Church did, or neither. For the wit of man is not able to shew a disparity in the Sanction, or in the Energie of its expression. And therefore they were honest that understood the obligation to be parallel, and performed it accord­ingly, and yet because we say they were deceived in one instance, and yet the obligation (all the world cannot reasonably say but) is the same; they are as honest and as reasonable that doe nei­ther. And since the Ancient Church did with an equall opi­nion of necessity give them the Communion, and yet men nowadayes do not, why shall men be more burthened with a preju­dice and a name of obloquy, for not giving the Infants one Sacra­ment more then they are disliked for not affording them the other. If Anabaptist shall be a name of digrace, why shall not some [Page 233] other name be invented for them that deny to communicate In­fants, which shall be equally disgracefull, or else both the opi­nions signified by such names, be accounted no disparagement, but receive their estimate according to their truth?

Of which truth since we are now taking account from pre­tences Numb. 19. of Scripture, it is considerable that the discourse of S. Peter which is pretended for the intitling Infants to the Promise of the holy Ghost, and by consequence to Baptism, which is suppo­sed to be its instrument and conveyance, is wholly a fancy, and hath in it nothing of certainty or demonstration, and not much probability. For besides that the thing it selfe is unreasonable, and the holy Ghost works by the heigthning and improving our naturall faculties, and therefore is a promise that so con­cernes them as they are reasonable creatures, and may have a title to it, in proportion to their nature, but no possession or reception of it, till their faculties come into act; besides this, I say, the words mentioned in S. Peter's Sermon (which are the only record of the promise) are interpreted upon a weak mistake: The promise belongs to you and to your children, therefore Infants are actually receptive of it in that capacity. That's the Argument; but the reason of it is not yet discove­red, nor ever will, for [to you and your children] is to you and your posterity, to you & your children when they are of the same capacity, in which you are effectually receptive of the promise: But he that when ever the word [children] is used in Scripture shall by [children] understand Infants, must needs believe that in all Israel there were no men, but all were Infants; and if that had been true, it had beene the greater wonder they should overcome the Anakims and beat the King of Moab, and march so farre, and discourse so well, for they were all called the children of Israel.

And for the Allegation of S. Paul that Infants are holy, if Numb. 20. their Parents be faithfull, it signifies nothing but that they are holy by designation, just as Jeremy and John Baptist were sancti­fied in their Mothers womb, that is they were appointed and design'd for holy Ministeries; but had not received the Promise of the Father the gift of the holy Ghost, for all that sanctifica­tion; and just so the Children of Christian Parents are sanctified, [Page 234] that is design'd to the service of Jesus Christ, and the future participation of the Promises.

And as the Promise appertaines not (for ought appears) to Numb. 21. Infants in that capacity and consistence, but only by the title of their being reasonable creatures, and when they come to that act of which by nature they have the faculty; so if it did, yet Baptism is not the meanes of conveying the holy Ghost. For that which Peter sayes, be baptized and ye shall receive the holy Ghost, signifies no more then this: First be baptized and then by imposition of the Apostles hands (which was another my­stery and rite,) ye shall receive the Promise of the Father: And this is nothing but an insinuation of the rite of confirma­tion, as is to this sense expounded by divers Ancient Authors, and in ordinary ministry the effect of it is not bestowed upon any unbaptized persons; for it is in order next after Baptism; and upon this ground Peter's Argument in the case of Cornelius was concluding enough à majori ad minus: Thus the holy Ghost was bestowed upon him and his Family, which gift by ordinary ministery was consequent to Baptism, (not as the effect is to the cause or to the proper instrument, but as a consequent is to an antecedent in a chaine of causes accidentally and by po­sitive institution depending upon each other) God by that mi­racle did give testimony, that the persons of the men were in great dispositions towards Heaven, and therefore were to be ad­mitted to those Rites, which are the ordinary inlets into the Kingdome of Heaven. But then from hence to argue that wherever there is a capacity of receiving the same grace, there also the same sign is to be ministred, and from hence to inferre Paedo-baptism, is an Argument very fallacious upon severall grounds. First, because Baptism is not the sign of the holy Ghost, but by another mystery it was conveyed ordinarily, and extraor­dinarily, it was conveyed independently from any mystery, and so the Argument goes upon a wrong supposition. Secondly, if the supposition were true, the proposition built upon it is false; for they that are capable of the same grace, are not alwayes ca­pable of the same sign; for women under the Law of Moses, al­though they were capable of the righteousnesse of Faith, yet they were not capable of the sign of Circumcision: For God does not [Page 235] alwayes convey his graces in the same manner, but to some me­diately, to others immediatly; and there is no better instance in the world of it, then the gift of the holy Ghost (which is the thing now instanc'd in this contestation) for it is certain in Scripture, that it was ordinarily given by imposition of hands, and that after Baptism; (And when this came into an ordinary ministery, it was called by the Ancient Church Chrism or Confirmation) but yet it was given sometimes without im­position of hands, as at Pentecost and to the Family of Corne­lius; sometimes before Baptism, sometimes after, sometimes in conjunction with it.

And after all this, least these Arguments should not ascer­taine Numb. 22. their Cause, they fall on complaining against God, and will not be content with God, unlesse they may baptize their Children, but take exceptions that God did more for the Children of the Jewes. But why so? Because God made a Co­venant with their Children actually as Infants, and consign'd it by Circumcision: Well; so he did with our children too in their proportion. He made a Covenant of spirituall Promises on his part, and spirituall and reall services on ours; and this pertains to Children when they are capable, but made with them as soon as they are alive, and yet not so as with the Jewes Babes; for as their rite consign'd them actually, so it was a Nationall and temporall blessing and Covenant, as a sepa­ration of them from the portion of the Nations, a marking them for a peculiar people, (and therefore while they were in the Wildernesse and separate from the commixture of all people, they were not at all circumcised) but as that rite did seale the righteousnesse of Faith, so by vertue of its adherency, and re­manency in their flesh, it did that work when the Children came to age. But in Christian Infants the case is otherwise; for the new Covenant being establish'd upon better Promises, is not only to better purposes, but also in distinct manner to be un­derstood; when their spirits are as receptive of a spirituall act or impresse as the bodies of Jewish Children were of the sign of Circumcision, then it is to be consign'd: But this busi­nesse is quickly at an end, by saying that God hath done no lesse for ours, then for their Children; for hee will doe the [Page 236] mercies of a Father and Creator to them, and he did no more to the other; but he hath done more to ours; for he hath made a Covenant with them and built it upon Promises of the greatest concernment; he did not so to them: But then for the other part which is the maine of the Argument, that unlesse this mercy be consign'd by Baptism, as good not at all in respect of us, because we want the comfort of it; this is the greatest vanity in the world: For when God hath made a Promise per­taining also to our Children (for so our Adversaries contend, and we also acknowledge in its true sense) shall not this Pro­mise, this word of God be of sufficient truth, certainty, and efficacy to cause comfort, unlesse we tempt God and require a sign of him? May not Christ say to these men as sometime to the Jewes, a wicked and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign, but no sign shall be given unto it? But the truth on't is, this Argument is nothing but a direct quarrelling with God Al­mighty.

Now since there is no strength in the Doctrinall part, the Numb. 23. practise and precedents Apostolicall and Ecclesiasticall, will be of lesse concernment, if they were true as is pretended, be­cause actions Apostolicall are not alwayes Rules for ever; it might be fit for them to doe it pro loco & tempore as divers others of their Institutions, but yet no engagement past thence upon following Ages; for it might be convenient at that time, in the new spring of Christianity, and till they had engag'd a considerable party, by that meanes to make them parties against the Gentiles Superstition, and by way of pre-occupation to ascertain them to their own sect when they came to be men; or for some other reason not trasmitted to us, because the Question of fact it selfe is not sufficiently determin'd. For the insinuation of that precept of baptizing all Nations, of which Children certainly are a part, does as little advantage as any of the rest, because other parallel expressions of Scripture doe determine and expound themselves to a sence that includes not all persons absolutely, but of a capable condition, as adorate eum omnes gentes, & psallite Deo omnes nationes terrae and di­vers more.

As for the conjecture concerning the Family of Stephanus, Numb. 24. [Page 237] at the best it is but a conjecture, and besides that it is not prov'd that there were Children in the Family; yet if that were granted, it followes not that they were baptized, because by [whole Fa­milies] in Scripture is meant all persons of reason and age within the Family; for it is said, of the Ruler at Capernaum, Ioh. 4. that he believed and all his house: Now you may also suppose that in his house were little Babes, that is likely enough, and you may suppose that they did believe too before they could understand, but that's not so likely; and then the Argument from baptizing of Stephen's houshold may bee allowed just as probable: But this is unman-like to build upon such slight aery conjectures.

But Tradition by all meanes must supply the place of Scrip­ture, Numb. 25. and there is pretended a Tradition Apostolicall, that Infants were baptized: But at this we are not much moved; For we who rely upon the written Word of God as sufficient to esta­blish all true Religion, doe not value the Allegation of Tradi­ons: And however the world goes, none of the Reformed Churches can pretend this Argument against this opinion, be­cause they who reject Tradition when tis against them, must not pretend it at all for them: But if wee should allow the Topick to be good, yet how will it be verified? for so farre as it can yet appeare, it relies wholly upon the Testimony of Origen, for from him Austin had it. Now a Tradition Apostolicall if it be not consign'd with a fuller Testimony then of one person whom all after-Ages have condemn'd of many errors, will obtain so little reputation amongst those who know that things have upon greater Authority pretended to derive from the Apo­stles, and yet falsly, that it will be a great Argument that he is credulons and weak, that shall be determin'd by so weak pro­bation in matters of so great concernment. And the truth of the businesse is, as there was no command of Scripture to ob­lige Children to the susception of it, so the necessity of Paedo­baptism was not determin'd in the Church till in the eighth Age after Christ, but in the yeare 418 in the Milevitan Coun­cell, a Provinciall of Africa, there was a Canon made for Pae­do-baptism; never till then! I grant it was practiz'd in Africa before that time, and they or some of them thought well of [Page 238] it, and though that be no Argument for us to think so, yet none of them did ever before, pretend it to be necessary, none to have been a precept of the Gospel. S. Austin was the first that ever preach'd it to be absolutely necessary, and it was in his heat and anger against Pelagius who had warm'd and chafed him so in that Question that it made him innovate in other doctrines possibly of more concernment then this. And that although this was practised anciently in Africa, yet that it was with­out an opinion of necessity, and not often there, nor at all in other places, we have the Testimony of a learned Paedo-baptist, Ludovicus Vives, who in his Annotations upon S. Austin, De Civit. Dei. l. 1. c. 27. affirms, Neminem nisi adultum antiqui­tùs solere baptizari.

But besides that the Tradition cannot be proved to be Apo­stolicall; we have very good evidence from Antiquity, that it Numb. 26. was the opinion of the Primitive Church, that Infants ought not to be baptiz'd; and this is clear in the sixth Canon of the Councell of Neocaesarea, The words are these, [...]: The sence is this, A woman with child may be baptized when she please; For her Baptism concernes not the child. The reason of the connexion of the parts of that Canon is in the following words, because every one in that Confession is to give a de­monstration of his own choyce and election: Meaning plain­ly, that if the Baptism of the Mother did also passe upon the child, it were not fit for a pregnant woman to receive Bap­tism, because in that Sacrament there being a Confession of Faith, which Confession supposes understanding, and free choyce, it is not reasonable the child should be consign'd with such a mystery, since it cannot doe any act of choyce or under­standing: The Canon speaks reason, and it intimates a practise which was absolutely universall in the Church, of interrogating the Catechumens concerning the Articles of Creed: Which is one Argument that either they did not admit Infants to Bap­tism, or that they did prevaricate egregiously in asking Que­stions of them, who themselves knew were not capable of gi­ving answer.

[Page 239] And to supply their incapacity by the Answer of a God­father, Numb. 27. Quid ni ne­cesse est (sie le­git Franc. Iu­nius in notis ad Tertul.) sponsores eti. am periculo ingeri qui & ipsi per morta­litatem desti­tuere promissi­ones suas pos­sint, & proven­tu malae indo­lis falli? Ter­tul. lib. de bap­tis cap. 18. is but the same unreasonablenesse acted with a worse circumstance: And there is no sensible account can be given of it; for that which some imperfectly murmure concerning stipulations civill perform'd by Tutors in the name of their Pu­pils, is an absolute vanity: For what if by positive Consti­tution of the Romans such solennities of Law are required in all stipulations, and by indulgence are permitted in the case of a notable benefit accruing to Minors, must God be tyed, and Christian Religion transact her mysteries by proportion and complyance with the Law of the Romans? I know God might if he would have appointed Godfathers to give Answer in be­halfe of the Children, and to be fidejussors for them; but we cannot find any Authority or ground that he hath, and if he had, then it is to be supposed he would have given them Com­mission to have transacted the solennity with better circum­stances, and given Answers with more truth. For the Que­stion is asked of believing in the present. And if the God­fathers answer in the name of the child, [I doe believe] it is Lib. de baptis. prope finem, cap. 18. itaque pro personae cujusque con­ditione ac dispositione, etiam aetate, cunctatio bap­tismi utilior est, praecipuè tamen circa parvulos....Fi­ant Christiani cum Christum nosse potue­rint. notorious they speak false and ridiculously; for the Infant is not capable of believing, and if he were, he were also capable of dissenting, and how then doe they know his mind? And therefore Tertullian gives advice that the Baptism of Infants should bee deferred till they could give an account of their Faith, and the same also is the Councell of Orat. 40, quaest in S. Bap­tisma. Gregory Bishop of Nazianzum, although he allowes them to hasten it in case of necessity; for though his reason taught him what was fit, yet he was overborn with the practise and opinion of his Age, which began to beare too violently upon him, and yet in ano­ther place he makes mention of some to whom Baptism was not adminstred [...], by reason of Infancy; To which if we adde that the Parents of S. Austin, S. Hierom, and S. Ambrose although they were Christian, yet did not baptise their children before they were; o years of age, it will be very considerable in the example, and of great efficacy for destroying the suppo­sed necessity or derivation from the Apostles.

But however, it is against the perpetuall analogy of Christs Numb. 28. Doctrine to baptize Infants: For besides that Christ never gave [Page 240] any precept to baptize them, nor ever himselfe nor his Apostles (that appears) did baptize any of them; All that either he or his Apostles said concerning it, requires such previous dispositi­ons to Baptism of which Infants are not capable, and these are Faith and Repentance: And not to instance in those innumera­ble places that require Faith before this Sacrament, there needs no more but this one saying of our blessed Saviour, He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved, but he that believeth not Mar. 16. shall be damned; plainly thus, Faith and Baptism in conjunction will bring a man to heaven; but if he have not Faith, Baptism shall doe him no good. So that if Baptism be necessary then, so is Faith, and much more; for want of Faith damnes abso­lutely; it is not said so of the want of Baptism. Now if this decretory sentence be to be understood of persons of age, and if Children by such an Answer (which indeed is reasonable enough) be excused from the necessity of Faith, the want of which regularly does damne, then it is sottish to say the same incapacity of reason and Faith shall not excuse from the actuall susception of Baptism, which is lesse necessary, and to which Faith and many other acts are necessary predisposions when it is reasonably and humanely received. The Conclusion is, that Baptism is also to be deferr'd till the time of Faith: And whe­ther Infants have Faith or no, is a Question to be disputed by persons that care not how much they say, nor how little they prove.

1. Personall and actuall Faith they have none; for they have Numb. 29. no acts of understanding; and besides how can any man know that they have, since he never saw any sign of it, neither was he told so by any one that could tell? 2. Some say they have im­putative Faith; but then so let the Sacrament be too, that is, if they have the Parents Faith or the Churches, then so let Baptism be imputed also by derivation from them, that as in their Mothers womb, and while they hang on their breasts, they live upon their Mothers nourishment, so they may upon the Baptism of their Parents or their Mother the Church. For since Faith is necessary to the susception of Baptism (and they themselves confesse it by striving to finde out new kinds of Faith to dawb the matter up) such as the Faith is, such must be the [Page 241] Sacrament: for there is no proportion between an actuall Sa­crament and an imputative Faith, this being in immediate and necessary order to that: And whatsoever can be said to take off from the necessity of actuall Faith, all that and much more may be said to excuse from the actuall susception of Bap­tism. 3. The first of these devices was that of Luther and his Scholars, the second of Calvin and his; and yet there is a third device which the Church of Rome teaches, and that is, that In­fants have habituall Faith: But who told them so? how can they prove it? what Revelation, or reason teaches any such thing? Are they by this habite so much as disposed to an actuall beliefe without a new master? Can an Infant sent into a Ma­humetan Province be more confident for Christianity when he comes to be a man, then if he had not been baptized? Are there any acts precedent, concomitant or consequent to this preten­ded habit? This strange invention is absolutely without art, without Scripture, Reason or Authority: But the men are to be excused unlesse there were a better; But for all these stra­tagemes, the Argument now alledged against the Baptism of In­fants is demonstrative and unanswerable.

To which also this consideration may be added, that if Baptism Numb. 30. be necessary to the salvation of Infants, upon whom is the im­position laid? To whom is the command given? to the Pa­rents or to the Children? not to the Children, for they are not capable of a Law; not to the Parents, for then God hath put the salvation of innocent Babes into the power of others; and Infants may be damn'd for their Fathers carelessnesse or malice. It followes that it is not necessary at all to be done to them, to whom it cannot be prescrib'd as a Law, and in whose behalfe it cannot be reasonably intrusted to others with the ap­pendant necessity; and if it be not necessary, it is certain it is not reasonable, and most certain it is nowhere in termes prescribed, and therefore it is to be presumed, that it ought to be understood and administred according as other precepts are with reference to the capacity of the subject, and the reasonablenesse of the thing.

For I consider, that the baptizing of Infants does rush us up­on Numb. 31. such inconveniences which in other Questions we avoid like Rocks, which will appear if we Discourse thus.

[Page 242] Either Baptism produces spirituall effects, or it produces them not: If it produces not any, why is such contention about it, what are we the nearer heaven if we are baptized? and if it be neglected, what are we the farther off? But if (as without all peradventure all the Paedo-baptists will say) Baptism does doe a work upon the soule, producing spirituall benefits and advantages, these advantages are produc'd by the externall work of the Sa­crament alone, or by that as it is help'd by the co-operation and predispositions of the suscipient.

If by the externall work of the Sacrament alone, how does this differ from the opus operatum of the Papists, save that it is worse? for they say the Sacrament does not produce its effect but in a suscipient disposed by all requisites and due preparatives of piety, faith, and repentance; though in a subject so dispo­sed, they say the Sacrament by its own vertue does it; but this opinion sayes it does it of it selfe without the help, or so much as the coexistence of any condition but the meare reception.

But if the Sacrament does not doe its work alone, but per modum recipientis according to the predispositions of the susci­pient, then because Infants can neither hinder it, nor doe any thing to further it, it does them no benefit at all. And if any man runs for succour to that exploded [...], that In­fants have Faith, or any other inspir'd habite of I know not what or how, we desire no more advantage in the world, then that they are constrained to an answer without Revelation, a­gainst reason, common sense, and all the experience in the world.

The summe of the Argument in short, is this though under another representment.

Either Baptism is a meare Ceremony, or it implyes a Duty on our part. If it be a Ceremony only, how does it sanctifie us, or make the commers therunto perfect? If it implyes a Duty on our part, how then can Children receive it, who cannot doe duty at all?

And indeed, this way of Ministration makes Baptism to be wholly an outward duty, a work of the Law, a carnall Ordi­nance, it makes us adhere to the letter, without regard of the Spirit, to be satisfied with shadowes, to return to bondage, [Page 243] to relinquish the mysteriousnesse, the substance and Spirituality of the Gospel. Which Argument is of so much the more con­sideration, because under the Spirituall Covenant, or the Gospel of Grace, if the mystery goes not before the Symbol (which it does when the Symbols are Seales and Consignations of the Grace, as it is said the Sacraments are) yet it alwayes accom­panies it, but never followes in order of time: And this is clear in the perpetuall analogy of holy Scripture.

For Baptism is never propounded, mentioned or enjoyn'd as a meanes of remission of sinnes, or of eternall life, but some­thing of duty, choyce and sanctity is joyn'd with it, in order to production of the end so mentioned, Know ye not that as ma­ny Rom. 6. 3. as are baptized into Christ Jesus, are baptized into his death? There is the mystery and the Symbol together, and declared to bee perpetually united, [...]. All of us who were baptized into one, were baptized into the other, Not only into the Name of Christ, but into his death also: But the meaning of this as it is explained in the following words of S. Paul, makes much for our purpose: For to bee baptized into his death, signifies to be buried with him in Baptism, that as Christ rose from the dead, wee also should walk in newnesse of life: That's Vers. 4. the full mystery of Baptism; For being baptized into his death, or which is all one in the next words, [...] into the likenesse of his death, cannot goe alone; if we be so plan­ted Vers. 5. into Christ, we shall be partakers of his Resurrection, and that is not here instanced in precise reward, but in exact Duty, for all this is nothing but crucifixion of the old man, a destroying the Vers. 6. body of sinne, that wee no longer serve sinne.

This indeed is truly to be baptized both in the Symbol and the Mystery: Whatsoever is lesse then this, is but the Symbol only, a meare Ceremony, an opus operatum, a dead letter, an empty shadow, an instrument without an agent to manage, or force to actuate it.

Plainer yet: Whosoever are baptized into Christ have put on Christ, have put on the new man: But to put on this new man, is to be formed in righteousnesse, and holinesse, and truth: This whole Argument is the very words of S. Paul: The Major pro­position is dogmatically determin'd, Gal. 3. 27. The Minor in [Page 244] Ephes. 4. 24. The Conclusion then is obvious, that they who are not formed new in righteousnesse, and holinesse, and truth, they who remaining in the present incapacites cannot walk in new­nesse of life, they have not been baptized into Christ, and then they have but one member of the distinction, used by S. Peter, they have that Baptism which is a putting away the filth of the flesh; but they have not that Baptism which is the answer of a 1 Pet. 3. 21. good conscience towards God, which is the onely Baptism that saves us: And this is the case of children; And then the case is thus.

As Infants by the force of nature cannot put themselves in­to a supernaturall condition, (and therefore say the Paedo-baptists, they need Baptism to put them into it:) so if they be baptized before the use of reason, before the works of the Spirit, before the operations of Grace, before they can throw off the works of darknesse, and live in righteousnesse and newnesse of life, they are never the nearer: From the paines of Hell they shall be saved by the mercies of God and their own innocence, though they die in puris naturalibus, and Baptism will carry them no further. For that Baptism that saves us, is not the only washing with water, of which only, Children are capable, but the answer of a good conscience towards God, of which they are not capable till the use of reason, till they know to chuse the good and re­fuse the evill.

And from thence I consider anew, That all vowes made by persons under others Names, stipulations made by Minors, are not valid till they by a supervening act after they are of suffi­cient age doe ratifie them. Why then may not Infants as well make the vow de novo, as de novo ratifie that which was made for them ab antiquo when they come to years of choice? If the Infant vow be invalid till the Manly confirmation, why were it Vide Eras­mum in prae­fat. ad Anno­tat. in Matth. not as good they staid to make it till that time, before which if they doe make it, it is to no purpose? This would bee considered.

And in Conclusion, Our way is the the surer way, for not to baptize Children till they can give an account of their Faith, is Numb. 32. the most proportionable to an act of reason and humanity, and it can have no danger in it: For to say that Infants may be damn'd [Page 245] for want of Baptism, (a thing which is not in their power to acquire, they being persons not yet capable of a Law) is to af­firm that of God which we dare not say of any wise and good man. Certainly it is much derogatory to Gods Justice and a plaine defiance to the infinite reputation of his goodnesse.

And therefore, who ever will pertinaciously persist in this opi­nion Numb. 33. of the Paedo-baptists and practise it accordingly, they pol­lute the blood of the everlasting Testament, they dishonour and make a pageantry of the Sacrament, they ineffectually re­present a sepulture into the death of Christ, and please them­selves in a sign without effect, making Baptism like the fig-tree in the Gospel, full of leaves but no fruit; And they invocate the holy Ghost in vaine, doing as if one should call upon him to illuminate a stone, or a tree.

Thus farre the Anabaptists may argue, and men have Dispu­ted Numb. 34. against them with so much weaknesse and confidence, that they have been encouraged in their errour [...] as Nazianzen observes of the case of the Church in his time. more by the acci­dentall advantages we have given them by our weak arguings, then by any truth of their cause, or excellency of their wit. But the use I make of it as to our present Question is this: That since there is no direct impiety in the opinion, nor any that is apparently consequent to it, and they with so much probabili­ty doe or may pretend to true perswasion, they are with all meanes, Christian, faire, and humane, to be redargued, or in­structed, but if they cannot be perswaded they must be left to God, who knowes every degree of every mans understanding, all his weaknesses and strengths, what impresse each Argument makes upon his Spirit, and how unresistible every reason is, and he alone judges his innocency and sincerity; and for the Question, I think there is so much to be pretended against that, which I believe to be the truth, that there is much more truth then evidence on our side, and therefore we may be confident as for our own particulars, but not too forward peremptorily to prescribe to others, much lesse damne, or to kill, or to per­secute them that only in this particular disagree.

SECT. XIX.

That there may be no Toleration of Doctrines inconsi­stent with piety or the pulique good.

BUt then for their other capitall Opinion, with all its branches, Numb. 1. that it is not lawfull for Princes to put Malefactors to death, nor to take up desensive Armes, nor to minister an Oath, nor to contend in judgement, it is not to be disputed with such liberty as the former: For although it bee part of that Doctrine which Clemens Alexandrinus sayes was delivered per secretam traditionem Apostolorum, Non licere Christianis con­tendere L. 7. Stromat. in Iudicio, nec coràm gentibus, nec coràm sanctis, & per­fectum non debere Iurare; and the other part seemes to be warranted by the eleventh Canon of the Nicene Councell, which enjoynes penance to them that take Armes after their conversion to Christianity; yet either these Authorities are to be slighted, or be made receptive of any interpretation rather then the Common-wealth be disarmed of its necessary supports, and all Lawes made ineffectuall and impertinent: For the interest of the republique, and the well being of bodies politick is not to depend upon the nicety of our imaginations, or the fancies of any peevish or mistaken Priests, and there is no reason a Prince should ask John-a-Brunck, whether his understanding will give him leave to raign, and be a King: Nay, suppose there were divers places of Scripture which did seemingly restraine the Politicall use of the Sword, yet since the avoyding a per­sonall inconvenience, hath by all men been accounted sufficient reason to expound Scripture to any sense rather then the lite­rall, which inferres an unreasonable inconvenience, (and there­fore the pulling out an eye, and the cutting off a hand, is ex­pounded by mortifying a vice, and killing a criminall habit) much rather must the Allegations against the power of the Sword endure any sence rather then it should be thought that Christianity should destroy that which is the only instrument of Justice, the restraint of vice and support of bodies politick. It is certain that Christ and his Apostles, and Christian Religion [Page 247] did comply with the most absolute Government, and the most imperiall that was then in the world; and it could not have been at all indured in the world if it had not; for indeed the world it selfe could not last in regular and orderly communi­ties of men, but be a perpetuall confusion, if Princes and the Supreme Power in Bodies Politick, were not armed with a coercive power to punish Malefactors: The publike necessity, and universall experience of all the world convinces those men of being most unreasonable, that make such pretences which destroy all Lawes, and all Communities, and the bands of ci­vill Societies, and leave it arbitrary to every vaine or vitious person whether men shall be safe, or Lawes be established, or a Murderer hang'd, or Princes Rule. So that in this case men are not so much to Dispute with particular Arguments, as to consider the Interest and concernment of Kingdomes and Pub­lick Societies: For the Religion of Jesus Christ is the best establisher of the felicity of private persons, and of publick Communities; it is a Religion that is prudent and innocent, humane, and reasonable, and brought infinite advantages to man­kind, but no inconvenience, nothing that is unnaturall, or un­sociable, or unjust. And if it be certain that this world can­not be governed without Lawes, and Lawes without a com­pulsory signifie nothing, then it is certain, that it is no good Re­ligion that teaches Doctrine whose consequents will destroy all Government; and therefore it is as much to be rooted out, as any thing that is the greatest pest and nuisance to the pub­lick interest: And that we may guesse at the purposes of the men, and the inconvenience of such Doctrine; these men that did first intend by their Doctrine to disarme all Princes, and bodies Politick, did themselves take up armes to establish their wild, and impious fancie; and indeed that Prince or Com­mon-wealth that should be perswaded by them; would be ex­posed to all the insolencies of forraingners, and all mutinies of the teachers themselves, and the Governours of the people could not doe that duty they owe to their people of protecting them from the rapine and malice which will be in the world as long as the world is. And therefore, here they are to be re­strained from preaching such Doctrine, if they mean to preserve [Page 248] their Government, and the necessity of the thing will justifie the lawfulnesse of the thing: If they think it to themselves, that cannot be helped; so long it is innocent as much as con­cernes the Publick; but if they preach it, they may be accounted Authors of all the consequent inconveniences, and punisht ac­cordingly: No Doctrine that destroyes Government is to be en­dured; For although those Doctrines are not alwayes good that serve the private ends of Princes, or the secret designes of State, which by reason of some accidents or imperfections of men may be promoted by that which is false and pretending, yet no Do­ctrine can be good that does not comply with the formality of Government it selfe, and the well being of bodies Politick; Au­gur cum esset Cato, dicere ausus est, optimis auspiciis ea geri Cicero de senectute. quae pro Reipub. salute gererentur; quae contra Rempub. fierent contra auspicia fieri: Religion is to meliorate the condition of a people, not to doe it disadvantange, and therefore those Do­ctrines that inconvenience the Publick, are no parts of good Re­ligion; ut Respub. salva fit, is a necessary consideration in the permission of Prophecyings; for according to the true, solid, and prudent ends of the Republick, so is the Doctrine to be per­mitted or restrained, and the men that preach it according as they are good Subjects, and right Common-wealths men: For Religion is a thing superinduced to temporall Government, and the Church is an addition of a capacity to a Common-wealth, and therefore is in no sense to disserve the necessity and just in­terests of that to which it is super-added for its advantage and conservation.

And thus by a proportion to the Rules of these instances, all Numb. 2. their other Doctrines are to have their judgement, as concerning Toleration or restraint; for all are either speculative, or practicall, they are consistent with the Publick ends or inconsistent, they teach impiety or they are innocent, and they are to be permit­ted or rejected accordingly. For in the Question of Tolera­tion, the foundation of Faith, good life and Government is to be secured; in all others cases, the former considerations are effectuall.

SECT. XX.

How farre the Religion of the Church of Rome is Tolerable.

But now concerning the Religion of the Church of Rome (which was the other instance I promised to consider) we Numb. 1. will proceed another way, and not consider the truth or falsity of the Doctrines; for that is not the best way to determine this Question concerning permitting their Religion or Assem­blies; because that a thing is not true, is not Argument suffi­cient to conclude that he that believes it true is not to bee endured; but we are to consider what inducements there are that possesse the understanding of those men; whether they be reasonable and innocent, sufficient to abuse or perswade wise and good men, or whether the Doctrines be commenc'd upon designe, and manag'd with impiety, and then have effects not to be endured.

And here first, I consider that those Doctrines that have Numb. 2. had long continuance and possession in the Church, cannot easily be supposed in the present Professors to be a design, since they have received it from so many Ages, and it is not likely that all Ages should have the same purposes, or that the same Doctrine should serve the severall ends of divers Ages. But however; long prescription is a prejudice, oftentimes so insup­portable, that it cannot with many Arguments be retrench'd, as relying upon these grounds, that truth is more ancient then falshood, that God would not for so many Ages forsake his Church, and leave her in an errour; that whatsoever is new, is not only suspicious, but false; which are suppositions, pious and plausible enough. And if the Church of Rome had communi­cated Infants so long as she hath prayed to Saints, or baptized Infants, the communicationg would have been believed with as much confidence, as the other Articles are, and the dissentients with as much impatience rejected. But this consideration is to be enlarg'd upon all those particulars, which as they are apt to abuse the persons of the men and amuse their understandings, [Page 250] so they are instruments of their excuse, and by making their errours to be invincible, and their opinions, though false, yet not criminall, make it also to be an effect of reason and charity, to permit the men a liberty of their Conscience, and let them answer to God for themselves and their own opinions: Such as are the beauty and splendor of their Church; their pom­pous Service; the statelinesse and solennity of the Hierarchy; their name of Catholick, which they suppose their own due, and to concern no other Sect of Christians; the Antiquity of ma­ny of their Doctrines; the continuall Succession of their Bishops; their immediate derivation from the Apostles; their Title to succeed S. Peter; the supposall and pretence of his personall Pre­rogatives; the advantages which the conjunction of the Imperiall Seat with their Episcopall hath brought to that Sea; the flat­tering expressions of minor Bishops, which by being old Re­cords, have obtain'd credibility; the multitude and variety of people which are of their perswasion; apparent consent with Antiquity in many Ceremonialls which other Churches have rejected; and a pretended, and sometimes an apparent consent with some elder Ages in many matters doctrinall; the ad­vantage which is derived to them by entertaining some perso­nall opinions of the Fathers, which they with infinite clamours see to bee cryed up to be a Doctrine of the Church of that time; The great consent of one part with another in that which most of them affim to be de fide; the great differences which are commenc'd amongst their Adversaries, abusing the Liberty of Prophecying unto a very great licentiousnesse; their happinesse of being instruments in converting divers Nations; the advantages of Monarchicall Government, the benefit of which as well as the inconveniences (which though they feele they consider not) they daily doe enjoy; the piety and the austerity of their Religious Orders of men and women; the single life of their Priests and Bishops; the riches of their Church; the severity of their Fasts and their exteriour obser­vances; the great reputation of their first Bishops for Faith and sanctity; the known holinesse of some of those persons whose Institutes the Religious Persons pretend to imitate; their Miracles false or true, substantiall or imaginary; the [Page 251] casualties and accidents that have hapned to their Adversaries, which being chances of humanity are attributed to severall causes according as the fancies of men and their Interests are pleased or satisfied; the temporall selicity of their Professors; the oblique arts & indirect proceedings of some of those who depar­ted from them; and amongst many other things, the names of Heretick and Schismatick, which they with infinite pretinacy fasten upon all that disagree from them; These things and di­vers others may very easily perswade persons of much reason and more piety, to retain that which they know to have been the Religion of their fore-Fathers, which had actuall possession and seizure of mens understandings before the op­posite professions had a name; And so much the rather because Religion hath more advantages upon the fancy and affections, then it hath upon Philosophy and severe discourses, and there­fore is the more easily perswaded upon such grounds as these, which are more apt to amuse then to satisfie the under­standing.

Secondly, If we consider the Doctrines themselves, we shall Numb. 3. finde them to be superstructures ill built, and worse manag'd, but yet they keep the foundation, they build upon God in Je­sus Christ, they professe the Apostles Creed, they retain Faith and Repentance as the supporters of all our hopes of Heaven, and believe many more truths then can be proved to be of sim­ple and originall necessity to salvation: And therefore all the wisest Personages of the adverse party allowed to them possi­bility of salvation, whilst their errours are not faults of their will, but weaknesses and deceptions of the understanding. So that there is nothing in the foundation of Faith, that can rea­sonably hinder them to be permitted: The foundation of Faith stands secure enough for all their vaine and unhandsome super­structures.

But then on the other side, if we take account of their Do­ctrines as they relate to good life, or are consistent or incon­sistent with civill Government, we shall have other conside­rations.

Thirdly, For I consider, that many of their Doctrines doe Numb. 4. accidentally teach or lead to ill life, and it will appeare to any [Page 252] man that considers the result of these propositions: Attrition (which is a low and imperfect degree of sorrow for sin, or as others say a sorrow for sinne commenc'd upon any reason of temporall hope, or feare or desire or any thing else) is a suffici­ent disposition for a man in the Sacrament of penance to re­ceive absolution, and be justified before God, by taking away the guilt of all his sinnes, and the obligation to eternall paines. So that already the feare of Hell is quite removed upon con­ditions so easie, that many men take more paines to get a groat, then by this Doctrine we are oblig'd to, for the curing and acquitting all the greatest sinnes of a whole life, of the most vitious person in the world: And but that they affright their people with a feare of Purgatory, or with the severity of Pe­nances in case they will not venter for Purgatory (for by their Doctrine they may chuse or refuse either) there would be no­thing in their Doctrine or Discipline to impede and slacken their proclivity to sinne; but then they have as easy a cure for that too, with a little more charge sometimes, but most commonly with lesse trouble: For there are so many confrater­nities, so many priviledged Churches, Altars, Monasteries, Coe­meteries, Offices, Festivals, and so free a concession of Indulgences appendant to all these, and a thousand fine devices to take away the feare of Purgatory, to commute or expiate Penances, that in no sect of men, doe they with more ease and cheapnesse re­concile a wicked life with the hopes of heaven, then in the Ro­man Communion.

And indeed if men would consider things upon their true Numb. 5. grounds, the Church of Rome should be more reproved upon Doctrines that inferre ill life, then upon such as are contrariant to Faith. For false superstructures doe not alwayes destroy: Faith; but many of the Doctrines they teach if they were pro­secuted to the utmost issue would destroy good life: And there­fore my quarrell with the Church of Rome is greater and stronger upon such points which are not usually considerd, then it is upon the ordinary disputes, which have to no very great purpose so much disturb'd Christendome: And I am more scandaliz'd at her for teaching the sufficiency of Attrition in the Sacrament, for indulging Penances so frequently, for remitting [Page 253] all Discipline, for making so great a part of Religon to consist in externalls and Ceremonialls, for putting more force and Ener­gy and exacting with more severity the commandments of men then the precepts of Justice, and internall Religion: Lastly, be­sides many other things, for promising heaven to persons after a wicked life upon their impertinent cryes and Ceremon alls trans­acted by the Priest and the dying Person: I confesse I wish the zeale of Christendome were a little more active against these and the like Doctrines, and that men would write and live more earnestly against them then as yet they have done.

But then what influence this just zeale is to have upon the Numb. 6. persons of the Professors is another consideration: For as the Pharisees did preach well and lived ill, and therefore were to be heard not imitated: So if these men live well though they teach ill, they are to be imitated not heard: their Doctrines by all meanes, Christian and humane, are to be discountenanc'd, but their persons tolerated eatenùs; their Profession and De­crees to be rejected and condemn'd, but the persons to be per­mitted, because by their good lives they confute their Doctrines, that is, they give evidence, that they think no evill to be con­sequent to such opinions, and if they did, that they live good lives, is argument sufficient that they would themselves cast the first stone against their own opinions, if they thought them guilty of such misdemeanours.

Fourthly, But if we consider their Doctrines in relation to Numb. 7. Government, and Publick societies of men, then if they prove faulty, they are so much the more intolerable by how much the consequents, are of greater danger and malice: Such Doctrines as these, The Pope may dispence with all oathes taken to God or man: He may absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their naturall Prince: Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks, Hereticall Princes may be slaine by their Subjects. These Pro­positions are so deprest, and doe so immediately communicate with matter, and the interests of men, that they are of the same consideration with matters of fact, and are to be handled accordingly. To other Doctrines ill life may be consequent; but the connexion of the antecedent and the consequent is not (peradventure) perceiv'd or acknowledged by him that believes [Page 254] the opinion with no greater confidence then he disavowes the effect, and issue of it. But in these, the ill effect is the direct profession and purpose of the opinion, and therefore the man and the mans opinion is to be dealt withall, just as the matter of fact is to be judg'd; for it is an immediate, a perceiv'd, a direct event, and the very purpose of the opinion. Now these opinions are a direct overthrow to all humane society, and mu­tuall commerce, a destruction of Government, and of the lawes and duty and subordination which we owe to Princes; and there­fore those men of the Church of Rome that doe hold them, and preach them, cannot pretend to the excuses of innocent opini­ons, and hearty perswasion, to the weaknesse of humanity, and the difficulty of things; for God hath not left those truths which are necessary for conservation of publike societies of men, so intricate and obscure, but that every one that is honest and desirous to understand his duty, will certainly know that no Christian truth destroyes a mans being sociable and a mem­ber of the body Politick, co-operating to the conservation of the whole as well as of it selfe. However, if it might happen that men should sincerely erre in such plaine matters of fact (for there are fooles enough in the world) yet if he hold his peace, no man is to persecute or punish him, for then it is meare opinion which comes not under Politicall Cognisance, that is, that Cognisance which onely can punish corporally; but if he preaches it, he is actually a Traytor, or Seditious, or Au­thor of Perjury, or a destroyer of humane Society, respective­ly to the nature of the Doctrine; and the preaching such Do­ctrines cannot claime the priviledge and immunity of a meare opinion, because it is as much matter of fact, as any the actions of his disciples and confidents, and therefore in such cases is not to be permitted, but judg'd according to the nature of the effect it hath or may have upon the actions of men.

Fifthly: But lastly, In matters mearly speculative, the case is wholly altered, because the body Politick which only may law­fully Numb. 8. use the sword, is not a competent Judge of such matters which have not direct influence upon the body Politick, or upon the lives and manners of men as they are parts of a Community (not but that Princes or Judges Temporall may [Page 255] have as much ability as others, but by reason of the incompe­tency of the Authority;) And Gallio spoke wisely, when he discoursed thus to the Jewes, If it were a matter of wrong or Act. 18. 14. wicked lewdnesse ô ye Jewes, reason would that I should hear you; But if it be a question of words, and names, and of your Law, look ye to it, for I will be no Judge of such matters: The man spoke excellent reason; for the Cognisnance of these things did appertain to men of the other robe: but the Ecclesiasticall power, which only is competent to take notice of such questi­ons, is not of capacity to use the Temporall sword or corpo­rall inflictions: The meare doctrines and opinions of men are things Spirituall, and therefore not Cognoscible by a temporall Authority; and the Ecclesiasticall Authority, which is to take Cognisance is it selfe so Spirituall, that it cannot inflict any pu­nishment corporall.

And it is not enough to say that when the Magistrate re­straines Numb. 9. the preaching such opinions, if any man preaches them he may be punished (and then it is not for his opinion but his disobedience that he is punish'd) for the temporall power ought not to restraine Prophecyings, where the publick peace and interest is not certainly concern'd. And therefore it is not sufficient to excuse him, whose Law in that case being by an incompetent power made a scruple where there was no sinne.

And under this consideration, come very many Articles of the Church of Rome, which are wholly speculative, which doe Numb. 10. not derive upon practise, which begin in the understanding and rest there, and have no influence upon life and government, but very accidentally, and by a great many removes, and therefore are to be considered only so farre as to guide men in their perswasions, but have no effect upon the persons of men, their bodies, or their temporall condition: I instance in two; Prayer for the dead, and the Doctrine of Transubstantion, these two to be instead of all the rest.

For the first, This Discourse is to suppose it false, and we are Numb. 11. to direct our proceedings accordingly: And therefore I shall not need to urge with how many faire words and gay pretences, this Doctrine is set off, apt either to conzen or instruct the con­science [Page 256] of the wisest according as it is true or false respective­ly. But we finde (sayes the Romanist) in the History of the Maccabees, that the Jewes did pray and make offerings for the dead (which also appeares by other Testimonies, and by their forme of prayers still extant which they used in the Captivity) it is very considerable, that since our blessed Saviour did reprove all the evill Doctrines and Traditions of the Scribes and Phari­sees, and did argue concerning the dead and the Resurrection against the Sadduces, yet he spake no word against this pub­lick practise, but left it as he found it, which he who came to declare to us all the will of his Father would not have done, if it had not been innocent, pious and full of charity. To which by way of consociation, if we adde that S. Paul did pray for Onesiphorus, That God would shew him a mercy in that day, 2 Tim. 1. 18. that is, according to the stile of the New Testament, the day of Judgement: The result will be, that although it be proba­ble, that Onesiphorus at that time was dead (because in his salutations he salutes his houshold, without naming him who was the Major domo, against his custome of salutitions in other places:) Yet besides this, the prayer was for such a blessing to him whose demonstration and reception could not be but after death; which implies clearly, that then there is a need of mercy, and by consequence the dead people even to the day of Judgement inclusively are the subject of a misery, the object of Gods mercy, and therefore fit to be commemorated in the duties of our piety and charity, and that we are to recom­mend their condition to God, not only to give them more glory, in the reunion, but to pitty them to such purposes in which they need; which because they are not revealed to us in particular, it hinders us not in recommending the persons in particular to Gods mercy, but should rather excite our charity and devotion: For it being certaine that they have a need of mercy, and it being uncertain how great their need is, it may concern the prudence of charity to be the more earnest as not knowing the greatnesse of their necessity.

And if there should be any uncertainty in these Arguments, Numb. 12. yet its having been the universall practise of the Church of God in all places, and in all Ages till within these hundred [Page 257] yeares, is a very great inducement for any member of the Church to believe that in the first Traditions of Christianity, and the Institutions Apostolicall, there was nothing delivered against this practise, but very much to insinuate or enjoyn it; because the practise of it was at the first, and was universall. And if any man shall doubt of this, he shewes nothing but De corona milit. c. 3. & de monogam. c. 10. that hee is ignorant of the Records of the Church, it being plaine in Tertullian and S. Ep. 66. Cyprian (who were the eldest Writers of the Latine Church) that in their times it was ab antiquo, the custome of the Church to pray for the Soules of the Faithfull departed, in the dreadfull mysteries: And it was an Institution Apostolicall (sayes one of them) and so trans­mitted to the following Ages of the Church, and when once it began upon slight and discontent to be contested against by Aërius, the man was presently condemn'd for a Heretick, as appeares in Epiphanius.

But I am not to consider the Arguments for the Doctrine Numb. 13. it selfe, although the probability and faire pretence of them may help to excuse such persons who upon these or the like grounds doe heartily believe it. But I am to consider that whether it be true or false, there is no manner of malice in it, and at the worst, it is but a wrong errour upon the right side of charity, and concluded against by its Adversaries upon the confidence of such Arguments, which possibly are not so probable as the grounds pretended for it.

And if the same judgement might be made of any more of Numb. 14. their Doctrines, I think it were better men were not furious, in the condemning such Questions which either they under­stood not upon the grounds of their proper Arguments, or at least consider not, as subjected in the persons, and lessened by circumstances, by the innocency of the event, or other pruden­tiall considerations.

But the other Article is harder to be judged of, and hath made greater stirres in Christendome, and hath been dasht at Numb. 15. with more impetuous objections, and such as doe more trouble the Question of Toleration. For if the Doctrine of Transub­stantiation be false (as upon much evidence we believe it is) then tis accused of introducing Idolatry, giving Divine worship [Page 258] to a Creature, adoring of bread and wine, and then comes in the precept of God to the Jewes, that those Prophets who perswaded to Idolatry should be slaine.

But here we must deliberate, for it is concerning the lives Deut. 13. of men, and yet a little deliberation may suffice: For Idola­try Numb. 16. is a forsaking the true God, and giving Divine Worship to a Creature or to an Idoll, that is, to an imaginary god, who hath no foundation in essence or existence: And is that kind of su­perstition which by Divines is called the superstition of an undue object: Now it is evident that the Object of their Adoration (that which is represented to them in their minds, their thoughts, and purposes, and by which God principally if not solely takes estimate of humane actions) in the blessed Sacra­ment, is the only true and eternall God, hypostatically joyned with his Holy humanity, which humanity they believe actually present under the veile of the Sacramentall signes: And if they thought him not present, they are so farre from worshipping the bread in this case, that themselves professe it to be Idola­try to doe so, which is a demonstration that their soule hath no­thing in it that is Idololatricall. If their confidence and fancy­full opinion hath engag'd them upon so great mistake (as with­out doubt it hath) yet the will hath nothing in it, but what is a great enemy to Idolatry, Et nihil ardet in inferno nisi propria voluntas: And although they have done violence to all Philo­sophy, and the reason of man, and undone and cancelled the principles of two or three Sciences, to bring in this Article, yet they have a Divine Revelation whose literall and Grammaticall sense, if that sense were intended, would warrant them to doe violence to all the Sciences in the Circle; and indeed that, Transubstantiation is openly and violently against naturall rea­son, is an Argument to make them disbelieve, who believe the mystery of the Trinity in all those niceties of explication which are in the Schoole (and which now adayes passe for the Doctrine of the Church) with as much violence to the prin­ciples of naturall and supernaturall Philosophy, as can be imagin'd to be in the point of Transubstantiation.

1. But for the Article it selfe, we all say that Christ is there Numb. 17. present some way or other extraordinary; and it will not be [Page 259] amisse to worship him at that time, when he gives himselfe to us in so mysterious a manner, and with so great advantages; especially since the whole Office is a Consociation of divers actions of Religion and Divine Worship. Now in all opinions of those men who think it an act of Religion to communicate and to offer; a Divine Worship is given to Christ, and is transmitted to him by mediation of that action and that Sa­crament, and it is no more in the Church of Rome, but that they differ and mistake infinitely in the manner of his pre­sence; which errour is wholly seated in the Understanding, and does not communicate with the will; for all agree that the Divinity and the Humanity of the Sonne of God is the ulti­mate and adequate object of Divine Adoration, and that it is incommunicable to any creature whatsoever, and before they venture to passe an Act of Adoration, they believe the bread to be annihilated or turn'd into his substance who may lawfully be worshipped; and they who have these thoughts, are as much enemies of Idolatry, as they that understand better how to avoid that inconvenience which is supposed to be the crime, which they formally hate, and we materially avoid: This consi­deration was concerning the Doctrine it selfe.

2. And now for any danger to mens persons for suffering Numb. 18. such a Doctrine, this I shall say, that if they who doe it, are not formally guilty of Idolatry, there is no danger that they whom they perswade to it should be guilty; and what persons soever believe it to be Idolatry, to worship the Sacrament, while that perswasion remaines will never bee brought to it, there is no feare of that: And he that perswades them to doe it by altering their perswasions and beliefes, does no hurt but altering the opinions of the men, and abusing their understand­ings; but when they believe it to be no Idolatry, then their so believing it is sufficient security from that crime which hath so great a tincture and residency in the will, that from thence only it hath its being criminall.

3. However, if it were Idolatry, I think the Precept of God Numb. 19. to the Jewes of killing false and Idolatrous Prophets will be no warrant for Christians so to doe: For in the case of the Apostles and the men of Samaria, when James and John would [Page 260] have cald for fire to destroy them even as Elias did under Moses Law, Christ distinguished the spirit of Elias from his own Spirit, and taught them a lesson of greater sweetnesse, and consign'd this truth to all Ages of the Church, that such severi­ty is not consistent with the meekenesse which Christ by his example and Sermons hath made a precept Evangelicall: At most it was but a Iudiciall Law and no more of Argument to make it necessary to us, then the Mosaicall precepts of putting Adulterers to death, and trying the accused persons by the waters of jealousie.

And thus in these two Instances, I have given account what Numb. 20. is to be done in Toleration of diversity of opinions: The re­sult of which is principally this: Let the Prince and the Secular Power have a care the Common-wealth be safe. For whether such or such a Sect of Christians be to be permitted is a que­stion rather Politicall then Religious; for as for the concern­ments of Religion, these instances have furnished us with suf­ficient to determine us in our duties as to that particular, and by one of these all particulars may be judged.

And now it were a strange inhumanity to permit Jewes in Numb. 21. a Common-wealth, whose interest is served by their inhabita­tion, and yet upon equall grounds of State and Policy, not to permit differing Sects of Christians: For although possibly there is more danger, mens perswasions should be altered in a com­mixture of divers Sects of Christians, yet there is not so much danger when they are changed from Christian to Christian, as if they be turn'd from Christian to Iew, as many are daily in Spaine and Portugall.

And this is not to be excused by saying the Church hath no Numb. 22. power over them qui foris sunt as Iewes are: For it is true the Church in the capacity of Spirituall regiments hath nothing to doe with them, because they are not her Diocesse: Yet the Prince hath to doe with them, when they are subjects of his regiment: They may not be Excommunicate any more then a stone may be kild, because they are not of the Christian Com­munion, but they are living persons parts of the Common-Wealth, infinitely deceived in their Religion, and very dange­rous if they offer to perswade men to their opinions, and are [Page 261] the greatest enemies of Christ whose honour and the interest of whose Service a Christian Prince is bound with all his power to maintaine. And when the Question is of punishing disa­greeing persons with death, the Church hath equally nothing to doe with them both, for she hath nothing to doe with the temporall sword, but the Prince whose Subjects equally Chri­stians and Iewes are, hath equall power over their persons; for a Christian is no more a subject then a Iew is, The Prince hath upon them both the same power of life and death, so that the Iew by being no Christian is not foris, or any more an ex­empt person for his body, or his life then the Christian is: And yet in all Churches where the secular power hath temporall rea­son to tolerate the Iewes, they are tolerated without any scru­ple in Religion; which thing is of more consideration, because the Iewes are direct Blasphemers of the Sonne of God, and Blasphemy by their own Law the Law of Moses is made ca­pitall; And might with greater reason be inflicted upon them, who acknowledge its obligation then urg'd upon Christians as an Authority, enabling Princes to put them to death, who are accused of accidentall and consequutive Blasphemy and Idolatry respectively, which yet they hate and disavow with much zeale and heartinesse of perswasion. And I cannot yet learn a reason why we shall not be more complying with them, who are of the houshold of Faith; for at least they are children though they be but rebellious children (and if they were not, what hath the Mother to doe with them any more then with the Iewes?) they are in some relation or habitude of the Fa­mily, for they are consigned with the same Baptism, professe the same Faith delivered by the Apostles, are erected in the same hope, and look for the same glory to be reaveled to them, at the comming of their Common Lord and Saviour, to whose Service according to their understanding they have vowed themselves: And if the disagreeing persons be to be esteemed as Heathens and Publicans, yet not worse, Have no company with them, that's the worst that is to be done to such a man in S. Pauls judgement, Yet count him not as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother.

SECT. XXI.

Of the duty of particular Churches in allowing Com­munion.

FRom these premises, we are easily instructed concerning the lawfulnesse or duty respectively of Christian Communion, Numb. 1. which is differently to bee considered in respect of particular Churches to each other, and of particular men to particular Churches: For as for particular Churches, they are bound to al­low Communion to all those that professe the same Faith up­on which the Apostles did give Communion; For whatsoever preserves us as Members of the Church, gives us title to the Communion of Saints, and whatsoever Faith or beliefe that is to which God hath promised Heaven, that Faith makes us Members of the Catholick Church: Since therefore the Iudi­ciall Acts of the Church are then most prudent and religious when they nearest imitate the example and piety of God: To make the way to Heaven straighter then God made it, or to deny to communicate with those whom God will vouchsase to be united, and to refuse our charity to those who have the same Faith, because they have not all our opinions, and believe not every thing necessary which we over-value; is impious and Schismaticall, it inferres Tyranny on one part, and perswades and tempts to uncharitablenesse and animosities on both; It dissolves Societies, and is an enemy to peace, it busies men in im­pertinent wranglings, and by names of men and titles of factions it consignes the interessed parties to act their differences to the height, and makes them neglect those advantages which piety and a goodlife bring to the reputation of Christian Religion and Societies.

And therefore Vincentius Lirinensis, and indeed the whole Numb. 2. Church accounted the Donatists Hereticks upon this very ground, Cap. 11. Vid. Pacian. Epist. ad Sem­pron. 2. because they did imperiously deny their Communion to all that were not of their perswasion; whereas the Authors of that opini­on for which they first did separate, and make a Sect, because they did not break the Churches peace nor magisterially prescib d to [Page 263] others, were in that disagrecing and errour accounted Catho­licks, Divisio enim & disunio facit vos haereticos, pax & unit as L. 2. c. 95. contra liter. Petilian. faciunt Catholicos said S. Austin; and to this sense is that of S. Paul, If I had all faith and had not charity, I am nothing: He who upon confidence of his true beliefe denies a charitable Communion to his brother, loses the reward of both. And if Pope Victor had been as charitable to the Asiaticks as Pope Anicetus, and S. Polycarp were to each other in the same dis­agreeing concerning Easter, Victor had not been [...], so bitterly reprov'd and condemn'd as he was for the uncharitable managing of his disagreeing by Polycrates and Euseb. l. 5. c. 25, 26. Irenaeus; Concordia enim quae est charitat is effectus est unio voluntatum non opinionum. True Faith which leads to cha­rity Aquin. 22ae. q 37 a 1. leads on to that which unites wills and affections, not opi­nions.

Upon these or the like considerations, the Emperour Zeno Numb. 3. publish'd his [...] in which he made the Nicene Creed to be the medium of Catholick Communion, and although he liv'd after the Councell of Chalcedon, yet he made not the Decrees of that Councell an instrument of its restraint and limit, as preferring the peace of Christendome, and the union of charity farre before a forced or pretended unity of perswasion, which never was or ever will be reall and substantiall; and although it were very convenient if it could be had, yet it is therefore not necessary because it is impossible; and if men please, whatever advantages to the publick would be consequent to it, may be supply'd by a charitable complyance and mutuall permission of opinion, and the offices of a brotherly affection prescrib'd us by the Lawes of Christianity: And we have seen it, that all Sects of Christians, when they have an end to be serv'd upon a third, have permitted that liberty to a second, which we now contend for, and which they formerly deny'd but now grant, that by joyning hands, they might be the stronger to destroy the third. The Arrians and Meletians joyned against the Catholicks: The Catholicks and Novatians joyn'd against the Arrians. Now if men would doe that for charity which they doe for interest, it were handsomer and more ingenuous; For that they doe permit each others disagreeings for their interest's sake, [Page 264] convinces them of the lawfulnesse of the thing, or else the un­lawnesse of their own proceedings, and therefore it were better they would serve the ends of charity then of faction, for then that good end would hallow the proceeding and make it both more prudent and more pious, while it serves the design of religious purposes.

SECT. XXII.

That particular men may communicate with Churches of different perswasions, and how farre they may doe it.

AS for the duty of particular men in the Question of com­municating with Churches of different perswasions, it is Numb. 1. to be regulated according to the Lawes of those Churches; for if they require no impiety, or any thing unlawfull as the condition of their Communion, then they communicate with them as they are Servants of Christ, as Disciples of his Do­ctrine and subjects to his Laws, and the particular distinguishing Doctrine of their Sect hath no influence or communication with him who from another Sect is willing to communicate with all the Servants of their Common Lord: For since no Church of one name is infallible, a wise man may have either the misfortune or a reason to believe of every one in particular, that she erres in some Article or other, either he cannot com­municate with any, or else he may communicate with all, that doe not make a sinne or the profession of an errour to be the condition of their Communion. And therefore, as every par­ticular Church is bound to Tolerate disagreeing persons in the senses and for the reasons above explicated; so every particular person is bound to Tolerate her, that is, not to refuse her Communion when he may have it upon innocent conditi­ons: For what is it to me if the Greek Church denies Pro­cession of the third Person from the second, so she will give me the right hand of Fellowship, (though I affirm it) there­fore [Page 265] because I professe the Religion of Jesus Christ, and retain all matters of Faith and necessity? But this thing will scarce be reduced to practise, for few Churches that have fram'd bo­dies of Confession, and Articles, will endure any person that is not of the same confession; which is a plaine demonstrati­on that such bodies of Confession and Articles doe much hurt, by becomming instruments of separating and dividing Communions, and making unnecessary or uncertain propositions a certaine meanes of Schism and disunion: But then men would doe well to consider whether or no such proceedings doe not derive the guilt of Schism upon them who least think it, and whether of the two is the Schismatick? he that makes unne­cessary and (supposing the state of things) inconvenient imposi­tions, or he that disobeyes them, because hee cannot with­out doing violence to his conscience believe them? Hee that parts Communion, because without sinne hee could not entertain it, or they that have made it necessary for him to separate, by requiring such conditions which to man are simply necessary, and to his particular are either sinfull or im­possible?

The Summe of all is this, There is no security in any thing Numb. 2. or to any person, but in the pious and hearty endeavours of a good life, and neither sinne nor error does impede it from producing its proportionate and intended effect: because it is a direct deletery to sin and an excuse to errors, by making them innocent, and therefore harmlesse. And indeed this is the in­tendment and design of Faith: For (that we may joyn both ends of this Discourse together) therefore certain Articles are prescribed to us, and propounded to our understanding, that so we might be supplyed with instructions, with motives and en­gagements to incline and determine our wills to the obedience of Christ. So that obedience is just so consequent to Faith, as the acts of will are to the dictates of the understanding: Faith therefore being in order to obedience, and so farre excellent as it selfe is a part of obedience or the promoter of it, or an en­gagement to it; it is evident that if obedience and a good life be secured upon the most reasonable and proper grounds of [Page 266] Christianity, that is, upon the Apostles Creed, then Faith also is secur'd. Since whatsoever is beside the duties, the order of a good life, cannot be a part of Faith, because upon Faith, a good life is built; all other Articles by not being necessary, are no otherwise to be requir'd, but as they are to be obtain'd and fourd out, that is, morally, and fallibly, and humanely; It is fit all truths be promoted fairely and properly, and yet but few Articles prescribed Magisterially, nor framed into Symbols and bodies of Confession; least of all after such composures, should men proceed so furiously as to say all disagreeing after such de­clarations to be damnable for the future, and capitall for the present. But this very thing is reason enough to make men more limited in their prescriptions, because it is more charitable in such suppositions so to doe.

But in the thing it selfe, because few kinds of errours are damnable, it is reasonable as few should be capitall. And be­cause Numb. 3. every thing that is damnable in it selfe and before Gods Judgement Seat, is not discernable before men (and questions disputable are of this condition) it is also very reasonable that fewer be capitall then what are damnable, and that such Questi­ons should bee permitted to men to believe because they must be left to God to judge. It concernes all persons to see that they doe their best to finde out truth, and if they doe, it is certain that let the errour be never so damnable, they shall escape the errour or the misery of being damn'd for't. And if God will not be angry at men for being invincibly deceiv'd, why should men be angry one at another? For he that is most displea­sed at another mans errour, may also be tempted in his own will, and as much deceived in his understanding: For if he may faile in what he can chuse, he may also faile in what he cannot chuse: His understanding is no more secur'd then his will, nor his Faith more then his obedience. It is his own fault if he offends God in either but whatsoever is not to be avoided; as errours, which are incident oftentimes even to the best and most inquisitive of men, are not offences against God, and therefore not to be punished, or restrained by men; but all such opinions▪ in which the publick interests of the [Page 267] Common-wealth, and the foundation of Faith, and a good life, are not concern'd, are to be permitted freely, Quisque abundet in sensu suo was the Doctrine of S. Paul, and that is Argu­ment and Conclusion too; and they were excellent words which S. Ambrose said in attestation of this great truth, Nec Imperiale est libertatem dicendi negare, nec sacerdotale quod sentias non dicere.

[...].
THE END.

[Page] A DISCOURSE CONCERNING PRAYER Ex tempore, OR, By pretence of the Spirit, In justification of Authorized and Set-forms of LITURGIE.

1 COR. 14. 32.

[...].

And the spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets.

For God is not the Author of confusion, but of peace, as in all Churches of the Saints.

Printed for Richard Royston, 1647.

A Discourse concerning PRAYER Ex tempore, &c.

I Have read over this Book which the Assem­bly of Divines is pleased to call The Directo­ry for Prayer; I confesse I came to it with much expectation, and was in some mea­sure confident I should have found it an ex­act and unblameable modell of Devotion, free from all those objections which men of their own perswa­sion had obtruded against the publike Liturgy of the Church of England; or at least, it should have been composed with so much artifice and finenesse, that it might have been to all the world an Argument of their learning and excellency of spirit, if not of the goodnesse and integrity of their Religion and purposes. I shall give no other character of the whole, but that the publike disrelish which I finde amongst persons of great piety, of all qualities, not only of great, but even of ordinary understandings, is to, me some argument that it lies so open to the objections even of common spirits, that the Compilers of it did intend more to prevaile by the successe of their Ar­mies, then the strength of reason, and the proper grounds of perswasion, which yet most wise and good men believe to be the more Christian way of the two. But Sir, you have engaged me to say something in particular to satisfie your con­science. In which also I desire I may reserve a leave to my self to conceal much, if I may in little doe you satisfaction.

[Page 2] I shall therefore decline to speak of the Efficient cause of this Directory, and not quarrell at it that is was composed, a­gainst Numb. 2. the Lawes both of England and all Christendome. If the thing were good and pious, I should learn to submit to the imposition, and never quarrell at the incompetency of his authority that engaged me to doe pious and holy things. And it may be when I am a little more used to it, I shall not wonder at a Synod, in which not one Bishop sits (in the capacity of a Bishop) though I am most certain this is the first example in England, since it was first Christned. But for present it seemes something hard to digest it, because I know so well that all Assemblies of the Church have admitted Priests to consultation and dispute, but never to authority and decision, till the Pope enlarging the phylacteries of the Archimandrites and Abbots, did sometimes by way of priviledge and dispen­sation give to some of them decisive voyces in publike Coun­cels. But this was one of the things in which he did inno­vate and invade against the publike resolutions of Christen­dome, though he durst not doe it often, and when he did it, it was in very small and inconsiderate numbers.

I said I would not meddle with the Efficient, and I cannot meddle with the Finall cause, nor guesse at any other ends and Numb. 3. purposes of theirs then at what they publiquely professe, which is the abolition and destruction of the Book of Common-Prayer; which great change, because they are pleased to call Reformation, I am content in charity to believe they think it so, and that they have Zelum Dei, but whether secundum scien­tiam, according to knowledge or no, must be judged by them who consider the matter and the forme.

But because the matter is of so great variety and minute consideration, every part whereof would require as much scru­tiny Numb. 4. as I purpose to bestow upon the whole, I have for the present chosen to consider only the form of it; and because it pretends against the form of set Lyturgy; and that ex tem­pore forms doe succeed in room of the established and deter­mined services, I shall give you my judgement of it, without any sharpnesse or bitternesse of spirit, for I am resolved not [Page 3] to be angry with any man of another perswasion, as knowing that I differ just as much from them as they doe from me.

And first, I consider that the true state of the Question is only this, Whether it is better to pray to God with considera­tion Numb. 5. or without? whether is the wiser man of the two, hee who thinks, and deliberates what to say, or he that utters his mind as fast as it comes? Whether is the better man, he who out of reverence to God is most carefull and curious that he offend not in his tongue, and therefore he himselfe deliberates and takes the best guides he can, or he who out of the confi­dence of his own abilities or other exteriour assistances, speaks what ever comes uppermost?

And here I have the advice and councell of a very wise man, no lesse than Solomon, Eccles. 5. 2. Be not rash with thy mouth, Numb. 6. and let not thy heart be hasty to utter any thing before God, for God is in heaven and thou upon earth, therefore, let thy words be few. The consideration of the vast distance between God and us, Heaven and Earth, should create such apprehensions in us, that the very best and choycest of our offertoryes are not acceptable but by Gods gracious vouchsafeing and condescension: and therefore since we are so much indebted to God for accepting our best, it is not safe ventured to present him with a dowbaked sacrifice, and put him off with that which in nature and humane consideration is absolutely the worst; for such is all the crude and imperfect utterance of our more imperfect conceptions. But let Solomons reason be what it will, good we are sure it is. Let us consider who keeps the precept best; He that delibe­rates, or he that considers not but when he speakes: What man in the world is hasty to offer any thing before God, if he bee not who prayes ex tempore? And then adde to it but the weight of Solomons reason, and let any man answer me if he thinks it can well stand with that reverence we owe to the Immense, the infinite, and to the eternall God, the God of wisdome, to offer him a sacrifice which we durst not present to a Prince, or a prudent Governour in re seriâ, such as our prayers ought to be.

And that this may not be dashed with a pretence it is carnall Numb. 7. [Page 4] reasoning I desire it may be remembred, that it is the argument God himselfe uses against lame, maimed, and imperfect sacrifices, Goe and offer this to thy Prince, see if he will accept it: Im­plying, that the best person is to have the best present; and what the Prince will slight as truly unworthy of him, much more is it unfit for God. For God accepts not of any thing we give or doe, as if he were bettred by it: for therefore its esti­mate is not taken by its relation or naturall complacency to him, it is all alike to him, for in it selfe it is to him as no­thing. But God accepts it by its proportion, and commensu­ration to us. That which we call our best, and is truly so in humane estimate, that pleases God, for it declares that if we had better, we would give it him. But to reserve the best, sayes too plainly, that we think any thing is good enough for him. As therefore God in the Law would not be served by that which was imperfect in genere naturae: so neither now nor ever will that please him which is imperfect in genere morum, or materiâ intellectuali, when we can give a better.

Well then, in the nature of the thing, ex tempore forms have much the worse of it. But it is pretended that there is such Numb. 8. a thing as the gift of Prayer, a praying with the Spirit, Et nescit tarda molimina spiritus sancti gratia. Gods Spirit (if he pleases) can doe his work as well in an instant, as in long pre­meditation. And to this purpose are pretended those places of Scripture which speak of the assistance of Gods Spirit in our prayers, Zech. 12. 10. And I will poure upon the house of Da­vid, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the spirit of grace and sup­plication. But especially Rom. 8. 26. Likewise the Spirit also helpeth our infirmities; for we know not what we should pray for as we ought, but the Spirit it selfe maketh intercession for us with groanings that cannot be uttered, &c. From whence the Con­clusion that is inferred is in the words of Saint Paul, That we must pray with the spirit, therefore not with set forms, therefore ex tempore.

The Collection is somewhat wild; for there is great inde­pendence in the severall parts, and much more is in the Con­clusion, Numb. 9. then was virtually in the premises. But such as it is, the [Page 5] Authors of it I suppose will own it. And therefore we will examine the maine design of it and then consider the particu­lar meanes of its perswasion, quoted in the objection.

It is one of the priviledges of the Gospel, and the benefit of Numb. 10. Christs ascension, that the holy Ghost is given unto the Church, and is become to us the fountaine of gifts and graces. But these gifts and graces are improvements and helps of our naturall fa­culties, of our art and industry not extraordinary, miraculous, and immediate infusions of habits and gifts. That without Gods Spirit we cannot pray aright; that our infirmities need his help; that we know not what to ask of our selves, is most true: and if ever any Heretique was more confident of his own naturals, or did ever more undervalue Gods grace then ever the Pelagians did, yet he denyes not this. But what then? Therefore without study, without art, without premeditation, without learning, the spirit gives the gift of prayer, and it is his grace, that without any naturall or artificiall help makes us pray ex tempore? No such thing: The Objection proves nothing of this.

Here therefore we will joyn issue, whether the gifts and helps Numb. 11. of the Spirit be immediate infusions of the Faculties, and powers, and perfect abilities? Or that he doth assist us only by his aydes externall and internall, in the use of such means which God and nature hath given to man, to ennoble his soul, better his Facul­ties, and to improve his understanding? That the aydes of the holy Ghost are only assistances to us in the use of naturall and artificiall means, I will undertake to prove, and from thence it will evidently follow, that labour, and hard study, and pre­meditation will soonest purchase the gift of prayer, and ascer­tain us of the assistance of the spirit; and therefore set forms of prayer, studyed and considered of are in a true and proper sense, and without enthusiasm, the fruits of the spirit.

1. Gods Spirit did assist the Apostles by wayes extraordina­ry, Numb. 12. and fit for the first institution of Christianity: but doth assist us now by the expresses of those first assistances which he gave to them immediately. So that the holy Ghost is the author of our saith, and we believe with the spirit (it is Saint Pauls ex­pression) [Page 6] and yet our beliefe comes by hearing and reading the holy Scriptures and their interpretations. Now reconcile these two together, Faith comes by hearing, and yet is the gift of the Spirit, and it sayes, that the gifts of the Spirit are not ex­tasies, and immediate infusions of habits, but helps from God to enable us upon the use of the meanes of his own appoint­ment to believe, to speak, to understand, to prophecy, and to pray.

2. And that these are for this reason called gifts, and graces, and issues of the Spirit, is so evident and notorious, that the Numb. 13. speaking of an ordinary revealed truth, is called in Scripture a speaking by the Spirit, 1 Cor. 12. 8. No man can say that Jesus Vid. Act. 19. 21. Act. 16. 7, 8, 9. 10. is the Lord, but by the holy Ghost. For if the holy Ghost supplyes us with materials, and fundamentals for our building, it is then enough to denominate the whole edifice to be of him, although the labour and the workmanship be ours, upon ano­thers stock. And this is it which the Apostles speaks, 1 Cor. 2. 13. Which things also we speak, not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth, but which the holy Ghost teacheth, comparing spirituall things with spirituall. The holy Ghost teaches, yet it is upon our co-operation, our study and endeavour, while we compare spirituall things with spirituall; the holy Ghost is said to teach us, because these spirituals were of his suggestion and revelation.

3. For it is a rule of the Schools, and there is much reason Numb. 14. in it. Habitus infusi infunduntur per modum acquisitorum, what­soever is infused into us, is in the same manner infused as other things are acquired, that is, step by step, by humane meanes and co-operation, and grace does not give us new fa­culties, and create another nature, but meliorates and improves our own. And what S. Paul said in the Resurrection, is also true in this Question. That is not first which is spirituall, but that which is naturall, and then that which is spirituall. The graces and gifts of the Spirit are postnate, and are additions to art and nature. God directs our councels, opens our understan­dings, regulates our will, orders our affections, supplies us with Objects, and Arguments, and opportunities, and revelations in scriptis, and then most when we most imploy our own en­deavours, [Page 7] God loving to blesse all the meanes, and instruments of his service, whether they be naturall or acquisite.

But whosoever shall look for any other gifts of the spirit be­sides Numb. 15. the parts of nature helped by industry and Gods blessing upon it, and the revelations or the suppplyes of matter in holy Scripture, will be very farre to seek, having neither reason, promise, nor experience of his side. For why should the spirit of Prayer be any other than as the gift and spirit of saith (as S. Paul calls it, 2 Cor. 4. 13) acquired by humane meanes using divine aids? that is, by our endeavours in hearing, reading, Catechizing, de­sires to obey, and all this blessed and promoted by God, this produces faith. And if the spirit of Prayer be of greater conse­quence, and hath a promise of a speciall prerogative, let the first be proved, and the second be shewn in any good record, and then I will believe it too.

4. And the parallel of this Argument I the rather urge, be­cause Numb. 16. I find praying in the holy Ghost joyned with graces, which are as much Gods gifts and productions of the spirit as any thing in the world, and yet which the Apostle presses upon us as duties and things put into our power, and to be improved by our in­dustry, and those are faith (in which I before instanced) and charity, Epist. Jud. ver. 20. But ye (beloved) building up your selves on your most holy Faith, praying in the holy Ghost, keep your selves in the love of God. All of the same consideration, Faith, and Prayer and Charity, all gifts of the Spirit, and yet build up your selves in faith, and keep your selves in love and therefore by a parity of reason, improve your selves in the spirit of prayer, that is, God by his Spirit having supplyed us with matter, let our industry and co-operations per modum naturae, improve these gifts, and build upon this foundation.

So that in effect, praying in the holy Ghost or with the Spirit, Numb. 17. is nothing but prayer for such things and in such manner which God by his Spirit hath taught us in holy Scripture. Holy prayers, spirituall songs, so the Apostle calls one part of prayer, viz. Eu­charisticall or thanksgiving, that is, prayers or songs which are spirituall in materiâ. And if they be called spirituall for the efficient cause too, the holy Ghost being the Author of them, it comes all to one, for therefore he is the cause and giver of them, [Page 8] because he hath in his word revealed, what things we are to pray for, and there also hath taught us the manner.

And this is exactly the Doctrine I plainly gather from the ob­jected Numb. 18. words of Saint Paul, (The spirit helpeth our infirmities) How so? it followes immediately, For we know not what we should pray for as we ought: So that therefore he is the Spirit of suppli­cation and prayer, because he teaches us what to ask, and how to pray, so he helps our infirmities, [...], it is in the Greek Collaborantem adjuvat. It is an ingeminate expression of hel­ping us in our labours together with him. Now he that shall say this is not sufficiently done by Gods Spirit in Scripture by Prayers, and Psalmes, and Hymnes, and Spirituall Songs, and precepts concerning prayer, set down in that holy repository of truth and devotion, undervalues that inestimable treasure of the Spirit; and if it be sufficiently done there, he that will multiply his hopes farther, then what is sufficient, may possibly deceive himself, but never deceive God, and make him multiply and con­tinue miracles, to justifie his fancy.

5. Better it is to follow the Scriptures for our guide, as in all Numb. 19. things else, so in this particular, Ephes. 6. 17, 18. Take the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God. Praying alwayes with all prayer and supplication in the spirit. The Word of God is the sword of the Spirit; praying in the Spirit is one way of using it, indeed the only way that he here specifies. Praying in the Spirit then being the using of this Sword, and this Sword being the Word of God, it followes evidently, that praying in the Spirit, is praying in or according to the Word of God, that is, in the directions, rules and expresses of the Word of God, that is, of the holy Scriptures.

The summe is this. Whatsoever this gift is, or this spirit of Numb. 20. Prayer, it is to be acquired by humane industry, by learning of the Scriptures, by reading, by conference, and by whatsoever else faculties are improved, and habits enlarged. Gods Spirit hath done his work sufficiently this way, and he loves not either in nature or grace (which are his two great sanctions) to multiply miracles when there is no need.

6. So that now I demand, Whether or no, since the expiration Numb. 21. of the Age of Miracles, does not Gods Spirit most assist us, when [Page 9] we most endeavour and most use the meanes? He that sayes, No, discourages all men from reading the Scriptures, from industry, from meditation, from conference, from humane Arts and Scien­ces, and from whatsoever else God and good Lawes provoke us to by proposition of rewards: But if, Yea, (as most certainly God will best crown the best endeavours) then the spirit of Prayer is greatest in him, who (supposing the like capacities and opportunities) studies hardest, reads most, practices most religi­ously, deliberates most prudently; and then by how much want of meanes is worse then the use of meanes, by so much ex tem­pore Prayers are worse then deliberate and studyed. Excellent therefore is the councell of S. Peter, 1 Ep. Chap. 4. ver. 11. If any man speak, let him speak as the Oracles of God, (not lightly then and inconsiderately) If any man minister, let him doe it as of the ability which God giveth: (great reason then to put all his abilities and faculties to it) and whether of the two does most likely doe that, he that takes paines, and considers, and discusses, and so approves and practises a form, or he that never considers what he sayes, till hee sayes it, needs not much deliberation to passe a sentence.

7. Lastly, did not the Penmen of the Scripture, write the E­pistles and Gospels respectively all by the Spirit? Most certain­ly, Numb. 22. holy men of God spoke as they were moved by the holy Ghost, saith Saint Peter. And certainly they were moved by a more immediate motion, and a motion nearer to an Enthusiasme, then now adayes in the gift and spirit of Prayer. And yet in the midst of those great assistances and motions they did use study, art, in­dustry, and humane abilities. This is more then probable in the different styles of the severall Books, some being of admirable art, others lower and plaine. The words were their own, at least sometimes, not the holy Ghosts. And if the Fathers and Gram­marians were not deceived by false Copies, but that they truly did observe, sometimes to be propriety of expression in the language, sometimes not true Greek, who will think those er­rours or imperfections in Grammar, were (in respect of the words I say precisely) immediate inspirations and dictates of the holy Ghost, and not rather their own productions of industry and humanity? But clearely some of their words were the words [Page 10] of Aratus, some of Epimenides, some of Menander, some of Saint Paul, [This speak I, not the Lord, 1 Cor. 7.] and yet because the holy Ghost renewed their memory, im­proved their understanding, supplyed to some their want of humane learning, and so assisted them that they should not com­mit an errour in fact or opinion, neither in the narrative nor dogmaticall parts, therefore they writ by the Spirit. Since then we cannot pretend upon any grounds of probability to an inspi­ration so immediate as theirs, and yet their assistances which they had from the Spirit did not exclude humane arts, and indu­stry, but that the ablest Scholler did write the best, much rather is this true in the gifts and assistances we receive, and particularly in the gift of Prayer, it is not an ex tempore and an inspired fa­culty, but the faculties of nature and the abilities of art and in­dustry are improved and ennobled by the supervening assistances of the Spirit.

And now let us take a man that pretends he hath the gift of Numb. 23. Prayer, and loves to pray ex tempore, I suppose his thoughts goe a little before his tongue; I demand then, Whether cannot this man, when it is once come into his head, hold his tongue, and write down what he hath conceived? If his first conceptions were of God, and Gods Spirit, then they are so still, even when they are written. Or is the Spirit departed from him, upon the sight of a pen and Ink-horn? It did use to be otherwise among the old and new Prophets, whether they were Prophets of Pre­diction, or of ordinary Ministery. But if his conception may be written, and being written is still a production of the Spirit, then it follows that set-forms of Prayer deliberate and described, may as well be a praying with the Spirit, as sudden forms and ex tempore out lets.

Now the case being thus put, I would faine know what the difference is between deliberate and ex tempore Prayers, save Numb. 24. only that in these there is lesse consideration and prudence; for that the other are (at least as much as them) the productions of the Spirit, is evident in the very case put in this very Argu­ment: and whether to consider and to weigh them, be any disad­vantage to our devotions, I leave it to all wise men to determine. So that in effect, since after the pretended assistance of the Spirit [Page 11] in our Prayers, we may write them down, consider them, try the spirits, and ponder the manner, the reason and the religion of the addresse; let the world judge whether this sudden ut­terance and ex tempore forms be any thing else, but a direct re­solution not to consider before-hand what we speak.

But let us look a little further into the mystery, and see what Numb. 25. is meant in Scripture by praying with the Spirit. In what sense the holy Ghost is called the spirit of Prayer, I have already shewn, viz. by the same reason, as he is the spirit of faith, of prudence, of knowledge, of understanding, and the like. But praying with the spirit hath besides this other senses also in Scripture. I finde in one place, that then we pray with the Spirit, when the holy Ghost does actually excite us to desires and earnest tendencies to the obtaining our holy purposes, when he gives us zeale and devotion, charity and fervour, spirituall violence and holy impor­tunity. This sense is also in the latter part of the objected words of Saint Paul, Rom. 8. The Spirit it selfe maketh intercession for us with groanings, &c. Indeed this is truly a praying in the spirit; but this will doe our reverend Brethren of the Assembly little advantage as to the present Question. For this spirit is not a spirit of utterance; not at all clamorous in the eares of the people, but cryes loud in the eares of God with [groanes unut­terable] so it followes, and only [He that searcheth the heart, he understandeth the meaning of the spirit.] This is the spirit of the Son, which God hath sent into our hearts, (not into our tongues) whereby we cry, Abba, Father, Gal. 4. 6. And this is the great [...] for mentall Prayer, which is properly and truly praying by the Spirit.

Another praying with the Spirit I find in that place of S Paul, Numb. 26. from whence this expression is taken, and commonly used, I will pray with the spirit, and I will pray with the understanding also. Here they are opposed, or at least declared to be things severall and disparate: where by the way observe, that praying with the spirit, even in sense of Scripture, is not alwayes most to edificati­on of the people. Not alwayes with understanding. And when these two are separated, St Paul prefers five words with under­standing, before ten thousand in the spirit. For this praying with the spirit was indeed then a gift extraordinary and miraculous, [Page 12] like as prophecying with the spirit, and expired with it. But while it did last, it was the lowest of gifts, Inter dona linguarum, it was but a gift of the tongue, and not to be the benefit of the Church directly or immediately.

By the way only. If Saint Paul did so undervalve the praying Numb. 27. with the Spirit, that he preferred edifying the Church a thou­sand degrees beyond it. I suppose he would have been of the same mind, if this Question had been between praying with the Spirit and obeying our superiors, as he was when it was be­tween praying with the Spirit and edification of the Church, be­cause (if I be not mistaken) it is matter of great concernment towards the edification of the Church to obey our superiours, not to innovate in publick formes of worship, especially with the scandall and offence of very wise and learned men, and to the dis­grace of the dead Martyrs, who sealed our Liturgy with their blood.

But to return. In this place praying with the Spirit, is no Numb. 28. more then my spirit praying. For so S. Paul joynes them as terms identicall, and expressive one of anothers meaning, as you may please to read ver. 14. and 15. 1 Cor. 14. I will pray with the Spirit, and my Spirit truly prayeth. It is the act of our inner man, praying holy and spirituall Prayers. But then indeed at that time there was something extraordinary joyned, for it was in an un­known tongue, the practice of which S. Paul there dislikes. This also will be to none of their purposes. For whether it were ex tempore, or by premeditation, is not here expressed; or if it had, yet that assistance extraordinary in prayer, if there was any beside the gift of tongues (which I much doubt) is no more transmitted to us, then the speaking tongues in the spirit, or prophecying ex tempore and by the spirit.

But I would adde also one experiment which S. Paul also there addes by way of instance. If praying with the spirit in this place Numb. 29. be praying ex tempore, then so is singing too. For they are ex­pressed in the same place, in the same manner, to the same end, and I know no reason why there should be differing senses put upon them to serve purposes. And now let us have some Church­musick too, though the Organs be pulled down, and let any the best Psalmist of them all, compose a hymne in metricall forme, [Page 13] and sing it to a new tune with perfect and true musick, and all this ex tempore. For all this the holy Ghost can doe if he pleases. But if it be said that the Corinthian Christians composed their songs and hymnes according to art and rules of musick, by study and industry, and that to this they were assisted by the Spirit; and that this together with the devotion of their spirit, was sing­ing with the spirit, then say I, so composing set forms of Lytur­gy by skill and prudence, and humane industry, may be as much praying with the spirit as the other is singing with the spirit. Plainly enough. In all the senses of praying with the spirit, and in all its acceptations in Scripture, to pray or sing with the spirit, neither of them of necessity implyes ex tempore.

The summe or Collecta of the premises is this, Praying with Numb. 30. the spirit, is either when the spirit stirres up our desires to pray, Per motionem actualis auxilii, or when the spirit teaches us what, or how to pray, telling us the matter, and manner of our prayers. Or lastly, dictating the very words of our prayers. There is no other way in the world to pray with the spirit, or in the holy Ghost, that is pertinent to this Question. And of this last manner the Scripture determines nothing, nor speaks any thing expressely of it, and yet suppose it had, we are certaine the holy Ghost hath supplyed us with all these, and yet in set formes of prayer best of all, I meane there where a difference can be. For as for the desires, and actuall motions or incitements to pray, they are indifferent to one or the other, to set-forms or to ex tempore. 2. But as to the matter and manner of prayer, it is clearly con­tained in the expresses, and set forms of Scriptures, and it is supplyed to us by the spirit, for he is the great Dictator of it.

Now then for the very words. No man can assure me that the Numb. 31. words of his ex tempore prayer are the words of the holy Spirit: it is not reason nor modesty to expect such immediate assistances to so little purpose, he having supplyed us with abilities more then enough to expresse our desires aliunde, otherwise then by imme­diate dictate. But if we will take Davids Psalter, or the other hymnes of holy Scripture, or any of the Prayers which are respersed over the Bible, we are sure enough that they are the words of Gods Spirit, mediately or immediately, by way of in­fusion or extasie, by vision, or at least by ordinary assistance. And [Page 14] now then, what greater confidence can any man have for the ex­cellency of his Prayer, and the probability of their being accep­ted, then when he prayes his Psalter, or the Lords Prayer, or ano­ther office which he finds consigned in Scripture? When Gods Spirit stirs us up to an actuall devotion, and then we use the mat­ter hee hath described and taught, and the very words which Christ, and Christs Spirit, and the Apostles, and other persons full of the holy Ghost did use; if in the world there be any praying with the Spirit, (I mean in vocall prayer) this is it.

And thus I have examined the intire and full scope of this Question, and rifled their Objection. Now I shall proceed to some few Arguments which are more extrinsecall to the nature of the thing.

It is a practice prevailing among those of our Brethren that are Numb. 32. zealous for ex tempore prayers, to pray their Sermons over, to re­duce their doctrine into Devotion and Lyturgy. I mislike it not for the thing it selfe, if it were done regularly for the manner, and the matter were alwayes pious and true. But who shall assure me when the preacher hath disputed, or rather dogmatically decreed a point of predestination, or of prescience, of contingency, or of liberty, or any of the most mysterious parts of Divinity, and then prayes his Sermon over, that he then prayes with the Spirit? Unlesse I be sure that he also preached with the Spirit, I cannot be sure that he prayes with the spirit, for all he prayes ex tempore. Nay, if I heare a Protestant preach in the morning, and an Anabaptist in the afternoone, to day a Presbyterian, to morrow an Independent, am I not most sure that when they have preached Contradictories, and all of them pray their Ser­mons over, that they doe not all pray with the spirit? More than one in this case cannot pray with the spirit, possibly all may pray against him.

2. From whence I thus argue in behalfe of set forms of Numb. 33. prayer. That in the case above put, how shall I or any man else say Amen to their prayers that preach and pray contradictories? At least I am much hindred in my devotion. For besides that, it derives our opinions into our devotions, makes every schoole point become our religion, and makes God a party, (so farre as we can) intitling him to our impertinent wranglings. Besides [Page 15] this, I say, while we should attend to our addresses towards God, we are to consider whether the point be true or no, and by that time we have tacitly discoursed it, we are upon another point which also perhaps is as Questionable as the former, and by this time our spirit of devotion is a little discomposed and something out of countenance, there is so much other imployment for the spirit, the spirit of discerning and judging. All which inconve­niences are avoyded in set formes of Liturgy. For we know be­fore hand the conditions of our Communion, and to what we are to say Amen, to which if we like it we may repaire; if not, there is no harm done; your devotion shall not be surprized, nor your Communion invaded, as it may be and often is in your ex tempore prayers. And this thing hath another collaterall inconve­nience, which is of great consideration; for upon what confidence can we sollicite any Recusants to come to our Church, where we cannot promise them that the devotions there to be used, shall be innocent, nor can we put him into a condition to judge for himselfe? If hee will venture he may, but we can use no Argu­ment to make him choose our Churches, though he should quit his own.

3. But again, let us consider with sobriety. Are not those Numb. 34. prayers and hymnes in holy Scripture, excellent compositions, admirable instruments of devotion, full of piety, rare and in­comparable addresses to God? Dare any man with his gift of prayer pretend, that he can ex tempore or by study make better? Who dares pretend that he hath a better spirit then David had, or then the Apostles and Prophets, and other holy persons in Scripture, whose Prayers and Psalmes are by Gods Spirit con­signed to the use of the Church for ever? Or will it be denyed but that they also are excellent directories and patterns for prayer? And if patterns, the nearer we draw to our example, are not the imitations and representments the better? And what then if we took the samplers themselves, is there any imper­fection in them, and can we mend them and correct Magnificat?

In a just porportion and commensuration, I argue so concerning the primitive and ancient forms of Church service, which are com­posed Numb. 35. according to those so excellent patterns, which if they had remained pure as in their first institution, or had alwayes been [Page 16] as they have been reformed by the Church of England, they would against all defiance put in for the next place to those formes or Liturgy which Mutatis mutandis are nothing but the Words of Scripture. But I am resolved at this present not to enter into Question concerning the matter of prayers. But for the forme this I say further.

4. That the Church of God hath the promise of the spirit made to her in generall, to her in her Catholick and united ca­pacity, Numb. 36. to the whole Church first, then to particular Churches, then in the lowest seat of the Category to single persons. Now then I infer, if any single persons will have us to believe without all possibility of proofe (for so it must be) that they pray with the Spirit, (for how shall they be able to prove the spirit actu­ally to abide in those single persons) then much rather must we believe it of the Church, which by how much the more ge­nerall it is, so much the more of the spirit she is likely to have; and then if there be no errours in the matter, the Church hath the advantage and probability on her side, and if there be an er­rour in matter in either of them, they faile of their pretences, neither of them have the spirit. But the publick spirit in all reason is to be trusted before the private, when there is a con­testation, the Church being Prior & potior in premissis, she hath a greater and prior title to the spirit. And why the Church hath not the spirit of prayer in her compositions as well as any of her children, I desire once for all to be satisfied upon true grounds either of reason or revelation.

5. Or if the Church shall be admitted to have the gift, and the spirit of prayer given unto her by virtue of the great pro­mise Numb. 37. of the spirit, to abide with her for ever, yet for all this she is taught to pray in a set form of prayer, and yet by the spirit too. For what think we? When Christ taught us to pray in that incomparable modell, the Lords Prayer, if we pray that prayer devoutly, and with pious and actuall intention, doe we not pray in the Spirit of Christ, as much as if we prayed any other form of words pretended to be taught us by the Spirit? Wee are sure that Christ and Christs Spirit taught us this Prayer; they only gather by conjectures and opinions, that in their ex tem­pore forms the spirit of Christ teaches them. So much then as [Page 17] certainties are better then uncertaines, and God above man, so much is this set form (besides the infinite advantages in the mat­ter) better then their ex tempore forms in the form it selfe.

6. If I should descend to minutes and particulars, I could in­stance Numb. 38. in the behalfe of set forms, that God prescribed to Moses a set form of prayer and benediction to be used when he did blesse the people. 7. That Moses composed a song or hymne for the children of Israel to use to all their generations. 8. That David composed many for the service of the tabernacle. 9. That Solomon and the holy Kings of Judah brought them in and con­tinued them in the ministration of the temple. 10. That all Scripture is written for our learning, and since all these and many more set forms of prayer are left there upon record, it is more then probable that they were left there for our use and devotion. 11. That S. John Baptist taught his Disciples a forme of prayer. 12. And that Christs Disciples begged the same favour, and it was granted as they desired it. 13. And that Christ gave it not only in massâ materiae, but in forma verborum; not in a confused heap of matter, but in an exact composure of words, it makes it evident, he intended it not only pro regula petendo­rum, for a direction of what things we are to ask, but also pro forma orationis, for a set form of Prayer. In which also I am most certainly confirmed (besides the universall testimony of Gods Church so attesting it) in the precept which Christ ad­ded, When ye pray, pray after this manner: and indeed it points not the matter only of our prayers, but the form of it, the manner and the matter of the addresse both. But in the repetition of it by Saint Luke, the preceptive words seeme to limit us, and direct us to this very form of words, when ye pray, say, Our Father, &c. 14. I could also adde the example of all the Jewes, and by consequence of our blessed Saviour, who sung a great part of Davids Psalter in their feast of Passeover, which part is called by the Iewes the great Hallelujah, it begins at the 113 Psalm, and ends at the 118 inclusively. And the Scripture mentions it as part of our blessed Saviours devotion, and of his Disciples, that they sung a Psalme. 15. That this afterward became a Precept Evangelicall, that we should praise God in Hymnes, Psalmes, and spirituall Songs, which is a form of Liturgy, in [Page 18] which we sing with the spirit, but yet cannot make our Hymnes ex tempore, (it would be wild stuffe if we should goe about it.) 16. And lastly, that a set form of worship and addresse to God was recorded by Saint John, and sung in heaven, and it was Apoc. 15. composed out of the songs of Moses, (Exod. 15.) of David, Psal. 145.) and of Jeremy, (Chap. 10. 6, 7.) which certainly is a very good precedent for us to imitate, although but revealed to Saint John by way of vision and extasie. All which and many more are to me as so many Arguments of the use, excellency, and necessity of set forms of Prayer for publick Liturgies, and of greatest conveniencie, even for private devotions.

17. And so the Church of God in all Ages did understand it. Numb. 39. I shall not multiply Authorities to this purpose, for they are too many and various; but shall only observe two great instances of their beliefe and practise in this particular. 1. The one is the perpetuall use and great Eulogies of the Lords Prayer, assisted by the many Commentaries of the Fathers upon it. 2. The other is that solemn form of benediction and mysticall prayer (as Saint Augustine calls it, Lib. 3. de Trinit. c. 4.) which all Churches (and themselves said it was by Ordinance Apostoli­call) used in the Consecration of the blessed Sacrament. But all of them used the Lords Prayer in the Canon, and office of Consecration, and other prayers taken from Scripture, (so Justin Martyr testifies, that the Consecration is made per preces verbi Dei, by the prayers taken from the Word of God) and the whole Canon was short, determined and mysterious.

Who desires to be further satisfied in this particular, shall Numb. 40. find enough in Walafridus Strabo, Aymonius, Cassander, Elacius Illyrious, Josephus Vicecomes, and the other Ritualists, and the other Ritualists, and in the old offices themselves. So that I need not put you in mind of that famous doxology of Gloria Patria, &c. nor the Trisagi­on, nor any of those memorable hymnes used in the Ancient Church, so knownly and frequently, that the beginning of them came to bee their name, and they were known more by their own words, then the Authors inscription.

At last when some men that thought themselves better gifted Numb. 41. would be venturing at conceived formes of their own, there was a timely restraint made in the Councell of Milevis in [Page 19] Africa, Placuit ut preces quae probatae fuerint in Concilio ab omnibus celebrentur, nec aliae omnino dicantur in Ecclesia, nisi quae à pruden­tioribus factae fuerint in Synodo. That's the restraint and prohibi­tion, publick prayers must be such as are publickly appointed, and prescribed by our Superiours; and no private forms of our con­ceiving must be used in the Church. The reason followes, Ne forte aliquid contra fidem, vel per ignorantiam, vel per minus studi­um sit compositum: Lest through ignorance or want of delibera­tion any thing be spoken in our prayers against faith [and good manners.] The reason is good, and they are eare-witnesses of it that hear the variety of prayers before and after Sermons, there, where the Directory is practised, where (to speak most modest­ly) not only their private opinions, but also humane interests, and their own personall concernments, and wild fancies, born per­haps not two dayes before, are made the objects of the peoples hopes, of their desires, and their prayers, and all in the meane time pretend to the holy Spirit.

I will not now instance in the vaine-glory that is appendant Numb. 42. to these ex tempore formes of prayer, where the gift of the man is more then the devotion of the man: nor will I consider that then his gift is best, when his prayer is longest: and if he take a complacency in his gift (as who is not apt to doe it?) he will be sure to extend his Prayer, till a suspicious and scrupulous man would be apt to say, his prayer pressed hard upon that which our blessed Saviour reprehended in the Pharisees, who thought to bee heard for their much babling. But these things are accidentall to the nature of the thing. And therefore though they are too certainly consequent to the person, yet I will not be too severe, but preserve my selfe on the surer side of charitable construction, which truly I desire to keep, nor only to their persons whom I much reverence, but also to their actions. But yet I durst not doe the same thing, even for these last reasons, though I had no other.

But it is objected, that in set forms of Prayer, we restrain and Numb. 43. confine the blessed Spirit; and in conceived forms, when every man is left to his liberty, then the Spirit is free, unlimited and un­constrained.

I answer, either their conceived formes (I use their own words, Numb. 44. [Page 20] though indeed the expression is very inartificiall) are premeditate and described or they are ex tempore. If they be premeditate and described, then the Spirit is as much limited in their conceived forms as in the Churches conceived forms. For as to this particu­lar, it is all one who describes and limits the form, whether the Church, or a single man does it, still the Spirit is in constraint and limit. So that in this case they are not angry at set forms of Prayer, but that they do not make them. And if it be replyed, that if a sin­gle person composes a set form, he may alter it if he please, and so his spirit is at liberty. I answer, so may the Church, if she see cause for it: and unlesse there be cause the single person will not alter it, unlesse he do things unreasonable and without cause. So that it will be an unequall and a peevish quarrell to allow of set forms of prayer made by private persons, and not of set forms made by the publick spirit of the Church. It is evident, that the Spirit is li­mited in both alike.

But if by [Conceived forms] in this objection they meane Numb. 45. ex tempore prayers (for so they most generally practice it) and that in the use of these the liberty of the spirit is best preserved. To this I answer, that the being ex tempore or premeditate will be wholly impertinent to this Question of limiting the spirit. For there may be great liberty in set forms, even when there is much variety; and there may be great restraint in ex tempore prayers, even then when it shall be called unlawfull to use set forms. That the spirit is restrained, or that it is free in either, is acci­dentall to them both; for it may be either free or not free in both as it may happen.

But the restraint is this, that every one is not left to his liber­ty Numb. 46. to pray how he list, (with premeditation or without, it makes not much matter) but that he is prescribed unto by the spirit of another. But if it be a fault thus to restraine the spirit, I would faine know, is not the spirit restrained when the whole Con­gregation shall be confined to the form of this one mans com­posing? or it shall be unlawfull, or at least a disgrace and dispa­ragement to use any set forms, especially of the Churches compo­sition. More plainly thus.

2. Doth not the Minister confine and restraine the spirit of the Lords People, when they are tyed to his form? It would Numb. 47. [Page 21] sound of more liberty to their spirits, that every one might make a prayer of his own and all pray together; and not be forced or confined to the Ministers single dictate, and private spirit. It is true, it would breed confusions, and therefore they might pray silently till the Sermon began, and not for the avoiding one in­convenience runne into a greater, and to avoid the disorder of a popular noyse restraine the blessed Spirit; for even in this case as well as in the other, Where the spirit of God is, there must be liberty.

3. If the spirit must be at liberty, who shall assure us this li­berty must be in forms of prayer? And if so, whether also it Numb. 48. must be in publike prayer, and will it not suffice that it be in private? And if in publike prayers, is not the liberty of the spi­rit sufficiently preserved in that the publike spirit is free? That is, the Church hath power upon occasion to alter and encrease her Litanyes. By what Argument shall any man make it so much as probable, that the holy Ghost is injured, if every private Ministers private spirit shall be guided (and therefore by ne­cessary consequence limited) by the Authority of the Churches publick spirit?

4. Does not the Directory that thing which is here called re­straining Numb. 49. of the spirit? Does it not appoint every thing but the words? And after this is it not a goodly Palladium that is con­tended for, and a princely liberty that they leave unto the Spi­rit, to be free only in the supplying the place of a Vocabulary and a Copia Verborum? For as for the matter, it is all there described and appointed, and to those determined senses the spirit must assist or not at all only for the words he shall take his choyce. Now I desire it may be considered sadly and seriously: Is it not as much injury to the spirit to restraine his matter, as to appoint his words? Which is the more considerable of the two, sense or Language, Matter or Words? I meane when they are taken singly and separately. For so they may very well be (for as if men prescribe the matter only, the spirit may cover it with severall words and expressions, so if the spirit prescribe the words, I may still abound in variety of sense, and preserve the liberty of my meaning; we see that true in the various in­terpretations of the same words of Scripture.) So that in the [Page 22] greater of the two, the Spirit is restrained, when his matter is appointed, and to make him amends, for not trusting him with the matter without our directions and limitations, we trust him to say what he pleases, so it be to our sense, to our purposes. A goodly compensation surely!

5. Did not Christ restrain the spirit of his Apostles, when he Numb. 50. taught them to pray the Lords Prayer, whether his precept to his Disciples concerning it, was Pray this, or Pray thus, Pray these words, or pray after this manner? or though it had been lesse then either, and been only a Directory for the matter, still it is a thing which our Brethren in all other cases of the same nature are resolved perpetually to call a restraint. Certainly then this pretended restraint, is no such formidable thing. These men themselves doe it by directing all the matter, and much of the manner, and Christ himselfe did it, by prescribing both the matter, and the words too.

6. These restraints (as they are called) or determinations of the Spirit are made by the Spirit himselfe. For I demand, when Numb. 51. any Assembly of Divines appointed the matter of Prayers to all particular Ministers as this hath done, is that appointment by the Spirit or no? If no, then for ought appears, this Directory not be­ing made by Gods Spirit, may be an enemy to it. But if this ap­pointment be by the Spirit, then the determination and limitation of the Spirit, is by the Spirit himself, and such indeed is every pious and prudent constitution of the Church in matters spirituall: Such as was that of S. Paul to the Corinthians, when he prescribed orders for publike prophecying, and interpretation, and speaking with tongues. The spirit of some he so restrained, that he bound them to hold their peace, he permitted but two or three to speak at one meeting, the rest were to keep silence, though possibly six or seven might at that time have the Spirit.

7. Is it not a restraint of the Spirit to sing a Psalm in meeter by appointment? Cleerely as much as appointing formes of Numb. 52. prayer or Eucharist. And yet that we see done daily, and no scruple made. Is not this to be partiall in judgement, and in­considerate of what wee doe?

8. And now after all this strife, what harm is there in restrai­ning the spirit in the present sense? What prohibition, what law, Numb. 53. [Page 23] what reason or revelation is against it? What inconvenience in the nature of the thing? For can any man be so weak as to imagine a despite is done to the spirit of grace, when those gifts to his Church are used regularly and by order? As if prudence were no gift of Gods spirit, as if helps in Government, and the ordering spirituall matters were none of those graces which Christ when he ascended up on high gave unto Men. But this whole matter is wholly a stranger to reason, and never seen in Scripture.

For Divinity never knew any other vitious restraining of the Spirit, but either suppressing those holy incitements to virtue and Numb. 54. good life, which Gods Spirit ministers to us externally or inter­nally, or else a forbidding by publick Authority the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments, to speak such truths as God hath commended, and so taking away the liberty of Prophecying. The first is directly vitious In materia speciale, the second is tyranni­call and Antichristian. And to it persecution of true Religion is to be reduced. But as for this pretended limiting or restraining the spirit, viz. by appointing a regular form of prayer, it is so very a Chimera, that it hath no footing or foundation upon any ground where a wise man may build his confidence.

9. But lastly, how if the spirit must be restrained, and that by Numb. 55. precept Apostolicall? That calls us to a new account. But if it be not true, what meanes S. Paul, by saying The spirits of the Prophets must be subject to the Prophets? What greater restraint then subjection? If subjected, then they must be ruled; if ruled, then limited, prescribed unto, and as much under restraint as the spirits of the superiour Prophets shall judge convenient. I suppose by this time this objection will trouble us no more. But perhaps another will.

For why are not the Ministers to be left as well to their li­berty in making their Prayers as their Sermons? I answer, the Numb. 56. Church may if she will, but whether she doth well or no, let her consider. This I am sure, there is not the same reason, and I fear the experience the world hath already had of it, will make de­monstration enough of the inconvenience. But however the diffe­rences are many.

1. Our prayers offered up by the Minister, are in behalfe and [Page 24] in the name of the people, and therefore great reason they should know before-hand, what is to be presented, that if they like not the message, they may refuse to communicate; especi­ally since people are so divided in their opinions, in their hopes, and in their faiths: it being a duty to refuse Communion with those prayers which they think to have in them the matter of sin or doubting. Which reason on the other part ceases, for the Mini­ster being to speak from God to the people, if he speaks what he ought not, God can right himselfe, however is not partner of the sinne, as in the other case, the people possibly may be.

2. It is more fit a liberty be left in preaching then praying, Numb. 58. because the addresse of our discourses and exhortations are to be made according to the understanding and capacity of the audience, their prejudices are to be removed, all advantages to be taken, and they are to be surprized that way they lie most open [But being crafty I caught you, saith Saint Paul to the Corinthians] and discourses and arguments ad hominem, upon their particular principles and practices may more move them then the most polite and accurate that doe not comply and wind about their fancies and affections. S. Paul from the absurd practice of being baptized for the dead, made an excellent Argument to con­vince the Corinthians of the Resurrection. But this reason also ceases in our prayers. For God understandeth what we say sure enough, he hath no prejudices to be removed, no infirmities to be wrought upon, and a fine figure of Rhetorick, a pleasant cadence, and a curious expression, move not him at all; no other twinings and complyances stirre him but charity, and humility, and zeale, and importunity, which all are things internall and spirituall. And therefore of necessity there is to be great varie­ty of discourses to the people, and permissions accordingly, but not so to God, with whom a Deus miserere prevailes as soon as the great office of 40 houres not long since invented in the Church of Rome, or any other prayers spun out to a length be­yond the extension of the office of a Pharisee.

3. I feare it cannot stand with our reverence to God, to per­mit Numb. 59. to every spirit a liberty of publike addresse to him in behalfe of the people. Indeed he that is not fit to pray, is not alwayes fit to preach; but it is more safe to be bold with the people then [Page 25] with God, if the persons be not so fit. In that there may be in­discretion, but there may be impiety and irreligion in this The people may better excuse and pardon an indiscretion or a rude­nesse (if any such should happen) then we may venture to offer it to God.

4. There is a latitude of Theology, much whereof is left to Numb. 60. us, so, without precise and clear determination, that without breach either of faith or charity, men may differ in opinion: and if they may not be permitted to abound in their own sense, they will be apt to complaine of tyrannie over consciences, and that men Lord it over their faith. In Prayer this thing is so diffe­rent, that it is imprudent and full of inconvenience to derive such things into our prayers, which may with good profit be mat­ter of Sermons. Therefore here a liberty may well enough be granted, when there it may better be denyed.

5. But indeed, if I may freely declare my opinion, I think Numb. 61. it were not amisse if the liberty of making Sermons were something more restrained then it is, and that either such persons only were intrusted with liberty for whom the Church her selfe may safely bee responsall, that is, to men learned and pious, and that the other part, the Vulgus Cleri, should instruct the people out of the fountaines of the Church, and up­on the publick stock, till by so long exercise and discipline in the Schooles of the Prophets, they may also be intrusted to minister of their own unto the people. This I am sure was the practice of the Primitive Church when Preaching was as ably and reli­giously performed as now it is. But in this I prescribe nothing. But truly I think the reverend Divines of the Assembly are many of my mind in this particular, and that they observe a liberty indulged to some persons to preach, which I think they had rather should hold their peace, and yet think the Church better edified in your silence then their Sermons.

6. But yet me thinks the Argument objected, if it were Numb. 62. turned with the edge the other way would have more reason in it: and instead of arguing [Why should not the same be allow­ed in praying as in preaching] it were better to substitute this. If they can pray with the spirit, why also doe they not preach with the spirit? and if praying with the spirit be praying ex [Page 26] tempore, why shall they not preach ex tempore too, or else con­fesse that they preach without the spirit, or that they have not the gift of Preaching? For to say that the gift of prayer, is a gift ex tempore, but the gift of Preaching is with study and deliberation, is to become vaine and impertinent. Quis enim discrevit? Who hath made them of a different consideration? I mean as to this particular, as to their efficient cause. Nor rea­son, nor revelation, nor God, nor man.

To summe up all. If any man hath a mind to exercise his Numb. 63. gift of Prayer, let him set himself to work, and compose Books of Devotion, (we have great need of them in the Church of England, so apparent need, that the Papists have made it an objection against us) and this his gift of Prayer will bee to edification. But otherwise, I understand it is more fit for osten­tation, then any spirituall advantage. For God hears us not the sooner for our ex tempore, long, or conceived prayers; possibly they may become a hindrance, as in the cases before instanced. And I am sure if the people be intelligent, and can discern, they are hindred in their Devotion, for they dare not say Amen till they have considered; and many such cases will occurre in ex tempore prayers, that need much considering before we attest them. But if the people bee not intelligent, they are apt to swallow all the inconveniencies which may multiply in so great a licence; and therefore it were well that the Governours of the Church who are to answer for their soules, should judge for them, before they say Amen, which judgement cannot bee without set-forms of Liturgy. My sentence therefore is, [...], Let us be as we are already. Few changes are for the better.

For if it be pretended, that in the Liturgy of the Church of Numb. 64. England, which was composed with much art and judgement by a Church that hath as much reason to be confident she hath the Spirit and gifts of Prayer, as any single person hath, and each learned man that was at its first composition, can as much prove that he had the Spirit, as the objectors now adayes: (and he that boasts most, certainly hath the least.) If I say it be pre­tended, there are many errours and inconveniences both in the order and the matter of the Common-Prayer Book, made by [Page 27] such men, with so much industry: How much more, and with how much greater reason may we all dread the inconveniencies and disorders of ex tempore prayers? where there is neither con­junction of heads, nor premeditation, nor industry, nor me­thod, nor art, nor any of those things (or at least not in the same degree) which were likely to have exempted the Com­mon-Prayer Book from errours and disorders. If these things be in the green tree, what will be done in the dry?

But if it be said, the ex tempore and conceived prayers will Numb. 65. be secured from errour by the Directory, because that chalks them out the matter. I answer, it is not sufficient, because if when men study both the matter and the words too, they may be (and it is pretended are actually) erroneous; much more may they when the matter is left much more at liberty, and the words under no restraint at all. And no man can avoid the pressure and the weight of this, unlesse the Compilers of the Directory were infallible, and that all their followers were so too, of the certainty of which I am not yet fully satisfied.

And after all this I would fain know, what benefit and ad­vantages Numb. 66. shall the Church of England in her united capacity, and every particular in the diffused capacity receive by this new device? For the publike it is cleare, that whether the Ministers pray before they study, or study before they pray, there must needs be infinite deformity in the publike worship, and all the benefits which were before the consequents of conformity and unity, will be lost, and if they be not valuable, I leave it to all them to consider, who know the inconveniences of publike dis­union, and the publike disunion that is certainly consequent to them who doe not communicate in any common formes of worship. And to think that the Directory will bring conformi­ty, is as if one should say, that all who are under the same He­misphere are joyned in communi patriâ, and will love like Coun­trymen; for under the Directory there will be as different Re­ligions, and as different desires, and as differing formes as there are severall varieties of men and manners under the one halfe of heaven, who yet breath under the same halfe of the Globe. But I ask again, what benefit can the publike receive by this forme, or this no form, for I know not whether to call it. Shall the [Page 28] matter of prayers be better in all Churches? shall God be bet­ter served? shall the word of God and the best patterns of prayers be alwayes exactly followed? It is well if it be. But there is security given us by the Directory; for the matter is left at every mans dispose for all that, and we must depend up­on the honesty of every particular for it; and if any man proves a Heretick, or a Knave, then he may introduce what impiety he please, into the publick formes of Gods worship; and there is no law made to prevent it, and it must be cured afterwards if it can; but before-hand it is not prevented at all by the Di­rectory, which trusts every man. But I observe, that all the benefit which is pretended, is, that it will make an able Ministery, which I confesse I am very much from believing, and so will every man be that considers what kind of men they are that have been most zealous for that way of conceived prayer. I am sure that very few of the learnedst, very many ignorants, most those who have made least abode in the Schools of the Pro­phets. And that I may disgrace no mans person, we see Trades­men of the most illiberall arts, and women pretend to it, and doe it with as many words (and that's the maine thing) with as much confidence, and speciousnesse, and spirit, as the best among them. And it is but a small portion of learning that will serve a man to make conceived formes of prayer, which they have easily upon the stock of other men, or upon their own fancie, or upon any thing in which no learning is required. He that knowes nothing of the craft may be in the Preachers trade. But what? Is God better served? I would faine see any Authority, or any reason, or any probability for that. I am sure ignorant men offer him none of the best sacrifices ex tempore, and learned men will be sure to deliberate, and know. God is then better [...] when he served by a publike, then when by a private [...] I cannot imagine what accruements will hence come to [...] [...]: it may be some advantages may be to the private [...]. For there are a sort of men whom our blessed [...] do devoure widowes houses, and for a pre­ [...]. They make prayers, and they make [...] meanes they receive double advantages, for [...] to their ability, and to their piety. And [Page 29] although the Common-prayer Book in the Preface to the Di­rectory bee charged with unnecessary length, yet we see that most of these men, they that are most eminent or would be so, make their prayers longer, and will not lose the benefits which their credit gets, and they by their credit, for making their prayers.

Adde to this that there is no promise in Scripture, that he who prayes ex tempore shall be heard the better, or that he shall bee assisted at all to such purposes; and therefore to innovate in so high a matter without a warrant to command us, or a promise to warrant us, is no better then vanity in the thing, and pre­sumption in the person. He therefore that considers that this way of prayer is without all manner of precedent in the Primi­tive Church, against the example of all famous Churches in all Christendome in the whole descent of 15. Ages, without all command and warrant of Scripture, that it is unreasonable in the nature of the thing, against prudence and the best wisedome of humanity, because it is without deliberation, that it is inno­vation in a high degree without that Authority which is truly and by inherent and ancient right to command and prescribe to us in externall forms of worship, that it is much to the dis­grace of the first reformers of our Religion, that it gives en­couragement to the Papists, to quarrell with some reason and more pretence against our Reformation, as being by the Di­rectory confessed to have been done in much blindnesse, and therefore might erre in the excesse as well as in the defect, in the throwing out too much, as casting off too little, which is the more likely, because they wanted zeale to carry it farre enough. He that considers the universall deformity of pub­like worship and the no meanes of union, no Symbol of pub­like communion being publikely consigned, that all Heresies may with the same Authority bee brought into our prayers, and offered to God in behalfe of the people, with the same Authori­ty that any truth may all the matter of our prayers being left to the choyce of all men, of all perswasions, and then ob­serves that actually there are in many places, heresie, and bla­sphemy, and impertinency, and illiterate rudenesses put into the devotions of the most Solemne dayes, and the most publike [Page 30] meetings; and then lastly, that there are divers parts of Ly­turgy, for which no provisions at all is made in the Directory, and the very administration of the Sacraments left so loosely, that if there be any thing essentiall in the forms of Sacraments the Sacrament may come ineffectuall by want of due words, and due ministration. I say, he that considers all these things (and many more he may consider) will finde that particular men are not fit to be intrusted to offer in publike with their private spirit, to God, for the people, in such solemnities, in matters of so great concernment, where the honour of God, the benefit of the people, the interest of Kingdomes, the being of a Church, the unity of minds, the conformity of practice, the truth of per­swasions, and the salvation of soules, are so very much concer­ned, as they are in the publike prayers of a whole Nationall Church. An unlearned man is not to be trusted, and a wise man dare not trust himselfe; hee that is ignorant cannot, he that is know­ing will not.

The End.

[Page] OF THE SACRED ORDER AND OFFICES OF EPISCOPACIE, By Divine Jnstitution, Apostolicall Tradition, and Catholique Practice. TOGETHER WITH Their Titles of Honour, Secular Employ­ment, Manner of Election, Delega­tion of their Power, and other appendant questions, asserted against the Aerians, and Acephali, new and old.

By IER: TAYLOR, D. D. Chaplaine in Ordinarie to His MAJESTIE Published by His MAJESTIES Command.

ROM. 13. 1.

There is no power but of God. The Powers that be, are ordained of God.

CONCIL. CHALCED.

[...].

LONDON, Printed for RICHARD ROYSTON, at the Angel in Ivie-lane. 1647.

TO THE TRVLY VVORTHY AND MOST ACCOMPLISHT Sr CHRISTOPHER HATTON Knight of the Honourable Order of the BATH.

SIR,

I AM ingag'd in the de­fence of a Great Truth, and J would willingly finde a shrowd to cover my selfe from danger, and calumny; and although the cause both is & ought to be defended by Kings, yet my person must [Page] not goe thither to Sanctuary, unlesse it be to pay my devotion, and I have now no other left for my defence, I am robd of that which once did blesse me, and indeed still does, (but in another manner) and I hope will doe more; but those distillations of coelestiall dewes are conveyed in Channels not pervious to an eye of sense, and now adayes we seldome look with other, be the object never so beauteous or alluring. You may then think, Sir, I am forc'd upon You; may that beg my pardon and excuse, but I should do an injury to Your Noblenesse, if I should onely make You a refuge for my need, (pardon this truth) you are also of the fairest choice, not only for Your love of Learning, (for although that be eminent in You, yet it is not Your eminence) but for Your duty to H. Church, for Your loyal­tie to His sacred Majestie. These did prompt me with the greatest confidence to hope for Your faire incouragement, and assistance in my plea­dings for Episcopacy, in which cause Religion, and Majesty, the King, and the Church are inte­rested as parties of mutuall concernment.

There was an odde observation made long [Page] agoe, and registred in the Law to make it au­thentick, Laici sunt infensi Clericis. Now the Clergy pray, but fight not, and therefore if not specially protected by the King contra Ecclesiam Malignantium, they are made obnoxious to all the contumelies, and injuries, which an envious multitude will inflict upon them. It was ob­serv'd enough in King Edgars time, Quamvis de­creta In Chartē Edgar. Regis. A. D. 485. apud Hen. Spelman. Pontificum, & verba Sacerdotum in convulsis ligaminibus velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt, tamen plerum (que) tempestatibus, & turbinibus sae­cularium rerum Religio S. Matris Ecclesiae maculis reproborum dissipatur, acrumpitur. Idcirco Decre­vimus Nos &c. There was a sad example of it in K. Iohn's time. For when he threw the Clergy from his Protection, it is incredible what inju­ries, what affronts, what robberies, yea what murders were committed upon the Bishops, and Priests of H. Church, whom neither the Sa­crednesse of their persons, nor the Lawes of God, nor the terrors of Conscience, nor feares of Hell, nor Church-censures, nor the Lawes of Hospitality could protect from Scorne, from blowes, from slaughter. Now there being so [Page] neer a tye as the necessity of their own preserva­tion in the midst of so apparent danger, it will tye the Bishops hearts, and hands to the King faster then all the tyes of Lay-Allegiance, (all the Politicall tyes I mean,) all that are not precisely religious, and obligations in the Court of Con­science.

2. But the interest of the Bishops is con­junct with the prosperity of the King, besides the interest of their own securitie; by the obli­gation of secular advantages. For they who have their livelyhood from the King, and are in expectance of their fortune from him are more likely to pay a tribute of exacter duty, then o­thers, whose fortunes are not in such immedi­ate dependancy on His Majesty. Aeneas Sylvius once gave a merry reason why Clerks advan­ced the Pope above a Councell, viz. because the Pope gave spirituall promotions, but the Coun­cels gave none. It is but the Common expecta­tion of gratitude, that a Patron Paramount shall be more assisted by his Beneficiaries in cases of necessity, then by those, who receive nothing from him but the common influences of Go­verment.

[Page] 3. But the Bishops duty to the King derives it selfe from a higher fountaine. For it is one of the maine excellencies in Christianity, that it advances the State, and well being of Monar­chies, and Bodies Politique. Now then the Fa­thers of Religion the Reverend Bishops, whose peculiar office it is to promote the interests of Christianity, are by the nature and essentiall re­quisites of their office bound to promote the Honour and Dignity of Kings, whom Christia­nity would have so much honour'd, as to esta­blish the just subordination of people to their Prince, upon better principles then ever, no lesse then their precise duty to God, and the hopes of a blissefull immortality. Here then is utile, hone­stum, and necessarium, to tye Bishops in duty to Kings, and a threefold Cord is not easily bro­ken.

In pursuance of these obligations Episcopacy payes three returnes of tribute to Monarchy.

1. The first is the Duty of their people. For they being by God himselfe set over soules, judges of the most secret recesses of our Consci­ences, and the venerable Priests under them, [Page] have more power to keep men in their duteous subordination to the Prince, then there is in any secular power, by how much more forcible the impressions of the Conscience are, then all the externall violence in the world. And this power they have fairely put into act, for there was ne­ver any Protestant Bishop yet in Rebellion, un­lesse he turn'd recreant to his Order, and it is the honour of the Church of England, that all her Children, and obedient people are full of indig­nation against Rebells, be they of any interest, or party whatsoever. For here (& for it wethanke God and good Princes) Episcopacy hath been preserv'd in faire priviledges and honour, and God hath blest and honour'd Episcopacy with the conjunction of a loyall people. As if because in the law of Nature the Kingdome and Priest­hood were joyned in one person, it were natu­rall, and consonant to the first justice, that Kings should defend the rights of the Church, and the Church advance the honour of Kings. And when I consider that the first Bishop that was ex­auctorated was a Prince too, Prince, and Bishop of Geneva, me thinks it was an ill Omen, that the [Page] cause of the Prince, and the Bishop should be in Conjunction ever after.

2. A second returne that Episcopacy makes to Royalty is that which is the Duty of all Chri­stians, the paying tributes, and impositions. And though all the Kings Leige people doe it, yet the issues of their duty, and liberality are mightily disproportionate if we consider their unequall Number, and Revenues. And if Clergy-subsi­dies be estimated according to the smallnesse of their revenue, and paucity of persons, it will not be half so short of the number, and weight of Crownes from Lay Dispensation, as it does farre exceed in the proportion of the Donative.

3. But the assistance that the Kings of En­gland had in their Counsells, and affaires of greatest difficulty, from the great ability of Bi­shops, and other the Ministers of the Church, I desire to represent in the words of K. Alvred to Walfsigeus the Bishop, in an Epistle where he de­plores the misery of his owne age by compa­ring it with the former times, when the Bishops were learn'd, and exercis'd in publike Counsels. Faelicia tum tempora fuerunt inter omnes Angliae [Page] populos; Reges Deo, & scriptae ejus voluntati obse­cundârunt in suâ pace, & bellicis expeditionibus, at (que) regimine domestico domi se semper tutati fuerint, at (que) etiamforis nobilitatem suam dilataverint. The reason was, as he insinuates before, Sapientes ex­titerunt in Anglicâ gente de spirituali gradu &c. The Bishops were able by their great learning, and wisdome to give assistance to the Kings af­faires. And they have prosper'd in it, for the most glorious issues of Divine Benison upon this Kingdome were conveyed to us by Bishops hands, I meane the Union of the houses of York & Lancaster, by the Counsells of Iohn Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 19. n. 23. p. 716. Bishop Morton, and of England & Scotland by the treaty of Ibid. c. 20. n. 64. p. 747. Bi­shop Fox, to which if we adde two other in Ma­teria religionis, I meane the conversion of the Kingdom from Paganisme, by St Augustine Arch­bishop of Canterbury; and the reformation, begun and promoted by Bishops, I think we cannot call to mind foure blessings equall to these in any age or Kingdome, in all which God was pleased by the mediation of Bishops, as he useth to doe, to blesse the people. And this may not only be expected in reason, but in good Divinity, for a­mongst [Page] the gifts of the spirit, which God hath given to his Church, are reckon'd Doctors Teach­ers, and 1. Cor. ca 12. v. 28. helps in government. To which may be added this advantage, that the services of Church-men are rewardable upon the Chur­ches stock; no need to disimprove the Royall Banks to pay thanks to Bishops.

But, Sir, I grow troublesome. Let this dis­course have what ends it can; the use J make of it, is but to pretend reason for my Boldnesse, and to entitle You to my Book: for I am confident you will owne any thing that is but a friends friend to a cause of Loyalty. I have nothing else to plead for your acceptance, but the confidence of your Goodnesse, and that I am a person cape­able of your pardon, and of a faire interpretation of my addresse to you, by being

SIR
Your most affectionate Servant J. TAYLOR.

Syllabus Paragraphorum.

  • §, 1. Christ did institute a government in his Church. p. 7
  • 2. This government was first committed to the Apostles by Christ, p. 12
  • 3. With a power of joyning others and appointing Suc­cessours in the Apostolate, p. 13
  • 4. This succession into the ordinary office of Apostolate is made by Bishops, p. 15.
  • For the Apostle and the Bishop are all one in name and person,
  • 5. And office, p. 20.
  • 6. Which Christ himselfe hath made distinct from Pres­byters, p. 22
  • 7. Giving to Apostles a power to doe some offices perpetu­ally necessary, which to others he gave not, p. 23
  • As of Ordination,
  • 8. And Confirmation, p. 28
  • 9. And superiority of Iurisdiction. p. 35
  • 10. So that Bishops are successors in the office of Apostle­ship, according to the generall tenent of antiquitie, p. 49
  • 11 And particularly of S. Peter, p. 54
  • [Page] 12 And the institution of Episcopacy as well as of the A­postolate expressed to be Divine by primitive autho­rity. p. 62
  • 13 In pursuance of the Divine institution, the Apostles did ordain Bishops in severall Churches, p. 68
  • As St Iames at Ierusalem,
  • S. Simeon to he his successor,
  • 14 S. Timothy at Ephesus, p 75
  • 15 S. Titus at Creet, p. 85
  • 16 S. Mark at Alexandria, p. 93
  • 17 S. Linus and S. Clement at Rome, p. 96
  • 18 S. Polycarp at Smyrna, and divers others. p. 97
  • 19 So that Episcopacy is at least an Apostolicall Ordi­nance, of the same authority with many other points generally believed, p. 100
  • 20 And was an office of power and great authority, p. 102
  • 21 Not lessened by the assistance and Councell of Presby­ters, p. 104
  • 22 And all this hath been the faith and practice of Chri­stendome, p. 125
  • 23 Who first distinguished names used before in common, p. 128
  • 24 Appropriating the word Episcopus or Bishop to the supream Church Officer, p. 139
  • 25 Calling the Bishop and him onely the Pastor of the Church, p. 145
  • 26 And Doctor, p. 149
  • 27 And Pontifex, And Sacerdos. p. 150
  • 28 And these were a distinct order from the rest, p. 156
  • 29 To which the Presbyterate was but a degree, p. 160
  • 30 There being a peculiar manner of Ordination to a Bi­shoprick, [Page] p. 161
  • 31 To which Presbyters never did assist by imposing hands. p. 164
  • 32 Bishops had a power distinct, and superiour to that of Presbyters, p. 175
  • 33 Power of Confirmation, p. 198
  • 34 Power of Iurisdiction, p. 209
  • Which they expressed in attributes of authority and great power.
  • 35 Vniversall obedience given to Bishops by Clergy and Laity. p. 214
  • 36 Bishops were appointed Iudges of the Clergy, and spi­rituall causes of the Laity. p. 220
  • 37 Presbyters forbidden to officiate without Episcopall license. p. 251
  • 38 Church-goods reserved to Episcopal dispensatiō. 264
  • 39 Presbyters forbidden to leave their own Dioces, or to travell without leave of the Bishop. p. 266
  • 40 The Bishop had power to prefer which of his Clerks he pleased. p. 267
  • 41 Bishops onely did vote in Councels, and neither Pres­byters, nor People. p. 282
  • 42 The Bishop had a propriety in the persons of his Clerks. p. 292
  • 43 The Bishops Iurisdiction was over many Congrega­tions, or Parishes. p. 295
  • 44 Their Iurisdiction was ayded by Presbyters, but not impayred. p. 311
  • 45 The government of the Church by Bishops was be­lieved necessary. p. 323
  • 46 They are Schismaticks that separate from their Bi­shop, [Page] p. 327
  • 47 And Hereticks. p. 329
  • 48 Bishops were alwaies in the Church men of great ho­nour, p. 335
  • 49 And trusted with affaires of Secular interest, p. 351
  • 50 And therefore were inforced to delegate their power and put others in substitution, p. 371
  • 51 But they were ever Clergy-men, for there never was any lay-Elders in any Church-office heard of in the Church. p. 375

ERRATA.

PAg. 21. line 8. insert, except S. John. Pag. 141. l. 15. Presbyters, read Bi­shops. Pag. 243. line 14. after Episcopacy, insert &c. & l. 15. after Bi­shops insert Clerk. Pag. 354. l. 11. read were Farmers.

OF THE Sacred Order, and Offices of EPISCOPACY BY DIVINE INSTITUTION, APOSTOLICALL TRADITION, & Catholick practise &c.

IN all those accursed machinations, which the device, and artifice of Hell hath invented, for the supplanting of the Church, Inimicus homo, that old superseminator of heresies, and crude mis­chiefes, hath indeavou­red, to be curiously compendious, and with Tar­quin's device, put are summ a papaverum. And there­fore in the three ages of Martyrs, it was a rul'd [Page 2] case in that Burgundian forge, Qui prior erat digni­tate prior trahebatur ad Martyrium. The Priests, but to be sure the Bishops must pay for all. Tolleimpios, Polycarpus requiratur. Away with these pedling persecutions, [...]. Lay the axe at the root of the tree. Insomuch that in Rome from S. Pe­ter, and S. Paul to S. Sylvester, thirty three Bishops of Rome, in immediate succession, suffered an Ho­nourable, and glorious Martyrdome, unlesse Maximini jussu Marty­rio coronatur. Saith Platina, but that is wholly un­certaine. Mel­tiades be perhaps excepted, whom Eusebius, and Optatus report to have lived till the time of the third Consulship of Constantine and Licinius. Con­teret caput ejus, was the glorious promise, Christ should break the Divell's head, and though the Di­vell's active part of the Duell was farre lesse, yet he would venture at that too, even to strike at the heads of the Church, capita vicaria, for the head of all was past his striking now; And this, I say, he offered to doe by Martyrdome, but that insteed of break­ing, crown'd them.

His next onset was by Iulian, and occidere Presby­terium, that was his Province. To shut up publick Schooles, to force Christians to ignorance, to im­poverish, and disgrace the Clergy, to make them vile, and dishonourable, these were his arts; and he did the Divell more service in this finenesse of un­dermining, then all the open battery of the ten great Rammes of persecution. But this would not take. For, that which is without cannot defile a man. So it is in the Church too. Cedunt in bonum, all vio­lences ab extrà.

[Page 3] But therefore besides these he attempted by he­resies to rent the Churches bowels all in pieces; but the good Bishops gathered up the scattered pieces & reunited them at Nice, at Constantinople, at Ephe­sus, at Chalcedon, at Carthage, at Rome, and in eve­ry famous place of Christendome, and by God's goodnesse, and the Bishops industry Catholick reli­gion was conserved in Vnity, and integrity. Well! however it is, Antichrist must come at last, and the great Apostacy foretold must be, and this, not with­out means proportionable to the production of so great declensions of Christianity. When ye heare of warres, and rumors of warres, be not afraid (said our B. Saviour,) the end is not yet. It is not warre that will doe this great work of destruction, for then it might have been done long 'ere now. What then will doe it? We shall know when we see it. In the meane time when we shall find a new device, of which indeed the platforme was laid, in Aërius, and the Acephali, brought to a good possibility of compleating, a thing that whosoever shall heare, his ears shall tingle, an abhomination of desolation stand­ing where it ought not, in sacris, in holy persons, and places, and offices, it is too probable that this is the praeparatory for the Antichrist, and grand Aposta­cy.

For if Antichrist shall exalt himselfe above all that is called God, and in Scripture none but Kings, and Priests are such, Dii vocati, Dii facti, I think we have great reason to be suspitious, that he that devests both of their power (and they are, if the [Page 4] King be Christian, in very neer conjunction,) does the work of Antichrist for him; especially if the men, whom it most concernes, will but call to mind, that the discipline, or Government, which Christ hath instituted, is that Kingdome, by which he governes all Christendome (so themselves have taught us) so that, in case it be proved, that Episco­pacy is that government, then they (to use their own expressions) throw Christ out of his Kingdome; and then, either they leave the Church without a head, or else put Antichrist in substitution.

We all wish, that our feares in this, and all things else, may be vaine, that what we feare, may not come upon us; but yet that the abolition of Episco­pacy is the fore-runner, and praeparatory to the great Apostacy, I have these reasons to shew, at least the probability. First, Because here is a concurse of 1. times; for now after that these times have been cal­led the last times, for 1600 years together, our ex­pectation of the Great revelation is very neer ac­complishing; & what a Grand innovation of Ecclesia­sticall government, contrary to the faith, & practice of Christendome, may portend now in these times, when we all expect Antichrist to be revealed is wor­thy of a jealous mans inquiry. Secondly, Episco­pacy, 2. if we consider the finall cause, was instituted as an obstructive to the diffusion of Schisme and Here­sy. So in 1. ad Titū S. Hierome. In toto orbe decretum est, ut u­nus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur coeteris, VT SCHISMATVM SEMINA TOLLERENTUR. And therefore if Vnity and division be destructive of [Page 5] each other, then Episcopacy is the best deletery in the world for Schisme: and so much the rather because they are in eâdem materiâ; for Schisme is a division for things either personall, or accidentall, which are matters, most properly the subject of government, and there to be tryed, there to receive their first, and last breath, except where they are starv'd to death by a desuetude; and Episcopacy is an Unity of per­son governing, and ordering persons, and things, accidentall, and substantiall; and therefore a direct confronting of Schisme, not only in the intention of the author of it, but in the nature of the institution, Now then, although Schismes alwaies will be, and this by divine prediction (which clearly showes the necessity of perpetuall Episcopacy, and the in­tention of its perpetuity, either by Christ himselfe ordaining it, who made the prophecy, or by the A­postles and Apostolick men at least, who knew the prophecy:) yet to be sure, these divisions, and dan­gers shall be greater about, and at the time of the Great Apostacy; for then, were not the houres turn­ed into minutes, an universall ruine should seize all Christendome [No flesh should be saved if those daies were not shortned.] is it not next to an evidence of fact, that this multiplication of Schismes must be removendo prohibens? and therefore that must be by invalidating Episcopacy, ordayn'd as the remedy and obex of Schisme, either tying their hands behind them, by taking away their coercion, or by putting out their eyes, by denying them cognisance of causes spirituall, or by cutting off their heads, and so de­stroying [Page 6] their order. How farre these will lead us, I leave to be considered. This only; Percute pastores, at (que) oves despergentur; and I believe it will be veri­fied at the comming of that wicked one, I saw all Israel scattered upon the Mountaines as sheep having no sheapheard.

I am not new in this conception, I learn't it of S. Cyprian; Christi adversarius, & Ecclesiae ejus ini­micus Epist. 55. ad hoc, ECCLESIae PRAEPOSITVM suâ in­festatione persequitur, ut, Gubernatore sublato, atro­ciùs, at (que) violentiùs circà Ecclesiae naufragin grasse­tur. The adversary of Christ and enemy of his Spouse therefore persecutes the Bishop, that having taken him away, he may without check pride him­selfe in the ruines of the Church; and a little after speaking of them, that are enemies to Bishops, he sayes, that, Antichristi jam propinquantis adventum imitantur, their deportment is just after the guise of Antichrist who is shortly to be revealed.

But be this conjecture vaine, or not, the thing, of it selfe is of deep consideration, and the Catholick practise of Christendome for 1500 years is so insup­portable a prejudice against the enemies of Episco­pacy, that they must bring admirable evidence of Scripture, or a cleare revelation proved by Miracles, or a contrary undoubted tradition Apostolicall for themselves, or else hope for no beliefe against the prescribed possession of so many ages.

But before I begin, mee thinks in this contestati­on, ubi potior est conditio possidentis, it is a considera­ble Question; what will the Adversaries stake a­gainst [Page 7] it? For if Episcopacy cannot make its title good, they loose the benefit of their prescribed possession. If it can; I feare they will scarce gain so much, as the obedience of the adverse party by it, which yet already is their due. It is very unequall; but so it is ever, when Authority is the matter of the Question. Authority never gaines by it; for al­though the cause goe on its side, yet it looses costs, and dammages; for it must either by faire condescen­tion to gain the adversaries, loose something of it selfe, or, if it asserts it selfe to the utmost, it is but where it was; but that seldome or never happens, for the very questioning of any authority, hoc ipso, makes a great intrenchment even to the very skirts of its cloathing.

But hûc deventumest. Now we are in, we must goe over.

FIrst then, that wee may build upon a Rock. §. 1. Christ did institute a governe­ment in his Church. Christ did institute a government to order and rule his Church by his authority, according to his lawes, and by the assistance of the B. Spirit.

1. If this were not true, how shall the Church be governed? For I hope the adversaries of Episco­pacy, that are so punctuall to pitch all upon Scrip­ture ground, will be sure to produce cleare Scri­pture for so maine a part of Christianity, as is the forme of the Government of Christs Church. And, if for our private actions; and duties Oeconomi­call, they will pretend a text, I suppose, it will not be thought possible, Scripture should make default [Page 8] in assignation of the publick Government, inso­much as all lawes intend the publick, and the gene­rall directly; the private, and the particular, by con­sequence only, and comprehension within the ge­nerall.

2. If Christ himselfe did not take order for a government, then we must derive it from humane prudence, and emergency of conveniences, and con­curse of new circumstances, and then the Govern­ment must often be changed, or else time must stand still, and things be ever in the same state and possibi­lity. Both the consequents are extreamely full of in­convenience. For if it be left to humane prudence, then either the government of the Church is not in immediate order to the good, and benison of soules, or if it be, that such an institution, in such immedi­ate order to eternity, should be dependant upon hu­mane prudence, it were to trust such a rich commo­dity in a cock-boat, that no wise Pilot will be sup­posed to doe. But if there be often changes in go­vernment Ecclesiasticall (which was the other consequent) in the publike frame I meane, and con­stitution of it; either the certain infinity of Schismes will arise, or the dangerous issues of publick incon­sistence, and innovation, which, in matters of reli­gion, is good for nothing, but to make men di­strust all; and, come the best that can come, there will be so many Church governments, as there are humane Prudences. For so (if I be not mis-infor­med) it is abroad in some townes that have dis­charged Simler: de rep: Helvet: fol. 148. & 172. Episcopacy. At St Galles in Switzerland [Page 9] there the Ministers, and Lay-men rule in Common, but a Lay-man is president. But the Consistories of Zurick and Basil are wholly consistent of Lay-men, and Ministers are joyned as assistants only, and Counsellors, but at Schaffhausen the Ministers are not admitted to so much, but in the Huguenot Churches of France, the Ministers doe all.

3. In such cases, where there is no power of the sword for a compulsory (and confessedly of all sides there can be none in causes & Courts Ecclesi­asticall) if there be no opinion of Religion, no de­rivation from a divine authority, there will be sure to be no obedience, and indeed nothing but a cer­tain, publick, calamitous irregularity. For why should they obay? Not for Conscience, for there is no derivation from divine authority. Not for feare, for they have not the power of the sword.

4. If there be such a thing as the power of the keyes, by Christ concredited to his Church, for the binding and loosing delinquents, and penitents re­spectively on earth, then there is clearely a Court erected by Christ in his Church, for here is the dele­gation of Iudges, Tu Petrus, vos Apostoli, whatsoever ye shall bind. Here is a compulsory, ligaveritis; Here are the causes of which they take cognisance, Quodcun (que); viz. in materiâ scandali. For so it is li­mited Matth. 18. but it is indefinite Matth. 16. and Vniversall, Iohn. 20. which yet is to be understood secundùm materiam subjectam, in causes, which are emergent from Christianity, ut sic, that secular ju­risdictions may not be intrenched upon. But of this [Page 10] hereafter. That Christ did in this place erect a Iu­risdiction, and establish a government (besides the e­vidence of fact) is generally asserted by primitive exposition of the Fathers, affirming, that to S. Peter the Keyes were given, that to the Church of all ages a power of binding and loosing might be communi­cated. Has igitur claves dedit Ecclesiae, ut quae solve­ret interrâ soluta essent in coelo; scil. ut quisquis in Ecclesiâ ejus dimitti sibi peccata crederet, se (que) ab iis correctus averteret in ejusdem Ecclesiae gremio con­stitutus eâdem fide at (que) correctione sanaretur. So De doctr. Christ. lib. 1. 6. 18. tract. 118. in Iohan. vide etiam tract. 124. & tract. 50. in Ioh. de Agon. Christ. cap. 30 de bapt. contr. Donatist. lib. 3. c. 17. S. Austin. And againe, Omnibus igitur sanctis ad Christi corpus inseparabilitèr pertinentibus propter hujus vitae procellosissima gubernaculum ad liganda & solvenda peccata claves regni coelorum primus A­postolorum Petrus accepit; Quoniam nec ille solus, sed universa Ecclesia ligat, solvit (que) peccata. S. Peter first received the government in the power of bind­ing and loosing. But not he alone but all the Church, to wit, all succession, and ages of the Church. Vni­versa Ecclesia, viz. in Pastoribus solis, as De Sacerd. lib. 3. S. Chry­sostom, In Episcopis & Presbyteris as In 16. Matt. S. Ierome. The whole Church, as it is represented in the Bishops and Presbyters. The same is affirmed by Lib. de pu­dicit. Tertullian, Epist. 27. S. Cyprian, Lib. qd Chri­stus est Deus. S. Chrysostome, Lib. 6. de. Trinit. S. Hilary, Lib. 3. in Apocal. Luke, 12. 42. Prima­sius, and generally by the Fathers of the elder, and Divines of the middle ages.

5. When our blessed Saviour had spoken a pa­rable of the sudden coming of the sonne of Man, & commanded them therefore with diligence to stand upon their watch, the Disciples asked him, speakest [Page 11] thou this parable to us, or even to all? And the Lord said, who then is that faithfull and wise steward, whom his Lord shall make ruler over his houshold to give them their portion of meat in due season? As if he had said, I speak to You, for to whom else should I speak and give caution for the looking to the house in the Masters absence? You are by office and de­signation my stewards, to feed my servants, to go­verne my house.

6. In Scripture, and other writers, to Feed, and to Governe, is all one when the office is either Po­liticall or Oeconomicall, or Ecclesiasticall. So he Psal: 78. FED them with a faithfull and true heart, and RULED them prudently with all his power. And S. Peter joynes, [...] and [...] together. 1. Pet. 5. 2. Acts. 20. [...]. So does S. Paul, [...]. Rulers or overseers in a flock. Pastors. It is ordinary. [...]. Homer. [...]. Euripides calls the Governors and guides of Cha­riots, [...]. And our blessed Saviour him­selfe is called the Great sheapheard of our soules; and that we may know the intentum of that compella­tion, it is in conjunction also with [...]. He is therefore our sheapheard, for he is our Bishop, our Ruler, and Overseer. Since then Christ hath left Pastors or Feeders in his Church, it is also as cer­tain he hath left Rulers, they being both one in name, in person, in office. But this is of a known truth to all that understand either lawes or langua­ges: [Page 12] [...] saith in lib: de eo quod deterior potiori insi­diatur. Philo, they that feed have the power of Princes and rulers; the thing is an undoubted truth to most men, but because all are not of a mind something was necessary for confirmation of it.

THis government was by immediate substitution § 2. This go­vernment was first committed to the A­postles by Christ delegated to the Apostles by Christ himselfe, in traditione clavium, in spiratione Spiritûs, in mis­sione in Pentecoste. When Christ promised them the Keyes, he promised them power to bind and loose; when he breathed on them the holy Ghost, he gave them that actually, to which by the former promise they were intitled; and in the octaves of the Passion, he gave them the same authority, which he had received from his Father, and they were the faithfull and wise stewards whom the Lord made RULERS over his Houshold. vide Hila­rium in hunc locum & pp. communitèr, But I shall not la­bour much upon this. Their founding all the Chur­ches from East to West, and so, by being Fathers, derived their authority from the nature of the thing, their appointing rulers in every Church, their Synodall decrees de Suffocato & Sanguine, and let­ters missive to the Churches of Syria and Cilicia, their excommunications of Hymeneus, Alexander, and the incestuous Corinthian, their commanding, and requiring obedience of their people in all things, as S. Paul did of his subjects of Corinth, and the Hebrews by precept Apostolicall, their threat­ning the Pastorall rod, their calling Synods and publick assemblies, their ordering rites and ceremo­nies, [Page 13] composing a Symbole as the tessera of Chri­stianity, their publick reprehension of delinquents, and indeed the whole execution of their Aposto­late is one continued argument of their superinten­dency, and superiority of jurisdiction.

THis power so delegated was not to expire with § 3. With a power of joyning o­thers and appointing successors in the A­postolate their Persons; For when the Great sheapheard had reduced his wandring sheep into a fold, he would not leave them without guides to governe them, so long as the wolfe might possibly prey up­on them, and that is, till the last separation of the Sheep from the Goats. And this Christ intimates in that promise, Ero vobiscum (Apostolis) us (que) ad consummationem saeculi. Vobiscum; not with your persons, for they dyed long agoe, but vobiscum & vestri similibus, with Apostles to the end of the world. And therefore that the Apostolate might be successive and perpetuall, Christ gave them a power of ordination, that by imposing hands on o­thers they might impart that power which they re­ceived from Christ. For in the Apostles there was something extraordinary; something ordinary. Whatsoever was extraordinary, as immediate missi­on, unlimited jurisdiction, and miraculous operati­ons, that was not necessary to the perpetuall regi­ment of the Church, for then the Church should faile when these priviledges extraordinary did cease. It was not therefore in extraordinary powers and priviledges that Christ promised his perpetuall assistance; not in speaking of tongues, not in doing [Page 14] miracles, whether in Materiâ censurae, as delivering to Sathan; or, in materiâ misericordiae, as healing sick people; or in re Naturali, as in resisting the ve­nome of Vipers, and quenching the violence of flames; in these Christ did not promise perpetuall assistance, for then it had been done, and still these signes should have followed them that believe. But we see they doe not. It followes then, that in all the ordinary parts of power and office Christ did promise to be with them to the end of the world, and therefore there must remaine a power of giving faculty, and capacity to persons successively for the execution of that, in which Christ promised perpetuall assistance. For since this perpetuall assi­stance could not be meant of abiding with their per­sons, who in few years were to forsake the world, it must needs be understood of their function, which either it must be succeeded to, or else it was as tem­porary as their persons. But in the extraordinary priviledges of the Apostles they had no successors, therefore of necessity a succession must be constitu­ted in the ordinary office of Apostolate. Now what is this ordinary office? Most certainly since the ex­traordinary (as is evident) was only a helpe for the founding and beginning, the other are such as are necessary for the perpetuating of a Church. Now in clear evidence of sence, these offices and powers are Preaching, Baptizing, Consecrating, Ordaining, and Governing. For these were necessary for the perpetuating of a Church, unlesse men could be Christians that were never Christned, nourished [Page 15] up to life without the Eucharist, become Priests without calling of God and Ordination, have their sinnes pardoned without absolution, be mem­bers and parts and sonnes of a Church whereof there is no coadunation, no authority, no Gover­nour. These the Apostles had without all Questi­on, and whatsoever they had, they had from Christ, and these were eternally necessary, these then were the offices of the Apostolate, which Christ promi­sed to assist for ever, and this is that which we now call the Order and Office of Episcopacy.

FOR although Deacons and Priests have part of § 4. This suc­cession into the ordina­ry office of Apostolate is made by Bishops these offices, and therefore (though in a very li­mited sence) they may be called successores Aposto­lorum, to wit, in the power of Baptizing, consecrating the Eucharist, and Preaching (an excellent example whereof, though we have none in Scripture, yet if I mistake him not we have in Ignatius. calling the Colledge of Presbyters [...], a Com­bination of Apostles) yet the Apostolate and Epis­copacy which did communicate in all the power, and offices which were ordinary and perpetuall, are in Scripture clearely all one in ordinary ministrati­on, and their names are often used in common to signify exactly the same ordinary function.

1. The name was borrowed from the Pro­phet For the A­postle and the Bishop are all one in name & person. David in the prediction of the Apostacy of Iudas, and Surrogation of S. Matthias; [...]. His Bishoprick, that is, his A­stolate [Page 16] let another take. The same word according to the translation of the 70. is used by the Prophet I­saiah, in an Evangelicall prediction, [...] I will give thy Princes in peace, and thy Bishops in righteousnesse. Principes Ecclesiae vocat futuros E­piscopos, saith In cap. 60. Isai. v. 17. S. Hierome, herein admiring Gods Majesty in the destination of such Ministers whom himselfe calls Princes. And to this issue it is cited by S. Clement in his famous epistle to the Corinthi­ans. But this is no waies unusuall in Scripture. For,

2. S. Iames the Brother of our Lord is called an Apostle, and yet he was not in the number of the twelve, but he was Bishop of Ierusalem. 1. That S. Iames was called an Apostle appears by the testi­mony of S. Paul, [But other Apostles saw I none, 1. Galat. 19. save Iames the Lords Brother.] 1. That he was none of the twelve, appears also because among the twelve Apostles, there were but two Iames's. The sonne of Alpheus, and Iames the sonne of Zebedee, the Brother of Iohn. But neither of these was the Iames whom S. Paul calls the Lords brother. And this S. Paul intimates in making a distinct enumera­tion 1. Corin. 15. of all the appearances which Christ made after the resurrection. First to Cephas, then to the twelve, then to the 500. Brethren, then to Iames, then to all the Apostles. So that here S. Iames is reckoned di­stinctly from the twelve, and they from the whole Colledge of the Apostles, for there were (it seems) more of that dignity then the twelve. But this will also safely rely upon the concurrent testimony of [Page 17] Vide Carol. Bovium in const it. Apost. Schol. Hieron. de Script. Ec­cl. in Jacobo. & in 1. Ga­lat. Epiphan. haeres. 78, 79. Hegesippus, Vide Carol. Bovium in const it. Apost. Schol. Hieron. de Script. Ec­cl. in Jacobo. & in 1. Ga­lat. Epiphan. haeres. 78, 79. S. Clement, Eusebius, Epiphanius, S. Ambrose, and S. Hierome. 3. That S. Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem, and therefore called an A­postle, appears by the often commemoration of his presidency, and singular eminency in holy Scrip­ture. Priority of order is mentioned, Galat. 2. even before S. Peter, who yet was primus Apostolorum, naturâ unus homo, Gratiâ unus Christianus, abundan­tiore gratiâ unus idem (que) primus Apostolus; (as S. Au­stin) yet in his own diocesse S. Iames had priority of Tract. 124. in Iohan. order before him. v. 9. And when 1 Iames, 2 Ce­phas, and 3 Iohn, &c. First Iames before Cephas i. e. S. Peter. S. Iames also was president of that Sy­nod which the Apostles convocated at Ierusalem a­bout the Question of circumcision; as is to be seen Vide pag. Act. 15. to him S. Paul made his addresse, Act. 21. to him the brethren carried him, where he was found sitting in his Colledge of Presbyters, there he was alwaies resident, and his seat fixt, and that he liv'd Bishop of Ierusalem for many years toge­ther, is clearly testified by all the faith of the Pri­mitive Fathers and Historians. But of this here­after.

3. Epaphroditus is called the Apostle of the Philippians. I have sent unto you Epaphroditus [...], My com­peere Philip. 2. 25. and your Apostle. Gradum Apostolatus rece­pit Epaphroditus, saith Primasius, and what that is In hunc locum uter (que) & Theod. in 1. Tim 3. we are told by Theodoret, dictus Philippensium Apo­stolus à S. Paulo, quid hoc aliud nisi Episcopus? Be­cause he also had received the office of being an A­postle [Page 18] among them, saith S. Ierome upon the same place; and it is very observeable, that those Apo­stles to whom our blessed Saviour gave immediate substitution are called [...], Apostles of Iesus Christ, but those other men which were Bi­shops of Churches, and called Apostles by Scri­pture, are called [...], Apostles of Churches, or sometime Apostles, alone, but never are intitled of Iesus Christ. Other of the Apostles saw I none but Iames the Lords Brother, Gal. 1. There S. Iames the Bishop of Ierusalem is called an Apostle indefinitely. But S. Paul calls himselfe of­ten the Apostle of Iesus Christ, not of man, neither by man, but by Iesus Christ. So, Peter an Apostle of Iesus Christ, but S. Iames in his Epistle to the Iewes of the dispersion, writes not himselfe the A­postle of Iesus Christ, but [...]. Iames the servant of God and of the Lord Iesus Christ.

Further yet: S. Paul, although as having an im­mediate calling from Christ to the office of Aposto­late at large, calls himselfe the Apostle of Iesus Christ, yet when he was sent to preach to the Gen­tiles by the particular direction indeed of the holy Acts. 13. v. 2, 3. Ghost, but by Humane constitution, and impositi­on of hands; in relation to that part of his office, and his cure of the uncircumcision, he limits his Apo­stolate to his Diocesse and calls himselfe, [...], Rom. 11. 13. The Apostle of the Gentiles; as S. Peter for the same reason, and in the same modification is called Galat. 2. 8. [...], that is, the Apostle of those who were [Page 19] of the Circumcision. And thus Epaphroditus is call­ed the Apostle of the Philippians, who clearely was their Bishop (as I shall shew in the sequel) that is, he had an Apostolate limited to the Diocesse of Philippi. Paulatim verò tempore procedente, & aliè ab his quos Dominus eleger at ordinati sunt Apostoli, sicut ille ad Philippenses sermo declarat, dicens, ne­cessarium In 1. cap. Ga­lat. autem existimo Epaphroditum, &c. So S. Ierome. In processe of time others besides those whom the Lord had chosen, were ordained Apo­stles; and particularly he instances in Epaphroditus from the authority of this instance, adding also that by the Apostles themselves Iudas and Silas were called Apostles.

4. Thus Titus, and some other with him, who came to Ierusalem with the Corinthian benevolence, 2. Corinth. 8. 23. are called [...]. The Apostles of the Chur­ches. Apostles, I say, in the Episcopall sence. They were none of the twelve, they were not of immedi­ate divine mission, but of Apostolike ordination, they were actually Bishops as I shall shew hereafter. Ti­tus was Bishop of Crete, and Epaphroditus of Phi­lippi, and these were the Apostles, for Titus came with the Corinthian, Epaphroditus with the Colossi­an liberality. Now these men were not [...], called, Messengers in respect of these Churches send­ing them with their contributions. 1. Because they are not called the Apostles of these Churches, to wit, whose almes they carried, but simply [...], of the Churches, viz. of their own of which they were Bishops. For if the title of [Apostle] had re­lated [Page 20] to their mission from these Churches, it is un­imaginable that there should be no terme of relation expressed. 2. It is very cleare that although they did indeed carry the benevolence of the severall Churches, yet S. Paul, not those Churches sent Vers. 22. them, And we have sent with them our Brother, &c. 3. They are called Apostles of the Churches, not going from Corinth with the mony, but before they came thither from whence they were to be di­spatch't in legation to Ierusalem. [If any enquire of V. 23. Titus....or the Brethren, they are the Apostles of the Church, and the glory of Christ.] So they were A­postles before they went to Corinth, not for their being imployed in the transportation of their chari­ty. So that it is plaine, that their Apostolate being not relative to the Churches whose benevolence they carried, and they having Churches of their own, as Titus had Crete, Epaphroditus had Philippi, their Apostolate was a fixt residence, and superin­tendency of their severall Churches.

BVt in holy Scripture the identity of the ordinary § 5. And office, office of Apostleship and Episcopacy, is clearer yet. For when the holy Spirit had sent seaven letters to the seaven Asian Bishops, the Angell of the Church Apocal. 2. of Ephesus is commended for trying them, which say they are Apostles and are not, and hathfound themlyars. This Angell of the Church of Ephesus, as Antiquity hath taught us, was at that time Timo­thy, or Doroth. Sy­nops. Gajus, the first a Disciple, the other had been an entertainer of the Apostles, and either of [Page 21] them knew them well enough; it could not be that any man should dissemble their persons & counter­feit himselfe S. Paul, or S. Peter. And if they had, yet little trying was needfull to discover their folly in such a case, and whether it was Timothy or Gajus he could deserve but small commendations for the meer believing of his own eyes and memory. Be­sides the Apostles all were then dead, and he known to live in Patmos, known by the publick attestation of the sentence of relegation ad insulam. These men therefore dissembling themselves to be Apo­stles, must dissemble an ordinary function, not an ex­traordinary person. And indeed by the concurse of of story, place, and time, Diotrephes was the Man S. Iohn cheifly pointed at. For he seeing that of E­phesus there had been an Episcopall chayre plac'd, and Timothy a long while possess'd of it, and Vide Constit. Apost. per Clement. ubt quidam Io­hannes in E­pheso Episc. post Timoth. collocatur. per­haps Gajus after him, if we may trust Dorotheus, and the like in some other Churches, and that S. Iohn had not constituted Bishops in all the other Chur­ches of the lesser Asia, but kept the Iurisdiction to be ministred by himselfe, would arrogantly take upon him to be a Bishop without Apostolicall or­dination, obtruding himselfe upon the Church of Ephesus, so becoming [...], a busy man in anothers Diocesse. This, and such impostors as this the Angell of the Church of Ephesus did try, and discover, and convict, and in it he was assisted by S. Iohn himselfe, as is intimated in S. Iohns third E­pistle written to this Gajus [v. 9.] I wrote unto the Church (to wit of Asia) but Diotrephes who loveth [Page 22] to have the preheminence among them receiveth us not.] Clearely this [...] would have been a Bishop. It was a matter of ambition, a quarrell for superintendency and preheminence that troubled him; and this also appeares further in that he exerci­sed jurisdiction, and excommunication where he had nothing to doe, [v. 10.] He forbids them that would receive the Brethren, and casteth them out of the Church. So that here it is cleare, this false Apo­stolate, was his ambitious seeking of Episcopall preheminence and jurisdiction without lawfull or­dination. [...], that was his designe, He loved to be the first in the Church, esse Aposto­lum, esse Episcopum, to be an Apostle, or a Bishop.

BVt this office of the ordinary Apostleship or E­piscopacy, § 6. Which Christ him­selfe hath made di­stinct from Presbyters derives its fountain from a Rock; Christs own distinguishing the Apostolate from the function of Presbyters. For when our blessed Sa­viour had gathered many Disciples who believed him at his first preaching, Vocavit Discipulos suos, & elegit duodecem ex ipsis quos & Apostolos nomina­vit, saith S. Luke. He called his Disciples, and out Luke 10. of them chose twelve, and called them Apostles. That was the first election. Post haec autem designa­vit Dominus & alios septuaginta duos. That was his second election; the first were called Apostles, the second were not, and yet he sent them by two and two.

We heare but of one commission granted them, which when they had performed and returned [Page 23] joyfull at their power over Divells, wee heare no more of them in the Gospell, but that their Names were written in heaven. Wee are likely therefore to heare of them after the passi­on, if they can but hold their owne. And so we doe. For after the Passion the Apostles gathered them together, and joyn'd them in Clericall commission by vertue of Christs first ordination of them, for a new ordination we find none in holy Scripture re­corded, before we find them doing Clericall offi­ces. Ananias we read baptizing of Saul, Philip the Evangelist we find preaching in Samaria, and bapti­zing his Converts; Others also we find, Presbyters at Ierusalem, especially at the first Councell, for there was Iudas sirnamed Iustus, and Silas, and S. Marke, and Iohn (a Presbyter, not an Apostle as Eu­sebius Lib. 3. cap. 3. reports him) and Simeon Cleophas who tarri­ed there till he was made Bishop of Ierusalem, these and diverse others, are reckoned to be of the num­ber of the 72, by Eusebius and Dorotheus.

Here are plainly two offices of Ecclesiasticall Mi­nisteries. Apostles and Presbyters, so the Scripture calls them. These were distinct, and not temporary, § 7. Giving to Apostles a power to doe some offices per­petually necessary, which to others he gave not. but succeeded to, and if so, then here is clearely a Di­vine institution of two Orders, and yet Deacons nei­ther of them. Here let us fix a while.

1. THen; It is cleare in Scripture that the Apo­stles did some acts of Ministery which were necessary to be done for ever in the Church, and therefore to be committed to their Successors, which [Page 24] acts the seventy Disciples or Presbyters could not doe. [...], saith S. Denis Eccles. hie­rarch. c. 5. of the Highest Order of the Hierarchy. The law of God hath reserved the Greater and Diviner Offices to the Highest Order.

First, the Apostles impos'd hands in Ordinati­ons, As of Or­dination, which the 72 did not, the case is knowne, Act. 6. The Apostles called the Disciples, willing them to choose seaven men whom they might constitute in the ministration and over-sight of the poore, They did so, and set them before the twelue Apo­stles, so they are specified and numbred vers. 2. cum 6. and when they had prayed, they lay'd their hands on them. They, not the Disciples, not the 72 who were there actually present, and seaven of them were then ordayn'd to this Ministery, for they were not now ordayn'd to be [...], but [...], as the In Trullo. can. 16. Councell of Constantinople calls them, and that these were of the number of the 72. Disciples, Epiphanius bears witnesse. He sent other 72. to Haeres. 20. preach [...], of which Number were those seaven ordained and set over the widdowes. And the same is intimated by S. Chrysostome, if I understand him right, [...]. Homil. 14. in Act. 6. What dignity had these seaven here ordained? of Deacons? No; for this dispensation is made by Priests not Dea­cons; and Theophylact more clearely repeating the In hunc locū. [Page 25] words of S. Chrysostome, promore suo, addes this, [...]. The name and dignity of these seaven was no lesse, but even the dignity of Presbyters, only for the time they were appointed to dispense the goods of the Church for the good of the faithfull people. Presbyters they were say S. Chrysostome and Theophylact; of the number of the 72. saith E­piphanius. But however, it is cleare that the 72. were present, for the whole multitude of the Dis­ciples was as yet there resident, they were not yet sent abroad, they were not scattered with persecu­tion till the Martyrdome of S. Stephen, [but the twelve called the whole multitude of the Disciples] to them about this affaire. vers. 2. But yet them­selves only did ordaine them.

2. An instance paralell to this, is in the impo­sition of hands upon S. Paul and Barnabas, in the Acts. 13. first ordination that was held at Antioch. [Now there were in the Church that was at Antioch cer­tain Prophets and Teachers, as Barnabas and Sime­on, and Lucius, and Manäen, and Saul. [...], while these men were Ministring, the holy Ghost said to them, separate me Barnabas and Saul.] They did so, they [fasted, they prayed, they laid their hands on them, and sent them away. So they being sent forth by the holy Ghost, departed into Seleucia.] This is the story, now let us make our best on't. Here then was the ordination and imposition of hands complete, and that was said to [Page 26] be done by the holy Ghost which was done by the Prophets of Antioch. For they sent them away, and yet the next words are, so they being sent forth by the holy Ghost. So that here was the thing done, and that by the Prophets alone, and that by the com­mand of the Holy Ghost, and said to be his act. Well! but what were these Prophets? They were Prophets in the Church of Antioch, not such as Prophetas du­plici genere intelligamus, & futura di­centes & Scripturas revelantes. S. Ambros: in 1. Corinth. 12. Agabus, and the daughters of Philip the Evangelist, Prophets of prediction extraordinary, but Pro­phets of ordinary office and ministration, [...], Prophets and Teachers and Ministers. More then ordinary Ministers, for they were Doctors or Teachers, and that's not all, for they were Prophets too. This even at first sight is more then the ordinary office of the Presbytery. We shall see this cleare enough in S. Paul Ephes. 4. where the ordinary office of Prophets is reckoned before Pastors, before Evangelists, next to Apostles, that is next to such Apostles [...], as S. Paul there expresses it, next to those Apostles to whom Christ hath given immediate mission. And these are there­fore Apostles too, Apostles secundi ordinis, none of the twelve, but such as S. Iames, and Epaphroditus, and Barnabas and S. Paul himselfe. To be sure they were such Prophets as S. Paul and Barnabas, for they are reckoned in the number by S. Luke, for here it was that S. Paul although he had immediate vocation by Christ, yet he had particular ordinati­on to this Apostolate or Ministery of the Gentiles. It is evident then what Prophets these were, they [Page 27] they were at the least more then ordinary Presby­ters, and therefore they impos'd hands, and they on­ly. And yet to make the businesse up compleat, S. Marke was amongst them, but he impos'd no hands, he was there as the Deacon and Minister [vers. 5.] but he medled not, S. Luke fixes the whole action upon the Prophets, such as S. Paul himselfe was, and so did the Holy Ghost too, but neither did S. Marke who was an Evangelist, and one of the 72 Disciples (as he is reckoned in the Primitive Cata­logues by Eusebius and Dorotheus) nor any of the Colledge of the Antiochian Presbyters, that were lesse then Prophets, that is, who were not more then meere Presbyters.

The summe is this: Imposition of hands is a duty & office necessary for the perpetuating of a Church, ne Gens sit Vnius aetatis, least it expire in one age: this power of imposition of hands for Ordination was fix't upon the Apostles and Apostolike men, and not communicated to the 72 Disciples or Pres­byters; for the Apostles, and Apostolike men, did so de facto, and were commanded to doe so, and the 72 never did so, therefore this office and Ministery of the Apostolate is distinct, and superiour to that of Presbyters, and this distinction must be so continued to all ages of the Church, for the thing was not temporary but productive of issue and succession, and therefore as perpetuall as the Clergy, as the Church it selfe.

[Page 28] 2. THe Apostles did impose hands for confirma­tion § 8. And Con­firmation, of Baptized people, and this was a per­petuall act of a power to be succeeded to, and yet not communicated, nor executed by the 72, or any other meere Presbyter. That the Apostles did con­firme Baptized people, and others of the inferiour Clergie could not, is beyond all exception cleare in the case of the Samaritan Christians. Acts. 8. For when S. Philip had converted, and Baptized the Men of Samaria, the Apostles sent Peter and Iohn to lay their hands on them that they might receive the Holy Ghost. S. Philip he was an Evangelist, he was one of the 72 Disciples, S. Cyprian: ad Iubajan. a Presbyter, and appoint­ed to the same ministration that S. Stephen was a­bout the poore Widdowes, yet he could not doe this, the Apostles must and did. This giving of the Holy Ghost by imposition of the Apostles hands, was not for a miraculous gift, but an ordinary Grace. For S. Philip could, and did doe miracles enough, but this Grace he could not give, the Grace of consigning or confirmation. The like case is in Acts. 19. where some people having been Baptized at Ephesus, S. Paul confirmed them, giving them the Holy Ghost by imposition of hands. The Apostles did it; not the twelue only, but Aposto­like men, the other Apostles. S. Paul did it. S. Phi­lip could not, nor any of the 72, or any other meere Presbyters ever did it, that we find in Holy Scrip­ture.

Yea; but this imposition of hands, was for a Mi­raculous [Page 29] issue, for the Ephesine Christians received the Holy Ghost, and spake with tongues and pro­phesied, which effect because it is ceased, certainly the thing was temporary and long agoe expired. 1. Not for this reason to be sure. For extraordinary effects may be temporary, when the function which they attest may be eternall, and therefore are no signes of an extraordinary Ministery. The Apo­stles preaching was attended by Miracles, and ex­traordinary conversions of people [ut in exordio, Apostolos divinorum signorum comitabantur effe­ctus & Spiritûs Sancti gratia, itdut videres unâ alloquutione integros simul populos ad cultum divi­nae religionis adduci, & praedicantium verb is non esse tardiorem audientium fidem,] as lib: 3 hist: cap. 37. Eusebius tels of the successe of the preaching of some Evangelists; yet I hope preaching must not now cease because no Miracles are done, or that to convert one man now would be the greatest Miracle. The Apostles when they curs'd and anathematiz'd a delinquent, he dyed suddainly, as in the case of Ananias and Sa­phira, whom S. Peter flew with the word of his Mi­nistery, and yet now although these extraordinary issues cease, it is not safe venturing upon the curses of the Church. When the Apostles did excom­municate a sinner, he was presently delivered over to Sathan to be buffeted, that is, to be afflicted with corporall punishments, and now although no such exterminating Angels beat the bodyes of persons excommunicate, yet the power of excommunicati­on I hope still remaines in the Church, and the [Page 30] power of the Keyes is not also gone: So also in the power of confirmation, vide August. tract. 6. in 1. Epict. Iohan. which however attended by a visible miraculous descent of the Holy Ghost in gifts of languages and healing, yet like other mi­racles in respect of the whole integrity of Christian faith, these miracles at first did confirme the functi­on, and the faith for ever.

Now then that this right of imposing hands for confirming of baptiz'd people, was not to expire with the persons of the Apostles, appeares from these considerations.

1. Because Christ made a promise of sending Vicarium suum Spiritum, the Holy Ghost in his stead; and this by way of appropriation is called the promise of the Father; This was pertinent to all Christendome. Effundam de spiritu meo super om­nem carnem, so it was in the Prophecy. For the pro­mise is to you and to your Children [...], and to all them that are a Act. 2. 39. farre off, even to as many as the Lord shall call. So it was in the first accomplishing. To all. and this for ever, for [I will send the Holy Ghost unto you, and he shall abide with you for ever] for it was in subsidium, to supply the comforts of his desired pre­sence, and must therefore ex vi intentionis be rema­nent till Christ's comming againe. Now then this promise being to be communicated to all, and that for ever, must either come to us by 1 extraordinary and miraculous mission, or by 2 an ordinary Mi­nistery. No [...] the first; for we might as well expect the gift of Miracles. If the second (as it is most [Page 31] certaine so) then the mayne Question is evicted, viz: that something perpetually necessary was in the power of the Apostles, which was not in the power of the inferiour Ministers, nor of any, but them­selves and their Colleagues, to wit, Ministerium S. Spiritûs, or the ordinary office of giving the holy Ghost by imposition of hands. For this promise was performed to the Apostles in Pentecost, to the rest of the faithfull after Baptisme, Quodn. nunc in confirmandis Neophyt is manûs impositio tribuit singu­lis, hoc tunc spiritûs sancti descensio, in credentium populo donavit Vniversis, saith Eusebius Emissenus. Now we find no other way of performing it, nor Serm. de Penti­coste. any ordinary conveyance of the Spirit to all people, but this; and we find that the H. Ghost actually was given this way. Therefore the effect, to wit, the H. Ghost being to continue forever, and the promise of Universall concernement, this way also of it's communication, to wit, by Apostolicall imposition of hands, is also perpetuum ministerium, to be suc­ceeded to and to abide for ever.

2 This Ministery of imposition of hands for confirmation of baptized people is so farre from be­ing a temporary Grace, and to determine with the persons of the Apostles, that it is a fundamentall point of Christianity, an essentiall ingredient to it's cōposition. S. Paul is my Author. [Therefore lea­ving Hebr. 6. 2. the principles of the doctrine of Christ, let us goe on unto perfection, not laying againe the foundation of Repentance from dead works, faith to wards God, the doctrine of baptisme, and of laying on of hands. [Page 32] &c. Here is imposition of hands reckoned as part of the foundation and a principle of Christianity in S. Pauls Catechisme. Now, imposition of hands is used by Name in Scripture but for two Ministra­tions. 1 For ordination, & 2 for this whatsover it is. Imposition of hands for ordination does indeed give the Holy Ghost, but not as he is that promise which is called the promise of the Father. For the Holy Ghost for ordination was given before the as­cension. Iohn. 20. But the promise of the H. Ghost the comforter [the Paraclete, I say, not the Orday­ner or fountaine of Priestly order, that] was not gi­ven till the day of Pentecost; and besides, it was promis'd to all Christian people, and the other was given onely to the Clergy.

* Adde to this, that S. Paul having laid this in the foundation makes his progresse from this to per­fection (as he calls it) that is to higher mysteries, and then his discourse is immediately of the Priest­hood Evangelicall, which is Originally in Christ, ministerially in the Clergy; so that unlesse we will either confound the termes of his progresse, or ima­gine him to make the Ministery of the Clergy, the foundation of Christs Priesthood, and not rather contrary, it is cleare that by imposition of hands, S. Paul meanes not ordination, and therefore confir­mation, there being no other ordinary Ministery of imposition of hands but these two specifyed in Ho­ly Scripture. For, as for benediction in which Christ used the ceremony, and as for healing in which A­nanias and the Apostles us'd it; the first is clearely [Page 33] no Principle or fundamentall point of Christianity; and the Second is confessedly extraordinary, there­fore the argument is still firme upon it's first princi­ples.

3. Lastly, the Primitive Church did de facto, and beleiv'd themselves to be tyed de jure to use this rite of Confirmation and giving of the Holy Ghost after Baptisme.

S. Clemens Alexandrinus in Eusebius tells a story lib: 3. hist: cap. 17. of a young man whom S. Iohn had converted and committed to a Bishop to be brought up in the faith of Christendome, Qui (saith S. Clement) eum bap­tismi Sacramento illuminavit, posteà verò sigillo Do­mini tanquam perfectâ & tutâ ejus animi custodiâ ob­signavit. The Bishop first baptiz'd him, then con­sign'd him. Iustin Martyr saies (speaking pro more Quaest. 137. ad Orthod: Ecclesiae, according to the Custome of the Church) that when the mysteries of baptisme were done, then the faithfull are consign'd, or confirm'd.

S. Cyprian relates to this story of S. Philip and Epist: 73 ad Iubajan: the Apostles, and gives this account of the whole affayre, Et idcircò quia legitimum & Ecclesiasticum baptismum consequuti fuerant, baptizari eos ultrà non oportebat; Sed tantummodò id quod deerat, id à Petro & Iohanne factum erat, ut oratione pro eis ha­bitâ & manu impositâ invocaretur, & infunderetur super eos Spiritus S. Quod nunc quo (que) apud nos ge­ritur, ut qui in Ecclesiâ baptizantur, Praeposit is Ec­clesiae offerantur, ut per nostram orationem ac manûs impositionem Spiritum S. consequantur, & signa­culo Dominico confirmentur. S. Peter and S. Iohn [Page 34] by imposing their hands on the Converts of Sama­ria, praying over them, and giving them the Holy Ghost, made supply to them of what was wanting after Baptisme: and this is to this day done in the Church, for new baptized people are brought to the Bishops, and by imposition of their hands ob­taine the Holy Ghost.

But for this who pleases to be farther satisfied in the Primitive faith of Christendome, may see it in the decretall Epistles of Cornelius the Martyr to Fae­bianus recorded by Eusebius; in the Lib. 6. hist. cap: 33. Epistle writ­ten to Iulius and Iulianus Bishops, under the name of S. Clement, in the in 1. tom. Concil: Epistle of Vrban P. and Mar­tyr, lib. de bap­tismo. c. 8. in Tertullian, in lib: 2. con­tra lit: Petil: cap. 104, & lib. 15. de Tri­nit: c 26. vide etiam S Hie­ron: contra Luciferianos. S. Ambros: lib. 2. c. 2. de Sacramentis Epist: 3. Euse­bij P. & M. ad Episc. Tus­ciae & Cam­pon: I sidor: Hispal de ec­cles: offic. lib. 2. c. 26. S. Austen, and in S. Cyrill of Ierusalem whose whole third Mistagogique Cate­chisme is concerning Confirmation. This only. The Catholicks, whose Christian prudence it was, in all true respects to disadvantage Hereticks, least their poyson should infect like a Pest, layd it in Novatus dish as a crime, He was baptized in his bed, and was not confirmed, Vnde nec Spiritum sanctum unquam potuerit promereri, therefore he could ne­ver receive the gift of the holy Ghost. So Corneli­us in the forequoted Epistle. Whence it is evident, that then it was the beliefe of Christendome, that the holy Ghost was by no ordinary ministery given to faithfull people after Baptisme, but only by Apo­stolicall, or Episcopall consignation and imposition of hands.

What also the faith of Christendome was con­cerning the Minister of confirmation, and that Bi­shops [Page 35] only could doe it, I shall make evident in the descent of this discourse. Here the scene lies in Scripture, where it is cleare that S. Philip, one of the 72. Disciples, as antiquity reports him, and an E­vangelist and a Disciple, as Scripture also expresses him, could not impose hands for application of the promise of the Father, and ministeriall giving of the holy Ghost, but the Apostles must goe to doe it; and also there is no example in Scripture of any that ever did it but an Apostle, and yet this is an ordina­ry Ministery which de jure ought, & de facto alwaies was continued in the Church. Therefore there must alwaies be an ordinary office of Apostleship in the Church to doe it, that is, an office above Presbyters, for in Scripture they could never doe it, and this is it which we call Episcopacy.

3. THe Apostles were rulers of the whole § 9. And Supe­riority of Iurisdicti­on, Church, & each Apostle respectively of his severall Diocesse, when he would fixe his chaire; & had superintendency over the Presbyters, and the people, and this by Christs donation, the Charter is by the Fathers said to be this. Sicut misit me Pa­ter, Iohn. 20. 21. sic ego mitto vos. As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you. Manifesta enim est sententiae Domini nostri Iesu Christi Apostolos suos mittentis, Lib. 7. de bap­tism. Contra Donatist. c. 43. vide eti­am S. Cypri­an, de Unit. Eccles. & S. Cyrill. in Ioh. lib. 12. c. 55. & ipsis solis potestatem à Patre sibi datam permitten­tis quibus nos successimus eâdem potestate Ecclesiam Domini gubernantes, said Clarus à Musculâ, the Bishop in the Councell of Carthage related by S. Cyprian and S. Austin. But however it is evident in [Page 36] Scripture, that the Apostles had such superinten­dency over the inferior Clergy (Presbyters I mean and Deacons) and a superiority of jurisdiction, and therefore it is certain that Christ gave it them, for none of the Apostles took this honour, but he that was called of God as was Aaron.

1. Our blessed Saviour gave to the Apostles plenitudinem potestatis. It was sicut misit me Pa­ter, &c. As my Father sent, so I send. You, my A­postles whom I have chosen. This was not said to Presbyters, for they had no commission at all given to them by Christ, but at their first mission to preach repentance, I say no commission at all, they were not spoken to, they were not present. Now then consider. Suppose that as Aërius did deny the Divine institution of Bishops over the Presbyters cum grege, another as confident as he should deny the Divine institution of Presbyters, what proof were there in all the holy Scripture to shew the Di­vine institution of them as a distinct order from A­postles or Bishops. Indeed Christ selected 72. and gave them commission to preach, but that commis­sion was temporary and expired before the cruci­fixion for ought appeares in Scripture. If it be said the Apostles did ordaine Presbyters in every City, it is true, but not sufficient, for so they ordained Deacons at Ierusalem, and in all established Chur­ches, and yet this will not tant' amount to an imme­diate Divine institution for Deacons, and how can it then for Presbyters? If we say a constant Catho­lick traditive interpretation of Scripture, does [Page 37] teach us, that Christ did institute the Presbyterate together with Episcopacy, and made the Apostles Presbyters as well as Bishops; this is true. But then 1. We recede from the plain words of Scripture, and rely upon tradition, which in this question of E­piscopacy will be of dangerous consequence to the enimies of it, for the same tradition, if that be ad­mitted for good probation, is for Episcopall prehe­minence over Presbyters, as will appeare in the se­quel. 2. Though no use be made of this advantage, yet to the allegation it will be quickly answered, that it can never bee proved from Scripture, that Christ made the Apostles Priests first, and then Bi­shops or Apostles, but only that Christ gave them severall commissions, and parts of the office Apo­stolicall, all which being in one person, cannot by force of Scripture prove two orders. Truth is, if we change the scene of warre, and say that the Pres­byterate, as a distinct order from the ordinary office of Apostleship, is not of Divine institution, the proof of it would be harder then for the Divine in­stitution of Episcopacy. Especially if we consider, that in all the enumerations of the parts of Clericall Ephes. 4. 1. Corinth. 12. offices, there is no enumeration of Presbyters, but of Apostles there is; and the other members of the induction are of guifts of Christianity, or parts of the Apostolate, and either must inferre many more orders, then the Church ever yet admitted of, or none, distinct from the Apostolate, insomuch as A­postles were Pastors, and Teachers, and Evange­lists, and Rulers, and had the guift of tongues, of [Page 38] healing, and of Miracles. This thing is of great consideration, and this use I will make of it: That either Christ made the 72 to be Presbyters, and in them instituted the distinct order of Presbyte­rate, as the ancient Church alwaies did believe, or else he gave no distinct commission for any such di­stinct order. If the second be admitted, then the Presbyterate is not of immediate divine institution, but of Apostolicall only, as is the Order of Deacons, and the whole plenitude of power is in the order A­postolicall alone, and the Apostles did constitute Presbyters with a greater portion of their own power, as they did Deacons with a lesse. But if the first be said, then the commission to the 72 Presby­ters being only of preaching that we find in Scri­pture, all the rest of their power which now they have is by Apostolicall ordinance, and then al­though the Apostles did admit them in partem solli­citudinis, yet they did not admit them in plenitudi­nem potestatis, for then they must have made them Apostles, and then there will be no distinction of order neither by Divine nor Apostolicall institution neither.

I care not which part be chosen, one is certain; but if either of them be true, then since to the Apo­stles only, Christ gave a plenitude of power, it fol­lowes, that either the Presbyters have no power of jurisdiction, as affixed to a distinct order, and then the Apostles are to rule them by vertue of the order and ordinary commission Apostolicall; or if they have jurisdiction they doe derive it à fonte Apostolo­rum, [Page 39] and then the Apostles have superiority of Iu­risdiction over Presbyters, because Presbyters on­ly have it by delegation Apostolicall. And that I say truth (besides that there is no possibility of shewing the contrary in Scripture, by the producing any other commission given to Presbyters, then what I have specified,) I will hereafter shew it to have been the faith and practise of Christendome not only that Presbyters were actually subordinate to Bishops (which I contend to be the ordinary of­fice of Apostleship) but that Presbyters have no Iurisdiction essentiall to their order, but derivative only from Apostolicall preheminence.

2. Let us now see the matter of fact. They that can inflict censures upon Presbyters have certainly superiority of Iurisdiction over Presbyters, for Ae­qualis aequalem coercere non potest, saith the Law. Now it is evident in the case of Diotrephes a Pres­byter, and a Bishop Would be, that for his perem­ptory rejection of some faithfull people from the Catholick communion without cause, and without authority, S. Iohn the Apostle threatned him in his Epistle to Gajus, [...] & c. Wherefore when I come I will remember him, and all that would have been to very little purpose, if he had not had coercitive jurisdiction to have punish't his delinquency.

3. Presbyters many of them did succeed the Apostles by a new ordination, as Matthias succee­ded Iudas, who before his new ordination was one of the 72. as Lib. 1. hist. c 12. & l. 2. c. 9. Eusebius, Haeres. 20. Epiphanius, and De script. Eccles. in Matth. vide Irenaeum l. 4. c. 63. Ter­tul de prae­script. S. Ierome [Page 40] affirme, and in Scripture is expressed to be of the number of them that went in and out with Iesus; S. Clement succeeded S. Peter at Rome, S. Simeon Cleophae succeeded S. Iames at Ierusalem, S. Philip succeeded S. Paul at Caesarea, & diverse others of the 72, reckoned by Dorotheus, Eusebius, & others of the Fathers, did governe the severall Churches after the Apostles death which before they did not. Now it is cleare that he that receives no more power after the Apostles, then he had under them, can no way be said to succeed them in their Charge, or Churches. It followes then, since (as will more fully appeare anon) Presbyters did succeed the Apostles, that under the Apostles they had not such jurisdiction as afterwards they had. But the Apostles had the same to which the Presbyters succeeded to, there­fore greater then the Presbyters had before they did succeed. When I say Presbyters succeeded the Apostles, I meane, not as Presbyters, but by a new ordination to the dignity of Bishops, so they succee­ded, and so they prove an evidence of fact, for a su­periority of Iurisdiction in the Apostolicall Cler­gy. *** Now that this superiority of Iurisdiction was not temporary, but to be succeeded in, appeares from Reason, and from ocular demonstration, or of the thing done.

1. If superiority of Iurisdiction was necessary in the ages Apostolicall for the regiment of the Church, there is no imaginable reason why it should not be necessary in succession, since upon the emergency of Schismes and Heresies which were [Page 41] foretold should multiply in descending ages, go­vernment and superiority of jurisdiction, unity of su­premacy, and coërcion was more necessary then at first, when extraordinary gifts might supply, what now we expect to be performed by an ordinary authority.

2. Whatsoever was the regiment of the Church in the Apostles times that must be perpetuall (not so as to have Ut puta, viduarum collegium, & Diaconorum, & coenobium fidelium. &c: all that which was personall, and tem­porary, but so as to have no other) for that, and that only is of Divine institution which Christ commit­ted to the Apostles, and if the Church be not now governed as then, We can shew no Divine Autho­rity for our government, which we must contend to doe, and doe it too, or be call'd usurpers. For ei­ther the Apostles did governe the Church as Christ commanded them, or not. If not, then they fayl'd in the founding of the Church, and the Church is not built upon a Rock. If they did (as most certain­ly they did) then either the same disparity of juris­diction must be retayn'd, or else we must be govern­ned with an Unlawfull and unwarranted equality, because not by that which only is of immediate di­vine institution; and then it must needs be a fine government, where there is no authority, and where no man is superiour.

3. We see a disparity in the Regiment of Churches warranted by Christ himselfe, and con­firmed by the Holy Ghost in fayrest intimation. I meane the seaven Angel-Presidents of the seaven A­sian Churches. If these seaven Angels were seaven [Page 42] Bishops, that is, Prelates or Governours of these seaven Churches, in which it is evident and con­fessed of all sides, there were many Presbyters, then it is certaine that a Superiority of Iurisdiction was intended by Christ himselfe, and given by him, in­somuch as he is the fountaine of all power derived to the Church; For Christ writes to these seaven Churches, and directs his Epistles to the seaven Go­vernours of these Churches calling them Angels, which it will hardly be suppos'd he would have done, if the function had not been a ray of the Sunne of righteousnesse, they had not else been Angels of light, nor starres held in Christ's owne right hand.

This is certaine, that the function of these An­gels (whatsoever it be) is a Divine institution. Let us then see what is meant by these starres and An­gels. [The seaven starres are the Angells of the sea­ven Revel. 1. vers. 20. Churches, and the seaven Candlesticks are the seaven Churches.]

1. Then it is evident, that although the Epistles were sent with a finall intention for the edification and confirmation of the whole Churches or people of the Diocesse, with an [Attendite quid Spiritus dicit Ecclesijs] yet the personall direction was not to the whole Church, for the whole Church is cal­led the Candlestick, and the superscription of the E­pistles is not to the seaven Candlesticks, but to the seaven starres which are the Angels of the seaven Churches, viz. the lights shining in the Candle­sticks. By the Angell therefore is not, cannot be mean't the whole Church.

[Page 43] 2. It is plaine that by the Angel is mean't the Governour of the Church, 1. Because of the title of eminency, The Angel [...], that is, the Messen­ger, the Legate, the Apostle of the Church. [...]. For these words, Angel, or Apostle, although they signifie Mission or Legation, yet in Scripture they often relate to the persons to whom they are sent. As in the examples before specified. [...]. Their Angels. [...]. The Apo­stles of the Churches. [...]. The Angel of the Church of Ephesus, and diverse others. Their compellation therefore being a word of office in respect of him that sends them, and of E­minence in relation to them to whom they are sent, shewes that the Angel was the Ruler of each Church respectively. 2. Because acts of jurisdiction are con­credited to him; as, not to suffer false Apostles; So to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus, which is clear­ly a power of cognisance and coërcion in causis Cle­ricorum: to be watchfull and strengthen the things that remaine; as to the Angel of the Church in Sar­dis, [...], The first is the office of Rulers, for they Watch for your Soules; And the Hebr. 13. second, of Apostles, and Apostolike men. [...], Iudas and Silas confirm'd the Brethren, for these men, although they were but of the 72 at first, yet by this time were made A­postles and [cheife men among the Brethren.] S. Paul also was joyned in this worke, [...], Act. 15. He went up and downe confirming the Churches. And [...]. S. Paul. To con­firme 1. Cor. 11. [Page 44] the Churches, and to make supply of what is deficient in discipline and government, these were offices of power and jurisdiction, no lesse then Epis­copall or Apostolicall; and besides the Angel here spoken of had a propriety in the people of the Dio­cesse [Thou hast a few names even in Sardis] they were the Bishops people, the Angel had a right to them. And good reason that the people should be his, for their faults are attributed to him, as to the Angel of Pergamus, and diverse others, and there­fore they are deposited in his custody, He is to be their Ruler and Pastor, and this is called his Mini­stery. To the Angel of the Church of Thyatira [...], I have knowne thy Ministery. His office therefore was Clericall, it was an Angel-Minister, and this his office must make him the guide and superiour to the Rest, even all the whole Church, since he was charg'd with all.

3. By the Angel is mean't a singular person, for the reprehensions and the commendations respe­ctively imply personall delinquency, or suppose personall excellencyes. Adde to this that the com­pellation is singular, and of determinate number, so that we may as well multiply Churches as per­sons, for the seaven Churches had but seaven starres, and these seaven starres were the Angels of the sea­ven Churches. And if by seaven starres they may meane 70 times seaven starres (for so they may if they begin to multiply) then by one starre they must meane many starres, and so they may multi­ply Churches too, for there were as many Churches [Page 45] as starres, and no more Angels then Churches, and it is as reasonable to multiply these seaven Churches into 7000, as every starre into a Constellation, or every Angel into a Legion.

But besides the Exigency of the thing it selfe, these seaven Angels are by Antiquity called the sea­ven Governours or Bishops of the seaven Churches, & their very names are commemorated. Vnto these seaven Churches S. Iohn, saith Arethas, reckoneth in 1. Apocal. [...], an equall number of Angel-Governours, and Oecumenius in his scholia upon this place, saith the very same words. Septem igitur Angelos Rectores septem Ecclesiarum debemus intelli­gere, ibid: eò quòd Angelus Nuntius interpretatur, saith S. Ambrosc, and againe, Angelos Episcopos dicit sicut docetur in Apocalypsi Iohannis. Let the wo­man in 1. Cor. 11. have a covering on her head because of the Angels, that is, in reverence and subjection to the Bishop of the Church, for Bishops are the An­gels as is taught in the Revelation of S. Iohn. Di­vinâ voce sub Angeli Nomine laudatur praepositus Ec­clesiae so S. Austin. By the voyce of God the Bi­shop Epist. 162. & in Apocal. of the Church is commended under the title of an Angel. Eusebius names some of these Angels who were then Presidents and actually Bishops of these Churches. S. Policarpe was one to be sure, a­pud Smyrnam & Episcopus & Martyr, saith Eusebi­us, lib. 5. c. 24. He was the Angel of the Church of Smyrna; And he had good authority for it, for he reports it out of Polycrates who a little after, was himselfe an Angell of the Church of Ephesus, and he also lib. 4 c. 10. [Page 46] quotes S. Irenaeus for it, & out of the Encyclicall E­pistle of the Church of Smyrna it selfe, and besides lib. 4. cap. 15. these authorities it is attested by S. Epist. ad Po­licarp. Ignatius, and de praescrip. Tertullian. S. Timothy was another Angell, to wit, of the Church of Ephesus; to be sure had beene, and most likely was still surviving. Antipas is rec­koned by Name in the Revelation, and he had been the Angel of Pergamus, but before this booke writ­ten vide Aretha. in 1. Apoc. he was turned from an Angel to a Saint. Melito in all probability was then the Angel of the Church of Sardis. Melito quo (que) Sardensis Ecclesiae Antistes, & Apollinaris apud Hierapolim Ecclesiam regens ce­leberrimi inter caeteros habebantur, saith Eusebius. These men were actually living when S. Iohn writ lib. 4. cap. 26. his Revelation, for Melito writ his book de Paschate when Sergius Paulus was Proconsul of Asia, and writ after the Revelation, for he writ a treatise of it, as saith Eusebius. However, at least some of these were then, and all of these about that time were Bi­shops of these Churches, and the Angels S. Iohn speakes of were such who had Iurisdiction over their whole Diocesse, therefore these, or such as these were the Angels to whom the Spirit of God writ hortatory and commendatory letters, such whom Christ held in his Right hand and fix'd them in the Churches like lights set on a Candlestick that they might give shine to the whole house.

The Summe of all is this; that Christ did insti­tute Apostles and Presbyters or 72 Disciples. To the Apostles he gave a plenitude of power, for the whole commission was given to them in as great [Page 47] and comprehensive clauses as were imaginable, for by vertue of it, they received a power of giving the Holy Ghost in confirmation, and of giving his grace in the collation of holy Orders, a power of jurisdi­ction and authority to governe the Church: and this power was not temporary, but successive and perpetuall, and was intended as an ordinary office in the Church, so that the successors of the Apostles had the same right and institution that the Apostles themselves had, and though the personall mission was not immediate, as of the Apostles it was, yet the commission and institution of the function was all one. But to the 72 Christ gave no commission but of preaching, which was a very limited commis­sion. There was all the immediate Divine instituti­on of Presbyterate as a distinct order, that can be fairely pretended. But yet farther, these 72 the A­postles did admit in partem sollicitudinis, and by new ordination or delegation Apostolicall, did give them power of administring Sacraments, of ab­solving sinners, of governing the Church in con­junction and subordination to the Apostles, of which they had a capacity by Christs calling them at first in sortem Ministerii, but the exercise, and the actuating of this capacity they had from the A­postles. So that not by Divine ordination, or im­mediate commission from Christ, but by derivation from the Apostles (and therefore in minority and subordination to them) the Presbyters did exercise acts of order and jurisdiction in the absence of the Apostles or Bishops, or in conjunction consiliary, [Page 48] and by way of advice, or before the consecration of a Bishop to a particular Church. And all this I doubt not, but was done by the direction of the Ho­ly Ghost, as were all other acts of Apostolicall mi­nistration, and particularly the institution of the o­ther order, viz. of Deacons. This is all that can be proved out of Scripture concerning the commis­sion given in the institution of Presbyters, and this I shall afterwards confirme by the practise of the Catholick Church, and so vindicate the practises of the present Church, from the common prejudi­ces that disturbe us, for by this account, Episcopacy is not only a Divine institution, but the only order that derives immediately from Christ.

For the present only, I summe up this with that saying of Theodoret speaking of the 72 Disciples. In Lucae cap. 10. Palmae sunt isti qui nutriuntur ac erudiuntur ab Apo­stolis. Nam quanquam Christus hos etiam elegit, e­rant tamen duodecem illis inferiores, & posteàillorum Discipuli & sectatores. The Apostles are the twelve fountaines, and the 72 are the palmes that are nou­rished by the waters of those fountaines. For though Christ also ordain'd the 72, yet they were inferior to the Apostles, and afterwards were their followers and Disciples.

I know no objection to hinder a conclusion; only two or three words out of Ignatius, are pretended against the maine question, viz. to prove that he, although a Bishop, yet had no Apostolicall autho­rity, [...], I doe not command Epist. ad Phi­ladelph. this as an Apostle; (for what am I, and what is my [Page 49] Fathers house, that I should compare my selfe with them) but as your fellow souldier and a Monitor. But this answers it selfe, if we consider to whom he speakes it. Not to his own Church of Antioch, for there he might command as an Apostle, but to the Philadelphians he might not, they were no part of his Diocesse, he was not their Apostle, and then be­cause he did not equall the Apostles in their com­mission extraordinary, in their personall privi­ledges, and in their universall jurisdiction, therefore he might not command the Philadelphians, being another Bishops charge, but admonish them with the freedome of a Christian Bishop, to whom the soules of all faithfull people were deare and preci­ous. So that still Episcopacy and Apostolate may be all one in ordinary office, this hinders not, and I know nothing else pretended, and that Antiquity is clearely on this side, is the next businesse.

For, hitherto the discourse hath been of the im­mediate Divine institution of Episcopacy, by argu­ments derived from Scripture; I shall only adde two more from Antiquity, and so passe on to tradition § 10. So that Bi­shops are successors in the office of Apostle­ship, ac­cording to the gene­rall tenent of Antiqui­ty. Apostolicall.

1. THE beliefe of the primitive Church is, that Bishops are the ordinary successors of the A­postles, and Presbyters of the 72, and therefore did believe that Episcopacy is as truly of Divine in­stitution as the Apostolate, for the ordinary office both of one and the other is the same thing. For this there is abundant testimony. Some I shall se­lect, [Page 50] enough to give faire evidence of a Catholick tradition.

S. Irenaeus is very frequent and confident in this Lib. 3. cap. 3. particular, Habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis, ET SUCCESSO­RES EORUM us (que) ad nos ... Etenim si recondita my­steria scissent Apostoli ... his vel maximè traderent ea quibus etiam ipsas Ecclesias committebant ... quos & SUCCESSORES relinquebant SUUM IPSORUM LOCUM MAGISTERII tradentes. We can name the men the Apostles made Bishops in their severall Chur­ches, appointing them their successors, and most cer­tainly those mysterious secrets of Christianity which them selves knew; they would deliver to them to whom they committed the Churches, and left to be their suc­cessors in the same power and authority themselves had.

Tertullian reckons Corinth, Philippi, Thessalonica, Ephesus and others to be Churches Apostolicall, Lib. de prae­script. c. 36. apud quas ipsae adhuc Cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesident. Apostolicall they are from their founda­tion, and by their succession, for Apostles did found them, and Apostles, or men of Apostolick authori­ty still doe governe them.

S. Cyprian; Hoc enim vel maximè Frater, & labo­ramus & laborare debemus ut Vnitatem à Domino, & Epist. 42. ad Cornelium. per Apostolos NOBIS SUCCESSORIBUS traditam quantùm possumus obtinere curemus. We must pre­serve the Vnity commanded us by Christ, and delive­red by his Apostles to us their Successors. To us Cypri­an and Cornelius, for they only were then in view, [Page 51] the one Bishop of Rome, the other of Carthage. And in his Epistle ad Florentium Pupianum; Nec haec jacto, Epist. 69. sed dolens profero, cum te Iudicem Dei constituas & Christi, qui dicit ad Apostolos ac per hoc adomnes prae­positos qui Apostolis Vicariâ ordinatione succedunt, quivos audit, me audit, &c. Christ said to his Apo­stles, and in them to the Governours or Bishops of his Church who succeeded the Apostles as Vicars in their absence, he that heareth you heareth mee.

Famous is that saying of Clarus à Musculâ the Bishop, spoken in the Councell of Carthage and re­peated by S. Austin, Manifesta est sententia Domini Lib. 7. c. 43. de baptis. cont. Donatist. nostri Iesu Christi Apostolos suos mittentis & ipsis so­lis potestatem à patre sibi datam permittentis, quibus nos successimus eâdem potestate Ecclesiam Domini gu­bernantes. Nos successimus. We succeed the Apostles governing the Church by the same power. He spake it in full Councell in an assembly of Bishops, and himselfe was a Bishop.

The Councell of Rome under S. Sylvester speak­ing of the honour due to Bishops expresses it thus, Non oportere quenquam Domini Discipulis, id est, Apostolorum successoribus detrahere. No man must detract from the Disciples of our Lord, that is, from the Apostles successors.

S. Hierome speaking against the Montanists for Epist. 54. undervaluing their Bishops, shewes the difference of the Catholicks honouring, and the Hereticks dis­advantaging that sacred order. Apud nos (saith he) Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent, apud eos Episco­pus tertius est. Bishops with us [Catholicks] have [Page 52] the place or authority of Apostles, but with them [Montanists] Bishops are not the first but the third state of Men. And upon that of the Psalmist, pro Pa­tribus nati sunt tibi filii, S. Hierome, and diverse o­thers of the Fathers make this glosse, Pro Patribus Apostolis filii Episcopi ut Episcopi Apostolis tanquam filii Patribus succedant; The Apostles are Fathers, instead of whom Bishops doe succeed, whom God hath appointed to be made Rulers in all lands. So S. Hie­rome, S. Austin, and Euthymius upon the 44. Psal. aliàs 45.

But S. Austin for his own particular makes good De verbis Dom, serm. 24 use of his succeeding the Apostles, which would doe very well now also to be considered. Si solis Apo­stolis dixit, qui vos spernit me spernit, spernite nos: si autem sermo ejus pervenit ad nos, & vocavit nos, & in eorum loco constituit nos, videte ne spernatis nos. It was good counsell not to despise Bishops, for they being in the Apostles places and offices are concerned and protected by that saying, he that de­spiseth you, despiseth mee. I said it was good coun­sell, especially if besides all these, we will take also S. Chrysostomes testimony, Potestas anatthematizan­diab Apostolis ad successores eorum nimirum Episco­pos transiit. A power of anathematizing delinquents is derived from the Apostles to their successors, even to Bishops.

S. Ambrose upon that of S. Paul Ephes. 4. Quos­dam In Ephes. 4. dedit Apostolos, Apostoli Episcopi sunt, He hath given Apostles, that is, he hath given some Bishops. In 1. Corinth. 12. 28. That's down right, and this came not by chance [Page 53] from him; he doubles his assertion. Caput ita (que) in Ecclesi â Apostolos posuit, qui legati Christi sunt, sicut dicit idem Apostolus [pro quo legatione fungimur.] Ipsisunt Episcopi, firmante istud Petro Apostolo, & dicente inter caetera de Iudâ, & Episcopatum ejus ac­cipiat alter. And a third time. Numquid omnes A­postoli? In vers. 29. ibid. verum est; Quia in Ecclesiâ Vnus est Episco­pus. Bishop and Apostle was all one with S. Am­brose, when hee spake of their ordinary offices; which puts me in mind of the fragment of Polycra­tes Biblioth. Phot. n. 254. of the Martyrdome of Timothy in Photius, [...]. The Apostle Timothy was ordained Bishop in the Metropolis of Ephesus by S. Paul, and there enthron'd. To this purpose are those compellations and titles of Bishopricks usually in antiquity. S. Basil calls a Bishoprick, [...], and [...]. So Theodoret. An Apostolicall presidency. Lih. 4. c. 18. The summe is the same which S. Peter himselfe taught the Church, as S. Clement his Scholler, or some other primitive man in his name reports of him. Epis [...]pos ergo vicem Apostolorum gerere Do­minum Epist. 1. docuisse dicebat, & reliquorum Discipulorum vicem tenere Presbyteros debere insinuabat. He [Peter] said that our Lord taught that Bishops were to succeed in the place of the Apostles, and Presbyters in the place of the Disciples. Who desires to be far­ther satisfied concerning Catholick consent, for Bi­shops succession to Apostles in their order and or­dinary office, he may see it in Epist. 1. ad Simpron. Pacianus the renow­ned [Page 54] Bishop of Barcinona, in Homil. 26. in Evang. S. Gregory, Orat. 2. de imagin. S. Iohn Damascen, in S. Sixtus the first his second decretall Epistle, and most plentifully in Epist. 7. S. Caelestine writ­ing to the Ephesine Councell, in the Epistle of Habetur Can. in Novo distinct. 21. A­nacletus de Patriarchis & Primatibus &c. In In synod. Hi­spal. Isidore, and in Lib. 3. c. 15. super Lucam. Venerable Bede. His words are these, sicut duodecem Apostolos formam Episcoporum exhibere si­mul & demonstrare nemo est qui dubitet: sic & 72 fi­guram Presbyterorum gessisse sciendum est, tametsi primis Ecclesiae temporibus, ut Apostolica Scriptura testis est, utri (que) Presbyteri, & utri (que) vocabantur Epis­copi, quorum unum scientiae maturitatem, aliud in­dustriam curae Pastoralis significat. Sunt ergo jure Divino Episcopi à Presbyteris praelatione distincti. As no man doubts but Apostles were the order of Bi­shops; so the 72 of Presbyters, though at first they had names in common. Therefore Bishops by Divine right are distinct from Presbyters, and their Prelates or Superiours.

TO the same issue drive all those testimonies of § 11. And parti­cularly of S. Peter, Antiquity that call all Bishops ex aequo succes­sors of S. Peter. So S. Cyprian. Dominus noster cu­jus praecepta metuere & observare debemus, Episcopi honorem & Ecclesiae suaerationem disponens in Evan­gelio, loquitur & dicit Petro, ego tibi dico, Quia tu es Petrus, &c. Inde per temporum & successionum vi­ces, Epist. 27. ad Lapsos. Episcoporum ordinatio & Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur, &c. When our B. Saviour was ordering his Church and instituting Episcopall dignity, he said to Peter, thou art Peter, [Page 55] and on this rock will I build my Church. Hence comes the order of Bishops, and the constitution or being of the Church, that the Church be founded upon Bishops. &c.

The same also S Ierome intimate's, Non est facilè Epist. 1. stare loco Pauli, tenere gradum Petri. It is not a small thing, to stand in the place of Paul, to obtaine the de­gree of Peter, so he, while he disswades Heliodorus from taking on him the great burden of the Epis­copall office. Pasceoves meas, said Christ to Peter, and feed the flock of God which is amongst you said S. Peter to the Bishops of Pontus, Galatia, Cappa­docia, Asia, and Bithynia. Similia enim Successori­bus suis Petrus scripsit praecepta, saith Theodoret, S. Peter gave the same precepts to his successors which Lib. 12. thes. cap. 13. Orat. de laud. Basil: Christ gave to him; And S. Ephrem speaking of S. Basil the Bishop of Caesarea Cappadocia, & sicut rur­sus Petrus Ananiam & Saphiram fraudantes de pre­cio agri enecavit: ita & Basilius, locum Petri obti­nens ejus (que) paritèr authoritatem libertatem (que) partici­pans, suam ipsius promissionem fraudantem Valentem redarguit ejus (que) filium morte mulctavit. As S. Peter did to Ananias and Saphira, So Basil did to Valens and his Sonne for the same delinquency, for he had the place, liberty, and authority of S. Peter.

Thus Gaudentius of Brixia calls S. Ambrose the tract. primâ die suae ordinat. Successor of S. Peter, and Gildas sirnamed the wise, saith that all evill Bishops whatsoever doe with un­hallowed and uncleane feete usurpe the seate of S. Peter. But this thing is of Catholike beleife, and of this use. If the order and office of the Apostolate Biblioth, S S. P P. ton. 5 in Eccles. ord. in crepat. be eternall & to be succeeded in, and this office Su­perior [Page 56] to Presbyters, and not onely of Divine in­stitution, but indeed the onely order which can clearely show an immediate Divine commission for it's power and authority (as I have proved of the function Apostolicall) then those which doe suc­ceed the Apostles in the ordinary office of Aposto­late, have the same institution and authority the A­postles had, as much as the successors of the Pres­byters have with the first Presbyters, and perhaps more.

For in the Apostolicall ordinations, they did not proceed as the Church since hath done. Them­selves had the whole Priesthood, the whole com­mission of the Ecclesiasticall power and all the offi­ces. Now they in their ordayning assistant Mini­sters, did not in every ordination give a distinct order, as the Church hath done since the Apostles. For they ordayned some to distinct offices, some to particular places, some to one part, some to ano­ther part of Clericall imployment, as S. Paul who was an Apostle yet was ordain'd by imposition of hands to goe to the Churches of the Uncircumci­sion, so was Barnabas: S. Iohn, and Iames, and Cephas to the Circumcision, and there was scarce any publike designe or Grand imployment but the Apostolike men had a new ordination to it, a new imposition of hands as is evident in the Acts of the Apostles. So that the Apostolicall ordinations of the inferiour Clergy were onely a giving of parti­lar commissions to particular men to officiate such parts of the Apostolicall calling as they would [Page 57] please to imploy them in. Nay sometimes their or­dinations were onely a delivering of Iurisdiction when the persons ordayned had the order before, as it is evident in the case of Paul and Barnabas. Of Acts, 13. the same consideration is the institution of Deacons to spirituall offices, and it is very pertinent to this Question. For there is no Divine institution for these rising higher then Apostolicall ordinance; and so much there is for Presbyters as they are now authoriz'd; for such power the Apostles gave to Presbyters as they have now, and sometimes more, as to Iudas and Silas, and diverse others, who there­fore were more then meere Presbyters as the word is now us'd.

* The result is this. The office and order of a Presbyter is but part of the office and order of an Apostle, so is a Deacon, a lesser part, so is an Evan­gelist, so is a Prophet, so is a Doctor, so is a helper, or a Surrogate in Government, but these will not be called orders, every one of them will not I am sure, atleast not made distinct orders by Christ, for it was in the Apostles power to give any one or all these powers to any one man, or to distinguish them into so many men, as there are offices, or to unite more or fewer of them. All these I say, clearely make not distinct orders, and why are not all of them of the same consideration? I would be answered from Grounds of Scripture. For there we fix as yet.

* Indeed the Apostles did ordaine such men, and scattered their power at first, for there was so much imployment in any one of them, as to require [Page 58] one man for one office; but a while after they united all the lesser parts of power into two sorts of men whom the Church hath since distinguished by the Names of Presbyters and Deacons, and called them two distinct orders. But yet if we speak properly & according to the Exigence of Divine institution, there is Vnum Sacerdotium, one Priesthood appoin­ted by Christ, and that was, the commission given by Christ to his Apostles, and to their Successors precisely, and those other offices of Presbyter and Deacon are but members of the Great Priesthood, and although the power of it, is all of Divine insti­tution, as the power to baptize, to preach, to con­secrate, to absolve, to Minister, yet that so much of it should be given to one sort of men, so much lesse to another, that is onely of Apostolicall ordinance. For the Apostles might have given to some onely a power to absolve, to some onely to consecrate, to some onely to baptize. We see that to Deacons they did so. They had onely a power to baptize and preach, whether all Evangelists had so much or no, Scripture does not tell us.

* But if to some men they had onely given a power to use the Keyes, or made them officers spirituall to restore such as are overtaken in a fault, and not to consecrate the Eucharist, (for we see these powers are distinct, and not relative and of necessary conjunction, no more then baptizing and consecrating) whether or no had those men who have only a power of absolving or consecrating res­pectively, whether (I say) have they the order of a [Page 59] Presbyter? If yea, then now every Preist hath two orders besides the order of Deacon, for by the pow­er of Consecration he hath the power of a Presby­ter, and what is he then by his other power? But if such a man ordayn'd with but one of these powers have not the order of a Presbyter, then let any man shew me where it is ordayned by Christ, or indeed by the Apostles, that an order of Clerks should be constituted with both these powers, and that these were called Presbyters. I only leave this to be con­sidered.

* But all the Apostolicall power we find insti­tuted by Christ, and we also find a necessity, that all that power should be succeeded in, and that all that power should be united in one order, for he that hath the highest, viz. a power of ordination, must needs have all the other, else he cannot give them to any else, but a power of ordination I have proved to be necessary and perpetuall.

So that, we have cleare evidence of the Divine institution of the perpetuall order of Apostleship, mary for the Presbyterate I have not so much either reason or confidence for it, as now it is in the Church; but for the Apostolate, it is beyond ex­ception. And to this Bishops doe succeed. For that it is so, I have proved from Scirpture, and be­cause [no Scripture is of private interpretation] I have attested it with the Catholike testimony of the Primitive Fathers, calling Episcopacy, the Apo­stolate, and Bishops successors of S. Peter in parti­cular, and of all the Apostles in general in their ordi­nary [Page 60] offices in which they were Superior to the 72, the Antecessors of the Presbyterate.

One objection, I must cleare. For sometimes Presbyters are also called Apostles, and Successors of the Apostles, as in Ignatius, in Irenaeus, in S. Hierome. I answer,

1. They are not called Successores Apostolorum by any dogmaticall resolution or interpretation of Scripture, as the Bishops are in the examples above alleaged; but by allusion, and participation at the most. For true it is that they succeed the Apostles in the offices of baptizing, consecrating, and absol­ving in privato foro, but this is but part of the Apo­stolicall power, and no part of their office as Apo­stles were superiour to Presbyters.

2. It is observeable that Presbyters are never affirmed to succeed in the power and regiment of the Church, but in subordination, and derivation from the Bishop, and therefore they are never said to succeed in Cathedris Apostolorum, in the Aposto­lick Sees.

3. The places which I have specifyed, and they are all I could ever meete with, are of peculiar answer. For as for Ignatius in his Epistle to the Church of Trallis, Jdem ferè habet in Epist. ad Magnes: & Smyr­nens. he calls the Presbytery or company of Priests, the Colledge, or combination of Apostles. But here S. Ignatius as he lifts up the Presbyters to a comparison with Apostles, so he also raises the Bishop to the similitude and resem­blance with God. Episcopus typum Dei Patris om­nium gerit, Presbyteri verò sunt conjunctus Aposto­lorum [Page 61] caetus. So that although Presbyters grow high yet they doe not overtake the Bishops, or A­postles, who also in the same proportion grow higher then their first station. This then, will doe no hurt.

As for S. Irenaeus, he indeed does say that Pres­byters succeed the Apostles, but what Presbyters he means, he tells us, even such Presbyters as were also Bishops, such as S. Peter and S. Iohn was, who call themselves Presbyters, his words are these. Pro­ptereà Lib. 4. c. 43. eis qui in Ecclesiâ sunt Presbyteris abaudire o­portet his qui successionem habent ab Apostolis, qui cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis cer­tum secundùm placitum Patris acceperunt. And a lit­tle after, Cap. 44. Tales Presbyteros nutrit Ecclesia, de quibus & Propheta ait, & dabo Principes tuos in pace, & E­piscopos tuos in Iustitiâ. So that he gives testimony for us, not against us. As for S. Hierome, the third man, he in the succession to the honour of the Apo­stolate joynes Presbyters with Bishops, and that's right enough, for if the Bishop alone does succeed in plenitudinem potestatis Apostolicae ordinariae, as I have proved he does, then also it is as true of the Bishop together with his consessus Presbyterorum. Epist. 13. Episcopi & Presbyteri habeant in exemplum Aposto­los & Apostolicos viros, quorum honorem possidentes, habere nitantur & meritum, those are his words, and inforce not so much as may be safely granted, for reddendo singula singulis, Bishops succeed A­postles, and Presbyters Apostolick men, and such were many that had not at first any power Aposto­licall, [Page 62] and that's all that can be inferred from this place of S. Hierome. I know nothing else to stay me, or to hinder our assent to those authorities of Scrip­ture I have alleadged, and the full voyce of traditive interpretation.

THE second argument from Antiquity is the § 12. And the institution of Episco­pacy as well as of the Apo­stolate ex­pressed to be Divine, by primi­tive autho­rity, Epist. 27. direct testimony of the Fathers for a Divine institution. In this S. Cyprian is most plentifull. Dominus noster. ** Episcopi honorem & Ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in Evangelio, dicit Petro &c: Inde per temporum & successionum vices Episcoporum ordinatio & Ecclesiae ratio decurrit, ut Ecclesia super Episcopos constituatur & omnis actus Ecclesiae per eosdem Praepositos gubernetur. Cùm hoc ita (que) Divi­nâ lege fundatum sit &c: Our Lord did institute in the Gospell the honour of a Bishop. Hence comes the ordination of Bishops, and the Church is built up­on them, and every action of the Church is to be governed by them, and this is founded upon a Di­vine law. Meminisse autem Diaconi debent quoniam Epist. 65. ad Rogatian. Apostolos, i. e. Episcopos, & praepositos Dominus ele­git. Our Lord hath chosen Apostles, that is, Bishops and Church-governours. And a little after. Quod si nos aliquid audere contrà Deum possumus qui Episco­pos facit, possunt & contranos audere Diaconi, à qui­bus fiunt. We must not attempt any thing against God who hath instituted Bishops. The same Father in his Epistle to Magnus disputes against Novatia­nus his being a Bishop. Novatianus in Ecclesiâ non Epist. 76. est, nec Episcopus computari potest, qui Evangelicâ [Page 63] & Apostolicâ traditione contemptâ, nemini succedens à seipso ordinatus est. If there was both an Evange­licall, and an Apostolick tradition, for the succes­sive ordination of Bishops, by other Bishops, (as S. Cyprian affirmes there is, by saying Novatianus contemned it,) then certainly the same Evangelicall power did institute that calling, for the modus of whose election, it took such particular order.

S. Ignatius long before him, speaking concerning his absent friend Sotion the Deacon, [...]. Epist, ad Ma­gnes. He wishes for the good mans company, because by the grace of God, and according to the law of Iesus Christ, he was obedient to the Bishop and his Clergy. And a little after. [...]. It is home e­nough. Ye ought to obey your Bishop, and to contra­dict him in nothing. It is a fearefull thing to con­tradict him: For whosoever does so, does not mock a visible man, but the invisible, undeceiveable God. For this contumely relates not to man but to God. So S. Ignatius, which could not be true, were it a hu­mane constitution and no Divine ordinance. But more full are those words of his in his Epistle to the Ephesians, [...]. He that obeyes the Bishop and Clergy obeyes Christ, who did consti­tute [Page 64] and ordaine them. This is plain and dogmati­call, I would be loath to have two men so famous, so Ancient, and so resolute, speake halfe so much against us.

But it is a generall resolve, and no private opini­on. Quaest. Vet. & N. Testam. qu. 97. For S. Austin is confident in the case with a Ne­mo ignorat Episcopos Salvatorem Ecclesiis instituisse. Ipse enim priusquam in coelos ascenderet, imponens manum Apostolis, ordinavit eos Episcopos. No man is so ignorant but he knowes that our blessed Saviour appointed Bishops over Churches, for before his ascen­sion into Heaven, he ordained the Apostles to be Bi­shops. But long before him,

Hegesippus going to Rome, and by the way call­ing Euseb. lib. 4. c. 22. in at Corinth, and divers other Churches, dis­coursed with their severall Bishops, and found them Catholick and Holy, and then staid at Rome three successions of Bishops, Anicetus, Soter, and Eleu­therius. Sed in omnibus ist is ordinationibus, vel in caeteris quas per reliquas urbes videram it a omnia ha­bebantur, sicut lex antiquitùs tradidit, & Prophetae indicaverunt, ET DOMINUS STATUIT. All things in these ordinations or successions were as our Lord had appointed. All things, therefore both of do­ctrine and discipline, and therefore the ordinations themselves too. Further yet, and it is worth ob­serving, there was never any Bishop of Rome from S. Peter to S. Sylvester, that ever writ decretall E­pistle now extant and transmitted to us, but either professedly or accidentally he said or intimated, that the order of Bishops did come from God.

[Page 65] S. Irenaeus speaking of Bishops successors to the Lib. 4. c. 43. Apostles, saith that with their order of Bishoprick, they have received charisma veritatis certum, a true, and certaine or indelible character; secundùm placitum Patris, according to the will of God the Father. And this also is the doctrine of S. Ambrose, Ideò quan­quam melior In 1. Corinth. 12. Apostolus aliquando tamen eget Prophe­tis, & quià ab uno Deo Patre sunt omnia, singulos E­piscopos singulis Ecclesiis praeesse decrevit. God from whom all good things doe come, did decree that every Church should be governed by a Bishop. And againe, De dignit. Sa­cerd. cap. 2. Honorigitur, Fratres, & sublimit as Episcopalis, nul­lis poterit comparationibus adaequari; Si Regum ful­gori compares &c: and a little after, Quid jam de plebeiâ dixerim multitudine, cui non solùm praeferri à Domino meruit, sed ut eam quo (que) jure tueatur patrio, praeceptis imperatum est Evangelicis. The honour and sublimity of the Bishop is an incomparable prehemi­nence and is by God set over the people, and it is com­manded by the precept of the holy Gospell that he should guide them by a Fathers right. And in the close of his discourse, Sic certè à Domino ad B. Petrum dici­tur, Petre amas me? .... repetitum est à Domino ter­tiò, Pasce oves meas. Quas oves, & quem gregem non solùm tunc B. suscepit Petrus, sed & cum illo nos suscepimus omnes. Our blessed Lord committed his sheep to S. Peter to be fed, and in him we (who have Pastorall or Episcopall authority) have received the same authority and commission. Thus also divers of the Fathers speaking of the ordination of S. Ti­mothy to be Bishop, and of S. Paul's intimation, that [Page 66] it was by Prophecy, affirme it to be done by order of the Holy Ghost. [...], saith S. Chrysostome he was ordained by Prophe­cy, Homil. 4. Graec. 5. lat. in 1. Tim. 1. cap. In 1. Tit. that is by the Holy Ghost. [...], Thou wert not made Bishop by humane constitution. [...], so Oecumenius, By Divine revelation, saith Theodoret. By the com­mand of the Holy Ghost, so Theophylact; and in­deed so S. Paul, to the assembly of Elders and Bi­shops met at Miletus, Spiritus S. posuit vos Episco­pos, Acts 20. the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops: & to be sure S. Timothy was amongst them, and he was a Bishop, and so were diverse others there present; therefore the order it selfe is a ray streaming from the Divine beauty, since a single person was made Bishop by revelation. I might multiply authorities in this par­ticular, which are very frequent and confident for the Divine institution of Episcopacy, in Hom. 32. in Iohan. Origen, in the Councell of Carthage recorded by S. Cypri­an, in the collection of the Can. 6. Orientall Canons by Martinus Bracarensis: in the Councells of C. 25. Aquis­grane, and Octauum Can. 7. Toledo, and many more. The summe is that which was taught by Epist. 2. S. Sixtus, Apostolorum dispositione, ordinante Domino Episcopi primitùs sunt constituti. The Lord did at first ordaine, and the Apostles did so order it, and so Bishops at first had their Originall constitution.

These and all the former who affirme Bishops to be successors of the Apostles, & by consequence to have the same institution, drive all to the same issue, and are sufficient to make faith, that it was the do­doctrine [Page 67] Primitive, and Catholick that Episcopacy is a divine institution, which Christ Planted in the first founding of Christendome, which the Holy Ghost Watered in his first descent on Pentecost, and to which we are confident that God will give an in­crease by a never failing succession, unlesse where God removes the Candlestick, or which is all one, takes away the starre, the Angell of light from it, that it may be invelop'd in darknesse, us (que) ad consum­mationem saeculi & aperturam tenebrarum. The con­clusion of all, I subjoyne in the words of Venerable Bede before quoted, sunt ergo jure Divino Episcopi Lib. 3. in Lu­cam. c. 15. à Presbyter is praelatione distincti. Bishops are distinct from Presbyters, and Superiour to them by the law of God.

[Page 68] THE second Basis of Episco­pacy is Apostolicall tradition. We have seen what Christ did, now wee shall see what was done by his Apostles. And since they knew their Masters mind so well, wee can never better confide in any argument to prove Divine institution of a derivative authori­ty then the practise Apostolicall. Apostoli enim Dis­cipuli Lib. 3. cap. 5. veritatis existentes, extra omne mendacium sunt, non enim communicat mendacium veritati, sicut non communicant tenebraeluci, sed praesentia alterius § 13. In pursu­ance of the Divine in­stitution, the Apo­stles did or­daine Bi­shops in se­verall Churches, excludit alterum. saith S. Irenaeus.

FIrst, then, the Apostles did presently after the ascension fixe an Apostle or a Bishop in the chayre of Ierusalem. For they knew that Ierusalem was shortly to be destroyed, they themselves fore­told of miseryes and desolations to insue, (Petrus & Paulus praedicunt cladem Hierosolymitanam, saith [Page 69] Lactantius l. 4. inst.) famines and warres, and not a stone left upon another was the fate of that Re­bellious City by Christs owne prediction, which themselves recorded in Scripture. And to say they understood not what they writ, is to make them Enthusiasts, and neither good Doctors nor wise se­ers. But it is [...] that the holy Spirit which was promised to lead them into all truth would instruct them in so concerning an issue of publike affaires, as was so Great desolation, and therefore they be­gan betimes to establish that Church, and to fixe it upon it's perpetuall base. 2ly The Church of Ieru­salem was to be the president and platforme for o­ther Churches. [The word of God went forth into all the world, beginning first at Ierusalem], and there­fore also it was more necessary a Bishop should be there plac'd betimes, that other Churches might see their governement from whence they receiv'd their doctrine, that they might see from what starres their continuall fluxe of light must streame. 3ly The Apostles were actually dispers'd by persecution, and this to be sure they look'd for, and therefore (so implying the necessity of a Bishop to governe in their absence or decession any wayes) they ordayn'd S. Iames the first Bishop of Ierusalem; there he fixt As S. Iames at Hierusa­lem. his chayre, there he liv'd Bishop for 30 yeares, and finish'd his course with glorious Martyrdome. If this be proov'd we are in a fayre way for practise Apostolicall.

First, let us see all that is said of S. Iames in Scrip­ture, that may concerne this affayre. Acts. 15. We [Page 70] find S. Iames in the Synod at Ierusalem, not disputing, but giving finall determination to that Great Qu: about Circumcision. [And when there had beene much disputing, Peter rose up and said &c:] He first drave the question to an issue, and told them what he beleiv'd concerning it, with a [...], we trust it will goe as well with us without circumcisi­on, as with our Forefathers who us'd it. But S. Iames when he had summ'd up what had beene said by S. Peter, gave sentence and finall determination. [...] wherefore I judge or give sentence. So he. The Acts of Councell which the Brethren or Pres­byters did use were deliberative, they disputed, v. 7. S. Peter's act was declarative, but S. Iames his was decisive; which proves him clearely (if by reason­ablenesse of the thing and the successive practise of Christendome in imitation of this first Councell Apostolicall we may take our estimate) that S. Iames was the President of this Synod, which considering that he was none of the twelve (as I proved former­ly) is unimaginable, were it not for the advantage of the place, it being held in Ierusalem, where he was Hierosolymorum Episcopus (as S. Clement call's him) especially in the presence of S. Peter, who was primus Apostolus, and decked with many personall priviledges and prerogatives.

* Adde to this, that although the whole Coun­cell did consent to the sending of the Decretall Epi­stle, and to send Iudas and Silas, yet because they were of the Presbytery, and Colledge of Ierusalem, S. Iames his Clergy, they are said, as by way of ap­propriation [Page 71] to come from S. Iames. Gal. 2. v. 12. Upon which place S. Austin saith thus, Cùm vidis­set quosdam venisse à Iacobo, i. e. à Iudaeâ, nam Ec­clesiae Hierosolymitanae Iacobus praefuit. To this pur­pose that of Ignatius is very pertinent calling S. Ste­phen the Deacon of S. Iames, and in his Epistle to Epist. ad Trall, Hero, saying that he did Minister to S. Iames and the Presbyters of Ierusalem, which if we expound according to the knowne discipline of the Church in Ignatius time (who was Suppar Apostolorum, one­ly not a contemporary Bishop) here is plainely the eminency of an Episcopall chayre, and Ierusalem the seat of S. Iames, and the Clergy his owne, of a Colledge of which he was the praepositus Ordinari­us, he was their Ordinary.

* The second evidence of Scripture is [Acts. 21. And when we were come to Ierusalem the Bre­thren received us gladly, and the day following Paul went in with us unto Iames, and all the Elders were present.] Why unto Iames? Why not rather into the Presbytery, or Colledge of Elders, if Iames did not eminere, were not the [...], the Praepositus or Bishop of them all?

Now that these conjectures are not vayne and impertinent, see it testified by Antiquity, to which in matter of fact, and Church-story, he that will not give faith upon concurrent testimonies, and uncon­tradicted by Antiquity is a mad man, and may as well disbeleive every thing that he hath not seene himselfe, and can no way prove that himselfe was Christned, and to be sure, after 1600 yeares there is [Page 72] no possibility to disprove a matter of fact that was never question'd or doubted of before, and there­fore can never obtayne the faith of any man to his contradictory, it being impossible to prove it.

Eusebius reports out of S. Clement. [...]. lib. 2. hist. cap. 1. S. Peter and S. Iohn although they were honoured of our Lord, yet they would not themselves be, but made Iames sirnamed the Iust, Bishop of Ierusalem; And the reason is that which is given by Hegesippus in Eusebius for his successor Simeon Cleophae, for when S. Iames was crown'd with Martyrdome, and immediately the City destroyed, Traditur Apostolos qui supererant in lib. 3. c. 11. commune consilium habuisse quem oportere dignum SUCCESSIONE IACOBI Judicari. It was conclu­ded for Simeon, because he was the Kinsman of our Lord as S. Iames also his Predecessor. The same concerning S. Iames is also repeated by Eusebius. Iudaeiergo cùm Paulus provocasset ad Caesarem.....In Iacobum fratrem Domini cur AB APOSTOLIS SE­DES lib. 2. c. 22. HIEROSOLYMITANA DELATA FUIT, Omnem suam malevolentiam convertunt.

In the Apostolicall constitutions under the name of S. Clement the Apostles are brought in speaking lib. 7. c. 46. & lib. 8. cap. ult: thus. De ordinatis autem à nobis Episcopis in vitâ no­strâ, significamus vobis quòd hi sunt; Hierosolymis ordinatus est Iacobus Frater Domini. S. Iames the Brother of our Lord was ordayned Bishop of Ierusalem by us [Apostles.] The same is witnessed by Ana­cletus. [Page 73] Porrò & Hierosolymitarum primus Episcopus Epist. 2. B. Iacobus qui Iustus dicebatur, & secundùm carnem Domini nuncupatus est frater, à Petro, Iacobo, & Io­hanne Apostolis est ordinatus. And the same thing in termes is repeated by Anicetus, with a Scimus enim Beatissimum Iacobum &c: Iust as Anacletus before. Epist. decret. Unic: S. Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem, and Peter, Iames, and Iohn were his Ordayners.

But letus see the testimony of one of S. Iames his Successors in the same Chayre, who certainly was the best witnesse of his owne Church Records. S. Cyrill of Ierusalem is the man. Nam de his non mihi solùm, sed etiam Apostolis, & IACOBO HUIVS EC­CLESIae Catech. 4. OLIM EPISCOPO curae fuit, speaking of the question of circumcision, and things sacrificed to Idols, and againe, he calls S. Iames, primum hujus pa­rochiae Catech. 16. Episcopum, the first Bishop of this Diocesse. S. Austin also attests this story. Cathedratibi quid lib: 2. cont. lit: Petilic. 51. & lib: 2. cont: Crescon: c. 37. fecit Ecclesiae Romanae, in quâ Petrus sedit, & in quâ hodiè Anastasius sedet? Vel Ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae IN QVA IACOBUS SEDIT, & in quâ hodiè Iohannes sedet? I must not omitt the testimony of S. Ierome, for it will be of great use in the sequel, Iacobus lib: de Script. Eccles. in lacobo. (saith he) post passionem Domini statim ab Apostolis Hierosolymorum Episcopus ordinatus, and the same also he repeates out of Hegesippus. * There are ma­ny more testimonyes to this purpose, as of S. homil: 38. in 1. Cor. 15. & 33. hom: in 15. Act. Chry­sostome, haeres. 66. Epiphanius, S. in 1. Ga­lat. Ambrose, the Councell of cap. 33. Constantinople in Trullo. But Gregorius Turo­nensis rises a little higher, Iacobus Frater Domini vocitatus, ab ipso Domino nostro Iesu Christo Episco­pus [Page 74] dicitur ordinatus. S. Iames the Brother of our Lord is said to have beene ordain'd Bishop by our Lord Iesus Christ himselfe. If by [Ordinatus] he meanes [designatus] he agrees with S. Chrysostome: But ei­ther of them both will serve the turne for the pre­sent. homil. 3. in Act. But either in one sense or the other it is true, and attested also by Epiphanius, & primus hic acce­pit Cathedram Episcopatûs, cui concredidit Dominus haeres. 78. thronum suum in terrâ primò. S. Iames had first the Episcopall chayre, for our Lord first intrusted his earth­ly throne to him. And thus we are incircled with a cloud of witnesses, to all which if we adde what I before observed, that S. Iames is in Scripture called an Apostle, and yet he was none of the twelve, and that in the sense of Scripture and the Catholike Church, a Bishop and an Apostle is all one, it fol­lowes from the premises, (and of them already there is faith enough made) that S. Iames was by Christs owne designation, and ordination Aposto­licall made Bishop of the Church of Ierusalem, that is, had power Apostolicall concredited to him which Presbyters had not, and this Apostolate was limited and fixed, as his Successors since have beene.

But that this also was not a temporary businesse, and to expire with the persons of S. Iames and the S. Simeon to be his successor, first Apostles, but a regiment of ordinary and suc­cessive duty in the Church, it appeares by the ordi­nation of S. Simeon the sonne of Cleophas to be his Successor. It is witnessed by Eusebius, Post martyri­um lacobi....traditur Apostolos &c. habuisse in com­mune lib. 3. hist. cap. 11. Concilium quem oporteret dignum successione [Page 75] Iacobi judicari; omnes (que) uno consilio, at (que) uno consensu Simeonem Cleophae filium decrevisse ut Episcopatûs sedem susciperet. The same also he transcribes out of Hegesippus, Posteaquam Iacobus Martyr effectus est lib 4. cap. 22. ....electione divinâ Simeon Cleophae filius Episcopus ordinatur, electus ab omnibus pro eo quòd esset conso­brinus Domini. S. Simeon was ordayn'd Bishop by a Divine election; And Epiphanius in the Cata­logue of the Bishops of Ierusalem, reckons first haeres. 66. Iames, and next Simeon, qui sub Trajano crucifixus est.

THe next Bishop we find ordayn'd by the Apo­stles § 14. S. Timothy at Ephesus, was Timothy at Ephesus. That he was or­dayn'd by an Apostle appeares in Scripture. For S. Paul impos'd hands on him, that's certayne, Excita Gratiam quae in te est per impositionem manuum mea­rum, by the laying on of MY HANDS. That he was there a Bishop is also apparent, from the power and 2. Tim. 1. 6. offices concredited to him. 1. He was to be 1. Tim. 1. 3. resi­dent at Ephesus. And although for the publike ne­cessityes of the Church, and for assistance to S. Paul he might be called sometimes from his Charge, yet there he liv'd and dyed as the Church story writes, there was his ordinary residence, and his avocations were but temporary and occasionall, and when it was, his Cure was supplyed by Tychicus, whom S. Paul sent to Ephesus as his Vicar, as I shall shew hereafter.

2. S. Paul in his epistles to him, gave directions to him for Episcopall deportment as is plaine. A Bi­shop must be blamelesse, the husband of one wife, &c. 1. Tim. 3.

[Page 76] 3. S. Paul concredits jurisdiction to S. Timothy. O­ver the people; [...] is of as great extent in S. Timothies commission as [...]. Commanding as teaching. Over Presbyters; but yet so as to make difference between them and the Neotericks in Christianity, the one as Fathers, the other as Brethren. [...] is denied to be used to­wards 1. Tim. 5. 1. either of them. [...] saith Suidas, a dishonourable upbraiding or objurgation. Nay it is more; [...] is castigo, plagam infero, saith Bu­daeus: so that, that kind of Rebuking the Bishop is forbidden to use, either toward Priest or Deacon, Clergy or Laity, Old or Young. [for a Bishop must be no striker.] but [...], that's given him in com­mission both to old and young, Presbyters and Ca­techumens, that is, Require them; postula, provoca, [...]. Synesius. To be provoked to a Duel, to be challenged. and [...], Chrysostome. Ad precandum vos provoco. [...]. Eurip. Thou makest me, or compellest me to shed teares. Suavitèr omnia. That's the way S. Paul takes. Meekely; but yet so as to doe his office, to keep all in their severall duties, and that is by a [...], command these things, for so he summes up the Bishops duty to­wards Presbyters, Neophytes, and Widdowes. Give all these things in charge. Command all to doe 1. Tim. 5. 7. their duty. Command, but not objurgate. Et quid negotii esset Episcopo ut Presbyterum non objurgaret si super Presbyterum non haberet potestatem. So Epi­phanius urges this argument to advantage. For in­deed, haeres. 7 5. [Page 77] it had been to little purpose for S. Paul to have given order to Timothy, how he should exer­cise his jurisdiction over Presbyters and people, if he had had no jurisdiction and coercitive authority at all. Nay, and howsoever S. Paul forbids to Ti­mothy to use [...], which is [...], yet S. Paul in his second Epistle bids him use it, intimating, up­on great occasion. [...]. To be sure [...], if it be but an urging, or an exhor­tation, 2. Tim. 4. 2. is not all, for S. Paul gives him coercitive ju­risdiction, as well as directive. Over Widdowes. [...]. Reject the younger Widdowes, viz. à collegio viduarum, ab eleemosynis Ecclesiae. O­ver Presbyters. for he commands him to have suf­ficient probate in the accusation of Presbyters, of which if he was not to take cognisance, it was to no purpose to number witnesses. [...]. Receive not a publick accusation [in foro externo] against a Priest, Non vocabis in jus nisi in testimonio duorum, &c. to wit, in causes criminall. That is sufficient intimation of the Bishops power TO TAKE COGNISANCE in causes criminall; then for his punishing in such causes, it followes in the next words, [...]. 1. Tim. 5. 20. Reprehend them publikely, that is, disgrace them. For [...] is [...], indecorus. .... [...], Homer Iliad. γ. So that [...] in S. Paul, is to call them to publick ac­count; that's one part of the jurisdiction. [...], is to examine. Plato Epist. [...], to give an account of one's life. idem in Apolog. And [Page 78] then also it implies punishment upon conviction, [...]

[...]. Hom. c. Iliad. But the words in S. Paul will cleare this businesse. Let them that sinne be publikly sham'd, [...], that the rest may feare; A punishment most certainly, something that is [...], Ma­lum in genere poenae. What else should they feare? to sinne? Most true. But why upon this reprehen­sion, if not for feare of being punished?

Adde to all this, that here is in this chapter the plaine giving of a jurisdiction, an erection of a judi­catory, and is all the way, direction for his procee­ding in causes criminall, appears most evidently, v. 21. I charge thee before God and the Lord Iesus Christ and the elect Angells, that thou observe these things, [...], without prejudging the cause of any mā before it comes in open contestatiō under publick test of witnesses, [...], doing nothing for favour or partiality. Nothing in the world is plainer for the erection of a Consisto­ry then these mandates of S. Paul.

Lastly, to make up his Episcopall function com­pleat S. Paul gives him also direction concerning giving of orders. [Lay hands suddenly on no man.] sub testatione ergo ea quae ad ordinationem Ecclesiae mandat Vers. 22. custodiri....Ne facilè aliquis accipiat Ecclesiasticam dignitatem....peccat enim si non probat & sic ordi­net. Melior enim caeteris debet probari qui ordinandus est. Haec Episcopus custodiens, castum se exhibebit religioni, cujus rei in futuro praemium consequetur. [Page 79] So S. Ambrose upon the place, who is so farre from exempting Presbyters from being submitted to the Bishops consistory, that he does appropriate all his former cautions concerning the judicature, and co­ercitive jurisdiction to causes of the Clergy.

Adde to this evidence of Scripture the testimony of Catholike and unquestion'd Antiquity affirming S. Timothy to have beene ordain'd Bishop of Ephe­sus by S. Paul. Eusebius speaking of the successions to S. Paul, sed & Lucas (saith he) in actibus Aposto­lorum Lib. 3. c. 4. plurimos ejus socios memorat, sicut Timothei & Titi, quorum alter in Ephesi Episcopus...ab eo ordi­natus praeficitur. S. Ambrose affirmes that S. Paul ha­ving Praefat. in 1. Tim. ordained him Bishop writes his first Epistle to him to instruct him in his Episcopall office. Hunc igitur jam creatum Episcopum instruit per Epistolam quomodo deberet Ecclesiam ordinare. And that this Epistle was written to instruct S. Timothy for his owne person, and all Bishops in him for their de­portment in the office of a Bishop is the united, con­current testimony of S. Contr­haeres. Vincentius, contr. Mar­cion. l. 5. Tertullian, S. hom. [...]0 in 1. Timoth. Chrysostome, S. in 6. cap. in 1. Tim. Ambrose, in 1. Tim. 4. c. & 5. c. Oecumenius, hoeres. 75. E­piphanius, ad Timoth. cap. 4. Primasius, and S. in Pastor. part. 2. c. 11. Acts. 11. Gregory. As for Epiphanius in the place now quoted he uses it as an argument against the madnesse and stupidity of Aë­rius contending a Bishop and a Presbyter to be all one; docet Divinus Apostoli sermo quis sit Episcopus & quis Presbyter quum dicit ad Timotheum qui erat Episcopus, Presbyterum ne objurges, &c. I shall transcribe no more testimonies for this particular but that of the generall Councell of Chalcedon in [Page 80] the case of Bassianus and Stephanus; Leontius the Bishop of Magnesia spake it in full Councell, [...]. From S. Timothy untill now there have beene 27 Bishops or dayned in Ephesus. Who desires a multitude of testimonies (though enough already have deposed in the cause, beside the evidence of Scripture) may to these adde that saying of S. Chrysostome, that to Timothy was com­mitted Jn Titum. & 1. Philip. In 1. Tim. 3. [...]; of Theodoret, calling him Episcopum Asianorum; the subscription to the first Epistle to Timothy, (which if it were not writ by S. Paul, yet at least, will prove a primitive re­cord, and very Ancient,) the fragment of the Mar­tyrdome of S. Timothy in Photius, De script. Eccles. S. Ierome, In praefat. in 1. Timoth. The­ophylact, Biblioth: Pho­tij. n. 254. De vitâ & morte 88. 87, & 88. Isidore, and Lib. 2. c. 34. 2. Tim. 4. 5. Nicephorus.

And now all is well if after all this Timothy doe not prove an Evangelist, for this one objection will be sufficient to catch at to support a drowning cause, and though neither pertinent nor true, yet shall be laid in the ballance against all the evidence of Scrip­ture and Catholick antiquity. But [doe the work of an Evangelist] (saith S. Paul) therefore it is cleare S. Timothy was no Bishop. No, was not? That's hard. But let us try however.

1. [...], those are the next words, fulfill thy Deaconship. And therefore he was no Bishop? As well this as the other, for if Deacon­ship doe not exclude Episcopacy, why shall his be­ing an Evangelist exclude it? Or why may not his being a Deacon exclude his being an Evangelist, as [Page 81] well as his being an Evangelist, exclude his being a Bishop? Whether is higher, a Bishoprick, or the office of an Evangelist? If a Bishops office be higher, and therefore cannot consist with an Evangelist, then a Bishop cannot be a Priest, and a Priest cannot be a Deacon, and an Evangelist can be neither, for that also is thought to be higher then them both. But if the office of an Evangelist be higher, then as long as they are not disparate, much lesse destru­ctive of each other, they may have leave to consist in subordination. For as for the pretence that an E­vangelist is an office of a moveable imployment, and a Bishoprick of fixt residence, that will be conside­red by and by.

2. All the former discourse is upon suppositi­on, that the word [...], implyes the office of a Dea­con, and so it may as well as S. Pauls other phrase implyes S. Timothy to be an Evangelist. For if we marke it well it is [...], doe the worke, not the office of an Evangelist. And what's that? We may see it in the verses immediatly going before, [...]. And if this be the work of an Evangelist which S. Paul would have Timothy performe, viz. to preach, to be instant in season, and out of season, to reprove, to rebuke, to exhort, there is no harme done, a Bi­hop may, nay he must doe all this.

3. Consider we what an Evangelist is, and thence take our estimate for the present. 1. He that writes the story of the Gospell is an Evangelist, so [Page 82] the Greek Scholiast calls him. And in this sense in­deed. S. Timothy was not an Evangelist, but yet if he had, he might have been a Bishop, because S. Mark was an Evangelist to be sure, and perhaps as sure that he was a Bishop; sure enough; for they are both delivered to us by the Catholick testimony of the Primitive Church, as we shall see hereafter, so farre as concernes our Question. But then again; an Apostle might be an Evangelist, S. Matthew was, and S. Iohn was, and the Apostolicall dignity is as much inconsistent with the office of an Evangelist, as Episcopall preheminence, for I have proved these two names Apostle and Bishop to signify all one thing. 2. S. Ambrose gives another exposition of In 4. Ephes. [Evangelists.] Evangelistae Diaconi sunt sicut fuit Philippus. S. Philip was one of the seaven, com­monly called Deacons, and he was also a Presbyter, and yet an Evangelist, and yet a Presbyter in it's proportion is an office of as necessary residence as a Bishop, or else why are Presbyters cry'd out a­gainst so bitterly in all cases, for non-residence, and yet nothing hinders, but that S. Timothy, as well as S. Philip, might have been a Presbyter and an E­vangelist together, and then why not a Bishop too, for why should a Deaconship, or a Presbyterate consist with the office of an Evangelist, more then a Bishoprick? 3. Another acceptation of [Evange­list] is also in Eusebius. Sed & alii plurimi per idem Lib. 3. hist. cap. 37. tempus Apostolorum Discipuli superstites erant....Nonnulli ex his ardentiores Divinae Philosophiae....animas suas verbo Dei consecrabant....ut si quibus [Page 83] fortè provinciis nomen fidei esset incognitum praedi­carent, prima (que) apud eos Evangelii fundamenta col­locantes....Evangelistarum fungebantur officio. They that planted the Gospell first in any Country, they were Evangelists. S. Timothy might be such a one, and yet be a Bishop afterwards. And so were some of this sort of Evangelists. For so Eusebius, Prima (que) apudeos fundamenta Evangelii collocantes, at (que) ELECTIS QUIBUS QUE EX IPSIS officium re­gendae Ecclesiae quam fundaverant committentes, ipsi rursùm ad alias gentes properabant. So that they first converted the Nation, and then gouern'd the Church, first they were Evangelists and afterwards Bishops; and so was Austin the Monke that con­verted England in the time of S. Gregory and Ethel­bert, he was first our Evangelist, and afterwards Bishop of Dover. Nay why may they not in this sence be both Evangelists and Bishops at the same time, insomuch as many Bishops have first planted Christianity in divers Countries, as S. Chrysostome Lib. 10. tri­part. hist. cap. 5. Theodoret. in Scythia, S. Trophimus, S. Denis, S. Marke, and many more. By the way only, according to all these acceptations of the word [Evangelist] this office does not imply a perpetuall motion. Evangelists many of them did travell, but they were never the more Evangelists for that, but only their office was writing or preaching the Gospell, and thence they had their name.

4. The office of an Evangelist was but tempora­ry, and take it in either of the two senses of Euse­bius or Oecumenius, which are the only true and [Page 84] genuine, was to expire when Christianity was plan­ted every where, and the office of Episcopacy, if it was at all was to be succeeded in, and therefore in no respect could these be inconsistent, at least, not alwaies. * And how S. Paul should intend that Timothy should keep those rules he gave him, [to the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ,] if the office for the execution of which he gave him the rules, 1. Tim. 6. 14. was to expire long before, is not so easily imagined. For if S. Paul did direct him in a temporary and ex­piring office, then in no sense, neither in person, nor in succession could those rules of S. Paul be kept till Christs coming, to wit, to judgement. But if he instructed him in the perpetuall office of Episcopa­cy, then it is easy to understand that S. Paul gave that caution to Timothy, to intimate that those his directions were not personall, but for his successors in that charge, to which he had ordained him, viz. in the sacred order and office of Episcopacy.

5. Lastly, After all this stirre, there are some of the Fathers, that will by no means admit S. Ti­mothy to have been an Evangelist. So S. Chrysostome, so Theophylact, so the Greek Scholiast, now though we have no need to make any use of it, yet if it be In Ephes. 4. true, it makes all this discourse needlesse, we were safe enough without it, if it be false, then it selfe we see is needlesse, for the allegation of S. Timothy's being an Evangelist, is absolutely impertinent, though it had been true.

[Page 85] But now I proceed.

TItus was also made a Bishop by the Apostles. S. Paul also was his ordainer. 1. Reliqui te § 15. S. Titus at Crete, Cretae. There S. Paul fixt his seat for him, at Crete. 2. His worke was [...], to set in or­der things that are wanting, viz. to constitute rites and formes of publike Liturgy, to erect a Consisto­ry for cognisance of causes criminall, to dedicate houses for prayer by publick destination for divine Service, and in a word, by his authority to establish such Discipline and Ritualls, as himselfe did judge to be most for edification and ornament of the Church of God. For he that was appointed by S. Paul, to rectify, and set things in order, was most certainly by him supposed to be the Iudge of all the obliquities which he was to rectify. 2. The next worke is Episcopall too, and it is the ordaining Pres­byters in every Citty. Not Presbyters collectively in every Citty, but distributively, [...], Citty by Citty, that is Elders in severall Citties, one in one Citty, Many in many. For by these Elders are certainly meant Bishops. Of the identity of Names I shall afterwards give an account, but here it is plaine S. Paul expounds himselfe to meane Bishops.

1. In termes and expresse words. [To ordaine Elders in every Citty; If any be the husband of one wife, &c. For a Bishop must be blamelesse.] That is, the elders that you are to ordaine in severall Citties must be blamelesse, for else they must not be Bi­shops. 2. The word [...] cannot hinder this [Page 86] exposition, for S. Peter calls himselfe [...], and S. Iohn, Presbyter electae Dominae, and Presbyter dilectissimo Gajo. Such Presbyters as these were A­postolicall, and that's as much as Episcopall to be sure. 3. S. Paul addes farther [a Bishop must be blamelesse As THE STEWARD OF GOD. Who then is that faithfull and wise Steward, whom his Lord shall make ruler?] S. Pauls Bishop is Gods steward, Titus. 1. and Gods steward is the ruler of his hous-hold, saies our blessed Saviour himselfe, and therefore not a meere Presbyter, amongst whom indeed there is a parity, but no superintendency of Gods making. 4. S. Paul does in the sequell still qualify his Elders or Bishops with more proprieties of ru­lers. A Bishop must be no striker, not given to wine. They are exactly the requisites which our blessed Saviour exacts in his Stewards or Rulers accounts. [If the Steward of the house will drinke and be DRUNKE, and BEATE his fellow servants, then the Lord of that servant shall come and divide him his portion with unbelievers.] The steward of the hous­hold, this Ruler, must not be [...], nor [...], no more must a Bishop, he must not be given to wine, no striker; Ne (que) enim pugilem describit sermo Apo­stolicus, sed Pontificem instituit quid facere non debe­at, saith S. Hierome: still then, these are the Rulers of the Church, which S. Titus was to ordaine, and Advers: Iovi­nian. therefore it is required should Rule well his own house, for how else shall hee take charge of the Church of God, implying that this his charge is to Rule the house of God. 5. The reason why [Page 87] S. Paul appointed him to ordaine these Bishops in Citties is in order to coercitive jurisdiction, be­cause [many unruly and vaine talkers were crept in, vers. 10.] and they were to be silenced [...]. Their mouths must be stopped. Therefore they must be such Elders as had superiority of jurisdicti­on over these impertinent Preachers, which to a sin­gle Presbyter, either by Divine or Apostolicall in­stitution no man will grant, and to a Colledge of Presbyters S. Paul does not intend it, for himselfe had given it singly to S. Titus. For I consider,

Titus alone had coercitive jurisdiction before he ordayn'd these Elders, be they Bishops, be they Presbyters. The Presbyters which were at Crete before his comming had not Episcopall power, or coercitive jurisdiction, for why then was Titus sent? As for the Presbyters which Titus ordayn'd, before his ordayning them, to be sure they had no power at all, they were not Presbyters. If they had a coercitiv jurisdiction afterwards, to wit, by their ordination, then Titus had it before in his owne person, (for they that were there before his com­ming had not, as I shewed) and therefore he must also have it still, for he could not loose it by ordai­ning others, or if he had it not before, how could he give it unto them whom he ordain'd? For plus juris in alium transferre nemo potest, quàm ipse habet.

Howsoever it be then, to be sure, Titus had it in his owne person and then it followes Undeniably, that either this coercitive jurisdiction was not ne­cessary for the Church (which would be either to [Page 88] suppose men impcccable, or the Church to be expo­sed to all the inconveniences of Schisme and tumu­tuary factions without possibility of releife) or if it was necessary, then because it was in Titus not as a personall prerogative, but a power to be succeded to; he might ordaine others, he had authority to doe it, with the same power he had himselfe, and therefore since he alone had this coërcion in his owne person, so should his Successors, and then be­cause a single Presbyter, could not have it over his brethren by the confession of all sides, nor the Col­ledge of Presbyters which were there before his comming had it not, for why then was Titus sent with a new commission, nor those which he was to ordaine if they were but meere Presbyters could not have it, no more then the Presbytes that were there before his comming, it followes that those Elders which S. Paul sent Titus to ordaine being such as were to be constituted in opposition and power over the false Doctors and prating Prea­chers, and with authority to silence them, (as is evi­dent in the first chapter of that Epistle) these Elders (I say) are verily, and indeed such as himselfe call's Bishops in the proper sense, and acceptation of the word.

6. The Cretan Presbyters who were there be­fore S. Titus comming, had not power to ordaine others, that is, had not that power which Titus had. For Titus was sent thither for that purpose, there­fore to supply the want of that power. And now, because to ordaine others was necessary for the con­servation [Page 89] and succession of the Church, that is, be­cause new generations are necessary for the continu­ing the world, and meere Presbyters could not doe it, and yet this must be done, not onely by Titus himselfe, but after him, it followes undeniably that S. Paul sent Titus to ordaine men with the same power that himselfe had, that is with more then his first Cretan Presbyters, that is Bishops, and he meanes them in the proper sense.

7. That by Elders in severall Cityes he meanes Bishops is also plaine from the place where they were to be ordaind, [...], not [...], or [...]. In populous Cityes, not in village Townes, For no Bishops were ever suffered to be in village Townes, as is to be seene in the Councell of cap. 6. Sar­dis, of can. 17. Chalcedon, and S. Epist 87. ad Episc. Afric. Leo, the Cityes there­fore doe at least highly intimate that the persons to be ordain'd were not meere Presbyters.

The issue of this discourse is, that since Titus was sent to Crete to ordaine Bishops, himselfe was a Bishop to be sure, at least. If he had ordain'd on­ly Presbyters, it would have prov'd that. But this inferres him to be a Metropolitan, forasmuch as he was Bishop of Crete, and yet had many suffragans in subordination to him, of his owne constitution, and yet of proper diocesses. However, if this dis­course concludes nothing peculiar, it frees the place from popular prejudice and mistakes, upon the con­fusion of Episcopus, and Presbyter; and at least in­ferres his being a Bishop, if not a great deale more.

[Page 90] Yea; but did not S. Titus ordaine no meere Pres­byters? yes most certainely. But, so he did Deacons too, and yet neither one nor the other are otherwise mentioned in this Epistle but by consequence and comprehension within the superior order. For he that ordaines a Bishop, first makes him a Deacon, (and then he obtaines [...] a good degree) and then a Presbyter, and then a Bishop. So that those inferior orders are presuppos'd in the authorizing the Supreame, and by giving direction for the quali­fications of Bishops, he sufficiently instructs the in­feriour orders in their deportment, insomuch as they are probations for advancement to the higher.

2. Adde to this, that he that ordaines Bishops in Cityes sets there [...], ordinem generati­vum Patrum, as Epiphanius calls Episcopacy, and therefore most certainely with intention, not that it should be [...] Manus Mortua, but, to produce others, and therefore Presbyters and Deacons.

3. S. Paul made no expresse provision for vil­lages, and yet most certainely did not intend to leave them destitute, and therefore he tooke order that such ordinations should be made in Cityes which should be provisionary for Villages, and that is, of such men as had power to ordaine and power to send Presbyters to what part of their charge they pleased. For since Presbyters could not ordaine other Presbyters, as appeares by S. Paul's sending Titus to doe it there, where, most certainely, many Presbyters before were actually resident, if Presbyters had gone to Villages they [Page 91] must have left the Cityes destitute, or if they staid in Cityes the Villages would have perished, and atlast, when these men had dyed both one and the other, had beene made a prey to the wolfe, for there could be no shcapheard after the decay of the first generation.

But let us see further into S. Titus his commissi­on and letters of orders, and institution. [A man Tit. 3. 10. that is an heretick after the first and second admoniti­on reject.] Cognisance of hereticall pravity, and animadversion against the heretick himselfe is most plainely concredited to S. Titus. For first he is to admonish him, then to reject him upon his pertina­cy, from the Catholike communion. Cogere autem illos videtur qui saepe corripit, saith S. Ambrose, upon the establishing acoactive, or coërcitive jurisdicti­on over the Clergy and whole Diocesse.

But I need not specifie any more particulars, for S. Paul committed to S. Titus [...], all au­thority 2. Titus. 15. and power. The consequence is that which S. Ambrose prefixes to the Comentary on this Epi­stle. Titum Apostolus consecravit Episcopum, & ideò commonet eum ut sit sollicitus in Ecclesiasticâ ordina­tione, id est, ad quosdam qui simulatione quâdam di­gnos se ostentabant ut sublimem ordinem tenerent, si­mul (que) & haereticos ex circumcisione corripiendos.

And now after so faire preparatory of Scripture we may heare the testimonies of Antiquity witnes­sing that Titus was by S. Paul made Bishop of Crete. Sed & Lucas (saith Eusebius) in actibus Apostolo­rum....Timothei meminit & Titi quorum alter in E­pheso lib. 3. c. 4. [Page 92] Episcopus: alter ordinandis apud Cretam Eccle­siis ab eo ordinatus praeficitur. That is it which S. ubi suprà. Ambrose expresses something more plainly, Titum Apostolus consecravit Episcopum, The Apostle conse­crated Titus Bishop; and Theodoret, calling Titus, Cre­tensium Episcopum. The Bishop of the Cretians. And in 1. Tim. 3. for this reason saith S. Chrysost. S. Paul did not write to Sylvanus, or Silas, or Clemens, but to Timothy and Titus [...], because to these he had already committed the government of Churches. But a fuller testimony of S. Titus being a Bishop who please may see in S. de Script: Eccl. in Tito. Hierome, in in Sinopsi. Do­rotheus, in de vitâ & morte. SSanct. Isidore, in lib. 38. c. 10. Vincentius, in apud Oecu­men in praefat. in Tit. & in. 1 Timoth. 3. Theodoret, in in pastor. part. 2. c. 11. S. Gregory, in praefat: in 1. Tim. & in 2. Tim. 1. Primatius, in 1. Tim. 1. & in 2. Tim. 1. 6. Sedulius, in 1. Tit. Theophilact and lib. 2. c. 34. Nicephorus. To which if we adde the subscrip­tion of the Epistle asserted from all impertinent ob­jections by the clearer testimony of S. In Synop si Sacr. Script. Athanasius, S ad Paulam & Eustoch. Ierome, the Syriack translation, Comment. ad Titum. Oecumenius and ibid: Theophylact, no confident deniall can ever break through, or scape conviction.

And now I know not what objection can fairely be made here; for I hope S. Titus was no Evange­list, he is not called so in Scripture, and all Antiquity calls him a Bishop, and the nature of his offices, the eminence of his dignity, the superiority of jurisdi­ction, the cognisance of causes criminall, and the whole exigence of the Epistle proclaime him Bi­shop. But suppose a while Titus had been an Evan­gelist, I would faine know who succeeded him? Or did all his office expire with his person? If so, then who shall reject Hereticks when Titus is dead? Who [Page 93] shall silence factious Preachers? If not, then still who succeeded him? The Presbyters: How can that be? For if they had more power after his death then before, and govern'd the Churches which before they did not, then to be sure their government in common, is not an Apostolicall Ordinance, much lesse is it a Divine right, for it is postnate to thē both. But if they had no more power after Titus then they had under him, how then could they succeed him? There was indeed a dereliction of the autho­rity, but no succession. The succession therefore both in the Metropolis of Crete, and also in the other Cities was made by singular persons, not by a Col­ledge, for so we find in the [...] recorded by Eu­sebius that in Gnossus of Crete, Pinytus was a most eminent Bishop, and that Philip was the Metropoli­tan at Gortyna. Sed & Pinytus nobilissimus apud Cretam in Episcopis fuit, saith Eusebius. But of this, lib. 4. c. 21. enough.

MY next instance shall be of one that was an E­vangelist §. 16. S. Marke at Alexan­dria, indeed, one that writ the Gospell, and he was a Bishop of Alexandria. In Scripture we find nothing of him but that he was an Evangelist, and a Deacon, for he was Deacon to S. Paul & Bar­nabas, when they went to the Gentiles, by ordina­nation and speciall designement made at Antioch; [...], Acts. 12. & Acts. 13. They had Iohn to be their Minister; viz: Iohn whose sirname was Marke. * But we are not to expect all the ordinations made by the [Page 94] Apostles in their acts written by S. Luke, which end at S. Paul's first going to Rome; but many other things, their founding of diverse Churches, their ordination of Bishops, their journeyes, their perse­cutions, their Miracles and Martyrdomes are recor­ded, & rely upon the faith of the primitive Church. And yet the ordination of S. Marke was within the terme of S. Lukes story, for his successor Anianus was made Bishop of Alexandria in the eight yeare of Nero's reigne, five or six yeares before the death of S. Paul. Igitur Neronis PRIMO Imperij anno post Marcum Evangelistam Ecclesiae apud Alexandri­am Anianus Sacerdotium suscepit. So the Latin of Ruffinus reads it, in stead of octavo. Sacerdotium, [...], that is the Bishoprick, for else there were many [...], and Priests in Alexandria besides him, and how then he should be S. Markes successor more then the other Presbyters, is not so soone to be contriv'd. But so the Collecta of the Chapter runs. Quòd post Marcum primus Episcopus Alexan­drinae Ecclesiae ordinatus sit Anianus, Anianus was consecrated the first Bishop of Alexandria after S. Marke. * And Philo the lew telling the story of the Christians in Alexandria, called by the inhabitants, Cultores, and Cultrices, The worshippers, Addit au­tem adhuc his (saith Eusebius) quomodò sacerdotes vel Ministri exhibeant officia sua, vel quae sit suprà lib. 2 hist. cap. 17. omnia Episcopalis apicis sedes, intimating that beside the offices of Priests and Ministers, there was an E­piscopall dignity which was apex super omnia, a height above all imployments, established at Alex­andria; [Page 95] and how soone that was, is soone computed, for Philo liv'd in our blessed Saviours time, and was Embassador to the Emperour Cajus, and sur­viv'd S. Marke a little.

But S. Ierome will strike up this businesse, A Mar­co Epist. ad E­vagr. Evangelistâ ad Heraclam us (que), & Dionysium Epis­copos, Presbyteri Egypti semper unum ex se electum in celsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant. And againe, Marcus interpres Apostoli Petri, & A­lexandrinae Ecclesiae primus Episcopus. The same is de Script: Eccles. & in proëm in Matth. witnessed by lib. 6. Epist. 371. S. Gregory, lib 14. cap 39. Nicephorus, and divers others.

Now although the ordination of S. Marke is not specified in the Acts, as innumerable multitudes of things more, and scarce any thing at all of any of the twelve but S. Peter, nothing of S. Iames the sonne of Thaddaeus, nor of Alpheus, but the Martyrdome of one of them, nothing of S. Bartholomew, of S. Thomas, of Simon zelotes, of S. Iude the Apostle, scarce any of their names recorded, yet no wise man can distrust the faith of such records, which all Christendome hitherto, so farre as we know, hath acknowledged as authentick, and these ordinations cannot possibly goe lesse then Apostolicall, being done in the Apostles times, to whom the care of all the Churches was concredited, they seeing and be­holding severall successions in severall Churches before their death, as here at Alexandria, first Saint Marke, then Anianus, made Bishop five or sixe years before the death of S. Peter and S. Paul. But yet who it was that ordain'd S. Marke Bishop of [Page 96] Alexandria (for Bishop he was most certainly) is not obscurely intimated by the most excellent man S. Gelasius in the Romane Councell, Marcus à Petro Apostolo in Aegyptum directus verbum veritatis prae­dicavit, In decret. de lib. authent. & apocryph. & gloriosè consummavit Martyrium. S. Peter sent him into Egypt to found a Church, and therefore would furnish him with all things requi­site for so great imployment, and that could be no lesse, then the ordinary power Apostolicall.

BUt in the Church of Rome, the ordination of § 17. S. Linus, and s. Cle­ment at Rome. Bishops by the Apostles, and their successions during the times of the Apostles, is very manifest by a concurrent testimony of old writers. Fundan­tes igitur, & instruentes beati Apostoli Ecclesiam Lino Episcopatum administrandae Ecclesiae tradide­runt. Hujus Lini Paulus in his quae sunt ad Timothe­um Epistolis meminit. Succedit autem ei Anacletus, post eum tertiò loco ab Apostolis Episcopatum sortitur Clemens, qui & vidit ipsos Apostolos, & con [...]ulit cum eis, cùm adhuc insonantem praedicationem Aposto­lorum, & traditionem ante oculos haberet. So S. Ire­naeus. lib. 3. cap. 3. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. Memoratur autem ex comitibus Pauli Cres­cens quidam ad Gallias esse praefectus. Linus vero & Clemens in urbe Româ Ecclesiae praefuisse. Many more testimonies there are of these mens being or­dained Bishops of Rome by the Apostles, as of de praescript. Tertullian, lib, 2. contr. Parmen. Optatus, Epist. 165. S. Austin, and de Script. Eccles. S. Hierome. But I will not cloy my Reader with variety of one dish, and bee tedious in a thing so evident and known.

[Page 97] S. Iohn ordain'd S. Polycarpe Bishop at Smyrna.... sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia habens Polycarpum § 18. S. Poly­carpe at Smyrna, & diverse o­thers. ab Iohanne conlocatum refert; sicut Romanorum Cle­mentem à Petro ordinatum edit, proinde uti (que) & cae­terae exhibent quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatum con­stitutos Apostolici scminis traduces habeant. So Ter­tullian. The Church of Smyrna saith that Poly­carpe De praescript. was placed there by S. Iohn, as the Church of Rome saith that Clement was ordain'd there by S. Peter, and other Churches have those whom the Apostles made to be their Bishops. Polycarpus au­tem De Script. Eccles. lib. 3. c. 35. non solùm ab Apostolis edoctus.... sed etiam ab Apostolis in Asiâ, in eâ quae est Smyrnis Ecclesiâ con­stitutus Episcopus.... & testimonium his perhibent quae sunt in Asiâ Ecclesiae omnes, & qui us (que) adhuc successerunt Polycarpo &c. The same also is witnes­sed by S. Ierome, and In Martyrologio Roman: Eusebius: Quoniam autem valdè longum est in tali volumine omnium Ecclesia­rum successiones enumerare, to use S. Irenaeus his ex­pression; It were an infinite labour to reckon up all those whom the Apostles made Bishops with their own hands, as Euseb. l. 4. c. 23. & lib. 3. c. 4. S. Dionysius the Areopagite at A­thens, Origen. lib. 10. in 16. Rom. Cajus at Thessalonica, S. Ambros. in 4 Coloss. Archippus at Colosse, Jgnatius E­pist. ad Ephes. & Euseb. lib. 3. c. 35. Onesimus at Ephesus, Arethas in 1. Apocal. Antipas at Pergamus, Epist. ad Philip. & Theodoret. ib. & in 1. Tim. 3. Epa­phroditus at Philippi, Euseb. l. 3. c. 4. apud Gal­tias. So Ruf­finus reads it. In Galatia, so is intimated in Scripture, and so the Roman Martyrol. Crescens among the Gaules, Ignatius Epist. ad An­tioch. & Euseb. lib 3. c. 22. Evodias at Antioch, In Martyrologio Roman: Sosipater at Iconium, Erastus in Macedonia, Trophimus at Arles, Iason at Tarsus, Silas at Corinth, Onesiphorus at Colophon, Quartus [Page 98] at Berytus, Paul the Proconsul at Narbona, besides many more whose names are not recorded in Scrip­ture, as these forecited are, so many as lib. 3. cap. 37. Eusebius counts impossible to enumerate; it shall therefore suffice to summe up this digest of their acts and or­dinations in those generall foldings us'd by the Fa­thers, saying that the Apostles did ordaine Bishops in all Churches, that the succession of Bishops downe from the Apostles first ordination of them was the only argument to prove their Churches Catholick, and their adversaries who could not doe so, to be Hereticall; This also is very evident, and of great consideration in the first ages while their tradition was cleare, and evident, and not so be pudled as it since hath been with the mixture of Hereticks, striving to spoile that which did so much mischiefe to their causes.

Edant origines Ecclesiarum suarum, evolvant or­dinem Episcoporum suorum it a per successiones ab ini­tio decurrentem, ut primus ille Episcopus aliquemex Apostolis, aut Apostolicis viris habuerit authorem & antecessorem, hoc modo Ecclesiae Apostolicae census suos deferunt, &c. And when S. Irenaeus had recko­ned Lib. 3. cap. 3. twelve successions in the Church of Rome from the Apostles, nunc duodecimo loco ab Apostolis Epis­copatum habet Eleutherius. Hâc ordinatione (saith he) & successione, & ea quae est ab Apostolis in Eccle­siâ traditio & veritat is praeconiatio pervenit us (que) ad nos; & est plenissima haec ostensio unam & eandem vi­vatricem fidem esse quae in Ecclesiâ ab Apostolis us (que) nunc sit conservata, & tradita in veritate. So that [Page 99] this succession of Bishops from the Apostles ordi­nation, must of it selfe be a very certain thing, when the Church made it a maine probation of their faith; for the books of Scripture were not all gathe­red together, and generally received as yet. Now then, since this was a main pillar of their Christiani­ty, viz. a constant reception of it from hand to hand, as being delivered by the Bishops in every chaire, till wee come to the very Apostles that did ordain them, this (I say) being their proof, al­though it could not be more certain then the thing to be proved, which in that case was a Divine reve­lation, yet to them it was more evident as being matter of fact, and known almost by evidence of sense, and as verily believed by all, as it was by any one, that himselfe was baptized, both relying upon the report of others. * Radix Christianae societatis Epist. 42. per sedes Apostolorum, & successiones Episcoporum, certâ per orbem propagatione diffunditur, saith S. Au­stin. The very root and foundation of Christian communion is spread all over the world, by the successions of Apostles and Bishops.

And is it not now a madnesse to say there was no such thing, no succession of Bishops in the Chur­ches Apostolicall, no ordination of Bishops by the Apostles, and so (as S. Paul's phrase is) overthrow the faith of some, even of the Primitive Christians, that used this argument as a great weapon of of­fence against the invasion of haereticks and factious people? It is enough for us that we can truly say with S. Irenaeus, Habemus annumerare eos qui ab A­postolis Ubi supra [Page 100] postolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis us (que) ad nos. We can reckon those who from the Apostles untill now were made Bishops in the Churches; and of this we are sure enough, if there be any faith in Christians.

THe summe is this. Although we had not proo­ved § 19. So that E­piscopacy is at least an Apostoli­call ordi­nance: of the same authority with ma­ny other points ge­nerally be­lieved. the immediate Divine institution of Epis­copall power over Presbyters and the whole flock, yet Episcopacy is not lesse then an Apostolicall or­dinance, and delivered to us by the same authority that the observation of the Lord's day is. For, for that in the new Testament we have no precept, and nothing but the example of the Primitive Disciples meeting in their Synaxes upon that day, and so al­so they did on the saturday in the Iewish Syna­gogues, but yet (however that at Geneva, they were once in meditation to have chang'd it into a Thursday meeting to have showne their Christian liberty) we should think strangely of those men that called the Sunday-Festivall lesse then an Apostoli­call ordinance, and necessary now to be kept holy with such observances as the Church hath appoin­ted.

* Baptisme of infants is most certainly a holy and charitable ordinance, and of ordinary necessity to all that ever cryed, and yet the Church hath founded this rite upon the tradition of the Apo­stles; and wise men doe easily observe that the Ana­baptists can by the same probability of Scripture inforce a necessity of communicating infants upon us, as we doe of baptizing infants upon them, if we [Page 101] speak of immediate Divine institution, or of pra­ctise Apostolicall recorded in Scripture, and there­fore a great Master of Geneva in a book he writ a­gainst the Anabaptists, was forced to fly to Aposto­licail traditive ordination, and therefore the institu­tion of Bishops, must be served first, as having fai­rer plea, and clearer evidence in Scripture, then the baptizing of infants, and yet they that deny this, are by the just anathema of the Catholick Church, confidently condemn'd for Hereticks.

* Of the same consideration are diverse other things in Christianity, as the Presbyters consecrat­ing the Eucharist; for if the Apostles in the first in­stitution did represent the whole Church, Clergy and Laity, when Christ said [Hoc facite, Doe this] then why may not every Christian man there repre­sented, doe that which the Apostles in the name of all were commanded to doe? If the Apostles did not represent the whole Church, why then doe all communicate? Or what place, or intimation of Christ's saying is there in all the foure Gospells, li­miting [Hoc facite, id est, benedicite] to the Cler­gy, and extending [Hoc facite, id est, accipite & manducate] to the Laity? This also rests upon the practise Apostolicall and traditive interpretation of H. Church, and yet cannot be denied that so it ought to be, by any man that would not have his Christendome suspected.

* To these I adde the communion of Women, the distinction of bookes Apocryphall, from Cano­nicall, that such books were written by such Evan­gelists, [Page 102] and Apostles, the whole tradition of Scrip­ture it selfe, the Apostles Creed, the feast of Easter (which amongst all them that cry up the Sunday-Festivall for a Divine institution, must needs pre­vaile as Caput institutionis, it being that for which the Sunday is commemorated.) These and di­vers others of greater consequence (which I dare not specify for feare of being misunderstood) rely but upon equall faith with this of Episcopacy (though I should wave all the arguments for imme­diate Divine ordinance) and therefore it is but rea­sonable it should be ranked amongst the Credenda of Christianity, which the Church hath entertained upon the confidence of that which we call the faith of a Christian, whose Master is truth it selfe.

VVHat their power and eminence was, and § 20. And was an office of power and great au­thority, the appropriates of their office so ordain'd by the Apostles, appears also by the testimonies before alleadged, the expressions whereof runne in these high termes. Episcopatus administrandae Ec­clesiae in Lino. Linus his Bishoprick was the admi­nistration of the whole Church. Ecclesiae praefuisse was said of him and Clemens, they were both Pre­fects of the Church, or Prelates, that's the Church­word. Ordinandis apud Cretam Ecclesiis praeficitur, so Titus, he is set over all the affaires of the new­founded Churches in Crete. In celsiori gradu col­locatus, plac'd in a higher order or degree, so the Bi­shop of Alexandria, chosen ex Presbyteris, from a­mongst the Presbyters. Supra omnia Episcopalis api­cis [Page 103] sedes, so Philo of that Bishoprick, The seat of E­piscopall height above all things in Christianity. These are its honours. Its offices these. [...] &c. To set in order whatsoever he sees wanting, or amisse; to si­lence vaine prating Preachers, that will not submit to their superiors, to ordaine elders, to rebuke delin­quents, to reject Hereticks, viz. from the commu­nion of the faithfull (for else why was the Angell of the Church of Pergamus reprov'd for tolera­ting the Nicolaitan hereticks, but that it was in his power to eject them? And the same is the case of the Angell of Thyatir a in permitting the woman to teach and seduce the people) but to the Bishop was committed the cognisance of causes criminall and particular of Presbyters, (so to Timothy in the instance formerly alleadged) nay, [...], all authority, so in the case of Titus, and officium regen­dae Ecclesiae, the office of ruling the Church, so to them all whom the Apostles left in the severall Churches respectively which they had new founded. So Eu­sebius. Vbi supra. apud Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 23. For the Bishop was [...], set over all, Clergy and Laity, saith S. Clement.

This was given to Bishops by the Apostles themselves, and this was not given to Presbyters, as I have already prooved, and for the present, it will sufficiently appeare in this, that Bishops had power over Presbyters, which cannot be supposed they had over themselves, unlesse they could be their own superiours.

[Page 104] BUt a Councell, or Colledge of Presbyters §. 21. Not lesse­ned by the assistance and Coun­cell of Pres­byters, might have jurisdiction over any one, and such Colledges there were in the Apostles times, and they did in communi Ecclesiam regere, govern the Church in common with the Bishop, as saith S. Hierom, viz. where there was a Bishop, and where there was none they rul'd without him. * This indeed will call us to a new account, and it relies upon the testimony of S. Hierome which I will set downe here, that wee may leave the sunne without a cloud. S. Ierom's words are these. Comment. in ep. ad Titum.

Idem est enim Presbyter quod Episcopus, & an­tequam Diaboli instinctu studia in religione fie­rent, & diceretur in populis, ego sum Pauli ego Apollo, ego autem Cephae, communi Presbytero­rum consitio Ecclesiae gubernabantur. Postquam verò unusquis (que) eos quos baptizabat suos put abat esse, non Christi, in toto or be decretum est, ut u­nus de Presbyter is electus superponeretur caeteris ut Schismatum semina tollerentur.

Then he brings some arguments to confirme his saying, and summes them up thus.

Haec diximus ut ostenderemus apud veteres eos­dem fuisse Presbyteros quos Episcopos, & ut E­piscopi noverint se magis consuetudine quàm Dominicae dispositionis veritate Presbyteris esse majores: & in communi debere Ecclesiam re­gere, &c.

The thing S. Hierome aymes to prove, is the iden­tity of Bishop, Presbyter, and their government of [Page 105] the Church in common. * For their identity, It is cleare that S. Hierome does not meane it in respect of order, as if a Bishop and a Presbyter had both one office per omnia, one power; for else he contradicts himselfe most apertly, for in his Epistle ad Evagri­um, Quid facit (saith he) Episcopus exceptâ ordi­natione quòd Presbyter non faciat? A Presbyter may not ordayne, a Bishop does, which is a cleare difference of power, and by S. Hierome is not expressed in matter of fact, but of right [quod Presbyter non FA­CIAT] not [non facit;] that a Priest may not, must not doe, that a Bishop does, viz. he gives holy or­ders. * And for matter of fact S. Hierome knew that in his time a Presbyter did not governe in common, but because he conceived it was fit he should be joyn'd in the common regiment and care of the Dio­cesse, therefore he asserted it as much as he could; And therefore if S. Hierome had thought that this difference of the power of ordination, had been on­ly customary, & by actuall indulgence, or incroach­ment, or positive constitution, and no matter of pri­mitive and originall right, S. Hierome was not so diffident but out it should, come what would have come. And suppose S. Hierome, in this distinct power of ordination had intended it onely to be a difference in fact, not in right (for so some of late have muttered) then S. Hierome had not said true according to his owne principles, for [Quid facit Episcopus exceptâ ordinatione quòd Presbyter non fa­ciat?] had beene quickly answered, if the Question had onely beene de facto; For the Bishop governed [Page 106] the Church alone, and so in Iurisdiction was grea­ter then Presbyters, and this was by custome, and in fact at least, S. Hierome saies it, and the Bishop tooke so much power to himselfe, that de facto Presbyters were not suffered to doe any thing sine literis Episco▪ palibus, without leave of the Bishop, and this S. Hie­rome complain'd of; so that de facto the power of Ad Nepotian. & de 7. ordin. Eccles. ordination was not the onely difference: That then (if S. Hierome sayes true) being the onely difference betweene Presbyter and Bishop, must be meant de jure, in matter of right, not humane positive, for that is coincident with the other power of jurisdi­ction which de facto, and at least by a humane right the Bishop had over Presbyters, but Divine, and then this identity of Bishop and Presbyter by S. Hierom's owne confession cannot be meant in res­pect of order, but that Episcopacy is by Divine right a superiour order to the Presbyterate.

* Adde to this that the arguments which S. Hie­rome uses in this discourse are to prove that Bishops are sometimes called Presbyters. To this purpose he urges Act. 20. And Philippians 1. and the Epi­stles to Timothy, and Titus, and some others, but all driving to the same issue. To what? Not to prove that Presbyters are sometimes called Presbyters; For who doubts that? But that Bishops are so may be of some consideration and needes a proofe, and this he Undertooke. Now that they are so cal­led must needes inferre an identity and a disparity in severall respects. An identity, at least of Names, for else it had beene wholly impertinent. A disparity, [Page 107] or else his arguments were to prove idem affirma­ri de eodem, which were a businesse next to telling pins. Now then this disparity must be either in or­der, or jurisdiction. By the former probation it is sure that he meanes the orders to be disparate; If jurisdiction too, I am content, but the former is most certaine, if he stand to his owne principles.

This identity then which S. Hierome expresses of Episcopus and Presbyter, must be either in Name or in jurisdiction. I know not certainely which he meanes, for his arguments conclude onely for the i­dentity of Names, but his conclusion is for identity of jurisdiction, & in communi debere Ecclesiam regere, is the intent of his discourse. If he meanes the first, viz: that of Names, it is well enough, there is no harme done, it is in confesso apud omnes, but con­cludes nothing (as I shall shew hereafter) but be­cause he intends (so farre as may be guess'd by his words) a parity and concurrence of jurisdiction, this must be consider'd distinctly.

1. Then; in the first founding of Churches the Apostles did appoint Presbyters, and inferiour Mi­nisters with a power of baptizing, preaching, conse­crating and reconciling in privato foro, but did not in every Church at the first founding it, constitute a Bishop. This is evident in Crete, in Ephesus, in Co­rinth, at Rome, at Antioch.

2. Where no Bishops were constituted there the Apostles kept the jurisdiction in their owne hands [There comes upon me (saith S. Paul) daily the care or Supravision of all the Churches] Not all absolutely, [Page 108] for not all of the Circumcision, but all of his charge, with which he was once charged, and of which he had not exonerated himselfe by constituting Bishops there, for of these there is the same reason. And a­gaine [If any man obey not our word, [...], 2. Thess. 3. 14. signifie him to me by an Epistle] so he charges the Thessalonians, and therefore of this Church, S. Paul as yet, clearely kept the power in his owne hands. So that the Church was ever in all the parts of it, govern'd by Episcopall, or Aposto­licall authority.

3. For ought appeares in Scripture, the Apo­stles never gave any externall, or coercitive jurisdicti­on in publike, and criminall causes, nor yet power to ordaine Rites or Ceremonies, or to inflict censures, to a Colledge of meere Presbyters. * The contrary may be greedily swallowed, and I know not with how great confidence, and prescribing prejudice; but there is not in all Scripture any commission from Christ, any ordinance or warrant from the Apostles to any Presbyter, or Colledge of Presbyters without a Bishop, or expresse delegation of Apostolicall autho­rity (tanquam vicario suo, as to his substitute in ab­sense of the Bishop or Apostle) to inflict any censures, or take cognisance of persons and causes criminall. Presbyters might be surrogati in locum Episcopi ab­sentis, but never had any ordinary jurisdiction given them by vertue of their ordination, or any commission, from Christ or his Apostles.

This we may best consider by induction of par­ticulars.

[Page 109] 1. There was a Presbytery at Ierusalem, but they had a Bishop alwayes, and the Colledge of the Apostles sometimes, therefore whatsoever act they did, it was in conjunction with, and subordination to the Bishop & Apostles. Now it cannot be denyed both that the Apostles were superiour to all the Presbyters in Ieru­salem, and also had power alone to governe the Church. I say they had power to governe alone, for they had the government of the Church alone before they ordayn'd the first Presbyters, that is be­fore there were any of capacity to joyne with them, they must doe it themselves, and then also they must retaine the same power, for they could not loose it by giving Orders. Now if they had a power of sole jurisdiction, then the Presbyters being in some pub­like acts in conjunction with the Apostles cannot challenge a right of governing as affixed to their Or­der, they onely assisting in subordination, and by dependency.

This onely by the way; In Ierusalem the Pres­byters were some thing more then ordinary, and were not meere Presbyters in the present, and limited sense of the word. For Barnabas, and Iudas, and Silas [ [...] S. Luke calls them] were of that Presbytery. [...]. They were Rulers, and Prophets, Chiefe men amongst the Act. 15. Brethren, & yet called Elders, or Presbyters though of Apostolicall power and authority, [...] saith Oecumenius. For truth is, in Act. Apost. that diverse of them were ordain'd Apostles with an Vnlimited jurisdiction, not fix'd upon any See, that [Page 110] they also might together with the twelve, exire in totum mundum. * So that in this Presbytery either they were more then meere Presbyters, as Barnabas, and Iudas, and Silas, men of Apostolicall power, and they might well be in conjunction with the twelve, and with the Bishop, they were of equall power, not by vertue of their Presbyterate, but by their Aposto­late; or if they were but meere Presbyters, yet be­cause it is certaine, and proov'd, and confess'd that the Apostles had power to governe the Church a­lone, this their taking meere Presbyters in partem regiminis, was a voluntary act, and from this ex­ample was derived to other Churches, and then it is most true, that Presbyteros in communi Ecclesiam regere, was rather, consuetudine Ecclesiae, then domi­nicae dispositionis veritate, (to use S. Hierom's owne expression) for this is more evident then that Bi­shops, doe eminere caeteris, by custome rather then Divine institution. For if the Apostles might rule the Church alone, then that the Presbyters were taken into the Number was a voluntary act of the Apostles, and although fitting to be retain'd where the same reasons doe remaine, and circumstances concurre, yet not necessary because not affixed to their Order; not, Dominicae dispositionis veritate, and not laudable when those reasons cease, and there is an emergency of contrary causes.

2. The next Presbytery we read of is at Antioch, but there we find no acts either of concurrent, or single jurisdiction, but of ordination indeed we doe, Act. 13. and that performed by such men as S. Paul was, and [Page 111] Barnabas, for they were two of the Prophets recko­ned in the Church of Antioch, but I doe not remem­ber them to be called Presbyters in that place, to be sure they were not meere Presbyters as we now Un­derstand the word; as I proved formerly.

3. But in the Church of Ephesus there was a Colledge of Presbyters and they were by the Spirit Act. 20. of God called Bishops, and were appointed by him to be Pastors of the Church of God. This must doe it or nothing. In quo spiritus S. posuit vos Epis­copos, In whom the holy Ghost hath made you Bi­shops. There must lay the exigence of the argument, and if we can find who is meant by [Vos] we shall, I hope, gaine the truth. * S. Paul sent for the Presby­ters, or Elders to come from Ephesus to Miletus, and to them he spoke. * * It's true, but that's not all the [vos], For there were present at that Ser­mon, Sopater, and Aristarchus, and Secundus, and Gaius, and Timothy, and Tychicus, and Trophimus; Act. 20. 4. And although he sent to Ephesus as to the Metropo­lis, and there many Elders were either accidentally, or by ordinary residence, yet those were not all Elders of that Church, but of all Asia, in the Scrip­ture sense, the lessar Asia. For so in the preface of his Sermon S. Paul intimates [ye know that from the first day I came into Asia after what manner I have vers. 18. beene with you at all seasons] His whole conversati­on in Asia was not confin'd to Ephesus, and yet those Elders who were present were witnesses of it all, and therefore were of dispersed habitation, and so it is more clearely infer'd from vers. 25. And [Page 112] now behold I know that YE ALL AMONG WHOM I HAVE GONE preaching the Kingdome of God &c: It was a travaile to preach to all that were present, and therefore most certainly they were inhabitants of places very considerably distant.

Now upon this ground I will raise these conside­rations.

1. If there be a confusion of Names in Scripture, particularly of Episcopus and Presbyter, as it is con­tended for, on one side, and granted on all sides, then where both the words are used, what shall de­termine the signification? For whether (to instance in this place) shall Presbyter limit Episcopus, or E­piscopus extend Presbyter? Why may not Presbyter signify one that is verily a Bishop, as Episcopus sig­nify a meere Presbyter? For it is but an ignorant conceit, where ever Presbyter is named, to fancy it in the proper and limited sense, and not to doe so with Episcopus, and when they are joyned toge­ther, rather to believe it in the limited and present sense of Presbyter, then in the proper and present sense of Episcopus. So that as yet we are indifferent upon the termes. These men sent for from Ephesus, are called [...], Elders or Presby­ters of the Church, but at Miletus, Spiritus S. posu­it vos Episcopos, there they are called Bishops or o­verseers. So that I may as well say here were pro­perly so called Bishops, as another may say, here were meere Presbyters. * And least it be objected in pre­judice of my affirmative, that they could not be Bi­shops, because they were of Ephesus, there never be­ing [Page 113] but one Bishop in one Church. I answer, that in the Apostles times this was not true. For at Ierusa­lem there were many at the same time that had E­piscopall, and Apostolicall authority, and so at Anti­och; as at Ierusalem, where Iames, and Iudas, and Silas, and the Apostles, and Paul and Barnabas at An­tioch, and at Rome, at the same time Peter and Paul, and Linus, and Clemens, but yet but one of them was fixt, and properly the Bishop of that place. But 2ly All these were not of Ephesus, but the Elders of all Asia, but some from other countries as appears vers. 4. So that although they were all Bishops, wee might easily find distinct Diocesses for them, without incumbring the Church of Ephesus with a multi­plyed incumbency. Thus farre then we are upon even termes, the community of compellations used here, can no more force us to believe them all to be meere Presbyters, then Bishops in the proper sense.

2. It is very certain that they were not all meer Presbyters at his fare-well Sermon, for S. Timothy was there, and I proved him to be a Bishop by abun­dant testimony, and many of those which are recko­ned v. 4. were companions of the Apostle in his journey, and imployed in mission Apostolicall for the founding of Churches, and particularly, Sosipater was there, and he was Bishop of Iconium, and Tychi­cus of Chalcedon in Bythinia, as Dorotheus and Eu­sebius witnesse; and Trophimus of Arles in France, Vbi supra. for so is witnessed by the suffragans of that pro­vince in their Epistle to S. Leo. But without all doubt here were Bishops present as well as Presby­ters, [Page 114] for besides the premises we have a witnesse be­yond exception, the ancient S. Irenaeus, In Mileto e­nim convocatis Episcopis, & Presbyteris qui erant eb Lib. 3. cap. 14. Epheso, & à reliquis proximis civitatibus, quoniam ipse festinavit Hierosolymis Pentecosten agere, &c. S. Paul making hast to keep his Pentecost at Ierusa­lem, at Miletus, did call together the Bishops and Presbyters, from Ephesus, and the neighbouring Cit­ties. * Now to all these in conjunction S. Paul spoke, and to these indeed the Holy Ghost had con­credited his Church to be fed, and taught with Pa­storall supravision, but in the mean while here is no commission of power, or jurisdiction to Presbyters distinctly, nor supposition of any such praeexistent power,

3. All that S. Paul said in this narration, was spoken in the presence of them all, but not to them all. For that of v. 18. [ye know how I have been with you in Asia in all seasons,] that indeed was spoke to all the Presbyters that came from Ephesus and the voisinage, viz. in a collective sense, not in a distri­butive, for each of them was not in all the circuit of his Asian travailes; but this was not spoken to Sopa­ter the Beraean, or to Aristarchus the Thessalonian, but to Tychicus, and Trophimus, who were Asians it might be addressed. And for that of v. 25. [yee all among whom I have gone preaching shall see my face no more,] this was directed only to the Asians, for he was never more to come thither; but Timothy to be sure, saw him afterwards, for S. Paul sent for him, a litle before his death, to Rome, and it will not [Page 115] be supposed he neglected to attend him. So that if there were a conjunction of Bishops, and Presbyters at this meeting, as most certainly there was, and of Evangelists, and Apostolicall men besides, how shall it be known, or indeed with any probability suspe­cted that, that clause of vers. 28. Spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos pascere Ecclesiam Dei, does belong to the Ephesine Presbyters, and not particularly to Ti­mothy, who was now actually Bishop of Ephesus, and to Gajus, and to the other Apostolicall men who had at least Episcopall authority, that is, power of founding, and ordering Churches without a fixt and limited jurisdiction?

4. Either in this place is no jurisdiction at all in­timated de antiquo, or concredited de novo, or if there be, it is in the word [...], and [...] v. 28. Bishops, and Feeders; and then it belongs either to the Bishops alone, or to the Presbyters in conjuncti­on with, and subordination to the Bishops, for to the meer Presbyters it cannot be proved to appertaine, by any intination of that place.

5. How and if these Presbyters, which came from Ephesus and the other parts of Asia were made Bishops at Miletus? Then also this way all difficul­ty will be removed. And that so it was is more then probable; for to be sure, Timothy was now entring, and fixing upon his See; and it was consonant to the practise of the Apostles, and the exigence of the thing it selfe, when they were to leave a Church to fixe a Bishop in it; for why else was a Bishop fixt in Ierusa­lem, so long before in other Churches, but because [Page 116] the Apostles were to be scattered from thence, and there the first bloudy field of Martyrdome was to be fought. And the case was equall here, for S. Paul was never to see the Churches of Asia any more, and he foresaw that ravening wolves would enter into the folds, and he had actually plac'd a Bishop in Ephesus, and it is unimaginable, that he would not make equall provision for other Churches, there being the same necessity from the same danger, in them all, and either S. Paul did it now, or never; and that about this time the other sixe Asian Churches had Angels, or Bishops set in their candlesticks, is plain, for there had been a succession in the Church of Pergamus, Antipas was dead, and S. Timothy had sate in Ephesus, and S. Polycarpe at Smyrna many years before S. Iohn writ his Revelation.

6. Lastly, that no jurisdiction was in the Ephe­sine Presbyters, except a delegate, and subordinate, appeares beyond all exception, by S. Pauls first epi­stle to Timothy, establishing in the person of Timo­thy power of coercitive jurisdiction over Presby­ters, and ordination in him alone, without the con­junction of any in commission with him, for ought appeares either there, or else-where.

* 4. The same also in the case of the Cretan Presbyters is cleare. For what power had they of Iurisdiction? For that is it, we now speak of. If they had none before S. Titus came, we are well e­nough at Crete. If they had, why did S. Paul take it from them to invest Titus with it? Or if he did not, to what purpose did he send Titus with all those [Page 117] powers before mentioned? For either the Presby­ters of Crete had jurisdiction in causes criminall e­quall to Titus after his coming, or they had not. If they had, then what did Titus doe there? If they had not, then either they had no jurisdiction at all, or whatsoever it was, it was in subordination to him, they were his inferiours, and he their ordinary Iudge and Governour.

5. One thing more before this be left, must be considered concerning the Church of Corinth, for there was power of excommunication in the Pres­bytery when they had no Bishop, for they had none of diverse yeares after the founding of the Church, and yet S. Paul reprooves them for not ejecting the incestuous person out of the Church.

* This is it that I said before, that the A­postles kept the jurisdiction in their hands where they had founded a Church, and placed no Bishop. For in this case of the Corinthian incest the Apostle did make himselfe the sole Iudge. [For I verily as 1. Cor. 5. 3. absent in body but present in spirit have judged alrea­dy] and then secondly, S. Paul gives the Church V. 4. of Corinth commission and substitution to proceed in this cause [In the name of our Lord Iesus Christ, when ye are gathered together, and MY SPIRIT, that is, My power, My authority, for so he explaines himselfe, MY SPIRIT, WITH THE POWER OF OUR LORD IESVS CHRIST, to deliver him over to Satan. And 3. As all this power is delegate, so it is but declarative in the Corinthians, for S. Paul had given sentence before, and they of Corinth [Page 118] were to publish it. 4. This was a commission gi­ven to the whole assembly, and no more concernes the Presbyters, then the people, and so some have contended; but so it is, but will serve neither of their turnes, neither for an independant Presbytery, nor a conjunctive popularity. As for S. Paul's reprooving them for not inflicting censures on the peccant, I have often heard it confidently averred, but never could see ground for it. The suspicion of it is v. 2. [And ye are puffed up, and have not rather mourned, that he that hath done this deed might be TAKEN AWAY FROM AMONG YOU] Taken away. But by whom? That's the Question. Not by them, to be sure. For TAKEN AWAY FROM You, implies that it is by the power of another, not by their act, for no man can take away any thing from himselfe. He may put it away, not take it, the expression had been very imperfect if this had been his meaning. * Well then: In all these instances, viz. of Ierusa­lem, Antioch, Ephesus, Crete, and Corinth (and these are all I can find in Scripture of any consideration in the present Question) all the jurisdiction was ori­ginally in the Apostles while there was no Bishop, or in the Bishop when there was any; And yet that the Presbyters were joyned in the ordering Church affaires I will not deny, to wit, by voluntary as­suming them, in partem sollicitudinis, and by dele­gation of power Apostolicall, or Episcopall, and by way of assistance in acts deliberative, and consilia­ry, though I find this no where specified but in the Church of Ierusalem, where I prooved that the El­ders [Page 119] were men of more power then meere Presby­ters, men of Apostolicall authority. But here lies the issue, and straine of the Question.

Presbyters had no jurisdiction in causes crimi­nall, and pertaining to the publick regiment of the Church, by vertue of their order, or without parti­cular substitution, and delegation. For there is not in all Scripture any commission given by Christ to meere Presbyters, no divine institution of any power of regiment in the Presbytery; no constituti­on Apostolicall, that meere Presbyters should either alone, or in conjunction with the Bishop governe the Church; no example in all Scripture of any cen­sure inflicted by any meere Presbyters, either upon Clergy or Laity; no specification of any power that they had so to doe; but to Churches where Col­ledges of Presbyters were resident, Bishops were sent by Apostolicall ordination; not only with power of imposition of hands, but of excommunication, of taking cognisance even of causes, and actions of Presbyters themselves, as to Titus, and Timothy, the Angell of the Church of Ephesus; and there is also example of delegation of power of censures from the Apostle to a Church where many Presby­ters were fix't, as in the case of the Corinthian de­linquent before specified, which delegation was needlesse, if coercitive jurisdiction by censures had been by divine right in a Presbyter, or a whole Col­ledge of them.

Now then, returne we to the consideration of S. Hieromes saying: The Church was governed (saith [Page 120] he) communi Presbyterorum consilio, by the com­mon Counsell of the Presbyters. But,

1. Quo jure was this? That the Bishops were Superiour to those which were then called Presby­ters, by custome rather then Divine disposition S. Hie­rome affirmes; but that Presbyters were joyned with the Apostles and Bishops at first, by what right was that? Was not that also by custome and condescen­sion rather then by Divine disposition? S. Hierome does not say but it was. For he speakes onely of matter of fact, not of right, It might have beene o­therwise, though de facto it was so in some places.

* 2. [Communi Presbyterorum consilio] is true in the Church of Ierusalem, where the Elders were A­postolicall men, and had Episcopall authority and something superadded, as Barnabas, and Iudas and Silas, for they had the authority and power of Bi­shops, and an unlimited Diocesse besides, though af­terwards Silas was fixt upon the See of Corinth. But yet even at Ierusalem they actually had a Bishop, who was in that place superiour to them in Iurisdi­ction, and therefore does clearely evince, that the common-counsell of Presbyters is no argument a­gainst the superiority of a Bishop over them.

* 3. [Communi Presbyterorum consilio] is also true, because the Apostles call'd themselves Presby­ters, as S. Peter, and S. Iohn, in their Epistles. Now at the first, many Prophets, many Elders (for the words are sometimes us'd in common) were for a while resident in particular Churches, and did go­verne in common; As at Antioch were Barnabas, [Page 121] and Simeon, and Lucius, and Manaen, and Paul. Communi horum Presbyterorum consilio the Church of Antioch for a time was governed; for all these were Presbyters, in the sense that S. Peter and S. Iohn were, and the Elders of the Church of Ieru­salem.

* 4. Suppose this had beene true in the sense that any body please to imagine, yet this not being by any divine ordinance, that Presbyters should by their Counsell assist in externall regiment of the Church, neither by any intimation of Scripture, nor by affirmation of S. Hierome, it is sufficient to stifle this by that saying of S. Ambrose, Postquàm omni­bus in Ephes. 4. locis Ecclesiae sunt constitutae, & officia ordinata, alitèr composita res est quàm caperat. It might be so at first de facto, and yet no need to be so neither then, nor after. For at first Ephesus had no Bishop of it's owne, nor Crete, and there was no need, for S. Paul had the supra-vision of them, and S. Iohn, and other of the Apostles, but yet afterwards S. Paul did send Bishops thither; for when themselves were to goe away, the power must be concredited to a­nother; And if they in their absence before the con­stituting of a Bishop had intrusted the care of the Church with Presbyters, yet it was but in depen­dance on the Apostles, and by substitution, not by any ordinary power, and it ceased at the presence or command of the Apostle, or the sending of a Bi­shop to reside. [...]. Epist. ad An­tioch. So S. Ignati­us being absent from his Church upon a businesse of [Page 122] being persecuted, he writ to his Presbyters, Doe you feed the flock amongst you, till God shall shew you who shall be your Ruler, viz. My Successor. No longer. Your commission expires when a Bi­shop comes.

* 5. To the conclusion of S. Hieromes discourse, viz. That Bishops are not greater then Presbyters by the truth of divine disposition; I answer, that this is true in this sense, Bishops are not by Divine disposi­tion greater then all those which in Scripture are cal­led Presbyters, such as were the Elders in the Coun­cell at Ierusalem, such as were they of Antioch, such as S. Peter and S. Iohn, [...], all, and yet all of them were not Bishops in the present sense, that is of a fixt and particular Diocesse, and Iurisdiction.

* 2ly S. Hieromes meaning is also true in this sense, [Bishops by the truth of the Lords disposition are not greater then Presbyters,] viz. quoad exercitium actûs, that is, they are not tyed to exercise jurisdiction solely in their owne persons, but may asciscere sibi Presbyteros in commune consilium, they may dele­gate jurisdiction to the Presbyters; and that they did not so, but kept the exercise of it only in their owne hands in S. Hieromes time, this is it, which he saith is rather by custome, then by Divine dispensation, for it was otherwise at first, viz. de facto, and might be so still, there being no law of God against the de­legation of power Episcopall. * As for the last words in the objection, [Et in communi debere Ec­clesiam regere,] it is an assumentum of S. Hieromes owne; for all his former discourse was of the identity [Page 123] of Names, and common regiment de facto, not de ju­re, and from a fact to conclude with a Debere, is a Non sequitur, unlesse this Debere be understood ac­cording to the exigence of the former arguments, that is, THEY OUGHT, not by Gods law, but in imi­tation of the practise Apostolicall; to wit, when things are as they were then, when the Presbyters are such as then they were; THEY OUGHT, for many conside­rations, and in Great cases, not by the necessity of a Divine precept.

* And indeed to doe him right he so explaines himselfe, [Et in communi debere Ecclesiam regere, imitantes Moysen qui cùm haberet in potestate solus praeesse populo Israel, septuaginta elegit, cum quibus populum judicaret.] The Presbyters ought to Iudge in common with the Bishop, for the Bishops ought to imitate Moses, who might have rul'd alone, yet was content to take others to him, and himselfe on­ly to rule in chiefe. Thus S. Hierome would have the Bishops doe, but then he acknowledges the right of sole jurisdiction to be in them, and therefore though his Councell perhaps might be good then, yet it is necessary at no time, and was not followed then, and to be sure is needlesse now. * For the ar­guments which S. Hierome uses to prove this his in­tention what ever it is, I have and shall else where produce, for they yeeld many other considerations then this collection of S. Hierome, and prove no­thing lesse then the equality of the offices of Episco­cy and Presbyterate. The same thing is per omnia respondent to the paralell place of In 1. Tim. 3. [...]. Homil. 11. S. Chrysostome, [Page 124] It is needlesse to repeat either the objection, or an­swer.

* But however this saying of S. Hierome, and the paralell of S. Chrysostome is but like an argument a­gainst an Evident truth, which comes forth upon a desperate service, and they are sure to be kill'd by the adverse party, or to runne upon their owne Swords; For either they are to be understood in the senses above explicated, and then they are imperti­nent, or else they contradict evidence of Scrip­ture and Catholike antiquity, and so are false, and dye within their owne trenches.

I end this argument of tradition Apostolicall with that saying of S. Hierome in the same place. Postquam Vnusquis (que) eos quos baptizabat suos putabat esse, non Christi, & diceretur in populis, Ego sum Pau­li, Ego Apollo, Ego autem Cephae, in toto orbe decre­tum est ut Vnus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris, ut schismatum semina tollerentur. That is, a publike decree issued out in the Apostles times, that in all Churches one should be chosen out of the Cler­gy, and set over them, viz. to rule and governe the flock commited to his charge. This I say was in the Apostles times, even upon the occasion of the Corin­thian schisme, for then they said I am of Paul, and I of Apollo, and then it was, that he that baptized any Catechumens, tooke them for his owne not as Christs disciples. So that it was, tempore Apostolo­rum, that this decree was made, for in the time of the Apostles S. Iames, and S. Marke, and S. Timothy, and S. Titus were made Bishops by S. Hieromes expresse [Page 125] attestation; It was also [toto orbe decretum] so that if it had not beene proved to have beene an imme­diate Divine institution, yet it could not have gone much lesse, it being, as I have proved, and as S. Hie­rome acknowledges CATHOLIKE, and APOSTO­LICK. *

BEe ye followers of me as I am of Christ, is an Apostolicall precept. We have § 22. And all this hath beene the faith & practise of Christen­dome. seene how the Apostles have follow­ed Christ, how their tradition is consequent of Divine institution; Next let us see, how the Church hath fol­lowed the Apostles, as the Apostles have followed Christ. CATHOLIKE PRACTISE is the next Basis of the power and order of Episcopacy. And this shall be in subsidium to them also that call for redu­ction of the state Episcopall to a primitive consi­stence, and for the confirmation of all those pious sonnes of Holy Church, who have a venerable esti­mate of the publike and authoriz'd facts of Catho­like Christendome.

[Page 126] * For Consider we, Is it imaginable, that all the world should immediately after the death of the A­postles conspire together to seek themselves, and not, ea quae sunt Iesu Christi; to erect a government of their owne devising, not ordayn'd by Christ, not delivered by his Apostles, and to relinquish a Di­vine foundation, and the Apostolicall superstructure, which if it was at all, was a part of our Masters will, which whosoever knew, and observed not, was to be beaten with many stripes? Is it imaginable, that those gallant men who could not be brought off from the prescriptions of Gentilisme to the seeming impossibilities of Christianity, without evidence of Miracle, and clarity of Demonstration upon agreed principles, should all upon their first adhesion to Christianity, make an Universall dereliction of so considerable a part of their Masters will, and leave Gentilisme to destroy Christianity, for he that e­rects another Oeconomy then what the Master of the family hath ordayn'd, destroyes all those rela­tions of mutuall dependance which Christ hath made for the coadunation of all the parts of it, and so destroyes it in the formality of a Christian con­gregation or family?

* Is it imaginable, that all those glorious Mar­tyrs, that were so curious observers of Divine San­ctions, and Canons Apostolicall, that so long as that ordinance of the Apostles concerning abstinence from bloud was of force, they would rather dye then eat a strangled hen, or a pudding, (for so Eu­sebius relates of the Christians in the particular in­stance [Page 127] of Biblis and Blandina) that they would be so sedulous in the contemning the government that Christ left for his family, and erect another?

* To what purpose were all their watchings, their banishments, their fears, their fastings, their penances and formidable austerities, and finally their so frequent Martyrdomes, of what excellen­cy or availe, if after all, they should be hurried out of this world and all their fortunes and possessions, by untimely, by disgracefull, by dolourous deaths, to be set before a tribunall to give account of their universall neglect, and contemning of Christs last testament, in so great an affaire, as the whole go­vernment of his Church?

* If all Christendome should be guilty of so o­pen, so united a defiance against their Master, by what argument, or confidence can any misbeliever be perswaded to Christianity, which in all its mem­bers for so many ages together is so unlike its first institution, as in its most publike affaire, and for matter of order of the most generall concernement, is so contrary to the first birth?

* Where are the promises of Christ's perpetu­all assistance, of the impregnable permanence of the Church against the gates of Hell, of the Spirit of truth to lead it into all truth, if she be guilty of so grand an errour, as to erect a throne where Christ had made all levell, or appointed others to sit in it, then whom he suffers. * Either Christ hath left no government, or most certainly the Church hath re­tain'd that Government whatsoever it is, for the [Page 128] contradictory to these would either make Christ improvident, or the Catholick Church extreamely negligent (to say no worse) and incurious of her depositum. * But upon the confidence of all * Christendome (if there were no more in it) I * suppose we may fairely venture. Sit anima mea * cum Christianis.

THE first thing done in Christendome, upon the § 23. Who first distingui­shed Names used before in common. death of the Apostles in this matter of Episcopa­cy, is the distinguishing of Names, which before were common. For in holy Scripture all the names of Clericall offices were given to the superiour or­der, and particularly all offices, and parts, and per­sons design'd in any imployment of the sacred Preist­hood, were signified by Presbyter and Presbyterium. And therefore least the confusion of Names might perswade an identity and indistinction of office, the wisdome of H. Church found it necessary to distin­guish and separate orders, and offices by distinct and proper appellations. [For the Apostles did know by our Lord Iesus Christ that contentions would arise, [...], about the name of Episcopa­cy,] saith S. Clement, and so it did in the Church of Corinth, as soon as their Apostle had expired his Epist. ad Co­rinth. last breath. But so it was.

1. The Apostles, which I have proved to be the supreame ordinary office in the Church, and to be succeeded in, we called in Scripture [...], Elders or Presbyters, [...], saith S. Peter the Apostle, the Elders, 1. Pet. 5. 1. [Page 129] or Presbyters that are among you, I also who am an Elder, or Presbyter doe intreat. Such elders S. Peter spoke to, as he was himselfe, to wit, those to whom the regiment of the Church was committed; the Bi­shops of Asia, Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, and Bi­thynia, that is to Timothy, to Titus, to Tychicus, to Sosipater, to the Angells of the Asian Churches, and all others whom himselfe in the next words points out by the description of their office, [...], &c. Feed the flock of God as Bishops, or being Bishops and overseers over it; And that to rulers he then spake is evident by his [...], for it was impertinent to have war­ned them of tyranny, that had no rule at all. * The meere Presbyters, I deny not, but are included in this admonition; for as their office is involved in the Bishops office, the Bishop being Bishop and Presby­ter too, so is his duty also in the Bishops; so that pro ratâ the Presbyter knowes what lies on him by pro­portion and intuition to the Bishops admonition. But againe. * [...], saith S. Iohn the Apostle; and, [...]. The Pres­byter to Gajus; the Presbyter to the elect Lady.

2. * If Apostles be called Presbyters, no harme though Bishops be called so too, for Apostles, and Bishops are all one in ordinary office as I have pro­ved formerly. Thus are those Apostolicall men in the Colledge at Ierusalem called Presbyters, whom yet the Holy Ghost calleth, [...], principall men, ruling men, and [...], the Presbyters that rule well. By Presbyters are meant [Page 130] Bishops, to whom only according to the intention, and exigence of Divine institution the Apostle had concredited the Church of Ephesus, and the neigh­bouring Citties, ut solus quis (que) Episcopus praesit omni­bus, as appears in the former discourse. The same also is Acts 20. The Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops, and yet the same men are called [...]. The one place expounds the other, for they are both ad idem, and speake of Elders of the same Church.

* 3. Although Bishops be called Presbyters, yet even in Scripture names are so distinguished, that meer Presbyters are never called Bishops, unlesse it be in conjunction with Bishops, and then in the Ge­nerall addresse, which, in all faire deportments, is made to the more eminent, sometimes Presbyters are, or may be comprehended. This observation if it prove true, will clearely show, that the confusion of names of Episcopus, and Presbyter, such as it is in Scripture, is of no pretence by any intimation of Scripture, for the indistinction of offices, for even the names in Scripture it selfe are so distinguished, that a meere Presbyter alone is never called a Bishop, but a Bishop an Apostle is often called a Presbyter, as in the instances above. But we will consider those places of Scripture, which use to be pretended in those impertinent arguings from the identity of Name, to confusion of things, and shew that they neither enterfere upon the maine Question, nor this observation. * Paul and Timotheus to all the saints which are in Christ Iesus which are at Philippi, with [Page 131] the Bishops and Deacons. I am willinger to choose this instance, because the place is of much considera­tion in the whole Question, and I shall take this oc­casion to cleare it from prejudice and disadvan­tage.

* By Bishops are here meant Presbyters, because * many Bishops in a Church could not be, and yet * S. Paul speaks plurally of the Bishops of the * Church of Philippi, and therefore must meane * meere Presbyters * so it is pretended.

1. Then; By [Bishops] are, or may be meant the whole superior order of the clergy, Bishops and Priests, and that he speaks plurally, he, may besides the Bishops in the Church, comprehend under their name the Presbyters too; for why may not the name becomprehended as well as the office, and order, the inferiour under the superiour, the lesser within the greater; for since the order of Presbyters is in­volved in the Bishops order, and is not only inclu­sively in it, but derivative from it; the same name may comprehend both persons, because it does comprehend the distinct offices and orders of them both. And in this sense it is (if it be at all) that Presbyters are sometimes in Scripture called Bi­shops.

* 2. Why may not [Bishops] be understood properly; For there is no necessity of admiitting that there were any meere Presbyters at all at the first founding of this Church, It can neither be proved from Scripture, nor antiquity, if it were de­nyed: For indeed a Bishop or a company of Episco­pall [Page 132] men as there were at Antioch, might doe all that Presbyters could, and much more. And conside­ring that there are some necessities of a Church which a Presbyter cannot supply, and a Bishop can, it is more imaginable that there was no Presbyter, then that there was no Bishop. And certainely it is most unlikely, that what is not expressed, to wit, Presbyters should be onely meant, and that which is expressed should not be at all intended.

* 3. [With the Bishops] may be understood in the proper sense, and yet no more Bishops in one Diocesse then one, of a fixt residence; for in that sense is S. Chrysostome and the fathers to be under­stood [...]. Chrys. in 1. Phil. in their commentaries on this place, affirming that one Church could have but one Bishop; but then take this along, that it was not then unusuall in such great Churches, to have many men who were tem­porary residentiaries, but of an Apostolicall and E­piscopall authority, as in the Churches of Ierusalem, Rome, Antioch, there was as I have proved in the premises. Nay in Philippi it selfe, If I mistake not, as instance may be given, full, and home to this purpose. Salutant te Episcopi One simus, Bitus, De­mas, Polybius, & omnes qui sunt Philippis in Christo, unde & haec vobis Scripsi, saith Ignatius in his Epistle to Hero his Deacon. So that many Bishops (we see) might be at Philippi, and many were actually there long after S. Paul's dictate of the Epistle.

* 4. Why may not [Bishops] be meant in the proper sense? Because there could not be more Bi­shops then one, in a Diocesse. No? By what law? If [Page 133] by a constitution of the Church after the Apostles times, that hinders not, but it might be otherwise in the Apostles times. If by a Law in the Apostles times, then we have obtained the main question by the shift, and the Apostles did ordain that there should be one, and but one Bishop in a Church, al­though it is evident they appointed many Presby­ters. And then let this objection be admitted how it will, and doe its worst, we are safe enough.

* 5. [With the Bishops] may be taken distribu­tively, for Philippi was a Metropolis, and had di­verse Bishopricks under it, and S. Paul writing to the Church of Philippi, wrote also to all the daughter Churches within its circuit, and therefore might well salute many Bishops, though writing to one Me­tropolis, and this is the more probable, if the reading of this place be accepted according to Oecumenius, for he reads it not [...], but [...], Co­episcopis, & Diaconis, Paul and Timothy to the Saints at Philippi, and to our fellow Bishops.

* 6. S. Ambrose referres this clause of [Cum E­piscopis, & Diaconis,] to S. Paul and S. Timothy, in­timating In 1. Philip. that the benediction, and salutation was sent to the Saints at Philippi from S. Paul and S. Ti­mothy with the Bishops and Deacons, so that the rea­ding must be thus; Paul, and Timothy with the Bi­shops and Deacons, to all the Saints at Philippi &c. Cum Episcopis & Diaconis, hoc est, cum Paulo, & Timotheo, qui uti (que) Episcopi erant, simul & significa­vit Diaconos qui ministrabant ei. Ad plebem enim scribit. Nam si Episcopis scriberet, & Diaconi, [Page 134] ad personas eorum scriberet, & loci ipsius Episcopo scribendum erat, non duobus, vel tribus, sicut & ad Titum & Timotheum.

* 7. The like expression to this is in the Epistle of S. Clement to the Corinthians, which may give ano­ther light to this; speaking of the Apostles, [...]. Pag. 54. They delivered their first fruits to the Bishops and Deacons. Bishops here indeed may be taken di­stributively, and so will not inferre that many Bi­shops were collectively in any one Church, but yet this gives intimation for another exposition of this clause to the Philippians. For here either Presby­ters are meant by [...], Ministers, or else Presby­ters are not taken care of in the Ecclesiasticall pro­vision, which no man imagines, of what interest so­ever he be; it followes then that [Bishops and Dea­cons] are no more but Majores, and Minores Sacer­dotes in both places; for as Presbyter, and Episcopus were confounded, so also Presbyter and Diaconus; And I thinke it will easily be shewen in Scripture, that the word [Diaconus,] is given oftner to Apo­stles, and Bishops, and Presbyters, then to those mi­nisters which now by way of appropriation we call Deacons. But of this anon. Now againe to the main observation.

* Thus also it was in the Church of Ephesus, for S. Paul writing to their Bishop, and giving order for the constitution and deportment of the Church or­ders 1. Timoth. 3. and officers, gives directions first for Bishops, then for Deacons. Where are the Presbyters in the [Page 135] interim? Either they must be comprehended in Bishops or in Deacons. They may as well be in one as the other; for [Diaconus] is not in Scripture any more appropriated to the inferiour Clergy, then Episcopus to the Superiour, nor so much neither. For Episcopus was never us'd in the new Testament for any, but such, as had the care, regiment, and supra-vision of a Church, but Diaconus was used generally for all Ministeries.

But yet supposing that Presbyters were included under the word Episcopus, yet it is not because the offices and orders are one, but because that the or­der of a Presbyter is comprehended within the di­gnity of a Bishop. And then indeed the compellation is of the more principall, and the Presbyter is also comprehended, for his conjunction, and involution in the Superiour, which was the principall observa­tion here intended. Nam in Episcopo omnes ordines sunt, quia primus Sacerdos est, hoc est, Princeps est Sa­cerdotum, & Propheta & Evangelista, & caetera ad­implenda officia Ecclesiae in Ministerio Fidelium. saith S. Ambrose. * So that if in the description of in Ephis. 4. * Idem ait S. Dionysius Ec­cles. hierarch. cap. 5. [...]. the qualifications of a Bishop, he intends to qualifie Presbyters also, then it is Principally intended for a Bishop, and of the Presbyters only by way of subor­dination and comprehension. This only by the way, because this place is also abused to other issues; To be sure it is but a vaine dreame that because Presby­ter is not nam'd, that therefore it is all one with a Bishop, when as it may be comprehended under Bi­shop as a part in the whole, or the inferiour, within the [Page 136] superiour, (the office of a Bishop having in it the office of a Presbyter and something more) or else it may be as well intended in the word [Deacons,] and rather then the word, [Bishop] 1. Because [Bi­shop] is spoken of in the singular number, [Deacons] in the Plurall, and so liker to comprehend the mul­titude of Presbyters. 2. Presbyters, or else Bishops, and therefore much more Presbyters, are called by S. Paul, [...], Ministers, Deacons is the word, [...], Deacons by whose Ministra­tion yee beleived; and 3. By the same argument Dea­cons may be as well one with the Bishop too, for in the Epistle to Titus, S. Paul describes the office of a Bishop, and sayes not a word more either of Pres­byter or Deacons office; and why I pray, may not the office of Presbyters in the Epistle to Timothy be o­mitted, as well as Presbyters, and Deacons too in that to Titus? or else why may not Deacons be con­founded, and be all one with Bishop, as well as Pres­byter? It will, it must be so, if this argument were any thing else but an aëry and impertinent nothing.

After all this yet, it cannot be showne in Scrip­ture that any one single, and meere Presbyter is cal­led a Bishop, but may be often found that a Bishop, nay an Apostle is called a Presbyter, as in the instan­ces above, and therefore since this communication of Names is onely in descension, by reason of the involution, or comprehension of Presbyter within (Episcopus), but never in ascension, that is, an Apo­stle, or a Bishop, is often called Presbyter, and Dea­con, and Prophet, and Pastor, and Doctor, but never [Page 137] retrò, that a meere Deacon or a meere Presbyter, should be called either Bishop, or Apostle, it can ne­ver be brought either to depresse the order of Bi­shops below their throne, or erect meere Presbyters above their stalls in the Quire. For we may as well confound Apostle, and Deacon, and with clearer probability, then Episcopus, and Presbyter. For A­postles, and Bishops, are in Scripture often called Deacons. I gave one instance of this before, but there are very many. [...] was said of S. Matthias when he succeded Iudas in the Aposto­late. [...], said S. Paul to Timothy Bishop of Ephesus. S. Paul is called [...]. 2 Cor. 6. 4. A Deacon of the New Testament, and [...], 1. Cor. 3. 5. is said of the first founders of the Corin­thian Church; Deacons by whom ye beleived. Paul and Apollos were the men. It is the observation of S. Chrysostome, [...], in 1. Philip: And a Bishop was called a Deacon, wherefore writing to Timothy he saith to him being a Bishop, Fulfillthy Deaconship.

* Adde to this, that there is no word, or desig­nation of any Clericall office, but is given to Bi­shops, and Apostles. The Apostles are called [Pro­phets] Acts 13. The Prophets at Antioch, were Lucius and Manaën, and Paul and Barnabas; and then they are called [Pastors] too; and indeed, hoc ipso that they are Bishops, they are Pastors. Spiritus S. posuit vos Episcopos PASCERE ECCLESIAM DEI. Where­upon trhe Geeke Scholiast expounds the word [Pa­stors] [Page 138] to signifie Bishops, [...]. And ever since that S. Peter set us a copie in the compellation of the Prototype calling him the Great Sheapherd, and Bi­shop of our soules, it hath obtayned in all antiquity, that Pastors and Bishops are coincident, and we shall very hardly meet with an instance to the contrary.

* If Bishops be Pastors, then they are Doctors al­so, for these are conjunct, when other offices which may in person be united, yet in themselves are made disparate. For [God hath given some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some PASTORS AND Ephes. 4. TEACHERS,] [...], If Pastors, then also Doctors, and Teachers. And this is observed by S. Austin. Pastors, & Doctors whom you wouldEpist. 59. ad Paulinum.have me to distinguish, I think are one and the same. For Paul doth not say; some Pastors, some Doctors, but to Pastors he joyneth Doctors, that Pastors might understand it belongeth to their office to teach. The same also is affirmed by Sedulius upon this place.

Thus it was in Scripture; But after the Churches were setled & Bishops fix't upon their severall Sees, then the Names also were made distinct, only those names which did designe temporary offices did ex­pire [...] saith S. Chrysostome, Thus farre the names were common, viz. in the sense above explicated, [...]. But imme­diately the names were made proper and distinct, and to every order it's owne Name is left, of a Bishop to a Bishop, of a Presbyter to a Presbyter. * This could [Page 139] not be suppos'd at first, for when they were to bor­row words from the titles of secular honour, or of­fices, and to transplant them to an artificiall, and im­posed sense, USE, which is the Master of language, must rule us in this affaire, and USE is not contra­cted but in some processe, and descent of time. * For at first, Christendome it selfe wanted a Name, and the Disciples of the Glorious Nazarene were Chri­st'ned first in Antioch, for they had their baptisme some yeares before they had their Name. It had been no wonder then, if per omnia it had so happened in the compellation of all the offices and orders of the Church.

BVt immediately after the Apostles, and still more § 24. Appropria­ting the word Epis­copus or Bishop to the Su­preame Church-of­ficer, in descending ages Episcopus signified only the Superintendent of the Church, the Bishop in the pre­sent, & vulgar conception. Some few examples I shal give insteed of Myriads. In the Canons of the Apo­stles the word [...], or Bishop is us'd 36 times in appropriation to him that is the Ordinary Ruler & president of the Church above the Clergie and the Laity, being 24 times expressely distinguish'd from Presbyter, and in the other 14 having particular care for government, jurisdiction, censures and Ordina­tions committed to him as I shall shew hereafter, and all this is within the verge of the first 50 which are received as Authentick, by the Councell of Can. 15. & 16. Nice; of c. 9. & alibi. Antioch, 25 Canons whereof are taken out of the Canons of the Apostles: the Councell of Gangra calling them Canones Ecclesiasticos, and Apo­stolicas [Page 140] traditiones; by the Epistle of the first Coun­cell of Constantinople to Damasus, which Theodoret hath inserted into his story; by the post advent. Episc. Cypri. Councell of E­phesus; by advers. Praxeam. Tertullian; by lib. 3. c. 59. de vitâ Const. Constantine the Great; and are sometimes by way of eminency called THE CANONS, sometimes, THE ECCLESIASTICALL CANONS, sometimes, the ancient and received Ca­nons of our Fathers, sometimes the Apostolicall Ca­nons, [...], said the Fathers of the Councell in Ca. 4. cap. 18. de Ortbod: fide Trullo: and Damascen puts them in order next to the Canon of Holy Scripture: so in effect does I sidore in his preface to the worke of the Councells, for he sets these Canons in front, because Sancti Patres eorum sententias authoritate Synodali roborarunt, & inter Canonicas posuerunt Constitutiones. The H. Fa­thers have established these Canons by the authority of Councells, and have put them amongst the Canoni­call Constitutions. And great reason, for in Pope Ste­phens time, they were translated into Latine by one Dionysius at the intreaty of Laurentius, because then Anno Dom: 257. the old Latine copies were rude and barbarous. Now then this second translation of them being made in Pope Stephens time, who was contempora­ry with S. Irenaeus and S. Cyprian, the old copie, el­der then this, and yet after the Originall to be sure, shewes them to be of prime antiquity, and they are mention'd by S. Stephen in an Epistle of his to Bi­shop Hilarius, where he is severe in censure of them who doe prevaricate these Canons.

[Page 141] * But for farther satisfaction I referre the Rea­der to the Epistle of Gregory Holloander to the Mo­derators of the Citie of Norimberg. I deny not but they are called Apocryphall by Gratian, and some o­thers, viz. in the sense of the Church, just as the wisdome of Solomon, or Ecclesiasticus, but yet by most, beleived to be written by S. Clement, from the dictate of the Apostles, and without all Question, are so farre Canonicall, as to be of undoubted Ec­clesiasticall authority, and of the first Antiquity.

Ignatius his testimony is next in time and in au­thority. Epist. ad Trall. [...]. The Bishop bears the image and representment of the Fa­ther of all. And a little after, [...] &c. What is the Bishop, but he that hath all authority and rule? What is the Presbytery, but a sacred Colledge, Counsellors and helpers or assessors to the Bishop? what are Deacons &c: So that here is the reall, and exact distinction of dignity, the ap­propriation of Name, and intimation of office. The Bishop is above all, the Presbyters his helpers, the Deacons his Ministers, [...], imitators of the Angells who are Ministring Spirits. But this is of so known, so evident a truth, that it were but impertinent to insist longer upon it. Him­selfe in three of his Epistles uses it nine times in di­stinct enumeration, viz. to the Trallians, to the Philadelphians, to the Philippians. * And now I shall insert these considerations.

[Page 142] 1. Although it was so that Episcopus, and Pres­byter were distinct in the beginning after the Apo­stles death, yet sometimes the names are used pro­miscuously, which is an evidence, that confusion of names is no intimation, much lesse an argument for the parity of offices, since themselves, who some­times though indeed very seldome, confound the names, yet distinguish the offices frequently, and dogmatically. [...]. Epist. ad He­ron. Where by [...], he means the Presbyters of the Church of Antioch, so indeed some say, and though there be no necessity of admitting this meaning, because by [...] he may mean the suffragan Bishops of Syria, yet the o­ther may be fairely admitted, for himselfe their Bi­shop was absent from his Church, and had delega­ted to the Presbytery Episcopall jurisdiction to rule the Church till hee being dead another Bishop should be chosen, so that they were Episcopi Vicarii, and by representment of the person of the Bishop and execution of the Bishops power by delegation were called [...], and this was done least the Church should not be only without a Father, but without a Guardian too; & yet what a Bishop was, and of what authority no man more confident and frequent then Ignatius. * Another example of this is in Eusebius, speaking of the youth whom S. Iohn had converted and commended to a Bishop. Cle­mens, whose story this was, proceeding in the rela­tion saies, [...] &c. But the Presbyter; un­lesse by [...] here S. Clement means not the [Page 143] Order, but age of the Man, as it is like enough he did, for a little after, he calls him [ [...]] The old man, Tum verò PRESBYTER in domum suam sus­cipit adolescentem. Redde depositum, O EPISCOPE, saith S. Iohn to him. Tunc graviter suspirans SENI­OR &c. So S. Clement. * But this, as it is very un­usuall, so it is just as in Scripture, viz. in descent and comprehension, for this Bishop also was a Presbyter, as well as Bishop, or else in the delegation of Episcopall power, for so it is in the allegation of Ignatius.

2. That this name Episcopus or Bishop was cho­sen to be appropriate to the supreame order of the Clergy, was done with faire reason and designe. For this is no fastuous, or pompous title, the word is of no dignity, and implies none but what is con­sequent to the just and faire execution of its offices. But Presbyter is a name of dignity and veneration, Rise up to the gray head, and it transplants the ho­nour and Reverence of age to the office of the Pres­byterate. And yet this the Bishops left, and took that which signifies a meere supra-vision, and over­looking of his charge, so that if we take estimate from the names, Presbyter is a name of dignity, and Episcopus, of office and burden. * [He that desires the office of a Bishop, desires a good work.] [...]. Saith S. Chrysostome. Nec dicit si quis Epis­copatum desider at, bonum desider at gradum, sed bonum opus desider at, quod in majore ordine constitutus possit si velit occasionem habere exercendarum virtutum. So S. Hierome. It is not an honoura­ble [Page 144] title, but a good office, and a great opportunity of the exercise of excellent vertues. But for this we need no better testimony then of S. Isidore. Episco­patus autem vocabulum inde dictum, quòd ille qui su­perefficitur Lib. 7. etymo­log. c. 12. superintendat, curam scil. gerens subdi­torum. But, Presbyter Grecè, latinè senior interpre­tatur, non pro aetate, vel decrepitâ senectute, sed pro­pter honorem & dignitatem quam acceperunt. [...], saith Iulius Pollux.

3. Supposing that Episcopus and Presbyter had been often confounded in Scripture, and Antiqui­ty, and that, both in ascension and descension, yet as Priests may be called Angells, and yet the Bishop be THE ANGEL of the Church, [THE ANGEL,] for his excellency, [OF THE CHURCH,] for his ap­propriate preheminence, and singularity, so though Presbyters had been called Bishops in Scripture (of which there is not one example but in the senses a­bove explicated, to wit, in conjunction and com­prehension;) yet the Bishop is [...] by way of eminence, THE BISHOP: and in descent of time, it came to passe, that the compellation, which was al­waies his, by way of eminence was made his by ap­propriation. And a faire precedent of it wee have from the compellation given to our blessed Savi­our, [...], The great sheapheard, and Bishop of our soules. The name [Bi­shop] was made sacred by being the appellative of his person, and by faire intimation it does more im­mediatly descend upon them, who had from Christ [Page 145] more immediate mission, and more ample power, and therefore [Episcopus] and [Pastor] by way of eminence are the most fit appellatives for them who in the Church have the greatest power, office and dignity, as participating of the fulnesse of that power and authority for which Christ was called the Bishop of our soules. * And besides this so faire a Copy; besides the useing of the word in the pro­phecy of the Apostolate of Matthias, and in the prophet Isaiah, and often in Scripture, as I have showne before; any one whereof is abundantly e­nough, for the fixing an appellative upon a Church officer; this name may also be intimated as a distin­ctive compellation of a Bishop over a Priest, be­cause [...] is indeed often used for the office of Bishops, as in the instances above, but [...] is used for the office of the inferiours, for S. Paul writing to the Romans, who then had no Bishop fixed in the chaire of Rome, does command them [...], Rom. 16. 17. not [...], this for the Bishop, that for the subordinate Clergy. So then, the word [Episcopus] is fixt at first, and that by de­rivation, and example of Scripture, and faire con­gruity of reason.

BVt the Church used other appellatives for Bi­shops, § 25. Calling the Bishop and him only the Pastor of the Church, which it is very requisite to specifie, that we may understand diverse authorities of the Fa­thers useing those words in appropriation to Bi­shops, which of late have bin given to Presbyters, ever [Page 146] since they have begun to set Presbyters in the roome of Bishops.

And first, Bishops were called [Pastors] in anti­quity, in imitation of their being called so in Scripture. Eusebius writing the story of S. Ignati­us, lib. 3. hist. c. 36. Deni (que) cùm Smyrnam venisset, ubi Polycarpus erat, scribit inde unam epistolam ad Ephesios, eorum (que) Pa­storem, that is, Onesimus, for so followes, in quâme­minit Onesimi. Now that Onesimus was their Bi­shop, Epist. ad E­phes. himselfe witnesses in the Epistle here mentio­ned, [...] &c. Onesimus was their Bishop, and therefore their Pastor, and in his Epistle ad Antiochenos himselfe makes mention of Evodius [...] your most Bles­sed and worthy PASTOR.

* When Paulus Samosatenus first broached his heresie against the divinity of our blessed Saviour, presently a Councell was called where S. Denis Bi­shop of Alexandria could not be present, Caeteri verò Ecclesiarum PASTORES diversis è locis & urbibus .... convenerunt Antiochiam. In quibus in signes & caeteris praecellentes erant Firmilianus à Caesareá Cap­padociae, Gregorius, & Athenodorus Fratres .... & Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 24. Helenus Sardensis Ecclesiae Episcopus .... Sed & Maximus Bostrensis Episcopus dignus eorum con­sortio cohaerebat. These Bishops, Firmilianus, and Helenus, and Maximus were the PASTORS; and not only so, but Presbyters were not called PAS­TORS, for he proceedes, sed & Prebyteri quamplu­rimi, & Diaconiad supradictam Vrbem .... convent­runt. [Page 147] So that these were not under the generall ap­pellative of Pastors. * And the Councell of Sardis Can. 6. making provision for the manner of election of a Bishop to a Widdow-Church, when the people is urgent for the speedy institution of a Bishop, if any of the Comprovincialls be wanting he must be cer­tifi'd by the Primate, [...], that the multitude require a Pastor to be given vnto them. * The same expression is also in the Epistle of Iulius Bishop of Rome to the Presby­ters, Deacons, and People of Alexandria in behalfe of their Bishop Athanasius, Suscipite ita (que) Fratres hist. tripart­lib. 4. c. 29. charissimi cumomni divinâ gratiâ PASTOREM VES­TRUM ACPRAESULEM tanquam verè [...], And a litle after, & gaudere fruentes orationibus qui PAS­TOREM VESTRUM esuritis & sititis &c: The same is often us'd in S. Hilary and S. Gregory Nazianzen, where Bishops are called PASTORES MAGNI, Great sheapheards, or PASTORS; * When Eusebius the Bishop of Samosata was banished, Vniversi lachrymis prosequuti sunt ereptionem PASTORIS sui, saith The­odoret, they wept for the losse of their PASTOR. And lib. 4. cap. 14. Eulogius a Presbyter of Edessa when he was arguing with the Prefect in behalfe of Christianity, & PAS­TOREM (inquit) habemus, & nutus illius sequimur, we have a PASTOR (a Bishop certainely for himselfe was a Priest) and his commands we follow. But, I Theodoret. lib. 4. c. 18. need not specifie any more particular instances; I touch'd upon it before. * He that shall consider, that to Bishops the regiment of the whole Church was concredited at the first, and the Presbyters were [Page 148] but his assistants in Cities and Villages, and were admitted in partem sollicitudinis, first casually and cursorily, & then by station and fixt residency when Parishes were divided, and endowed, will easily see, that this word [Pastor] must needes be appro­priated to Bishops to whom according to the con­junctive expression of S. Peter, and the practise of infant Christendome [...] and [...], was in­trusted, first solely, then in communication with o­thers, but alwaies principally.

* But now of late, especially in those places where Bishops are exauctorated, and no where else, that I know, but amongst those men that have com­plying designes, the word [Pastor] is given to Parish Priests against the manner and usage of Ancient Christendome; and though Priests may be called Pastors in a limited, subordinate sense, and by way of participation (just as they may be called Angels, when the Bishop is the Angell, and so Pastors when the Bishop is the Pastor, and so they are called Pasto­res ovium in S. Cyprian) but never are they called Pas­tores simply, or Pastores Ecclesiae for above 600 Epist. 11. yeares in the Church, and I think 800 more. And therefore it was good counsell which S. Paul gave, to avoid vocum Novitates, because there is never a­ny affectation of New words contrary to the An­cient voice of Christendome, but there is some de­signe in the thing too, to make an innovation: and of this we have had long warning, in the New use of the word [Pastor].

[Page 149] IF Bishops were the Pastors, then Doctors also; it § 26. And Do­ctor. was the observation which S. Austin made out of Ephes. 4. as I quoted him even now, [For God hath given some Apostles, some Prophets .... some Pastors and Doctors]. So the Church hath learn'd to speak. In the Greeks Councell of Carthage it was decreed, that places which never had a Bishop of their owne should not now have [...], a DOCTOR of their owne, that is a Bishop, but still be subject to the Bishop of the Diocesse to whom formerly they gave obedience; and the title of the chapter is, that the parts of the Diocesse without the Bishops con­sent [...], must not have another Bishop. He who in the title is called Bishop, in the chapter is called the DOCTOR. And thus also, Epi­phanius haeres. 75. speaking of Bishops calleth them, [...], Fathers and DOCTORS, Gratia enim Ec­clesiae laus DOCTORIS est, saith S. Ambrose, speak­ing of the eminence of the Bishop, over the Presby­ters and subordinate Clergy. The same also is to be seen in S. Epist 59. Austin, Sedulius, and diverse others. I deny not but it is in this appellative, as in diverse of the rest, that the Presbyters may in subordination be also called DOCTORS, for every Presbyter must be [...], apt to teach (but yet this is expressed as a requisite in the particular office of a Bishop) and no 1. Tim. 3. where expressely of a Presbyter that I can find in Scripture, but yet because in all Churches, it was by license of the Bishop, that Presbyters did Preach, if at all, and in some Churches the Bishop only did it, [Page 150] particularly of Alexandria ( [...], saith Sozomen) therefore it was that the lib. 7. c. 19. Presbyter, in the language of the Church was not, but the Bishop, was often called, DOCTOR of the Church.

THe next word which the Primitive Church § 27. And Pon­tifex. did use as proper to expresse the offices and emi­nence of Bishops, in PONTIFEX, and PONTIFICA­TUS for Episcopacy. Sed à Domino edocti consequen­tiam rerum, Episcopis PONTIFICATUS munera as­signavimus, said the Apostles, as lib. 8. c. ult. Apost. con­stitut.. S. Clement re­ports. PONTIFICALE [...] S. Iohn the Apostle wore in his forehead, as an Ensigne of his Apostle­ship, a gold plate or medall, when he was IN PON­TIFICALIBUS, in his pontificall or Apostolicall ha­bit, saith Eusebius. lib. 3. hist. cap. 31.. * De dispensationibus Eccle­siarum Antiqua sanctio tenuit & definitio SS. Patrum in Nicaeâ convenientium .... & si PONTIFICES vo­luerint, ut cum cis vicini propter utilitatem celebrent ordinationes. Said the Fathers of the Councell of Constantinople. lib. 9. c. 14. hist. tripart.. * Quâ tempestate in urbe Romá Clemens quo (que) tertius post Paulum & Petrum, PON­TIFICATUM tenebat, saith lib. 3. c. 21. Eusebius according to the translation of Ruffinus. * Apud Antiochiam verò Theophilus per idem tempus sextus ab Apostolis Ecclesiae PONTIFICATUM tenebat, saith the same Eusebius. lib. 4. c. 20.. * And there is a famous story of Alex­ander Bishop of Cappadocia, that when Narcissus Bishop of Ierusalem, was invalid and unfit for go­vernment by reason of his extreame age, he was [Page 151] designed by a particular Revelation and a voice from Heaven, Suscipite Episcopum qui vobis à Deo destinatus est; Receive your Bishop whom God hath appointed for you, but it was when Narcissus jam senio fessus PONTIFICATUS Ministerio sufficere non posset, saith the story. Euseb. lib. 6. c 9.. * Eulogius the confessor discoursing with the Prefect, that wish'd him to comply with the Emperour, ask'd him; Numquid ille unà cum Imperio etiam PONTIFICATUM est con­sequutus? He hath an Empire, but hath he also a Bishoprick? PONTIFICATUS is the word. * But Eccles. hie­rarch. S. Dionysius is very exact in the distinction of cleri­call offices, and particularly gives this account of the present. Est igitur PONTIFICATUS ordo qui prae­ditus vi perficiente munera hierarchiae quae perficiunt &c. And a little after, Sacerdotum autem ordo subje­ctus PONTIEICUM ordini &c. To which agrees Lib. 7. 12. S. Isidore in his etymologies, Ideo autem & Presby­teri Sacerdotes vocantur, quia sacrum dant sicut & Episcopi, qui licet Sacerdotes sint, tamen PONTIFI­CATUS apicem non habent, quia nec Chrismate fron­tem signant, nec Paracletum spiritum dant, quod so­lis deberi Episcopis lectio actuum Apostolicorum de­monstrat; and in the same chapter, PONTIFEX Prin­ceps Sacerdotum est.

One word more there is often used in antiquity And Sacer­dos. for Bishops, and that's SACERDOS. Sacerdotum au­tem bipartitus est ordo, say S. Clement and Anacletus, for they are Majores and Minores. The Majores, Bishops, the Minores, Presbyters, for so it is in the A­postolicall Constitutions attributed to Lib. 8. c. 46. S. Clement, [Page 152] Episcopis quidem assignavimus, & attribuimus quae ad PRINCIPATUM SACERDOTII pertinent, Pres­byteris verò quae ad Sacerdotium. And in Lib. 3. Ep. 1. S. Cyprian, Presbyteri cum Episcopis Sacerdotali honore conjun­cti. But although in such distinction and subordina­tion & in concretion a Presbyter is sometimes call­ed Sacerdos, yet in Antiquity Sacerdotium Ecclesiae does evermore signify Episcopacy, and Sacerdos Ec­clesiae the Bishop. Theotecnus SACERDOTIUM Ecclesiae tenens in Episcopatu, saith Lib. 7. c. 28. Eusebius, and summus Sacerdos, the Bishop alwaies, Dandi baptismum jus habet summus SACERDOS, qui est Episcopus, saith Lib. de bap­tism. Tertullian: and indeed Sacerdos alone is very sel­dome used in any respect but for the Bishop, unlesse when there is some distinctive terme, and of higher report given to the Bishop at the same time.

Ecclesia est plebs SACERDOTI adunata, & Grex pastori suo adhaerens, saith S. Epist. 69. Cyprian. And that we may know by [Sacerdos] he means the Bishop, his next words are, Vnde scire debes Episcopum in Eccle­siâ esse, & Ecclesiam in Episcopo. And in the same E­pistle, qui ad Cyprianum Episcopum in carcere literas direxerunt, SACERDOTEM Dei agnoscentes, & con­testantes. * Euseb. lib. 3. c. 21. Eusebius reckoning some of the chief Bishops assembled in the Councell of Antioch, In quibus erant Helenus Sardensis Ecclesiae Episcopus, & Nicomas ab Iconio, & Hierosolymorum PRAECI­PUUS SACERDOS Hymenaeus, & vicinae huic urbis Caesareae Theotecnus; and in the same place the Bi­shops of Pontus are called Ponti provinciae SACER­DOTES. Abilius apud Alexandriam tredecem annis [Page 153] SACERDOTIO, ministrato diem obiit, for so long he was Bishop, cui succedit Cerdon tertius in SACER­DOTIUM. Et Papias similiter apud Hierapolim SA­CERDOTIUM gerens, for he was Bishop of Hierapolis saith Lib. 3. c. 35. Eusebius, and the Epist. Com­provinc. ad S. Leonem. Bishops of the Province of Arles, speaking of their first Bishop Trophimus, or­dained Bishop by S. Peter, say, quod prima inter Gal­lias Arelatensis civit as missum à Beatissimo Petro A­postolo sanctum Trophimum habere meruit SACER­DOTEM. * * * The Bishop also was ever design'd when ANTISTES Ecclesiae was the word. Melito Lib. 4. c. 26. quo (que) Sardensis Ecclesiae ANTISTES, saith Eusebius out of Irenaeus: [...] is the name in Greeke, and used for the Bishop by Iustin Martyr (and is of the same authority and use with PRAELATUS and praepositus Ecclesiae.) ANTISTES autem SACERDOS dictus, ab eo quod antestat. Primus est enim in ordine Ecclesiae: & suprase nullum habet, saith S. Isidore. Lib 7. Etymol c. 12.

* * * But in those things which are of no Questi­on, I need not insist. One title more I must specify to prevent misprision upon a mistake of theirs of a place in S. Ambrose. The Bishop is sometimes call­ed PRIMUS PRESBYTER. Nam & Timotheum Epis­copum Comment. in 4. Ephes. à secreatum Presbyterum vocat: quia PRIMI PRESBYTERI Episcopi appellabantur, ut recedente eo sequens ei succederet. Elections were made of Bi­shops out of the Colledge of Presbyters (Presbyteri unum ex se electum Episcopum nominabant, saith S. Hierome) but at first this election was made not ac­cording to merit, but according to seniority, and therefore Bishops were called PRIMI PRESBYTE­RI, [Page 154] that's S. Ambrose his sense. But S. Austin gives Quast. Vet. et N. Testam. Qu. 101. another, PRIMI PRESBYTERI, that is chiefe above the Presbyters. Quid est Episcopus nisi PRIMUS PRESBYTER, h. e. summus Sacerdos (saith he) And S. Ambrose himselfe gives a better exposition of his words, then is intimated in that clause before, Epis­copi, & Presbyteri una ordinatio est? Vter (que) enim Sa­cerdos est, sed Episcopus PRIMUS est, ut omnis Episco­pus In 1. Tim. 3. Presbyter sit, non omnis Presbyter Episcopus. Hic enim Episcopus est, qui inter Presbyteros PRIMUS est. The bishop is PRIMUS PRESBYTER, that is, PRI­MUS SACERDOS, h. e. PRINCEPS EST SACERDO­TUM, so he expounds it, not Princeps, or Primus IN­TER In 4. Ephes. PRESBYTEROS, himselfe remaining a meere Presbyter, but PRINCEPS PRESBYTERORUM; for PRIMUS PRESBYTER could not be Episcopus in ano­ther sense, he is the chiefe, not the senior of the Presbyters. Nay Princeps Presbyterorum is used in a sense lower then Episcopus, for Theodoret speak­ing of S. Iohn Chrysostome, saith, that having been the first Presbyter at Antioch, yet refused to be made Bishop, for a long time. Iohannes enim qui diutissimi Princeps fuit Presbyterorum Antiochiae, ac saepe ele­ctus praesul perpetuus vitator dignitatis illius de hoc admirabili solo pullulavit.

* * * The Church also in her first language when she spake of Praepositus Ecclesiae, meant the Bishop of the Diocesse. Of this there are innumerable ex­amples, but most plentifully in S. Cyprian in his 3, 4, 7, 11, 13, 15, 23, 27 Epistles; and in Tertullian his book ad Martyres; and infinite places more. Of [Page 155] which this advantage is to be made, that the Primi­tive Church did generally understand those places of Scripture which speak of Prelates, or Praepositi, to be meant of Bishops; Obedite praepositis, Heb. 13. saith S. Paul, Obey your Prelates, or them that are set over you. Praepositi autem Pastores sunt, saith S. Austin, Prelates are they that are Pastors. But S. Cyprian summes up many of them together, and insinuates the severall relations, expressed in the severall com­pellations of Bishops. For writing against Floren­tius Epist. 69. Pupianus, ac nisi (saith he) apud te purgati fue­rimus....eccejam sex annis nec fraternitas habuerit Episcopum, nec plebs praepositum, nec grex Pastorem, nec Ecclesia gubernatorem, nec Christus antistatem, nec Deus Sacerdotes; and all this he means of him­selfe, who had then been sixe years Bishop of Car­thage, a Prelate of the people, a governour to the Church, a Pastor to the flock, a Priest of the most high God, a Minister of Christ.

The summe is this; When we find in antiquity any thing asserted of any order of the hierarchy, un­der the names of Episcopus, or Princeps Sacerdo­tum, or Presbyterorum primus, or Pastor, or Do­ctor, or Pontifex, or Major, or Primus Sacerdos, or Sacerdotium Ecclesiae habens, or Antistes Ecclesiae, or Ecclesiae sacerdos; (unlesse there be a specification, and limiting of it to a parochiall, and inferior Mi­nister) it must be understood of Bishops in its pre­sent acceptation. For these words are all by way of eminency, and most of them by absolute appropri­ation, [Page 156] and singularity the appellations, and distin­ctive names of Bishops.

BUT, [...] (saith the Phi­losopher) § 28. And these were a di­stinct order from the rest. and this their distinction of Names did amongst the Fathers of the Primitive Church denote a distinction of calling, and office, supere­minent to the rest.

For first Bishops are by all Antiquity reckoned as a distinct office of Clergy. Si quis Presbyter, aut Diaconus, aut quilibet de Numero Clericorum.... pergat ad alienam parochiam praeter Episcopi sui con­scientiam, &c. So it is in the fifteenth Canon of the Apostles, and so it is there plainly distinguished as an office different from Presbyter, and Deacon, above thirty times in those Canons, and distinct powers given to the Bishop, which are not given to the o­ther, and to the Bishop above the other. * The Councell of Ancyra inflicting censures upon Pres­byters first, then Deacons which had faln in time of persecution, gives leave to the Bishop to mitigate Can. 1. & 2. the paines as he sees cause. Sed si ex Episcopis ali­qui in iis vel afflictionem aliquam.... viderint, in eo­rum potestate id esse. The Canon would not sup­pose any Bishops to fall, for indeed they seldome did, but for the rest, provision was made both for their penances, and indulgence at the discretion of the Bishop. And yet sometimes they did fall; Op­tatus bewailes it, but withall gives evidence of their distinction of order. Quid commemorem Laicos qui Lib. 1. ad Par­men. tunc in Ecclesiâ nullâ fuerant dignitate suffulti? [Page 157] Quid Ministros plurimos, quid Diaconos in tertio, quid Presbyteros in secundo Sacerdotio constitutos? Ipsi apices, & Principes omnium aliqui Episcopi ali­qua instrumenta Divinae Legis impiè tradiderunt. The Laity, the Ministers, the Deacons, the Presby­ters, nay the Bishops themselves, the Princes and chiefe of all, prov'd traditors. The diversity of or­der is herefairely intimated, but dogmatically af­firmed by him in his 2d book adv. Parmen. Quatuor genera capitum sunt in Ecclesiâ, Episcoporum, Pres­byterorum, Diaconorum, & fidelium. There are foure sorts of heads in the Church, Bishops, Presbyters, Dea­cons, and the faithfull Laity. And it was remarkable that when the people of Hippo had as it were by vi­olence carried S. Austin to be made Priest by their Bishop Valerius, some seeing the good man weep in consideration of the great hazard and difficulty accruing to him in his ordination to such an office, thought he had wept because he was not Bishop, they pretending comfort told him, quia locus Presbyterii De vitâ Au­gust. c. 4. licet ipse majore dignus esset appropinquaret tamen Episcopatui. The office of a Presbyter though indeed he deserv'd a greater, yet was the next step in order to a Bishoprick. So Possidonius tells the story. It was the next step, the next in descent, in subordi­nation, the next under it. So the Councell of Chal­cedon, [...]. It is sacriledge to bring downe a Bishop to the degree Can. 29. and order of a Presbyter, [...], so the Councell permits in case of great delinquen­cy, to suspend him from the execution of his Epis­copall [Page 158] order, but still the character remaines, and the degree of it selfe is higher.

* Nos autem idcirco haec scribimus (Fratres chariss.) quia novimus quàm Sacrosanctum debeat esse Episcopale Sacerdotium, quod & clero, & plebi de­bet esse exemplo, said the Fathers of the Councell of Antioch, in Eusebius, The office of a Bishop is sacred, Lib. 7. c. 26. and exemplary both to the Clergy, and the People. In­ter dixit per omnia, Magna Synodus, non Episcopo, non Presbytero, non Diacono licere, &c. And it was Can. 3. Nicen. Concil. a remarkable story that Arius troubled the Church for missing of a Prelation to the order and dignity of a Bishop. Post Achillam enim Alexander....ordinatur Episcopus. Hoc autem tempore Arius in ordine Presbyterorum fuit, Alexander was or­dain'd a Bishop, and Arius still left in the order of meer Presbyters. * Of the same exigence are all those clauses of commemoration of a Bishop and Presbyters of the same Church. Iulius autem Ro­manus Episcopus propter senectutem defuit, erant (que) pro eo praesentes Vitus, & Vincentius Presbyterie­jusdem Ecclesiae. They were his Vicars, and depu­ties for their Bishop in the Nicene Councell, saith Sozomen. But most pertinent is that of the Indian Lib. 2. c. 1. hist. tripart. persecution related by the same man. Many of them were put to death. Erant autem horum alii quidem Lib. 3. tripart. c. 2. Episcopi, alii Presbyteri, alii diversorum ordinum Clerici. * And this difference of Order is cleare in the Epistle of the Bishops of Illyricum to the Bishops of the Levant, De Episcopis autem constituendis, vel comministris jam constitutis si permanserint us (que) ad [Page 159] finem sani, bene....Similitèr Presbyteros at (que) Diaco­nos in Sacerdotali ordine definivimus, &c. And of Sabbatius it is said, Nolens in suo ordine Manere Pres­byteratus, desiderabat Episcopatum; he would not stay in the order of a Presbyter, but desir'd a Bishop­rick. Ordo Episcoporum quadripartitus est, in Patri­archis, Hist. tripart. l. 11. c. 5. Archiepiscopis, Metropolitanis, & Episco­pis, faith S. Isidore; Omnes autem superiùs disignati ordines uno eodem (que) vocabulo Episcopi Nominantur. Lib. 7. etymol. c. 12. But it were infinite to reckon authorities, and clau­ses of exclusion for the three orders of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons; we cannot almost dip in any tome of the Councells but we shall find it recorded: And all the Martyr Bishops of Rome did ever ac­knowledge, and publish it, that Episcopacy is a pe­culiar office, and order in the Church of God; as is to be seen in their decretall Epistles, in the first tome of the Councells. * I onely summe this up with the attestation of the Church of England, in the Per Binium Paris. preface to the book of ordination. It is evident to all men diligently reading holy Scripture and Ancient Authors, that from the Apostles times, there have been these ORDERS of Ministers in Christs Church, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. The same thing ex­actly that was said in the second Councell of Car­thage, [...], Can. 2. But wee shall see it better, and by more re­all probation, for that Bishops were a distinct order appears by this;

[Page 160] 1. THe Presbyterate was but a step to Episcopacy, § 29. To which the Pres­byterate was but a degree. Can. 10. as Deaconship to the Presbyterate, and there­fore the Councell of Sardis decreed, that no man should be ordain'd Bishop, but he that was firsta Reader, and a Deacon, and a Presbyter, [...]That by every degree he may passe to the sub­limity of Episcopacy. [...] &c. But the degree of every order must have the permanence and triall of no small time. Here there is clearely a distinction of orders, and ordinations, and assumptions to them respe­ctively, all of the same distance and consideration; And Theodoret out of the Synodicall Epistle of the Lib. 5. c. 8. same Councell, saies that they complain'd that some from Arrianisme were reconciled, and promoted from Deacons to be Presbyters, from Presbyters to be Bishops, calling it [...], a greater degree, or Order: And S. Gregory Nazianz. in his Encomi­um of S. Athanasius, speaking of his Canonicall Or­dination, and election to a Bishoprick, saies that he was chosen being [...], most worthy, and [...], coming through all the inferior Orders. The same commendation S. Cy­prian Epist. 52. gives of Cornelius. Non iste ad Episcopatum subito pervenit, sed per omnia Ecclesiastica officia promotus, & in divinis administrationibus Domi­num sepè promeritus ad Sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis religionis gradibus ascendit....& factus est Episcopus à plurimis collegiis nostris qui tunc in Vrbe [Page 161] Româ aderant, qui ad nos liter as....de ejus ordinatio­ne miserunt. Here is evident, not only a promotion, but a new Ordination of S. Cornelius to be Bishop of Rome; so that now the chaire is full (saith S. Cy­prian) & quis quis jam Episcopus fieri voluerit for is fiat necesse est, nec habeat Ecclesiasticam ordinatio­nem &c. No man else can receive ordination to the Bishoprick.

2. THe ordination of a Bishop to his chaire was § 30. There be­ing a pecu­liar manner of Ordina­tion to a Bi­shoprick. Can. Apost. 1, & 2. done de Novo after his being a Presbyter, and not only so, but in another manner then he had when he was made Priest. This is evident in the first Ec­clesiasticall Canon that was made after Scripture. [...]. A Priest and Deacon must be ordain'd of one Bishop, but a Bishop must be ordain'd by two or three at least. And that we may see it yet more to be Apo­stolicall, S. Anacletus in his second Epistle reports, Hierosolymitarum primus Episcopus B. Iacobus à Pe­tro, Iacobo, & Iohanne Apostolis est ordinatus. Three Apostles went to the ordaining of S. Iames to be a Bishop, and the selfe same thing is in words affir­med by Anicetus; ut in ore duorum, veltrium stet omnis veritas; And S. Cyprian observes that when Cornelius was made Bishop of Rome, there hapned Epist. Vnica, to be many of his fellow Bishops there, & factus est Episcopus à plurimis collegis nostris qui tunc in urbe Româ aderant. These Collegae could not be meer Priests, for then the ordination of Novatus had [Page 162] been more Canonicall, then that of Cornelius, and all Christendome had been deceived, for not Nova­tus who was ordain'd by three Bishops, but Corne­lius had been the Schismatick, as being ordain'd by Priests, against the Canon. But here I observe it for the word [plurimis,] there were many of them or­dination.

* In pursuance of this Apostolicall ordinance, Nicene Fathers decreed that a Bishop should be or­dayn'd, Can. 4. [...] by all the Bishops in the Province, unlesse it be in case of necessity, and then it must be done by three being gathered toge­ther, and the rest consenting; so the ordination to be performed. * The same is ratified in the Councell of Antiech, [...]. Can. 19. A Bishop is not to be ordain'd without a Synod of Bishops, and the pre­sence of the Metropolitan of the province. But if this cannot be done conviniently, yet however it is required [...], the ordinations must be performed by many. The same was decreed in the Councell of Laodicea, can: 12. in the 13. Canon of the African Code, in the 22th Canon of the first Councell of Arles, and the Can. 12. fifth Canon of the second Councell of Arles, and was ever the practise of the Church; and so we may see it descend through the bowells of the fourth Coun­cell of Carthage to the inferiour ages. Episcopus Can. 4. qunm ordinatur, duo Episcopi ponant, & teneant E­vangeliorum codicem super caput, & cervicem ejus, & uno super eum fundente benedictionem, reliquiom­nes [Page 163] Episcopi qui adsunt manibus suis caput ejus tan­gant.

The thing was Catholike, and Canonicall. It was prima, & immutabilis constitutio, so the first Canon of the Councel of A. D. 509. Epaunū cals it; And therefore af­ter the death of Meletius Bishop of Antioch, a schisme was made about his successor, & Evagrius his ordi­nation Theodoret. l. 9. cap 44. condemn'd; because, praeter Ecclesiasticam re­gulam fuerit ordinatus, it was against the rule of Holy Church. Why so? Solus enim Paulinus eum institu­erat plurimas regulas praevaricatus Ecclesiasticas. Non enim praecipiunt ut per se quilibet ordinare possit, sed convocare Vniversos provinciae Sacerdotes, & prae­ter tres Pontifices ordinationem penitùs fieri, interdi­cunt. Which because it was not observ'd in the or­dination of Evagrius who was not ordayn'd by three Bishops, the ordination was cassated in the Councell of Rhegium. And we read that when No­vatus would faine be made a Bishop in the schisme against Cornelius, he did it tribus adhibitis Episcopis Cap. 1. 2. (saith Eusebius,) he obtain'd three Bishops, for per­formance lib. 6. hist. cap. 33. of the action.

Now besides these Apostolicall, and Catholike Canons, and precedents, this thing according to the constant, and Vnited interpretation of the Greeke Fathers was actually done in the ordination of S. Timothy to the Bishoprick of Ephesus. [Neglect not the grace that is in thee by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery.] The Latine Fathers expound it ab­stractly, viz. to signifie the office of Priest-hood, that is, neglect not the grace of Priest-hood that is [Page 164] in thee by the imposition of hands, and this Erasmus helpes by making [Presbyterij] to pertaine to [Gratiam] by a new inter-punction of the words; but however, Presbyterij with the Latine Fathers signifies Presbyteratûs, not Presbyterorum, and this Presbyteratus is in their sense used for Episcopatus too. But the Greeke Fathers understand it collect­ively, and [...] is put for [...], not sim­ply such, but Bishops too, all agree in that, that E­piscopacy is either meant in office, or in person. [...]. So Oecumenius; and S. Chry­sostome, [...]. So Theophilact, So Theodoret. The probation of this lies upon right reason, and Catholicke tradi­tion; For,

3. THE Bishops ordination was peculiar in § 31. To which Presbyters never did assist by imposing hands, this respect above the Presbyters, for a Presbyter did never impose hands on a Bishop. On a Presbyter they did ever since the fourth Councell of Carthage; but never on a Bishop. And that was the reason of the former exposition. By the Presby­tery S. Paul meanes Bishops, [...]. Presbyters did not impose hands on a Bishop, and therefore Presbyterium is not a Col­ledge of meere Presbyters, for such could never or­daine S. Timothy to be a Bishop. The same reason is given by the Latine Fathers why they expound Presbyterium to signifie Episcopacy. For (saith S. Ambrose) S. Paul had ordain'd Timothy to be a Bi­shop, Vnde & quemadmodum Episcopum ordinet [Page 165] ostendit. Ne (que) enim fas erat, aut licebat, ut inferior ordinaret Majorem. So he; and subjoynes this reason, Nemo n. tribuit quodnon accepit. The same is affirmed by S. Chrysostome, and generally by the authors of the former expositions, that is, the Fa­thers both of the East, and West. For it was so Ge­nerall and Catholike a truth, that Priests could not, might not lay hands on a Bishop, that there was ne­ver any example of it in Christendome till almost 600 yeares after Christ, and that but once, and that A. D. 555. irregular, and that without imitation in his Succes­sors, or example in his Antecessors. It was the case of Pope Pelagius the first, & dum non essent Episcopi, qui eum ordinarent, inventi sunt duo Episcopi, Iohan­nes de Perusio, & Bonus de Ferentino, & Andraeas Presbyter de O stiâ, & ordinaverunt eum Pontificem. Tunc enim non erant in Clero qui eum possent promo­vere. Saith Damasus. It was in case of necessity, in libr. Ponti­ficali. vit. Pelag. 1. because there were not three Bishops, therefore he procur'd two, and a Priest of O stia to supply the place of the third, that three, according to the dire­ction Apostolicall, and Canons of Nice, Antioch, and Carthage, make Episcopall ordination. * The Church of Rome is concern'd in the businesse to make faire this ordination, and to reconcile it to the Councell of Rhegium, and the others before menti­ned, who if ask't would declare it to be invalid.

* But certainly as the Canons did command three to impose hands on a Bishop, so also they comman­ded that those three, should be three Bishops, and Pelagius might as well not have had three, as not [Page 166] three Bishops; and better, because, so they were Bi­shops the first Canon of the Apostles, approves the ordination if done by two, [...]. And the Nicene Canon is as much exact, in requiring the capacity of the person, as the Number of the Or­dainers. But let them answer it. For my part, I beleive that the imposition of hands by Andreas, was no more in that case then if a lay man had done it; it was [...], and though the ordination was absolutely Un-canonicall, yet it being in the exi­gence of Necessity, and being done by two Bishops according to the Apostolicall Canon, it was valid in naturâ rei, though not in formâ Canonis, and the addition of the Priest was but to cheate the Canon, and cozen himselfe into an impertinent beleife of a Canonicall ordination. [...], Can. 6. Concil. Sardic. saith the Councell of Sardis. Bishops must ordaine Bishops; It was never heard that Priests did, or de jure might.

These premises doe most certainely inferre a re­all difference, between Episcopacy, and the Pres­byterate. But whether or no they inferre a diffe­rence of order, or onely of degree; or whether de­gree, and order be all one, or no, is of great conside­ration in the present, and in relation to many other Questions.

1. Then it is evident, that in all Antiquity, Or­do, and Gradus were us'd promiscuously. [ [...]] was the Greeke word, and for it the Latins us'd [Ordo] as is evident in the instances above menti­on'd, to which, adde, that Anacletus sayes, that Epist. 3. [Page 167] Christ did instituere duos Ordines, Episcoporum, & Sacerdotum. And S. Leo affirmes; Primum ordinem Epist. 84. c. 4. esse Episcopalem, secundum Presbyteralem, tertium Leviticum; And these among the Greekes are call'd [...], three degrees. So the order of Deacon­ship in S. Paul is called [...], a good degree; and [...], &c: is a censure us'd alike in the cen­sures of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. They are all of the same Name, and the same consideration, for order, distance, and degree, amongst the Fathers; Gra­dus, and ordo are equally affirm'd of them all; and the word gradus is us'd sometimes for that which is cal­led Ordo most frequently. So Felix writing to S. Lib. 1 c. 12. de act is cum Felice Ma­nich. Austin, Non tantùm ego possum contràtuam virtu­tem, quià mira virtus est GRADUS EPISCOPALIS; and S. Cyprian of Cornelius, Ad Sacerdotij sublime lib 4. Epist. 2. fastigium cunctis religionis GRADIBUS ascendit. Degree, and Order, are us'd in common, for he that speaks most properly will call that an Order in per­sons, which corresponds to a degree in qualities, and neither of the words are wrong'd by a mutuall substitution.

2. The promotion of a Bishop ad Munus Epis­copale, was at first call'd ordinatio Episcopi. Stirre vp the Grace that is in the, juxta ORDINATIONEM tuam in Episcopatum, saith Sedulius; And S. Hie­rome; Prophetiae gratiam habebat cum ORDINATI­ONE Episcopatûs. *. Ne (que) enim fas erat aut licebat ut inferior ORDINARET majorem, saith S. Ambrose, in 1. Tim. 3. proving that Presbyters might not impose hands on a Bishop. * Romanorum Ecclesia Clementem à Pe­tro [Page 168] ORDINATUM edit, saith Tertullian; and S. Hie­rome affirmes that S. Iames was ORDAIND Bishop de praescript. cap. 32. of Ierusalem immediately after the Passion of our Lord. [Ordinatus] was the word at first, and after­wards [CONSECRATUS] came in conjunction with it, When Moses the Monke was to be ordain'd, to wit, a Bishop, for that's the title of the story in Theodoret, and spyed that Lucius was there ready to impose hands on him, absit (saies he) vt manus tua lib. 4. cap. 23. me CONSECRET.

3. In all orders, there is the impresse of a distinct Character; that is, the person is qualified with a new capacity to doe certaine offices, which before his ordination he had no power to doe. A Deacon hath an order or power

—Quo pocula vitae
Misceat, & latices, cum Sanguine porrigat agni,

as Arator himselfe a Deacon expresses it. A Pres­byter hath an higher order, or degree in the office or ministery of the Church, whereby he is enabled, [...], as the Councell of Ancyra does intimate. But a Bi­shop hath a higher yet; for besides all the offices communicated to Priests, and Deacons; he can give cap. 1. orders, which very one thing makes Episcopacy to be a distinct order. For, Ordo, is defin'd by the Schooles to be, traditio potestatis spiritualis, & collatio gratiae, ad obeunda Ministeria Ecclesiastica; a giving a spiritu­all power, and a conferring grace for the performance of Ecclesiasticall Ministrations. Since then Episco­pacy hath a new ordination, and a distinct power (as I [Page 169] shall shew in the descent) it must needs be a distinct order, both according to the Name given it by anti­quity, and according to the nature of the thing in the definitions of the Schoole.

There is nothing said against this but a fancy of some of the Church of Rome, obtruded indeed upon no grounds; for they would define order to be a speciall power in relation to the Holy Sacrament, which they call corpus Christi naturale; and Episco­pacy indeed to be a distinct power in relation ad cor­pus Christi Mysticum, or the regiment of the Church, and ordayning labourers for the harvest, and therefore not to be a distinct order.

But this to them that consider things sadly, is true or false according as any man list. For if these men are resolved they will call nothing an order but what is a power in order to consecration of the Eu­charist, who can help it? Then indeed, in that sense, Episcopacy is not a distinct order, that is, a Bishop hath no new power in the consecration of the Venerable Eucharist, more then a Presbyter hath. But then why these men should only call this power [an or­der] no man can give a reason. For, 1. in Antiquity the distinct power of a Bishop was ever called an Order, and I think, before Hugo de S. Victore, and the Master of the Sentences, no man ever deni'd it to be an order. 2. According to this rate, I would faine know how the office of a Sub-deacon, and of an Ostiary, and of an Acolouthite, and of a Reader, come to be distinct Orders; for surely the Bishop hath as much power in order to consecration de Novo, as [Page 170] they have de integro. And if I mistake not; that the Bishop hath a new power to ordaine Presbyters who shall have a power of consecrating the Eucharist, is more a new power in order to consecration, then all those inferiour officers put together have in all, and yet they call them Orders, and therefore why not Episcopacy also, I cannot imagine, unlesse because they will not.

*** But however in the meane time, the denying the office and degree of Episcopacy to be a new and a distinct order is an Innovation of the produ­ction of some in the Church of Rome, without all reason, and against all antiquity. This onely by the way.

The Enemies of Episcopacy call in aide from all places for support of their ruinous cause, and there­fore take their maine hopes from the Church of Rome by advantage of the former discourse. For since (say they) that consecration of the Sacrament is the Greatest worke, of the most secret mystery, S. Hieron: ad Rusticum Narbonens: apud Grati­an. dist: 95. can: ecce ego. casus, ibid. greatest power, and highest dignity that is compe­tent to man, and this a Presbyter hath as well as a Bishop, is it likely that a Bishop should by Divine in­stitution be so much Superiour to a Presbyter, who by the confession of all sides communicates with a Bishop in that which is his highest power? And shall issues of a lesser dignity distinguish the Orders, and make a Bishop higher to a Presbyter, and not ra­ther the Greater raise up a Presbyter to the Coun­ter-poise of a Bishop? Upon this surmise the men of the Church of Rome, would inferre an identity of or­der, [Page 171] though a disparity of degree, but the Men of the other world would inferre a parity both of order and degree too. The first are already answered in the premises. The second must now be serv'd.

1. Then, whether power be greater, of Ordai­ning Priests, or Consecrating the Sacrament is an im­pertinent Question; possibly, it may be of some danger; because in comparing Gods ordinances, there must certainely be a depression of one, and whether that lights upon the right side or no, yet peradventure it will not stand with the consequence of our gratitude to God, to doe that, which in Gods estimate, may tant' amount to a direct Vn­dervaluing; but however it is vnprofitable, of no use in case of conscience either in order to faith, or manners, and besides, cannot fixe it selfe upon any basis, therebeing no way of proving either to be more excellent then the other.

2. The Sacraments, and mysteries of Christi­anity if compared among themselves, are greater, and lesser in severall respects. For since they are all in order to severall ends, that is, productive of seve­rall effects, and they all are excellent, every rite, and sacrament in respect of its own effect, is more excellent then the other not ordain'd to that effect. For example. Matrimony is ordain'd for a means to preserve chastity, and to represent the mysticall uni­on of Christ and his Church, and therefore in these respects is greater then baptisme, which does nei­ther. But The Nicene Creed. baptisme is for remission of sinnes and in that is more excellent then Matrimony; the [Page 172] same may be said for ordination, and consecration, the one being in order to Christs naturall body (as the Schooles speak) the other in order to his my­sticall body, and so have their severall excellencies respectively; but for an absolute preheminence of one above the other, I said there was no basis to fixe that upon, and I believe all men will find it so that please to try. But in a relative, or respective excel­lency, they goe both before, and after one another. Thus Wooll, and a Iewell, are better then each o­ther; for wooll is better for warmth, and a jewell for ornament. A frogge hath more sense in it, then the Sunne; and yet the Sunne shines brighter.

3. Suppose consecration of the Eucharist were greater then ordaining Priests, yet that cannot hin­der, but that the power of ordaining may make a higher and distinct order, because the power of or­daining, hath in it the power of consecrating and something more; it is all that which makes the Priest, and it is something more besides, which makes the Bishop. Indeed if the Bishop had it not, and the Priest had it, then supposing consecration to be greater then ordination, the Priest would not only equall, but excell the Bishop, but because the Bishop hath that, and ordination besides, therefore he is higher both in Order, and Dignity.

4. Suppose that Consecration were the greatest Clericall power in the world, and that the Bishop, and the Priest, were equall in the greatest power, yet a lesser power then it, superadded to the Bi­shop's, may make a distinct order, and superiority. [Page 173] Thus it was said of the sonne of Man. Constituit eum paulò minorem Angelis, he was made a little low­er then the Angels. It was but a little lower, and yet so much as to distinguish their Natures, for he took not upon him the NATURE of Angells, but the seed of Abraham. So it is in proportion between Bishop, and Priest; for though a Priest communicating in the greatest power of the Church, viz. consecration of the venerable Eucharist, yet differing in a lesse is paulò minor Angelis, a little lower then the Bishop, the Angell of the Church, yet this little lower, makes a di­stinct order, and enough for a subordination. * An Angell, and a man communicate in those great ex­cellencies of spirituall essence, they both discourse, they have both election, and freedome of choice, they have will, and understanding, and memory, impresses of the Divine image, and loco-motion, and immortality. And these excellencies are (being precisely considered) of more reall and eternall worth, then the Angelicall manner of moving so in an instant, and those other formes and modalities of their knowledge and volition, and yet for these superadded parts of excellency, the difference is no lesse then specificall. If we compare a Bishop and a Priest thus, what we call difference in nature there, will be a difference in order here, and of the same consideration.

5. Lastly it is considerable, that these men that make this objection, doe not make it because they think it true, but because it will serve a present turne. For all the world sees, that to them that deny the [Page 174] reall presence, this can be no objection; and most certainly the Anti-episcopall men doe so, in all sen­ses; and then what excellency is there in the power of consecration, more then in ordination? Nay is there any such thing as consecration at all? This al­so would be considered from their principles. But I proceed.

One thing only more is objected against the maine Question. If Episcopacy be a distinct order, why may not a man be a Bishop that never was a Priest, as (abstracting from the lawes of the Church) a man may be a Presbyter that never was a Deacon, for if it be the impresse of a distinct chara­cter, it may be imprinted per saltum, and indepen­dantly, as it is in the order of a Presbyter.

To this I answere, It is true if the powers and characters themselves were independant; as it is in all those offices of humane constitution, which are called the inferior orders; For the office of an Aco­louthite, of an Exorcist, of an Ostiary, are no way dependant on the office of a Deacon, and therefore a man may be Deacon, that never was in any of those, and perhaps a Presbyter too, that never was a Dea­con, as it was in the first example of the Presbyterate in the 72. Disciples. But a Bishop though he have a distinct character, yet it is not disparate from that of a Presbyter, but supposes it ex vi ordinis. For since the power of ordination (if any thing be) is the distinct capacity of a Bishop, this power suppo­ses a power of consecrating the Eucharist to be in the Bishop, for how else can he ordaine a Presbyter [Page 175] with a power, that himselfe hath not? can he give, what himselfe hath not received?

* I end this point with the saying of Epiphani­us, Haeres 75. Vox est Aerii haeretici unus est ordo Episcoporum, & Presbyterorum, una dignitas. To say that Bi­shops are not a distinct order from Presbyters, was a heresy first broach'd by Aerius, and hath lately been (at least in the manner of speaking) counte­nanc'd by many of the Church of Rome.

FOR to cleare the distinction of order, it is evi­dent § 32. For Bishops had a pow­er distinct, and Supe­riour to that of Presby­ters. in Antiquity, that Bishops had a power of imposing hands, for collating of Orders, which Presbyters have not. * What was done in this af­faire in the times of the Apostles I have already ex­plicated; but now the inquiry is, what the Church did in pursuance of the practise, and tradition A­stolicall. As of Ordi­nation. The first, and second Canons of the Apo­stles command that two, or three Bishops should ordaine a Bishop, and one Bishop should ordaine a Priest, and a Deacon. A Presbyter is not authorized to ordaine, a Bishop is. * S. Dionysius affirmes, Sa­cerdotem Eccles. hier. c. 5. non posse initiari, nisi per invocationes E­piscopales, and acknowledges no ordainer but a Bi­shop. No more did the Church ever; Insomuch that when Novatus the Father of the old Puritans, did ambire Episcopatum, he was faine to goe to the utmost parts of Italy, and seduce or intreat some Bishops to impose hands on him, as Cornelius wit­nesses in his Epistle to Fabianus, in Eusebius. * To Lib. 6. cap. 33. this we may adde as so many witnesses, all those or­dinations [Page 176] made by the Bishops of Rome, mentioned in the Pontificall book of Damasus, Platina, and o­thers. Habitis de more sacris ordinibus Decembris mense, Presbyteros decem, Diaconos duos, &c. creat (S. Clemens) Anacletus Presbyteros quin (que), Diaco­nos tres, Episcopos diversis in locis sex numero crea­vit, and so in descent, for all the Bishops of that succession for many ages together.

But let us see how this power of ordination went in the Bishops hand alone, by Law and Constituti­on; for particular examples are infinite.

In the Councell of Ancyra it is determin'd [...]. Can. 13. That Rurall Bishops shall not ordaine Presbyters or Deacons in anothers dio­cesse without letters of license from the Bishop. Nei­ther shall the Priests of the City attempt it. * First not Rurall Bishops, that is, Bishops that are taken in adjutorium Episcopi Principalis, Vicars to the Bishop of the diocesse, they must not ordaine Priests and Deacons. For it is [...], It is anothers dio­cesse, and to be [...], is prohibited by the Canon of Scripture. But then they may with li­cense? Yes; for they had Episcopall Ordination at first, but not Episcopall Iurisdiction, and so were not to invade the territories of their neighbour. The tenth Canon of the Councell of Antioch clears this part. The words are these as they are rendred by Dionysius Exiguus. Qui in villis, & vi­cis constituti sunt Chorepiscopi tametsi manûs imposi­tionem [Page 177] ab Episcopis susceperunt, [& ut Episcopi sunt consecrati] tamen oportet eos modum proprium retinere, &c. [...], the next clause [& ut Episcopi consecrati sunt] al­though it be in very ancient Latine copies, yet is not found in the Greek, but is an assumentum for expo­sition of the Greek, but is most certainly implyed in it; for else, what description could this be of Chore­piscopi, above Presbyteri rurales, to say that they were [...], for so had country Priests, they had received imposition of the Bishops hands. Either then the Chorepiscopi had received or­dination from three Bishops, and [...] is to be ta­ken collectively, not distributively, to wit, that each Country Bishop had received ordination from Bi­shops, many Bishops in conjunction, and so they were very Bishops, or else they had no more then Village Priests, and then this caution had been im­pertinent.

* But the City Priests were also included in this prohibition. True it is, but it is in a Parenthesis, with an [...], in the midst of the Canon, and there was some particular reason for the involving them, not that they ever did actually ordaine any, but that since it was prohibited to the chorepiscopi to ordaine (to them I say who though for want of jurisdiction they might not ordaine without li­cense, it being in alienâ Parochiâ, yet they had ca­pacity by their order to doe it) if these should doe it, the Citty Presbyters who were often dispatch'd in­to the Villages upon the same imployment, by a [Page 178] temporary mission, that the Chorepiscopi were by an ordinary, and fixt residence might perhaps think that their commission might extend farther then it did, or that they might goe beyond it, as well as the Chorepiscopi, and therefore their way was ob­structed by this clause of [...].

* Adde to this; The Presbyters of the City were of great honour, and peculiar priviledge, as ap­peares in the thirteenth Canon of the Councell of Neo-Caesarea, and therefore might easily exceed, if the Canon had not beene their bridle.

The summe of the Canon is this. With the Bi­shops licence the Chorepiscopi might ordaine, for themselves had Episcopall ordination, but without licence they might not, for they had but delegate, and subordinate jurisdiction; And therefore in the fourteenth Canon of Neo-Caesarea are said to be [...], like the 70 Disciples, that is, infe­rior to Bishops, and the 70 were to the twelve Apo­stles, viz. in hoc particulari, not in order, but like them in subordination and inferiority of jurisdicti­on: but the Citty Presbyters might not ordaine, neither with, nor without licence; for they are in the Canon only by way of parenthesis, and the se­quence of procuring a faculty from the Bishops to collate orders, is to be referred to Chorepiscopi, not to Presbyteri Civitatis, unlesse we should straine this Canon into a sense contrary to the practise of the Catholike Church. Res enim ordinis non possunt de­legari, is a most certain rule in Divinity, and admit­ted by men of all sides, and most different interests.

[Page 179] * However we see here, that they were prohibited, and we never find before this time, that any of them actually did give orders, neither by ordinary power, nor extraordinary dispensation; and the constant tradition of the Church, and practise Apo­stolicall is, that they never could give orders; there­fore this exposition of the Canon is liable to no ex­ception, but is cleare for the illegality of a Presby­ter giving holy orders, either to a Presbyter, or a Deacon, and is concluding for the necessity of con­currence both of Episcopall order, and jurisdiction for ordinations, for, reddendo singula singulis, and expounding this Canon according to the sense of the Church, and exigence of Catholike Custome, the Chorepiscopi are excluded from giving orders for want of jurisdiction, and the Priests of the Cit­ty for want of order; the first may be supplied by a delegate power in liter is Episcopalibus, the second cannot, but by a new ordination, that is, by making the Priest a Bishop. For if a Priest of the Citty have not so much power as a Chorepiscopus, as I have proved he hath not, by shewing that the Chorepis­copus then had Episcopall ordination, and yet the Chorepiscopus might not collate orders without a faculty from the Bishop, the City Priests might not doe it, unlesse more be added to them, for their want was more. They not only want jurisdiction, but something besides, and that must needs be or­der.

* But although these Chorepiscopi at the first had E­piscopall Ordination, yet it was quickly taken from [Page 180] them for their incroachment upon the Biships Dio­cesse, and as they were but Vicarij, or visitatores E­piscoporum in villis, so their ordination was but to a meere Presbyterate. And this we find, as soone as ever we heare that they had had Episcopall Ordi­nation. For those who in the beginning of the 10th Canon of Antioch we find had been consecrated as Bishops, in the end of the same Canon, we find it decreed de novo: [...], The Chorepiscopus or. Country Bi­shop must be ordayn'd by the Bishop of the Citie, in whose jurisdiction he is; which was clearly ordina­tion to the order of a Presbyter, and no more. And ever after this all the ordinations they made were only to the inferiour Ministeries, with the Bishop's License too, but they never ordayn'd any to be Dea­cons, or Priests; for these were Orders of the Holy Ghost's appointing, and therefore were gratiae Spiri­tûs Sancti, and issues of order; but the inferiour Mi­nisteries, as of a Reader, an Ostiary &c. were humane constitutions, and requir'd not the capacity of Epis­copall Order to collate them; for they were not Gra­ces of the Holy Ghost, as all Orders properly so call­ed are, but might by humane dispensation be be­stow'd, as well as by humane Ordinance, they had their first constitution. *

* The Chorepiscopi lasted in this consistence till they were quite taken away by the Councell of His­palis: save only, that such men also were called Cho­repiscopi who had beene Bishops of Cities, but had fallen from their honour by communicating in [Page 181] Gentile Sacrifices, and by being traditors, but in case they repented and were reconciled, they had not indeed restitution to their See, but, because they had the indelible character of a Bishop, they were allowed the Name, and honour, and sometime the execution of offices Chorepiscopall. Now of this sort of Chorepiscopi no objection can be pretended, if they had made ordinations; and of the other no­thing pertinent, for they also had the ordination, and order of Bishops. The former was the case of Meletius in the Nicene Councell, as is to be seene in the Epistle of the Fathers to the Church of Alexan­dria. tripart hist. lib. 2. c. 12. ex Theodoret. * But however all this while, the power of ordination is so fast held in the Bishops hand, that it was communicated to none though of the greatest priviledge.

* I find the like care taken in the Councell Can: 19. of Sardis, for when Musaeus, and Eutychianus had or­dain'd some Clerkes, themselves not being Bishops, Gaudentius (one of the moderate men, 'tis likely) for quietnesse sake, and to comply with the times, would faine have had those Clerks received into Clericall communion; but the Councell would by no meanes admitt that any should be received into the Clergy [...], (as Balsamon expresses upon that Canon,) but such as were ordain'd by them who were Bishops verily, and indeed. But with those who were ordain'd by Musaeus and Eutychianus, [...], we will communicate as with Laymen: [Page 182] [...], for they were no Bishops that impos'd hands on them; and therefore the Clerks were not ordain'd truly, but were [...], dissemblers of or­dination. Quae autem de Musaeo & Eutychiano dicta sunt, trahe etiam ad alios qui non ordinati fuerunt, &c. Saith Balsamon, intimating, that it is a rul'd case and of publike interest.

* The same was the issue of those two famous cases, the one of Ischiras ordain'd of Colluthus [...], one that dream'd onely he was a Bishop. Ischiras being ordain'd by him could be no Priest, nor any else of his ordaining, [...], and Ischyras himselfe was reduc'd into lay communion, being depos'd by the Synod of Alexandria, [...], falling from the imagination of his Presbyterate, say Apud Atha­nas. Apolog. 2. epist, Presb. & Diacon: Mareotic: ad Curiosum & Philagrium. the Priests and Deacons of Mareotis; And of the rest that were ordain'd with Ischiras, [...] saith S. Athanasius, and this so knowne a businesse, [...], No man made scruple of the Nullity. * * The paralell case is of the Presbyters ordain'd by Maximus, who was ano­ther Bishop in the aire too; all his ordinations were pronounced null, by the Fathers of the Councell in Constantinople. A third is of the blind Bishop of Agabra imposing hands while his Presbyters read Cap. 4. the words of ordination, the ordination was pro­nounced invalid by the first Councell of Sevill. These cases are so known, I need not insist on them. Cap. 5. This onely,

In diverse cases of Transgression of the Canons, [Page 183] Clergy men were reduc'd to lay communion, either being suspended, or deposed; that is, from their place of honour, and execution of their function, with, or without hope of restitution respectively; but then still they had their order, and the Sacraments con­ferr'd by them were valid, though they indeed were prohibited to Minister; but in the cases of the pre­sent instance, the ordinations were pronounc'd as null, to have bestowed nothing, and to be meerely imaginary.

* But so also it was in case that Bishops ordain'd without a title, or in the diocesse of another Bishop, as in the Councell of Can. 6. Chalcedon, and of Can, 13. Anti­och [...]. And may be it was so in case of ordination by a Presbyter, it was by positive consti­tution pronounced void, and no more, and therefore may be rescinded by the Counter-mand of an e­quall power; A Councell at most may doe it, and therefore without a Councell, a probable necessity will let us loose. But to this the answer is evident.

1. The expressions in the severall cases are se­verall, & of diverse issue, for in case of those nullities which are meerely Canonicall, they are expressed as then first made, but in the case of ordination by a Non-Bishop, they are onely declared voy'd ipso facto. And therefore in that decree of Chalcedon against Sinetitular ordinations, the Canon saith; [...], IRRITAM EXISTIMARI manûs im­positionem, to be esteem'd as null, that is, not to have Canonicall approbation, but is not declared null, [Page 184] in Naturâ rei, as it is in the foregoing instances.

2. In the cases of Antioch, and Chalcedon, the decree is pro futuro, which makes it evident that those nullities are such as are made by Canon, but in the cases of Colluthus, and Maximus, there was declaration of a past nullity and that before any Ca­non was made; and though Synodall declarations pronoun'd such ordinations invalid, yet none de­creed so for the future, which is a cleare evidence, that this nullity, viz: in case of ordination by a Non-Presbyter, is not made by Canon, but by Canon de­clar'd to be invalid in the nature of the thing.

3. If to this be added, that in antiquity it was dogmatically resolved that by the Nature, and insti­tution of the Order of Bishops; ordination was ap­propriate to them, then it will also from hence be evident, that the nullity of ordination without a Bishop is not dependant upon positive constitution, but on the exigence of the institution. * * Now that the power of ordination was onely in the Bi­shop, even they, who to advance the Presbyters, were willing enough to speake lesse for Episcopacy, give testimony; making this the proper distinctive cog­nisance of a Bishop from a Presbyter, that the Bishop hath power of ordination, the Presbyter hath not. So S. Ierome, Quid facit Episcopus (except â ordina­tione) quod Presbyter non faciat. All things (saith ad Evagrium. he) [to wit all things of precise order] are com­mon to Bishops with Priests, except ordination, for that is proper to the Bishop. And S. Chrysostome, So­lâ homil. 2. in. 1. Tim. 2. lâ quippe ordinatione superiores illis sunt [Episcopi] [Page 185] at (que) hoc tantùm plusquam Presbyteri habere videntur. Ordination is the proper, and peculiar function of a Bishop; and therefore not given him by positive constitution of the Canon.

4. No man was call'd an heretick for breach of Canon, but for denying the power of ordination to be proper to a Bishop: Aërius was by Epiphanius, Philastrius, and S. Austin condemn'd, and branded for heresie, and by the Catholike Church saith Epi­phanius. This power therefore came from a higher spring, then positive and Canonicall Sanction. But now proceed.

The Councell held in Trullo, complaining that Can. 37. the incursion of the barbarous people upon the Churches inheritance, saith that it forc'd some Bi­shops from their residence, & made that they could not [...], according to the guise of the Church, give Orders and doe such things as DID BELONG TO THE BISHOP; and in the se­quel of the Canon they are permitted in such cases, ut & diversorum Clericorum ordinationes canonicè faciant, to make Canonicall ordinations of Clergy men. Giving of Orders is proper, it belongs to a Bishop. So the Councell. And therefore Theodoret ex­pounding that place of S. Paul [by the laying on the hands of the Presbytery] interprets it of Bishops; for this reason, because Presbyters did not impose hands. * There is an imperfect Canon in the Arausican Councell that hath an expression very pertinent to Can. 20. this purpose, Ea quae non nisi per Episcopos geruntur, [Page 186] those things that are not done, but by Bishops, they were decreed still to be done by Bishops, though he that was to doe them regularly, did fall into any in­firmity whatsoever, yet non sub praesentiâ suâ Pres­byteros agere permittat, sed evocet Episcopum. Here are clearely by this Canon some things suppos'd to be proper to the Bishops, to the action of which Presbyters must in no case be admitted. The parti­culars, what they are, are not specified in the Canon, but are nam'd before, viz: Orders, and Confirmati­on, for almost the whole Councell was concerning them, and nothing else is properly the agendum E­piscopi, and the Canon else is not to be Understood. * To the same issue is that circum-locutory de­scription, or name of a Bishop, us'd by S. Chrysostome, [...]. The man that is to ordaine Clerks.

* And all this is but the doctrine of the Catho­like Church which S. Epiphanius oppos'd to the haeres. 75. doctrine of Aërius, denying Episcopacy to be a dist­inct order [...] (speaking of Episcopacy) [...], speaking of Presbytery. The order of Bishops begets Fathers to the Church of God, but the order of Presbyters begets sonnes in baptisme, but no Fathers or Doctors by ordination. * It is a ve­ry remarkeable passage related by Eusebius in the ordination of Novatus to be Presbyter, the Bishop did it [...], all the whole Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 33. Clergy was against it, yet the Bishop did ordaine him, and then certainely scarce any conjunction of [Page 187] the other Clergy can be imagined; I am sure none is either expressed or intimated. For it was a rul'd case, and attested by the Uniforme practise of the Church, which was set downe in the third Coun­cell of Carthage, Episcopus vnus esse potest per quem Can. 45. dignatione Divinâ Presbyteri multi constitui possunt. This case I instance the more particularly, because it is an exact determination of a Bishops sole power of ordination. Aurelius made a motion, that, if a Church wanted a Presbyter to become her Bishop, they might demand one from any Bishop. It was granted; But Posthumianus the Bishop put this case. Deinde qui vnum habuerit, numquid debet illi ipse vnus Presbyter auferri? How if the Bishop have but one Priest, must his Bishop part with him to supply the necessity of the Neighbour widdow-Church? Yea, that he must. But how then shall he keepe ordina­tions when he hath never a Presbyter to assist him? That indeed would have beene the objection now, but it was none then. For Aurelius told them plain­ly, there was no inconvenience in it, for though a Bishop have never a Presbyter, no great matter, he can himselfe ordaine many (and then I am sure, there is sole ordination) but if a Bishop be wanting to a Church, he is not so easily found.

** Thus it went ordinarily in the stile of the Church, ordinations were made by the Bishop, and the ordainer spoken of as a single person. So it is in the Nicene Councell, the Councell of Cap. 9. Antioch, the Cap. 19. Councell of Cap. 2. & 6. Chalcedon, and S. Ierome who wri­ting to Pammachius against the errors of Iohn of Ie­rusalem; [Page 188] If thou speake (saith he) of Paulinianus, he comes now and then to visit us, not as any of your Clergy, but ejus à quo ordinatus est, that Bi­shop's who ordain'd him.

* So that the issue of this argument is this. The Canons of the Apostles, and the rules of the Ancient Councells appropriate the ordination of Bishops to Bishops, of Presbyters to one Bishop, (for I never find a Presbyter ordain'd by two Bishops together, but onely Origen by the Bishops of Ierusalem, and Caesarea) Presbyters are never mention'd in conjun­ction with Bishops at their ordinations, and if alone they did it, their ordination was pronounced inva­lid and void ab initio.

* To these particulars adde this, that Bishops a­lone were punished if ordinations were Vncanoni­call, which were most vnreasonable if Presbyters did joine in them, and were causes in conjunction. But unlesse they did it alone, we never read that they were punishable; indeed Bishops were pro toto, & integro, as is reported by Sozomen in the case of Elpidius, Eustathius, Basilius of Ancyra, and Eleu­sius. Thus also it was decreed in the second, and sixt Chapters of the Councell of Chalcedon, and in the Imperiall constitutions. Since therefore we neither find Presbyters join'd with Bishops in commission, or Novell: con­stit: 6. & 1. 223. cap. 16. practise, or penalty all this while. I may inferre from the premises the same thing which the Coun­cell of Hispales expresses in direct, and full sentence, Episcopus Sacerdotibus, ac Ministris solus honorem dare potest, solus auferre non potest. The Bishop a­lone Cap. 6. [Page 189] lone may give the Priestly honour, he alone is not suffer'd to take it away. * This Councell was held in the yeare 657, and I set it downe here for this pur­pose to show that the decree of the fourth Councell Can: 2, & 3. of Carthage which was the first that licensed Priests to assist Bishops in ordinations yet was not obligato­ry in the West; but for almost 300 yeares after, ordinations were made by Bishops alone. But till this Councell no pretence of any such conjunction, and after this Councell sole ordination did not ex­pire in the West for above 200 yeares together; but for ought I know, ever since then, it hath ob­tain'd, that although Presbyters joyne not in the con­secration of a Bishop, yet of a Presbyter they doe; but this is onely by a positive subintroduced consti­tution first made in a Provinciall of Africa, and in other places received by insinuation and conformi­ty of practise.

* I know not what can be said against it. I onely find a peice of an objection out of S. Cyprian, who was a Man so complying with the Subjects of his Diocesse, that if any man, he was like to furnish us with an Antinomy. * Hunc igitur (Fratres Dile­ctissimi) Epist. 33. à me, & à Collegis qui praesentes aderant or­dinatum sciatis. Here either by his Colleagues he meanes Bishops, or Presbyters. If Bishops, then ma­ny Bishops will be found in the ordination of one to an inferiour order, which because it was (as I ob­serv'd before) against the practise of Christendome, will not easily be admitted to be the sense of S. Cypri­an. But if he means Presbyters by [Collegae] then sole [Page 190] ordination is invalidated by this example, for Pres­byters join'd with him in the ordination of Aure­lius.

I answer, that it matters not whether by his Col­leagues he means one, or the other, for Aurelius the Confessor who was the man ordain'd, was ordain'd but to be a Reader, and that was no Order of Divine institution, no gift of the Holy Ghost, and therefore might be dispensed by one, or more; by Bishops, or Presbyters, and no way enters into the considerati­on of this question concerning the power of col­lating those orders which are gifts of the Holy Ghost, and of divine ordinance; and therefore, this, although I have seen it once pretended, yet hath no validity to impugne the constant practise of Primi­tive antiquity.

But then are all ordinations invalid which are done by meere Presbyters without a Bishop? What think we of the reformed Churches?

1. For my part I know not what to think. The question hath been so often asked with so much vi­olence, and prejudice; and we are so bound by pub­like interest to approve all that they doe, that wee have disabled our selves to justify our owne. For we were glad at first of abettors against the Errors of the Romane Church, we found these men zea­lous in it, we thank'd God for it (as we had cause) and we were willing to make them recompence, by endeavouring to justify their ordinations; not thinking what would follow upon our selves. But now it is come to that issue, that our own Episcopa­cy is [Page 191] thought not necessary, because wee did not condemne the ordinations of their Presbytery.

2. Why is not the question rather, what we think of the Primitive Church, then what we think of the reformed Churches? Did the Primitive Councells, and Fathers doe well in condemning the ordinations made by meere Presbyters? If they did well, what was a vertue in them, is no sinne in us. If they did ill, from what principle shall wee judge of the right of ordinations? since there is no example in Scripture of any ordination made but by Apostles, and Bishops, and the Presbytery that impos'd hands on Timothy, is by all antiquity ex­pounded either of the office, or of a Colledge of Presbyters; and S. Paul expounds it to be an ordi­nation made by his owne hands, as appeares by comparing the two epistles to S. Timothy together; and may be so meant by the principles of all sides, for if the names be confounded, then Presbyter may signify a Bishop, and that they of this Presbytery were not Bishops, they can never prove from Scrip­ture, where all men grant that the Names are con­founded.

* So that whence will men take their estimate for the rites of ordinations? From Scripture? That gives it alwayes to Apostles, and Bishops (as I have proved) and that a Priest did ever impose hands for ordination can never be showne from thence. From whence then? From Antiquity? That was so farre from licensing ordinations made by Presbyters a­lone, that Presbyters in the primitive Church did [Page 192] never joyne with Bishops in Collating holy Orders of Presbyter, and Deacon, till the 4th Councell of Car­thage; much lesse doe it alone, rightly, and with effect. So that, as in Scripture there is nothing for Presbyters ordaining, so in Antiquity there is much against it; And either in this particular we must have strange thoughts of Scripture, and Antiquity, or not so faire interpretation of the ordinations of reformed Presbyteries. But for my part I had rather speake a truth in sincerity, then erre with a glorious correspondence.

But will not necessity excuse them who could not have orders from Orthodoxe Bishops? shall we ei­ther sinne against our consciences by suscribing to hereticall, and false resolutions in materiâ fidei, or else loose the being of a Church, for want of Episco­pall ordinations? * Indeed if the case were just thus it was very hard with the good people of the trans­marine Churches; but I have here two things to consider.

1. I am very willing to beleive that they would not have done any thing either of error, or suspiti­on, but in cases of necessity. But then I consider that M. Du Plessis, a man of honour, and Great learning de Eccles. cap. 11. does attest, that at the first reformation there were many Arch-Bishops and Cardinalls in Germany, Eng­land, France, and Italy that joyn'd in the reforma­tion, whom they might, but did not imploy in their ordinations; And what necessity then can be pre­tended in this case, I would faine learne that I might make their defence. But, which is of more, and [Page 193] deeper consideration; for this might have been done by inconsideration, and irresolution, as often hap­pens in the beginning of great changes, but, it is their constant and resolved practise at least in France, that if any returnes to them they will reordayne him by their Presbytery, though he had before Episcopall Danaeus part. 2. Isagog, lib. 2. cap. 22. Perron. repl. fol: 92. im­press. 1605. Ordination, as both their friends and their enemies beare witnesse.

2. I consider that necessity may excuse a perso­nall delinquency; but I never heard that necessity did build a Church. Indeed no man is forc'd for his owne particular to committ a sinne, for if it be absolutely a case of necessity, the action ceases to be a sinne; but indeed if God meanes to build a Church in any place, he will doe it by meanes proportion­able to that end; that is, by putting them into a possi­bility of doing, and acquiring those things which himselfe hath required of necessity to the constituti­on of a Church. * So that, supposing that Ordina­tion by a Bishop is necessary for the vocation of Priests, and Deacons (as I have proved it is) and therefore for the founding, or perpetuating of a Church, either God hath given to all Churches op­portunity and possibility of such Crdinations, and then, necessity of the contrary, is but pretence and mockery, or if he hath not given such possibility, then there is no Church there to be either built, or continued, but the Candlestick is presently remo­ved.

There are diverse stories in Ruffinus to this pur­pose. Eccles. hist: lib. 10. cap. 9. per Ruffinum. When Aedesius and Frumentius were surpri­zed [Page 194] by the Barbarous Indians, they preached Chri­stianity, and baptized many, but themselves being but Lay-men could make no Ordinations, and so not fixe a Church. What then was to be done in the case? Frumentius Alexandriam pergit .... & rem omnem, ut gesta est, narrat EPISCOPO, ac monet, ut provideat virum aliquem dignum quem congregatis jam plurimis Christianis in Barbarico solo Episcopum mittat. Frumentius comes to Alexandria to get a Bishop. Athanasius being then Patriarch ordayn'd Frumentius their Bishop, & tradito ei Sacerdotio, re­dire eum cum Domini Gratiâ unde venerat jubet .... ex quo (saith Ruffinus) in Indiae partibus, & populi Christianorum & Ecclesiae factae sunt, & Sacerdoti­um caepit.

The same happened in the case of the Iberians Ibidem c. 10. & apud Theodoret. l. 1. converted by a Captive woman; posteà verò quàm Ecclesia magnificè constructa est, & populi fidem Dei majore ardore sitiebant, captivae monitis ad Imperato­rem Constantinum totius Gentis legatio mittitur: Res gesta exponitur: SACERDOTES mittere oratur qui caeptum ergà se Dei munus implerent. The worke of Christianity could not be completed, nor a Church founded without the Ministery of Bishops.

* Thus the case is evident, that the want of a Bishop will not excuse us from our endeavours of acquiring one; and where God meanes to found a Church there he will supply them with those meanes, and Ministeries which himselfe hath made of ordinary and absolute necessity. And therefore if it happens that those Bishops which are of ordinary Ministrati­on [Page 195] amongst us, prove hereticall, still Gods Church is Catholike, and though with trouble, yet Ortho­doxe Bishops may be acquir'd. For just so it hap­pen'd when Mauvia Queene of the Saracens was so earnest to have Moses the Hermit made the Bishop of her Nation, and offer'd peace to the Catholikes upō that condition; Lucius an Arrian troubled the af­fayre by his interposing and offering to ordayne Moses; The Hermit discover'd his vilenesse, & it a Eccles: hist. lib. 11. cap. 6. per Ruffinum. majore dedecore deformatus compulsus est acquiescere. Moses refus'd to be ordayn'd by him that was an Arrian. So did the reform'd Churches refuse or­dinations by the Bishops of the Roman communion. But what then might they have done? Even the same that Moses did in that necessity; compulsus est ab Episcopis quos in exilium truserat (Lucius) sacer­dotium sumere. Those good people might have had orders from the Bishops of England, or the Luthe­ran Churches, if at least they thought our Churches Catholike, and Christian.

If an ordinary necessity will not excuse this, will not an extraordinary calling justifie it? Yea, most certainely, could we but see an ordinary proofe for an extraordinary calling, viz: an evident prophecy, demonstration of Miracles, certainety of reason, clarity of sense, or any thing that might make faith of an extraordinary mission.

But shall we then condemne those few of the Re­formed Churches whose ordinations alwaies have beene without Bishops? No indeed. That must not be. They stand, or fall to their owne Master. And [Page 196] though I cannot justifie their ordinations, yet what degree their Necessity is of, what their desire of E­piscopall ordinations may doe for their personall ex­cuse, and how farre a good life, and a Catholike be­leife may leade a man in the way to heaven, (al­though the formes of externall communion be not observ'd) I cannot determine. * For ought I know, their condition is the same with that of the Church of Pergamus [I know thy works, and where thou dwellest, even where Sathans seate is, and thou heldest fast my FAITH, and hast not denied my Name; Nihi­lominus habeo adversus te pauca, some few things I have against thee;] and yet of them, the want of Canonicall ordinations is a defect which I trust themselves desire to be remedied; but if it cannot be done, their sinne indeed is the lesse, but their mi­sery the Greater. * I am sure I have said sooth, but whether or no it will be thought so, I cannot tell; and yet why it may not I cannot guesse, unlesse they only be impeccable, which I suppose will not so ea­sily be thought of them, who themselves thinke, that all the Church possibly may faile. But this I would not have declar'd so freely, had not the necessity of our owne Churches requir'd it, and that the first pretence of the legality, and validity of their ordi­nations beene boyed up to the height of an absolute necessity; for else why shall it be called Tyranny in us to call on them to conforme to us, and to the practise of the Catholike Church, and yet in them be called a good and a holy zeale to exact our confor­mity to them; But I hope it will so happen to us, [Page 197] that it will be verifyed here, what was once said of the Catholikes under the fury of Iustina, sed tanta fuit persever antia fidelium populorum, vt animas priùs amittere, quàm Episcopum mallent; If it were put to our choice, rather to dye (to wit the death of Martyrs, not rebells) then loose the sacred order, and offices of Episcopacy, without which no Priest, no ordination, no consecration of the Sacrament, no absolution, no rite, or Sacrament legitimately can be performed in order to eternity.

The summe is this. If the Canons, and Sancti­ons Apostolicall, if the decrees of eight famous Councells in Christendome, of Ancyra, of Anti­och, of Sardis, of Alexandria, two of Constantinople, the Arausican Councell, and that of Hispalis; if the constant successive Acts of the famous Martyr Bishops of Rome making ordinations, if the testimo­ny of the whole Pontificall book, if the dogmaticall resolution of so many Fathers, S. Denis, S. Corneli­us, S. Athanasius, S. Hierome, S. Chrysostome, S. Epi­phanius, S. Austin, and diverse others, all appro­priating ordinations to the Bishops hand: if the con­stant voice of Christendome, declaring ordinations made by Presbyters, to be null, and voide in the na­ture of the thing: and never any act of ordination by a Non-Bishop, approoved by any Councell, decretall, or single suffrage of any famous man in Christen­dome: if that ordinations of Bishops were alwaies made, and they ever done by Bishops, and no pre­tence of Priests joyning with them in their conse­crations, and after all this it was declared heresy to [Page 198] communicate the power of giving orders to Presby­ters either alone, or in conjunction with Bishops, as it was in the case of Aërius: if all this, that is, if what­soever can be imagined, be sufficient to make faith in this particular; then it is evident that the power, and order of Bishops is greater then the power, and order of Presbyters, to wit, in this Great particular of ordination, and that by this loud voyce, and uni­ted vote of Christendome.

* BUT this was but the first part of the power § 33. And Con­firmation, which Catholick antiquity affixed to the order of Episcopacy. The next is of Confirmation of bapti­zed people. And here the rule was this, which was thus expressed by Damascen: Apostolorum, & Suc­cessorum eorum est per manûs impositionem donum Epist. de Cho­repisc. Spiritus sancti tradere. It belongs to the Apostles and their successors to give the Holy Ghost by im­position of hands. But see this in particular in­stance.

The Councell of Eliberis giving permission to faithfull people of the Laity to baptize Catechu­mens in cases of necessity, and exigence of journey; it a tamen ut si supervixerit [baptizatus] ad Episco­pum eum perducat, ut per manûs impositionem profi­cere possit. Let him be carried to the Bishop to be im­prov'd by imposition of the BISHOPS hands. This was Law.

It was also custome saith S. Cyprian, Quod nunc Epist. ad Iu­baian. quo (que) apud nos geritur, ut qui in Ecclesiâ baptizan­tur, per Praepositos Ecclesiae offerantur, & per nostram [Page 199] orationem, & manûs impositionem Spiritum sanctum consequantur, & signaculo Dominico consummentur. And this custome was Catholick too, and the Law was of Vniversall concernement. OMNES Fideles per manuum impositionem EPISCOPORUM Spiritum Sanctum post baptismum accipere debent, ut pleni Christiani accipere debent. So S. Vrbane in his de­cretall Epistle; And, Omnibus festinandum est sine Apud Sev. Bi­nium in 1. tom. Concil. morâ renasci, & demùm CONSIGNARI AB EPIS­COPO Et septiformem Spiritûs sanctigratiam recipe­re; so saith the old Author of the fourth Epistle un­der the name of S. Clement. ALL FAITHFULL baptized people must goe to the Bishop to be con­sign'd, and so by imposition of the Bishops hands to obtaine the seven fold guifts of the Holy Ghost.

Meltiades in his Epistle to the Bishops of Spaine affirmes confirmation in this, to have a speciall ex­cellency besides baptisme, quòd solùm à summis Sa­cerdotibus confertur, because Bishops only can give confirmation; And the same is said, & proov'd by S. Eusebius in his third Epistle enjoyning great vene­ration to this holy mystery, quod ab aliis perfici non potest nisi à summis Sacerdotibus. It cannot, it may not be perform'd by any, but by the Bishops.

Thus S. Chrysostome speaking of S. Philip con­verting Homil. 18. in Act. the Samaritans, [...]. Philip baptizing the men of Sama­ria, gave not the Holy Ghost to them whom he had baptized. For HE HAD NOT POWER. For this guift was only of the twelve Apostles. And a little [Page 200] after: [...]. This was PECU­LIAR to the Apostles. [...], whence it comes to passe, that the principall and chiefe of the Church doe it, and none else. And George Pachymeres, the Paraphrast of S. Dionysius; [...]. In cap. 5. de Eccles. hie­rarch. It is re­quired that a Bishop should consigne faithfull peo­ple baptiz'd. For this was the Ancient practise.

I shall not need to instance in too many particu­lars, for that the Ministry of confirmation was by Catholick custome appropriate to Bishops in all a­ges of the Primitive Church is to be seen by the concurrent testimony of Councells, & Fathers; par­ticularly of S. Clemens Alexandrinus in Lib. 3. hist. cap. 17. Eusebius, De Baptis­mo. Tertullian, S. Epist. 1. cap. 3. ad Decent. Innocentius the first, Epist. 4. Damasus, Epist. 88. S. Leo, in Epist. ad E­pisc. German. Iohn the third, in S. Lib. 3. ep. 9. Gregory, Amphi­lochius in the life of S. Basil telling the story of Bi­shop Maximinus confirming Basilius, and Eubulus, the Apud Grati­an. de conse­crat. dist. 5. can. ut jejuni. Councell of Orleans, and of Ibid. Can. ut Episcopi. Melda, and lastly of Concil. Hi­spal. can. 7. Sevill which affirmes, Non licere Presby­teris.... per impositionem manûs fidelibus baptizan­dis paracletum spiritum tradere. It is not lawfull for Presbyters to give confirmation, for it is properly an act of Episcopall power.... Chrismate spiritus S. su­perinfunditur. Vtra (que) verò ista manu, & ore Antisti­tis impetramus. These are enough for authority, and dogmaticall resolution from antiquity. For truth is, the first that ever did communicate the power of confirming to Presbyters was Photius, the first author of that unhappy and long lasting [Page 201] schisme between the Latine, and Greek Churches, and it was upon this occasion too. For when the vide Anasta­biblioth prae­fat. in Can. 8. Synodi. Bulgarians were first converted, the Greekes sent Presbyters to baptize, and to confirme them. But the Latins sent againe to have them re-confirmed, both because (as they pretended) the Greekes had no jurisdiction in Bulgaria, nor the Presbyters a ca­pacity of order to give confirmation.

The matters of fact, and acts Episcopall of con­firmation are innumerable, but most famous are those confirmations made by S. Rembert Bishop of vide Opta­tum. lib. 2. S. Bernard. in vitâ S Mala­chiae. Surium. tom. 1. in Febr. Brema, and of S. Malchus attested by S. Bernard, because they were ratified by miracle, saith the An­cient story. I end this with the saying of S. Hie­rome, Exigis ubi scriptum sit? In Actibus Apostolo­rum. Sed etiamsi Scripturae authoritas non subesset, totius orbis in hanc partem consensus instar praecepti dial. adv. Lu­cifer. obtineret. If you aske where it is written? (viz. that Bishops alone should confirme) It is written in the Acts of the Apostles (meaning, by precedent, though not expresse precept) but if there were no authority of Scripture for it, yet the consent of all the world upon this particular is instead of a command. *** It was fortunate that S. Hierome hath expressed himselfe so confidently in this affaire, for by this we are arm'd against an objection from his own words, for in the same dialogue, speaking of some acts of Epis­copall priviledge and peculiar ministration, parti­cularly, of Confirmation, he saies, it was ad honorem potius Sacerdotii quàm ad legis necessitatem. For the honour of the Priesthood, rather then for the necessity of a law.

[Page 202] To this the answer is evident from his own words: That Bishops should give the Holy Ghost in confirmation, is written in the Acts of the Apostles; and now that this is reserved rather for the honour of Episcopacy, then a simple necessity in the nature of the thing makes no matter. For the question here that is only of concernment, is not to what end this power is reserved to the Bishop, but by whom it was reserved? Now S. Hierome saies it was done a­pud Acta, in the Scripture, therefore by Gods Holy Spirit, and the end he also specifies, viz. for the ho­nour of that sacred order, non propter legis necessita­tem, not that there is any necessity of law, that confir­mation should be administred by the Bishop. Not that a Priest may doe it, but that, as S. Hierome him­selfe there argues, the Holy Ghost being already gi­ven in baptisme, if it happens that Bishops may not be had (for he puts the case concerning persons in bondage, and places remore, and destitute of Bi­shops) then in that case there is not the absolute ne­cessity of a Law, that Confirmation should be had at all: A man does not perish if he have it not; for that this thing was reserved to a Bishops peculiar mi­nistration, was indeed an honour to the function, but it was not for the necessity of a Law tying peo­ple in all cases actually to acquire it. So that this [non necessarium] is not to be referred to the Bi­shops ministration, as if it were not necessary for him to doe it when it is to be done, not that a Priest may doe it if a Bishop may not be had; but this non neces­sity is to be referred to confirmation it selfe; so that [Page 203] if a Bishop cannot be had, confirmation, though with much losse, yet with no danger, may be omit­ted. This is the summe of S. Hieroms discourse, this reconciles him to himselfe, this makes him speak conformably to his first assertions, and conse­quently to his arguments; and to be sure, no expo­sition can make these words to intend that this re­servation of the power of confirmation to Bishops, is not done by the spirit of God, and then let the sense of the words be what they will, they can doe no hurt to the cause; and as easily may we escape from those words of his, to Rusticus Bishop of Nar­bona. Sed quia scriptum est, Presbyteri duplici ho­nore honorentur.... praedicare eos decet, utile est be­nedicere, congruum confirmare, &c. It is quoted by Gratian dist. 95. can. ecce ego. But the glosse upon the place expounds him thus, i. e. in fide, the Pres­byters may preach, they may confirme their Audi­tors, not by consignation of Chrisme, but by con­firmation of faith; and for this, quotes a paralell place for the use of the word [Confirmare] by au­thority of S. Gregory, who sent Zachary his legate Caus. 11. q. 3. can. Quod praedecessor. into Germany from the See of Rome, ut Orthodoxos Episcopos, Presbyteros, vel quoscun (que) reperire potu­isset in verbo exhortationis perfectos, ampliùs confir­maret. Certainly S. Gregory did not intend that his legate Zachary should confirme Bishops & Priests in any other sense but this of S. Hieroms in the present, to wit, in faith and doctrine, not in rite, and myste­ry, and neither could S. Hierome himselfe intend that Presbyters should doe it at all but in this sense [Page 204] of S. Gregory, for else he becomes an Antistrephon, and his owne opposite.

* Yea, but there is a worse matter then this. S. in Ephes. 4. Ambrose tels of the Egyptian Priests, that they in the absence of the Bishop doe confirme. Deni (que) apud Egyptum Presbyteri consignant si praesens non sit E­piscopus. But,

1. The passage is suspitious, for it interrupts a discourse of S. Ambrose's concerning the Primitive Order of election to the Bishopricke, and is no way pertinent to the discourse, but is incircled with a story of a farre different consequence, which is not easily thought to have beene done by any conside­ring and intelligent Author.

2. But suppose the clause is not surreptitious, but naturall to the discourse, and borne with it, yet it is matter of fact, not of right, for S. Ambrose nei­ther approves, nor disproves it, and so it must goe for a singular act against the Catholike practise and Lawes of Christendome.

3. If the whole clause be not surreptitious, yet the word [Consignant] is, for S. Austin who hath the same discourse, the same thing, viz: of the dig­nity of Presbyters, tels this story of the Act and ho­nour of Presbyters in Alexandria, and all Aegypt, almost in the other words of his Master S. Ambrose, but he tells it thus, Nam & in Alexandriâ & per to­tum Aegyptum si desit Episcopus, Consecrat Pres­byter. So that it should not be consignat, but conse­crat; Quaest. 101. Vet. & N. Testam. Ba­sileae. for no story tells of any confirmations done in Aegypt by Presbyters, but of consecrating the [Page 205] Eucharist in cases of Episcopall absence, or commis­sion I shall give account in the Question of Iurisdi­ction; that was indeed permitted in Aegypt, and some other places, but Confirmation never, that we can find else where, and this is too improbable to beare weight against evidence and practise Aposto­licall, and foure Councells, and 16 ancient Catho­like Fathers, testifying that it was a practise and a Law of Christendome that Bishops onely should con­firme, and not Priests, so that if there be no other scruple, this Question is quickly at an end.

* * But S. Gregory is also pretended in objecti­on; for he gave dispensation to the Priests of Sar­dinia, vt baptizatos Vguant, to aneale baptized lib. 3. eist p. 26. people. Now anointing the forehead of the bapti­zed person, was one of the solemnityes of confir­mation, so that this indulgence does arise to a power of Confirming; for Vnctio and Chrismatio in the first Arausican Councell, and since that time Sacra­mentum Chrismatis hath beene the vsuall word for confirmation. But this will not much trouble the buisinesse.

Because it is evident that he meanes it not of con­firmation, but of the Chrisme in those times by the rites of the Church us'd in baptisme. For in his 9th Epistle he forbids Priests to anoynt baptized people, now here is precept against precept, therefore it must be understood of severall anoyntings, and so S. Gregory expounds himselfe in this 9th Epistle, Presbyteri baptizatos infantes signare bis in fronte Chrismate non praesumant. Presbyters may not a­noint [Page 206] baptised people twice, oncethey might; now that this permission of anoynting was that which was a ceremony of baptisme, not an act of confir­mation, we shall see by comparing it with other Ca­nons. * In the collection of the Orientall Canons by Martinus Bracarensis, It is decreed thus, [Presby­ter Can. 52. praesente Episcopo non SIGNET infantes, nisi forte ab Episcopo fuerit illi praeceptum. A Priest must not signe infantes without leave of the Bishop if he be pre­sent. Must not signe them] that is with Chrisme in their foreheads, and that in baptisme; for the cir­cumstant Canons doe expressly explicate, and de­termine it; for they are concerning the rites of bap­tisme, and this in the midst of them. And by the way this may answer S. Ambrose his [Presbyteri consignant absente Episcopo] in case it be so to be read; for here wee see a consignation permitted to the presbyters in the Easterne Churches to be used in baptisme, in the absence of the Bishop, and this an act of indulgence and favour, and therefore ex­traordinary, and of use to S. Ambrose his purpose of advancing the Presbyters, but yet of no objection in case of confimation. * And indeed [Consignari] is us'd in Antiquity for any signing with the Crosse, and anealing. Thus it is us'd in the first Arausican Councell for extreame Vnction, which is there in case of extreame necessity permitted to Presbyters: Haereticos Can. 2. in mortis discrimine positos, Si Catholici esse desiderent, si desit Episcopus à Presbyteris cam Chris­mate, & benedictione CONSIGNARI placet. Consig­n'd is the word, and it was clearly in extreame Un­ction, [Page 207] for that rite was not then ceased, and it was in anealing a dying body, and a part of reconci­liation, and so limited by the sequent Canon and not to be fancyed of any other consignation. But I re­turne. *** The first Councell of Toledo prohibites Can. 20. any from making Chrisme, but Bishops only, and takes order, ut de singulis Ecclesiis ad Episcopum an­te diem Paschae Diaconi destinentur, ut confectum Chrisma ab Episcopo destinatum ad diem Paschae pos­sit occurrere; that the Chrisme be fetch't by the De­acons from the Bishop to be us'd in all Churches. But for what use? why, it was destinatum ad diem Paschae sayes the Canon, against the Holy time of Easter, and then, at Easter was the solemnity of publike baptismes, so that it was to be us'd in bap­tisme. And this sense being premised, the Canon permits to Presbyters to signe with Chrisme, the same thing that S. Gregory did to the Priests of Sar­dinia. Statutum verò est, Diaconum non Chrismare, sed Presbyterum absente Episcopo, praesente verò, si ab ipso fuerit praeceptum. Now although this be e­vident enough, yet it is somthing clearer in the first Arausican Councell, Nullus ministrorum qui BAPTI­ZANDI recipit officium sine Chrismate usquam debet Can. 1. progredi, quia inter nos placuit semel in baptismate Chrismari. The case is evident that Chrismation or Consigning with oyntment was us'd in baptisme, and it is as evident that this Chrismation was it which S. Gregory permitted to the Presbyters, not the other, for he expressely forbad the other and the exigence of the Canons, and practise of the [Page 208] Church expound it so, and it is the same which S. Innocent the first decreed in more expresse and di­stinctive termes, Presbyteris Chrismate baptizatos ungere licet, sed quod ab Episcopo fuerit Consecratum; Epist. 1. ad Decent. Cap. 3. there is a cleare permission of consigning with Chrisme in baptisme, but he subjoynes a prohibiti­on to Priests for doing it in confirmation; non tamen frontem eodem oleo signare, quod solis debetur Epis­copis cùm tradunt Spiritum Sanctum Paracletum.

By the way; some, that they might the more clearly determine S. Gregory's dispensation to be only in baptismall Chrisme, read it, [Vt baptizan­dos ungant] not [baptizatos] so Gratian, so S. Thomas, but it is needlesse to be troubled with that, for Innocentius in the decretall now quoted useth the word [Baptizatos] and yet clearly distinguishes this power from the giving the Chrisme in Confir­mation.

I know no other objection, and these wee see hinder not but that having such evidence of fact in Scripture of confirmations done only by Apostles, and this evidence urged by the Fathers for the pra­ctice of the Church, and the power of cofirmation by many Councells, and Fathers appropriated to Bishops, and denyed to Presbyters, and in this they are not only Doctors teaching their owne opinion, but witnesses of a Catholike practise, and doe actu­ally attest it as done by a Catholike consent; and no one example in all antiquity ever produc'd of any Priest that did, no law that a Priest might impose hands for confirmation; wee may conclude it to be a [Page 209] power Apostolicall in the Originall, Episcopall in the Succession, and that in this power, the order of a Bishop is higher then that of a Presbyter, and so de­clar'd by this instance of Catholike Practise.

THus farre I hope we are right. But I call to § 34. And juris­diction, mind, that in the Nosotrophium of the old Phi­losopher that undertook to cure all Calentures by Bathing his Patients in water; some were up to the Chin, some to the Middle, some to the Knees; So it is amongst the enemies of the Sacred Order of E­piscopacy; some endure not the Name, and they in­deed deserve to be over head and eares; some will have them all one in office with Presbyters, as at first they were in Name; and they had need bath up to the Chinne; but some stand shallower, and grant a little distinction, a precedency perhaps for order sake, but no preheminence in reiglement, no superiority of Iurisdiction; Others by all meanes would be thought to be quite thorough in behalfe of Bishops order, and power such as it is, but call for a reduction to the primitive state, and would have all Bishops like the Primitive, but because by this meanes they thinke to impaire their power, they may well endure to be up to the ankles, their error indeed is lesse, and their pretence fairer, but the use they make of it, of very ill consequence. But cu­ring the mistake will quickly cure this distemper, That then shall be the present issue, that in the Pri­mitive Church Bishops had more power, and grea­ter exercise of absolute jurisdiction, then now Men [Page 210] will endure to be granted, or then themselves are very forward to challenge.

1. Then; The Primitive Church expressing Which they ex­pressed in attributes of authori­ty, and great pow­er, the calling and offices of a Bishop, did it in termes of presidency and authority. Episcopus typum Dei Patris omnium gerit, saith S. Ignatius; The Bishop carryes the representment of God the Father, that is, in power and authority to be sure, (for how else:) so as to be the supreme in suo ordine, in offices Ec­clesiasticall. And againe, Quid enim aliud est Epis­copus quàm is quiomni Prineipatu, & potestate supe­rior Epist. ad Trallian. est? Here his superiority and advantage is ex­pressed to be in his power; A Bishop is greater and higher then all other power, viz: in materiâ, or gradu religionis. And in his Epistle to the Magne­sians; Hortor ut hoc sit omnibus studium in Dei con­cordiâ omnia agere EPISCOPO PRESIDENTE LO­CO DEI. Doe all things in Vnity, the Bishop being PRESIDENT IN THE PLACE OF GOD. President in all things. And with a fuller tide yet, in his E­pistle to the Church of Smyrna, Honora Episcopum ut PRINCIPEM SACERDOTUM imaginem Dei re­ferentem, Dei quidem propter Principatum, Christi verò propter Sacerdotium. It is full of fine expressi­on both for Eminency of order, and Iurisdiction. The Bishop is the PRINCE OF THE PRIESTS bear­ring the image of God for his Principality (that's his jurisdiction and power) but of Christ himselfe for his Priesthood, (that's his Order.) S. Ignatius hath spoken fairely, and if we consider that he was so pri­mitive a man that himselfe saw Christ in the flesh, and [Page 211] liv'd a man of exemplary sanctity, and dyed a Martyr, and hath been honoured as holy Catholike by all posterity, certainly these testimonyes must needs be of Great pressure, being Sententiae repetiti dogmatis, not casually slipt from him, and by incogitancy, but resolutely and frequently.

But this is attested by the generall expressions of after ages. Fungaris circa eum POTESTATE HONO­RIS tui, saith S. Cyprian to Bishop Rogatianus. Ex­ecute lib. 3. epist. 9. the POWER OF THY DIGNITY upon the re­fractary Deacon; And VIGOR EPISCOPALIS, and AUTHORITAS CATHEDRae are the the words ex­pressive of that power whatsoever it be which S. Cyprian calls upon him to assert, in the same Epistle. This is high enough. So is that which he presently subjoynes, calling the Bishops power Ecclesiae guber­nandae sublimem ac divinam potestatem, a high and a divine power and authority in regiment of the Church. * Locus Magisterij traditus ab Apostolis, So S. Irenaeus calls Episcopacy; A place of Mastership lib. 4. cap. 63. or authority deliver'd by the Apostles to the Bishops their successors. * Eusebius speaking of Dionysius, who succeeded Heraclas, he received (saith he) [...]. The lib. 6. hist. cap. 26. Bishoprick of the PRECEDENCY over the Churches of Alexandria. * [...], saith the Can. 10. Councell of Sardis; to the TOP or HEIGHT of Epis­copacy. APICES & PRINCIPES OMNIUM, so Op­tatus calls Bishops; the CHEIFE, aud HEAD of all; and S. Denys of Alexandria, Scribit ad Fabianum lib. 2. adv. Parmen. Vrbis Romae Episcopum, & ad alios quamplurimos [Page 212] ECCLESIARUM PRINCIPES de fide Catholicâ suâ, saith Eusebius. And Origen calls the Bishop, eum qui lib. 6. hist. cap. 26. Homil. 7. in Ierem. TOTIUS ECCLESIae ARCEM obtinet, He that hath obtayn'd the TOWER ORHEIGHT of the Church.

The Fathers of the Councell of Constantinople in Trullo ordayn'd that the Bishops dispossessed of their Churches by incroachments of Barbarous pe­ople upon the Church's pale, so as the Bishop had in effect no Diocesse, yet they should enjoy [...] the authority of their PRESIDENCY according to their proper state; their appropriate presidency. And the same Councell calls the Bishop [...] the PRELATE or PRE­FECT of the Church; I know not how to expound it better. But it is something more full in the Greeks Councell of Carthage Commanding that the con­vert Can. 69. Donatists should be received according to the will and pleasure of the Bishop, [...], that GOVERNES the Church in that place. * And in the Councell of Antioch [...], Can. 25. The Bishop hath POWER OVER the affayrs of the Church. * Hoc quidem tempore Romanae Ecclesiae Sylvester retinacu­la gubernabat. S. Sylvester [the Bishop] held the Reynes or the stearne of the Roman Church, saith The­odoret. hist: tripart: lib. 1. cap. 12.

But the instances of this kind are infinite, two may be as good as twenty, and these they are. The first is of S. Ambrose; HONOR, & SUBLIMITAS E­piscopalis de dignit. sa­cerdot. c. 2. nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari. The HONOUR and SUBLIMITY of the Episcopall Or­der [Page 213] is beyond all comparison great. And their com­mission he specifyes to be in Pasce oves meas; Vnde regendae Sacerdotibus contraduntur, meritò RECTO­RIBUS suis subdi dicuntur &c: The sheepe are delive­red to Bishops, as to RULERS and are made their Sub­jects; And in the next chapter, Haec verò cuncta, Fra­tres, Cap. 3. ideò nos praemisisse cognoscere debetis, vt osten­deremus nihil esse in hoc saeculo excellentius Sacerdo­tibus, nihil SUBLIMIUS EPISCOPIS reperiri vt cùm dignitatem Episcopatûs Episcoporum oraculis de­monstramus, & dignè noscamus quid sumus....actio­ne potius, quàm Nomine demonstremus. These things I have said that you may know nothing is higher, no­thing more excellent then the DIGNITY, AND E­MINENCE OF A BISHOP, &C. * The other is of S. Hierome, CURA TOTIUS ECCLESIAE AD E­PISCOPUM PERTINET, The care of the whole Church appertaines to the Bishop. But more confi­dently spoken is that in his dialogue adversus Luci­ferianos; Ecclesiae salus in SUMMI SACERDOTIS DIGNITATE pendet, cuisi non exors quaedam & ab Cap. 4.omnibus EMINENS DETUR POTESTAS, tot in Ec­clesiis efficientur schismata, quot Sacerdotes, The safe­ty of the Church consists in the DIGNITY OF A BISHOP, to whom vnlesse an EMINENT and UNPA­RALELL'D POWER be given by all, there will be as many Schismes as Priests.

Here is dignity, and authority, and power enough expressed; and if words be expressive of things, (and there is no other use of thē) then the Bishop is SUPE­RIOUR IN A PEERELESSE, AND INCOMPARABLE [Page 214] AUTHORITY, and all the whole Diocesse are his subjects, viz: in regimine Spirituali.

BUT from words let us passe to things. For the § 35. Requiring Vniversall obedience to be given to Bishops by Clergy and Laity. Faith and practise of Christendome requires o­bedience, Universall obedience, to be given to Bi­shops. I will begin againe with Ignatius, that these men who call for reduction of Episcopacy to Primi­tive consistence, may see what they gaine by it, for the more primitive the testimonies are, the greater exaction of obedience to Bishops; for it happened in this, as in all other things; at first, Christians were more devout more pursuing of their duties, more zealous in attestation of every particle of their faith; and that Episcopacy is now come to so low an ebbe, it is nothing, but that it being a great part of Christianity to honour, and obey them, it hath the fate of all other parts of our Religion, and particu­larly of Charity, come to so low a declension, as it can scarce stand alone; and faith, which shall scarce be found upon earth at the comming of the Sonne of Man.

But to our businesse.

S. Ignatius in his epistle to the Church of Trallis, Necesse ita (que) est (saith he) quicquid facitis, ut sine E­PISCOPO NIHIL TENTETIS. So the Latine of Vedelius, which I the rather chuse, because I am willing to give all the advantage I can. It is necessa­ry (saith the good Martyr) that whatsoever ye doe, you should attempt nothing without your BISHOP. And to the Magnesians, Decet ita (que) vos obedire E­PISCOPO, [Page 215] ET IN NULLO ILLI REFRAGARI. It is sitting that ye should obey your BISHOP, and in NO­THING to be refractory to him. Here is both a De­cet, and a Necesse est, already. It is very fitting, it is necessary. But if it be possible, we have a fuller ex­pression yet, in the same Epistle; Quemadmodum e­nim Dominus sine Patre nihil facit, nec enim possum facere à me ipso quicquam: sic & vos SINE EPISCO­PO, nec Presbyter, nec Diaconus, nec Laicus. Nec QUICQUAM videatur VOEIS CONSENTANEUM quod sit PRAETER ILLIUs IUDICIUM, quod enim tale est, iniquum est, & Deo inimicum. Here is obe­dience Vniversall, both in respect of things, and persons; and all this no lesse then absolutely necessa­ry. For as Christ obey'd his Father in all things, saying, of my selfe I can doe nothing: so nor you without your BISHOP; whoever you be, whether Priest, or Deacon, or Lay-man. Let nothing please you, which the Bishop mislikes, for all such things are wicked, and in enmity with God. * But it seems S. Ignatius was mightily in love with this precept, for he gives it to almost all the Churches he writes to. Wee have already reckon'd the Trallians, and the Magnesians. But the same he gives to the Priests of Tarsias, [...]. Ye Pres­byters be subject to your Bishop. The same to the Phi­ladelphians. Sine EPISCOPO nihil facite, Doe no­thing without your BISHOP. But this is better ex­plicated in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna. Si­ne EPISCOPO NEMO QUICQUAM FACIAT eorum quae ad Ecclesiam spectant. No man may doe ANY [Page 216] THING WITHOUT THE BISHOP, viz. of those things which belong to the Church. So that this saying expounds all the rest, for this universall obe­dience is to be understood according to the sense of the Church, viz. to be in all things of Ecclesiasti­call cognizance, all Church affaires. And therefore he gives a charge to S. Polycarpe their Bishop; that he also look to it, that nothing be done without his leave. Nihil sine TUO ARBITRIO agatur, nec item tu quicquam praeter Dei facies voluntatem. As thou must doe nothing against Gods will, so let nothing (in the Church) be done without thine. By the way, ob­serve, he saies not, that as the Presbytery must doe nothing without the Bishop, so the Bishop nothing without them; But, so the Bishop nothing without God. But so it is. Nothing must BE DONE without the Bishop; And therefore although he incourages them that can, to remaine in Virginity, yet this, if it be either done with pride, or without the Bishop, it is spoiled. For, si gloriatus fuerit, periit, & si id ipsum statuatur SINE EPISCOPO, corruptum est. His last dictate in this Epistle to S. Polycarpe, is with an [E­piscopo attendite, sicut & Deus vobis] The way to have God to take care of us, is to observe our Bi­shop. Hinc & vos decet accedere SENTENTIAE E­PISCOPI, qui secundùm Deum vos pascit, quemad­modum Episl. ad E­phes. & facitis, edocti à spiritu; you must therefore conforme to the sentence of the BISHOP, as indeed yee doe already, being taught so to doe by Gods holy Spi­rit.

There needs no more to be said in this cause, if [Page 217] the authority of so great a man will beare so great a burden. What the man was, I said before: what these Epistles are, and of what authority, let it rest upon Apologiae pro Ignatio. Vedelius, a man who is no waies to be suspe­cted as a party for Episcopacy, or rather upon the credit of Lib. 3. hist. c. 30. Eusebius, De Script. Eccles. S. Hierome, and Apud Euseb­quem Latine reddidit. Ruffinus who reckon the first seven out of which I have ta­ken these excerpta, for naturall and genuine. And now I will make this use of it; Those men that call for reduction of Episcopacy to the Primitive state, should doe well to stand close to their principles, and count that the best Episcopacy which is first; and then consider but what S. Ignatius hath told us for direction in this affaire, and see what is gotten in the bargaine. For my part, since they that call for such a reduction hope to gaine by it, and then would most certainly have abidden by it, I think it not reasonable to abate any thing of Ignatius his height, but expect such subordination and confor­mity to the Bishop as he then knew to be a law of Christianity. But let this be remembred all along, in the specification of the parts of their Iurisdiction. But as yet I am in the generall demonstration of o­bedience.

The Councell of Laodicea having specified some Can. 56. particular instances of subordination, and dependance to the Bishop, summes them up thus, Idem videre est apud Da­masum. Epist. de Chorepisco­pis. [...]. So likewise the Presbyters let them doe nothing without the precept and counsell of the Bishop, so is the transla­tion of Isidore, ad verbum. This Councell is anci­ent [Page 218] enough, for it was before the first Nicene. So also was that of Arles commanding the same thing exactly. * Vt Presbyteri sine conscientiâ Episcopo­rum Can. 19. nihil faciant. Sed nec Presbyteris civitatis sine Episcopi praecepto amplius aliquid imperare, vel sine authoritate literarum ejus in Vnaqua (que) parochiâ ali­quid agere, saies the thirteenth Canon of the Ancyran Councell according to the Latine of Isidore. The same thing is in the first Councell of Toledo, the ve­ry Can. 20. same words for which I cited the first Councell of Arles, viz. That Presbyters doe nothing without the knowledge or permission of the Bishop. * Esto SUB­IECTUS Epist. ad Ne­potian. PONTIFICI Tuo, & quasi animae paren­temsuscipe. It is the counsell of S. Hierome. Be sub­ject to thy Bishop and receive him as the Father of thy soule.

I shall not need to derive hither any more parti­cular instances of the duty, and obedience owing from the Laity to the Bishop. For this account will certainly be admitted by all considering men. God hath intrusted the soules of the Laity to the care of the Ecclesiasticall orders; they therefore are to sub­mit to the government of the Clergy in matters Spi­rituall with which they are intrusted. For either there is no Government at all, or the Laity must governe the Church, or else the Clergy must. To say there is no Government, is to leave the Church in worse condition then a tyranny. To say that the Laity should governe the Church, when all Eccle­siasticall Ministeries are committed to the Clergy, is to say, Scripture means not what it saies; for it is [Page 219] to say, that the Clergy must be Praepositi, and [...], and praelati, and yet the prelation, and presiden­cy, and rule is in them who are not ever by Gods spirit called Presidents or Prelates, and that it is not in them who are called so. * In the mean time if the Laity in matters Spirituall are inferior to the Clergy, and must in things pertaining to the Soule be rul'd by them, with whom their Soules are in­trusted; then also much rather they must obey those of the Clergy, to whom all the other Clergy them­selves are bound to be obedient. Now since by the frequent precept of so many Councells, and Fa­thers, the Deacons and Presbyters must submit in all things to the Bishop, much more must the Laity, and since the Bishop must rule in chiefe, and the Presbyters at the most can but rule in conjunction, and assistance, but ever in subordination to the Bi­shop, the Laity must obey de integro. For that is to keep them in that state, in which God hath placed them.

But for the maine, S. Clement in his Epistle to S. Iames translated by Ruffinus, saith it was the do­ctrine of Peter, according to the institution of Christ, that Presbyters should be obedient to their Bishop in all things; and in his third Epistle; that Presbyters, and Deacons and others of the Clergy must take heed that they doe nothing without the license of the Bishop. * And to make this businesse up compleat, all these authorities of great antiquity, were not the prime constitutions in those severall Churches respective­ly, but meere derivations from tradition Apostoli­call, [Page 220] for not only the thing, but the words so often mentioned are in the 40th Canon of the Apostles. [...] (the same is repeated in the twenty fourth Canon of the Councell of Antioch) [...]. Presbyters and Deacons must doe nothing without leave of the Bishop, for to him the Lords peo­ple is committed, and he must give an account for their soules. * And if a Presbyter shall contemne his owne Bishop making conventions apart, and e­recting another altar, he is to be deposed, [...] (saith the 32. Canon) as a lover of Principality: inti­mating, that he arrogates Episcopall dignity, and so is ambitious of a Principality. The issue then is this. * The Presbyters, and Clergy, and Laity must obey, therefore the Bishop must governe and give them lawes. It was particularly instanc'd in the case of S. Chrysostome, [...] saith Theodoret, He adorned, and instructed Pontus with these Lawes, so he, reckoning up the ex­tent Lib. 5. cap. 28. of his jurisdiction.

* But now descend we to a specification of the power and jurisdiction * of Bishops.

§ 36. Appoint­ing them to be Iud­ges of the Clergy and spirituall causes of the Laity. THe Bishops were Ecclesiasticall Iudges over the Presbyters, the inferiour Clergy and the Laity. What they were in Scripture who were constitu­ted in presidency over causes spirituall, I have alrea­dy twice explicated; and from hence it descended by a close succession that they who watched for [Page 221] soules they had the rule over them, and because no regiment can be without coërcion, therefore there was inherent in them a power of cognition of cau­ses, and coërcion of persons. * The Canons of the Apostles appointing censures to be inflicted on de­linquent person's makes the Bishop's hand to doe it. [...]. Can. 33. If any Presbyter or Deacon be excommunica­ted BY THE BISHOP he must not be received by any else, but by him that did so censure him, vnlesse the BISHOP THAT CENSUR'D HIM be dead. The same is repeated in the Nicene Councell; only it is Can. 5. permitted that any one may appeale to a Synod of BISHOPS, si fortè aliquâ indignatione, aut contentio­ne aut qualibet commotione Episcopi sui, excommuni­cati sint, if he thinks himselfe wrong'd by prejudice or passion; and when the Synod is met, hujusmodi examinent Quaestiones. But by the way it must be Synodus Episcoporum, so the Canon; ut ita demum hi qui ob culpas suas EPISCOPORUM SUORUM OFFEN­SAS meritò contraxerunt dignè etiam à caeteris ex­communicati habeantur, quous (que) in communi, vel IPSI EPISCOPO SUO UISUM FUERIT humaniorum circà eos ferre sententiam. The Synod of Bishops must ratifie the excommunication of all those who for their delinquencies have justly incurred the displea­sure of their Bishop, and this censure to stick upon them till either the Synod, or their owne Bishop shall give a more gentle sentence. * * This Canon [Page 222] we see, relates to the Canon of the Apostles, and affix­es the judicature of Priests, and Deacons to the Bi­shops: commanding their censures to be held as firme and valid; only as the Apostles Canon names Presbyters, and Deacons particularly; so the Nicene Canon speakes indefinitely and so comprehends all of the Diocesse and jurisdiction.

The fourth Councell of Carthage gives in expresse termes the cognisance of Clergy-causes to the Bi­shop, Can. 59. calling ayd from a Synod in case a Clergy-man prove refractary, and disobedient. Discordantes Clericos Episcopus vel ratione, vel potestate ad con­cordiam trahat, inobedientes Synodus per audientiam damnet. If the Bishops reason will not end the contro­versies of Clergy-men, his power must; but if any man list to be contentious, intimating (as I suppose out of the Nicene Councell) with frivolous appeales, and impertinent protraction, the Synod [of Bishops] must condemne him, viz. for his disobeying his Bishops sentence. * The Councell of Antioch is yet more particular in it's Sanction for this affayre, inti­mating a cleare distinction of proceeding in the cau­ses of a Bishop, and the other of Priests, and Dea­cons. [...] Can. 4. &c. If a Bishop shall be de­posed by a Synod (viz. of Bishops, according to the exigence of the Nicene Canon) or a PRIEST, OR DEACON BY HIS OWNE BISHOP, if he meddles with any Sacred offices he shall be hopelesse of ab­solution. But here we see that the ordinary Iudge of a Bishop is a Synod of Bishops; but of Priests and Dea­cons [Page 223] the Bishop alone: And the sentence of the Bi­shop is made firme omnimodò in the next Canon; Si quis Presbyter, vel Diaconus proprio contempto Epis­copo.... privatim congregationem effecerit, & altare erexerit, & Episcopo accersente non obedierit nec ve­lit ei parere, nec morem gerere primò & secundò vo­canti, hic damnetur omni modo..... Quod si Ecclesiam conturbare, & sollicitare persistat tanquam seditiosus per potestates exter as opprimatur. What Presbyter so­ever refuses to obey his Bishop and will not appeare at his first, or second Summons, let him be deposed, and if he shall persist to disturbe the Church, let him be given over to the secular powers. * Adde to this the first Canon of the same Councell, [...] &c: If any one be excommunicate by his owne Bishop &c: as it is in the foregoing Ca­nons of Nice and the Apostles. The Result of these Sanctions is this. The Bishop is the Iudge: the Bishop is to inflict censures; the Presbyters, and Deacons are either to obey, or to be deposed: No greater evi­dence in the world of a Superiour jurisdiction, and this established by all the power they had; and this did extend, not only to the Clergy, but to the Laity; for that's the close of the Canon, [...]. This constitution is concerning the Laity, and the Pres­byters, and the Deacons, and all that are within the rule, viz: that if their Bishop have sequestred them from the holy Communion, they must not be suffered to communicate elsewhere.

But the AUDIENTIA EPISCOPALIS, The Bishops [Page 224] Audience-Court is of larger power in the Councell of Chalcedon, [...]. Can. 9. If any Clergy man have any cause against a Cler­gy man, let him by no meanes leave his owne Bishop and runne to SECULAR COURTS, [...]. But first let the cause be examined before their owne BISHOP, or by the BISHOPS LEAVE be­fore such persons as the contesting parties shall desire. [...]. Whosoever does otherwise let him suffer vnder the censures of the Church. Here is not only a subordi­nation of the Clergy in matters criminall, but also the civill causes of the Clergy must be submitted to the Bishop, under paine of the Canon. * I end this with the at estation of the Councell of Sardis, exact­ly of the same Spirit, the same injunction, and al­most the same words with the former Canons. Ho­sius the President said; If any Deacon, or Priest, or Can. 13. & 14. of the inferiour Clergy being excommunicated shall goe to another Bishop [...], knowing him to be excommunicated by his owne BISHOP, that other Bishop, must by no meanes receive him into his com­munion.

Thus farre we have matter of publike right, and authority declaring the Bishop to be the Ordinary Iudge of the causes, and persons of Clergy men; and have power of inflicting censures both upon the [Page 225] Clergy, and the Laity. And if there be any weight in the concurrent testimony of the Apostolicall Ca­nons, of the Generall Councells of Nice, and of Chalcedon, of the Councells of Antioch, of Sardis, of Carthage; then it is evident, that the Bishop is the Ordinary Iudge in all matters of Spirituall cogni­sance, and hath power of censures, and therefore a Superiority of jurisdiction.

This thing only by the way; in all these Canons there is no mention made of any Presbyters assistant with the Bishop in his Courts. For though I doubt not but the Presbyters were in some Churches, and in sometimes [...], and [...] as S. Ignatius calls them; counsellors and assessors with the Bishop; yet the power, and the right of inflicting censures is only expressed to be in the Bishop, and no concurrent jurisdiction mention'd in the Pres­bytery: but of this hereafter more particularly.

* Now we may see these Canons attested by practice, and dogmaticall resolution. S. Cyprian is the man whom I would choose in all the world to depose in this cause; because he, if any man, hath gi­ven all dues to the Colledge of Presbyters: and yet if he reserves the Superiority of jurisdiction to the Bishop, and that absolutely, and independently of conjunction with the Presbytery, we are all well enough, and without suspition. * Diù patientiam meam tenui (Fratres Charissimi) saith he, writing Epist. 10. to the Presbyters and Deacons of his Church. He was angry with them for admitting the lapsi with­out his consent; and though he was as willing as a­ny [Page 226] man to comply both with the Clergy, and peo­ple of his Diocesse, yet he also must assert his owne priviledges, and peculiar. Quod enim non pericu­lum metuere debemus de offensâ Domini, quando ali­qui de Presbyteris nec Evangelij nec loci sui memores, sed ne (que) futurum Domini judicium, ne (que) nunc praepo­situm sibi Episcopum cogitantes, quod nunquam om­nino sub antecessoribus factum est ut cum cōtumeliâ & contemptu Praepositi totum sibi vendicent. The mat­ter was, that certaine Presbyters had reconciled them that fell in persecution without the perfor­mance of penance according to the severity of the Canon; and this was done without the Bishops leave, by the Presbyters [Forgetting their owne place and the GOSPELL and their BISHOP set over them] a thing that was never heard of, till that time. Totum sibi vendicabant, They that might doe nothing without the Bishops leave, yet did this whole affaire of their owne heads. Well! Vpon this S. Cyprian himselfe, by his owne authority alone, suspends them till his returne, and so shewes that his autho­rity was independant, theirs was not, and then pro­mises they shall have a faire hearing before him, in the presence of the Confessors, and all the people. Vtar eâ admonitione quâ me vti Dominus jubet, ut interim prohibeantur offerre, acturi & apud nos, & apud Confessores ipsos, & apud plebem Vniversam causam suam. * Here it is plaine that S. Cyprian sus­pended these Presbyters, by his owne authority, in absence from his Church, and reserved the further hearing of the cause till it should please God to re­store him to his See.

[Page 227] But this fault of the Presbyters S. Cyprian in the two next Epistles does still more exaggerate; saying, they ought to have ask'd the Bishops leave, Sicut in praeteritum semper sub antecessoribus factum est, for so was the Catholike custome ever, that nothing should be done without the Bishops leave; but now by doing otherwise they did prevaricate the divine commandement, and dishonour the Bishop. Yea, Epist. 11. but the Confessors interceeded for the lapsi, and they seldome were discountenanc'd in their requests. What should the Presbyters doe in this case? S. Cyprian tells them, writing to the Confessors. Pe­titiones ita (que) & desideria vestra EPISCOPO servent. Let them ketpe your petitions for the BISHOP to con­sider of. But they did not, therefore he suspended Epist. 12. them, because they did not reservare Episcopo hono­rem Sacerdotij sui, & cathedrae; Preserve the honour of the Bishops chaire, and the Episcopall authority in presuming to reconcile the penitents without the Bi­shops leave.

The same S. Cyprian in his Epistle to Rogatianus Epist. 65. resolves this affayre; for when a contemptuous bold Deacon had abus'd his Bishop, he complain'd to S. Cyprian who was an Arch-Bishop, and indeed S. Cyprian tells him he did honour him in the busi­nesse that he would complaine to him, cum pro E­PISCOPATUS VIGORE, & CATHEDRAE AUTHO­RITATE haberes potestatem quâ posses de illo statim vindicari; When as he had power Episcopall and suf­ficient authority himselfe to have punish'd the Deacon for his petulancy. The whole Epistle is very perti­nent [Page 228] to this Question, and is cleare evidence for the great authority of Episcopall jurisdiction, the summe whereof is in this incouragement given to Rogatianus by S. Cyprian; Fungaris circa eum PO­TESTATE HONORIS TUI, ut eum vel deponas, vel abstineas. Exercise the power of your honour upon him, and either suspend him, or depose him. * And therefore he commends Cornelius the Bishop of Rome for driving Felicissimus the Schismatick from Epist. 55. the Church▪ vigore pleno quo Episcopum agere opor­tet, with full authority, as becomes a Bishop.

Socrates telling of the promotion, and qualities of S. Iohn Chrysostome, saies, that in reforming the lives of the Clergy, he was too fastuous and severe. Mox Tripart. hist. lib. 10. cap. 3. igitur in ipso initio quum Clericis asper videretur Ec­clesiae, erat plurimis exosus, & veluti furiosum uni­versi declinabant. He was so rigid in animadversions against the Clergy, that he was hated by them; which clearely showes that the Bishop had jurisdiction, and authority over them; for tyranny is the excesse of power, & authority is the subject matter of rigour, and austerity. But this power was intimated in that bold speech of his Deacon Serapio, nunquam poteris, ô Episcope, hos corrigere, nisi uno baculo percusseris Vni­versos. Thou canst not amend the Clergy unlesse thou strikest them all with thy Pastorall rod. S. Iohn Chry­sostome did not indeed doe so; but non multum post temporis plurimos clericorum pro diversis exemit causis. He deprived, and suspended most of the Cler­gy men for diverse causes: and for this his severity he wanted no slanders against him; for the delin­quent [Page 229] Ministers set the people on work against him.

* But here we see that the power of censures was clearely, and only in the Bishop, for he was incited to have punished all his Clergy, [Vniversos;] And he did actually suspend most of them, [pluri­mos:] and I think it will not be believed the Presby­tery of his Church should joyne with their Bishop to supend themselves. Adde to this that Theodoret Ibid. cap. 4. also affirmes that Chrysostome intreated the Priests to live Canonically according to the sanctions of the Church, quas quicun (que) praevaricari praesumerent eos ad templum prohibebat accedere, ALL them that transgressed the Canons he forbad them entrance into the Church.

*** Thus S. Hierome to Riparius, Miror sanctum Advers. Vigi­lant. Epist. 53. Episcopum, in cujus Parochiâ esse Presbyter dicitur, acquiescere furori ejus, & non virgâ APOSTOLICA, virgâ (que) ferreâ confringere vas inutile, & tradere in interitum carnis, ut spiritus salvus fiat. I wonder (saith he) that the holy Bishop is not mov'd at the fu­ry of Vigilantius, and does not breake him with his A­POSTOLICALL rod, that by this temporary punish­ment his soule might be saved in the day of the Lord.

* Hither to the Bishops Pastorall staffe is of faire power and coërcion.

The Councell of Aquileia convoked against the Arians, is full and mighty in asserting the Bishops power over the Laity, and did actually exercise cen­sures upon the Clergy, where S. Ambrose was the Man that gave sentence against Palladius the Arian. Palladius would have declined the judgement of [Page 230] the Bishops, for he saw he should certainly be con­demned and would faine have been judg'd by some honourable personages of the Laity. But S. Ambrose said, Sacerdotes de Laicis judicare debent, non Laici de Sacerdotibus. Bishops must judge of the Laity, not the Laity of Bishops. That's for the jus; and for the factum it was the shutting up of the Councell; S. Am­brose Bishop of Millaine gave sentence [Pronuncio illum indignum Sacerdotio, & carendum, & in loco ejus Catholicus ordinetur.] * The same also was the case of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia whom for heresy the Bishops at Constantinople depos'd, Eusebius giving sentence, and chose Basilius in his Tripart. hist. lib. 3. cap. 9. Roome.

* But their Grand-father was serv'd no bet­ter. Alexander Bishop of Alexandria serv'd him neither better nor worse. So Theodoret. Alexander Tripart. hist. lib. 1. c. 12. autem Apostolicorum dogmatum praedicator, priùs quidem revocare eum admonitionibus, & consilijs n [...] ­tebatur. Cùm verò eum superbire vidisset, & apertè impietatis facinora praedicare, ex ordine Sacerdotali removit. The Bishop first admonish'd the heretick, but when to his false doctrine he added pertinacy he de­prived him of the execution of his Priestly function.

This crime indeed deserv'd it highly. It was for a lesse matter that Triferius the Bishop excommuni­cated Exuperantius a Presbyter, viz. for a personall misdemeanour, and yet this censure was ratified by the Councell of Taurinum, and his restitution was Can. 4. Ann. Dom. 397. left arbitrio Episcopi, to the good will and pleasure of the Bishop who had censur'd him. Statuit quo (que) [Page 231] de Exuperantio Presbytero sancta Synodus, qui ad in­juriam sancti Episcopi sui Triferii gravia & multa congesserat, & frequentibus eum contumeliis provoca­verat .... propter quam causam ab eo fuerat Domini­câ communione privatus, ut in ejus sit arbitrio resti­tutio ipsius, in cujus potestate ejus fuit abjectio. His restitution was therefore left in his power, because originally his censure was. * The like was in the case of Palladius a Laick in the same Councell, qui à Triferio Sacerdote fuerat mulctatus, who was puni­shed by Triferius the Bishop; hoc ei humanitate Con­cilii reservato, ut ipse Triferius in potestate habeat, quando voluerit eirelaxare.

Here is the Bishop censuring Palladius the Laick, and excommunicating Exuperantius the Priest, and this having been done by his own sole authority was ratified by the Councell, and the absolution re­serv'd to the Bishop too, which indeed was an act of favour; for they having complain'd to the Councell, by the Councell might have been absolved, but they were pleased to reserve to the Bishop his owne power.

These are particular instances, and made pub­like by acts conciliary intervening. But it was the Generall Canon and Law of H Church.

Thus we have it expressed in the Councell of Aga­tho. Cap. 2. Contumaces verò Clerici prout dignitatis ordo permiserit ab Episcopis corrigantur. Refractary Clerks must be punished by their Bishops, according as the order of their dignity allowes. I end this par­ticular with some Canons commanding Clerks to [Page 232] submit to the judgement and censures of their Bi­shop, under a Canonicall penalty; and so goe on ad alia.

In the second Councell of Carthage, Alypius E­piscopus Ca. 8. dixit, nec illud praetermittendum est, ut si quis fortè Presbyter ab Episcopo suo correptus, aut excommunicatus, rumore vel superbiâ inflatus, puta­verit separatim Deosacrificia offerenda, vel aliud eri­gendum altare contra Ecclesiasticam fidem discipli­nam (que) crediderit, non exeat impunitus. And the same is repeated in the Greeke Code of the African Canons. If any Presbyter being excommunicated, or Can. 10. otherwise punished by his Bishop, shall not desist, but contest with his Bishop, let him by no means goe unpu­nished. * The like is in the Councell of Chalcedon, Act. 4. can. 83. the words are the same that I before cited out of the Canons of the Councell of Antioch, and of the Apostles. But Carosus the Archimandrite spake home in that action. [...]. Post epist. Ar­chimandrita­rum ad Conci­lium pro Di­oscori rehabi­litatione. The faith of the 318 Fathers of the Councell of Nice into which I was baptized I know, Other faith I know not. They are Bishops; They have power to excom­municate and condemne, and they have power to doe what they please: other faith then this I know none.

* This is to purpose, and it was in one of the foure great Councells of Christendome which all ages [Page 233] since have received, with all veneration and devout estimate.

Another of them was that of Ephesus conven'd Concil. Ephes. c. 5. against Nestorius, and this ratifies those acts of con­demnation which the Bishops had passed upon de­linquent Clerks. [...] &c. They who are for their unworthy practices condemned by the Synod or by their OWN BISHOPS; although Nesto­rius did endeavour to restore them, yet their con­demnation should still remaine vigorous and con­firm'd. Vpon which Canon Balsamon makes this observation, which indeed of it selfe is cleare e­nough in the Canon. [...]. Hence you have learn'd that Me­tropolitans and Bishops can judge their Clergy, and suspend them, and sometimes depose them. Nay, they are bound to it, Pastoralis tamen necessitas habet (ne per plures serpant dira contagia) separare ab ovibus sanis morbidam. It is necessary that the BISHOP should separate the scabbed sheep from the sound, least their infection scatter, so S. Austin. Can. 55. And there­fore Cap. 15. de corrept. & gratiâ. the fourth Councell of Can. 55. Carthage com­mands, ut Episcopus accusatores Fratrum excommu­nicet, That the Bishop excommunicate the accuser of their Brethren (viz. such as bring Clergy-causes and Catholick doctrine, to be punished in secular tribunalls;) For Excommunication is called by the Fathers Mucro Episcopalis, the Bishops sword to cut offenders off from the Catholike communion. [Page 234] I adde no more but that excellent saying of S. Au­stin, which doth freely attest both the preceptive, ubi suprà. cap. 3. and vindictive power of the Bishop over his whole Diocesse. Ergo praecipiant tantummodò nobis quid facere debeamus qui nobis praesunt, & faciamus orent pro nobis, non autem nos corripiant, & arguant, si non fecerimus. Imò omnia fiant, quoniam Doctores Ecclesiarum Apostoli omnia faciebant, & praecipie­bant quae fierent, & corripiebant si non fierent &c. And againe; Corripiantur ita (que) à praepositis suis sub­diti correptionibus de charitate venientibus pro cul­parum, Cap. 15 ibid. diversitate diversis, vel minoribus, vel am­plioribus, quia & ipsa quae damnatio nominatur quam facit Episcopale judicium, quâ poenâ in Ecclesiâ nulla major est, potest, si Deus voluerit, in correptionem sa­luberrimam cedere, at (que) proficere. Here the Bishops have a power acknowledged in them to command their Diocesse, and to punish the disobedient, and of excommunication by way of proper Ministery, [damnatio quam facit Episcopale judicium] a con­demnation of the Bishops infliction.

Thus it is evident by the constant practice of Pri­mitive Christendome, by the Canons of three Generall Counsells, and divers other Provinciall, which are made Catholick by adoption, and in­serting them into the Code of the Catholick Church, that the Bishop was Iudge of his Clergy, and of the Lay-people of his Diocesse; that he had power to inflict censures upon them in case of de­linquency; that his censures were firme and valid; and as yet we find no Presbyters joyning either in [Page 235] commission, or fact; in power, or exercise: but ex­communication and censures to be appropriated to Bishops and to be only dispatch't by them, either in full Councell, if it was a Bishops cause, or in his own Consistory, if it was the cause of a Priest, or the inferior Clergy, or a Laick, unlesse in cases of ap­peale; and then it was in pleno Concilio Episcoporum, in a Synod of Bishops; And all this was confirmed by secular authority, as appears in the Imperiall Con­stitutions. Novel. con­stit. 123. c. 11.

For the making up this Paragraph complete, I must insert two considerations. First con­cerning universality of causes within the Bi­shops cognisance. And secondly of Persons.

The Ancient Canons asserting the Bishops power in Cognitione causarum speake in most large, and com­prehensive termes. [...]. They have power to doe what they list. Their power is as large as their will. So the Councell of Chalcedon before cited. It was no larger though, then S. Pauls expression, [for to this end also did I write, that I might know the proofe of you, whether ye be obedient 2. Corinth. 2. 9. IN ALL THINGS.] A large extent of power when the Apostles expected an Universall obedi­ence. [...]. And so the stile of the Church runne in descention, [...], so Igna­tius, ye must doe NOTHING without your BISHOP, [...], to contradict him in NO­THING. Vbi suprà. The expression is frequent in him, [...], to comprehend all things in [Page 236] his judgement, or cognisance, so the Councell of Antioch. Ca. 9.

* But these Universall expressions must be un­derstood secundùm Materiam subjectam, so S. Ig­natius expresses himselfe. Ye must without your Bishop doe nothing; nothing [...], of things pertaining to the Church. So also the Councell of Antioch, [...], The things of the Church, are [...] committed to the Bishop to whom all the people is intrusted. They are Ecclesiasticall persons, it is an Ecclesiasticall power they are indowed with, it is for a spirituall end, viz. the regiment of the Church, and the good of soules, and therefore only those things which are in this order are of Episcopall cog­nisance. And what things are those:

1. Then, it is certaine that since Christ hath professed, his Kingdome is not of this world, that government which he hath constituted de novo does no way in the world make any intrenchment upon the Royalty.

Host is Herodes impie
Christum venire quid times?
Non eripit mortalia
Qui regna dat Coelestia.

So the Church us'd to sing. Whatsoever therefore the secular tri­bunall did take cognisance of before it was Christi­an, the same it takes notice of after it is Christ'ned. And these are; all actions civill, all publike violati­ons of justice, all breach of Municipall lawes. These the Church hath nothing to doe with, unlesse by the [Page 237] favour of Princes and common-wealths it be indul­ged to them in honorem Dei & S. Matris Ecclesiae; but then when it is once indulged, that act which does annull such pious vowes, is just contrary to that religion which first gave them, and then unlesse there was sinne in the donative, the ablation of it is contra honorem Dei & S. Matris Ecclesiae. But this it may be is impertinent.

2. The Bishops ALL, comes in after this; And he is judge of all those causes which Christianity hath brought in upon a new stock, by it's new distin­ctive Principles. I say, by it's new Principles; for there where it extends justice, and pursues the lawes of nature, there the secular tribunall is also extended if it be Christian; The Bishop gets nothing of that: But those things which Christianity (as it prescinds from the interest of the republike) hath introduc'd all them, and all the causes emergent from them the Bishop is judge of. Such are causes of faith, Mini­stration of Sacraments, and Sacramentals, subordina­tion of inferiour Clergy to their Superiour, censures, irregularities, Orders hierarchicall, rites and ceremo­nies, liturgyes, and publike formes of prayer, (as is famous in the Ancient story of Ignatius teaching his Church the first use of Antiphona's and Doxolo­gyes, tripart. hist. lib. 10. cap. 9. and thence was deriv'd to all Churches of Christendome) and all such things as are in imme­diate dependance of these, as dispensation of Church Vessels, and Ornaments, and Goods, receiving and dis­posing the Patrimony of the Church, and whatso­ever is of the same consideration, according to the [Page 238] 41 Canon of the Apostles. Praecipimus ut in potestate suâ Episcopus Ecclesiae res habeat. Let the Bishop have the disposing the goods of the Church; adding this reason. Si enim animae hominum pretiosae illi sint creditae, multò magis eum oportet curam pecunia­rum gerere. He that is intrusted with our pretious soules, may much more be intrusted with the offertoryes of faithfull people.

3. There are somethings of a mixt nature; and something of the secular interest, and something of the Ecclesiasticall concurre to their constitution, and these are of double cognisance: the secular power, and the Ecclesiasticall doe both in their severall ca­pacities take knowledge of them. Such are the de­linquencyes of Clergy-men, who are both Clergy, and subjects too; Clerus Domini, and Regis subditi; and for their delinquencyes which are in materiâ justitiae the secular tribunall punishes as being a vi­olation of that right which the State must defend, but because done by a person who is a member of the sacred hierarchy, and hath also an obligation of speciall duty to his Bishop, therefore the Bishop also may punish him; And when the commonwealth hath inflected a penalty, the Bishop also may impose a censure, for every sinne of a Clergy-man is two. But of this nature also are the convening of Synods, the power whereof is in the King, and in the Bishop severally, insomuch as both the Church and the commonwealth in their severall respects have pecu­liar interest; The commonwealth for preservation of peace and charity, in which religion hath the [Page 239] deepest interest; and the Church, for the mainte­nance of faith. And therefore both Prince and Bi­shop have indicted Synods in severall ages, upon the exigence of severall occasions, and have severall powers for the engagement of Clericall obedience, and attendance upon such solemnities.

4. Because Christianity is after the common­wealth, and is a capacity superadded to it, therefore those things which are of mixt cognisance are chief­ly in the King; The Supremacy here is his, and so it is in all things of this nature, which are called [Ec­clesiasticall] because they are in materiâ Ecclesiae, ad finem religionis, but they are of a different nature, and use from things [Spirituall] because they are not issues of those things which Christianity hath introduc'd de integro, and are separate from the in­terest of the commonwealth in it's particular capa­city, for such things only, are properly spirituall.

5. The Bishops jurisdiction hath a compulsory deriv'd from Christ only, viz. infliction of cen­sures by excommunications, or other minores plagae which are in order to it. But yet this internall com­pulsory through the duty of good Princes to God, and their favour to the Church, is assisted by these­cular arme, either superadding a temporall penalty in case of contumacy, or some other way abetting the censures of the Church, and it ever was so since commonwealths were Christian. So that ever since then, Episcopall Iurisdiction hath a double part; an externall, and an internall; this is deriv'd from Christ, that from the King, which because it is con­current [Page 240] in all acts of Iurisdiction, therefore it is, that the King is supreme of the Iurisdiction, viz. that part of it which is the externall compulsory.

* And for this cause we shall sometimes see the Emperour, or his Prefect, or any man of consular dignity sit Iudge when the Question is of Faith, not that the Prefect was to Iudge of that, or that the Bi­shops were not; But in case of the pervicacy of a pee­vish heretick who would not submitt to the power of the Church, but flew to the secular power for assistance, hoping by taking sanctuary there, to in­gage the favour of the Prince: In this case the Bi­shops also appealed thither, not for resolution, but assistance, and sustentation of the Church's power.

* It was so in the case of Aëtius the Arian, & Hono­ratus the Prefect, Constantius being Emperour. For, all that the Prefect did, or the Emperour in this case, Tripart. hist. lib. 5. c. 35. was by the prevalency of his intervening authority to reconcile the disagreeing parties, and to incou­rage the Catholikes; but the precise act of Iudica­ture even in this case was in the Bishops, for they de­posed Aëtius for his heresie, for all his confident appeale, and Macedonius, Eleusius, Basilius, Ortasius, and Dracontius for personall delinquencyes. * And all this is but to reconcile this act to the resolution, and assertion of S. Ambrose, who refus'd to be tryed in a cause of faith by Lay-Iudges, though Delegates of the Emperour. Quando audisti (Clementissime Im­perator S. Ambros. E­pist. lib. 2. Epist. 13.) in causâ fidei Laicos de Episcopo judicâsse? When was it ever knowne that Lay-men in a cause of [Page 241] Faith did judge a Bishop? To be sure, it was not in the case of Honoratus the Prefect; for if they had ap­pealed to him, or to his Master Constantius for judg­ment of the Article, and not for incouragement and secular assistance, S. Ambrose his confident Questi­on of [Quando audisti?] had quickly been answe­red, even with saying; presently after the Councell of Ariminum in the case of Aëtius, and Honoratus.

* Nay it was one of the causes why S. Ambrose de­posed Palladius in the Councell of Aquileia, because he refused to answer, except it were before some ho­nourable personages of the Laity. And it is observe­able that the Arians were the first (and indeed they offer'd at it often) that did desire Princes to judge matters of faith, for they despayring of their cause in a Conciliary triall, hoped to ingage the Emperour on their party, by making him Umpire. But the Catholike Bishops made humble, and faire remon­strance of the distinction of powers, and Iurisdicti­ons; and as they might not intrench upon the Roy­alty, so neither betray that right which Christ con­credited to them to the incroachment of an exteri­our jurisdiction and power. It is a good story that Suidas tells of Leontius Bishop of Tripolis in Lydia, In verbo [...]. a man so famous and exemplary, that he was call'd [...], the rule of the Church that when Constantius the Emperour did preside amongst the Bishops, and undertooke to determine causes of meere spirituall cognisance, insteed of a Placet, he gave this answer, [Page 242] [...]. I wonder that thou being set over things of a different nature, medlest with those things that only appertaine to Bishops. The MILITIA, and the POLITIA are thine, but matters of FAITH, and SPIRIT, are of EPISCOPALL cognisance. [...]. Such was the freedome of the in­genuous Leontius. Answerable to which, was that Christian and faire acknowledgement of Valentinian when the Arian Bishops of Bithynia & the Hellespont sent Hypatianus their legate to desire him, ut digna­retur ad emendationem dogmatis interesse, that he would be pleas'd to mend the Article. Respondens Va­lentinianus, ait, Mihi quidem quum vnus de populo sim fas non est talia perscrutari. Verùm Sacerdotes apud se ipsos congregentur vbi voluerint. Cum (que) haet respondisset Princeps in Lampsacum convenerunt E­piscopi. So Sozomen reports the story. The Empe­rour would not meddle with matters of faith, but hist. tripart. lib. 7. c. 12. referred the deliberation, and decision of them to the Bishops to whom by God's law they did apper­taine; Upon which intimation given, the Bishops conven'd in Lampsacum. And thus a double power met in the Bishops. A divine right to decide the ar­ticle. Mihi fas non est, (saith the Emperour) it is not lawfull for me to meddle; And then a right from the Emperour to assemble, for he gave them leave to call a Councell. These are two distinct powers, One from Christ, the other from the Prince. ***

And now upon this occasion, I have faire oppor­tunity [Page 243] to insert a consideration, The Bishops have power over all causes emergent in their diocesses; all, (I meane) in the sense above explicated; they have power to inflict censures, excommunication is the highest, the rest are parts of it, and in order to it. Whether or no must Church-censures be used in all such causes as they take cognisance of, or may not the secular power find out some externall compul­sory instead of it, and forbid the Church to use ex­communication, in certaine cases?

1. To this, I answer, that if they be such cases in which by the law of Christ they may, or such in which they must use excommunication, then, in these cases no power can forbid them. For what power Christ hath given them, no man can take away.

2. As no humane power can disrobe the Church of the power of excommunication; so no humane power can invest the Church with a lay Compulso­ry. For if the Church be not capable of a jus gladij, as most certainly shee is not, the Church cannot receive power to put men to death, or to inflict lesser paines in order to it, or any thing above a sa­lutary penance; I meane in the formality of a Church-tribunall, then they give the Church what shee must not, cannot take. I deny not but Clergy men are as capable of the power of life and death, as any men; but not in the formality of Clergy­men. A Court of life and death, cannot be an Ec­clesiasticall tribunall; and then if any man, or com­pany of Men should perswade the Church not to [Page 244] inflict her censures upon delinquents, in some cases in which shee might lawfully inflict them, and pre­tend to give her another compulsory; they take a­way the Church-consistory, and erect a very secu­lar Court, dependant on themselves, and by conse­quence to be appeal'd to from themselves, and so also to be prohibited as the Lay-Superiour shall see cause for. * Whoever therefore should be consen­ting to any such permutation of power, is traditor potestatis quam S. Mater Ecclesia à sponso suo acce­perat, he betrayes the individuall, and inseparable right of holy Church. For her censures shee may in­flict upon her delinquent children without asking leave. Christ is her [...] for that, he is her war­rant and security. The other is beg'd, or borrow'd, none of her owne, nor of a fit edge to be us'd in her abscissions, and coërcions. * I end this considera­tion with that memorable Canon of the Apostles of Can. 39. so frequent use in this Question, [...]. Let the Bishop have the care or provision for all affaires of the Church, and let him dispense them velut Deo con­templante as in the sight of God, to whom he must be responsive for all his Diocesse.

The next Consideration concerning the Bishop's jurisdiction is of what persons he is Iudge? And because our Scene lyes herein Church-practice I shall only set downe the doctrine of the Primitive Church in this affaire, and leave it under that repre­sentation.

Presbyters, and Deacons, and inferiour Clerks, and [Page 245] the Laity are already involved in the precedent Ca­nons; No man there, was exempted of whose soule any Bishop had charge. And all Christs sheepe heare his voice, and the call of his sheap-heard-Mi­nisters. * Theodoret tells a story that when the Bi­shops of the Province were assembled by the com­mand of Valentinian the Emperour for the choice of a Successor to Auxentius in the See of Millayne, the Emperour wished them to be carefull in the choice of a Bishop, in these words, [...]. Theodoret. lib. 4. c. 5. Set such an one in the Archiepiscopall throne, that we who rule the Kingdome may sincerely submitt our head unto him, viz: in matters of spirituall im­port. * And since all power is deriv'd from Christ, who is a King, and a Priest, and a Prophet, Christi­an Kings are Christi Domini, and Vicars in his Re­gall power, but Bishops in his Sacerdotall, and Pro­pheticall. * So that the King hath a Supreme Re­gall power in causes of the Church, ever since his Kingdome became Christian, and it consists in all things, in which the Priestly office is not precisely by Gods law imployed for regiment, and cure of soules, and in these also, all the externall compulso­ry and jurisdiction in his owne. For when his Sub­jects became Christian Subjects, himselfe also upon the same termes becomes a Christian Ruler, and in both capacities he is to rule, viz: both as Subjects, and as Christian Subjects, except only in the pre­cise issues of Sacerdotall authority. And therefore [Page 246] the Kingdome, and the Priesthood are excelled by each other in their severall capacities. For superio­rity is usually expressed in three words, [...], and [...], Excellency, Impery, and Power. The King is supreme to the Bishop in Impery; The Bishop hath an Excellency, viz. of Spirituall Ministration which Christ hath not concredited to the King; but in Power, both King, and Bishop have it distinctly in severall capacity; the King in potentiâ gladii, the Bi­shop in potestate clavium. The Sword, and the Keyes are the emblems of their distinct power. Something like this is in the third Epistle of S. Cle­ment translated by Ruffinus. Quid enim in praesenti saeculo prophet â gloriosius, Pontifice clarius, Rege sublimius? King, and Priest, and Prophet, are in their severall excellencies, the Highest powers un­der heaven. *** In this sense it is easy to under­stand those expressions often used in Antiquity, which might seem to make intrenchment upon the sacrednesse of Royall prerogatives; were not both the piety, and sense of the Church sufficiently cleare in the issues of her humblest obedience. * And this is the sense of S. Ignatius that holy Martyr, and Epist. ad Phi­ladelph. disciple of the Apostles: Diaconi, & reliquus Cle­rus, unà cum populo Vniverso, Militibus, Princi­pibus, & Caesare, ipsi Episcopopareant. Let the Dea­cons and all the Clergy, and all the people, the Souldi­ers, the Princes, and Caesar himselfe obey the Bishop. * This is it, which S. Ambrose said; Sublimitas Epis­copalis Lib. de dignit. Sacerd, cap. 2. nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari. Si Regum fulgori compares, & Principum diademati, e­rit [Page 247] inferius &c. This also was acknowledged by the great Constantine, that most blessed Prince, De­us vos constituit Sacerdotes, & potestatem vobis de­dit, de nobis quo (que) judicandi, & ideo nos à vobis rectè judicamur. Vos autem non potest is ab hominibus judi­cari, [viz. saecularibus, and incausis simplicis reli­gionis.] So that good Emperour in his oration to Lib. 10. Ec­cles hist. c. 2. the Nicene Fathers.

It was a famous contestation that S. Ambrose had with Auxentius the Arian pretending the Emperors command to him to deliver up some certain Chur­ches in his Diocesse to the Arians. His answer was, that Palaces belong'd to the Emperour, but Chur­ches to the Bishop; and so they did, by all the lawes of Christendome. The like was in the case of S. A­thanasius, and Constantius the Emperour, exactly the same per omniae, as it is related by Ruffinus. * S. Ambrose his sending his Deacon to the Empe­rour, Lib. 10. Ec­cles hist. cap. 19. to desire him to goe forth of the Cancelli, in his Church at Millain, showes that then the powers were so distinct, that they made no intrenchment upon each other. * It was no greater power, but a more considerable act, and higher exercise, the for­bidding the communion to Theodosius, till he had Theodor. lib. 5 c. 18. by repentance, washed out the bloud that stuck up­on him ever since the Massacre at Thessalonica. It was a wonderfull concurrence of piety in the Em­perour, and resolution and authority in the Bishop. But he was not the first that did it; For Philip the Emperour was also guided by the Pastorall rod, and the severity of the Bishop. De hoc traditum est nobis, Euseb lib. 6. cap. 25. [Page 248] quod Christianus fuerit, & in die Paschae, i. e. in ip­sis vigiliis cùm interesse voluerit, & communicare mysteriis, ab Episcopo loci non priùs esse permissum, nisi confiteretur peccata, & inter poenitentes staret, nec ullo modo sibi copiam mysteriorum futuram nisi priùs per poenitentiam, culpas quae de eo ferebantur plurimae, deluisset. The Bishop of the place would not let him communicate till hee had wash't away his sinnes by repentance. And the Emperour did so. Fe­runt igitur libenter eum quod à Sacerdote imperatum fuer at, suscepisse. He did it willingly, undertaking the impositions laid upon him by the Bishop.

I doubt not but all the world believes the dispen­sation of the Sacraments intirely to belong to Ec­clesiasticall Ministery. It was S. Chrysostomes com­mand Homil. 83. in 26. Matth. to his Presbyters, to reject all wicked persons from the holy Communion. If he be a Captaine, a Consull, or a Crowned King that cometh unwor­thily, forbid him and keep him off, thy power is greater then his. If thou darest not remove him, tell it mee, I will not suffer it, &c. And had there never been more errour in the managing Church­censures, then in the foregoing instances, the Church might have exercised censures, and all the parts of power that Christ gave her, without either scandall or danger to her selfe, or her penitents. But when in the very censure of excommunication there is a new ingredient put, a great proportion of secular inconveniences, and humane interest, when excommunications, as in the Apostles times they were deliverings over to Satan, so now, shall be de­liverings [Page 249] over to a forraine enemy, or the peoples rage; as then, to be buffeted, so now to be deposed, or disinterest in the allegeance of subjects; in these cases, excommunication being nothing like that which Christ authorized, and no way cooperating toward the end of its institution, but to an end of private designes, and rebellious interest, Bishops have no power of such censures, nor is it lawfull to inflict thē, things remaining in that consistence, and capacity. And thus is that famous saying to be un­derstood reported by S. Thomas to be S. Austin's, In 3. partis Supplem. q. 22 a. 5. Vide Aug. ep. 75. & Grati­an. dist. 24. q. 2. c. Sihabet. sed ibi [Prin­ceps] non in­seritur, sed tantùm in glossâ ordina­riâ. but is indeed found in the Ordinary Glosse upon Matth. 13. Princeps & multitudo non est excom­municanda. A Prince or a Common wealth are not to be excommunicate.

Thus I have given a short account of the Per­sons, and causes of which Bishops according to Ca­tholick practice did, and might take cognisance. This use only I make of it. Although Christ hath given great authority to his Church in order to the regiment of soules, such a power, quae nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari, yet it hath its limits, and a proper cognisance, viz. things spirituall, and the emergencies, and consequents from those things which Christianity hath introduced de novo, and superadded, as things totally disparate from the precise interest of the Common-wealth; And this I the rather noted, to show how those men would mend themselves that cry downe the tyranny (as they list to call it) of Episcopacy, and yet call for the Presbytery. *** For the Presbytery does challenge [Page 250] cognisance of all causes whatsoever, which are either sinnes directly, or by reduction. * [All crimes which Vide the book of Order of Excomm. in Scotland. & the Hist. of Scotland. Admonit. 2. p. 46. Knox his ex­hortation to England. by the Law of God deserve death.] There they bring in Murders, Treasons, Witchcrafts, Felonies. Then the Minor faults they bring in under the title of [Scandalous and offensive] Nay [Quodvis pecca­tum,] saith Snecanus, to which if we adde this con­sideration, that they believe every action of any man to have in it the malignity of a damnable sinne, there is nothing in the world, good or bad, vitious or su­spitious; scandalous, or criminall; true, or ima­ginary; reall actions, or personall, in all which, and in all contestations, and complaints one party is de­linquent, either by false accusation, or reall injury; but they comprehend in their vast gripe, and then they have power to nullify all Courts, and judicato­ries, besides their owne: and being, for this their cognisance they pretend Divine institution, there shall be no causes IMPERFECT in their Consistory, no appeale from them, but they shall heare, and determine with finall resolution, and it will be sinne, and therefore punishable, to complaine of injustice and illegality. * If this be confronted but with the pretences of Episcopacy, and the Modesty of their severall demands, and the reasonablenesse, and di­vinity of each vindication examined, I suppose, were there nothing but Prudentiall motives to be put into ballance to weigh downe this Question, the cause would soone be determin'd, and the little fin­ger of Presbytery, not only in it's exemplary, and tryed practises, but in its dogmaticall pretensions, [Page 251] is heavier then the loynes, nay then the whole body of Episcopacy; but it seldome happens otherwise, but that they who usurpe a power, prove tyrants in the execution, whereas the issues of a lawfull pow­er are faire and moderate.

BUT I must proceed to the more particular in­stances § 37. Forbidding Presbyters to officiate without E­piscopall license, of Episcopall Iurisdiction. The whole power of Ministration both of the Word and Sa­craments was in the Bishop by prime authority, and in the Presbyters by commission and delegation, inso­much that they might not exercise any ordinary ministration without license from the Bishop. They had power and capacity by their order to Preach, to Minister, to Offer, to Reconcile, and to Baptize. They were indeed acts of order, but that they might not by the law of the Church exercise any of these acts, without license from the Bishop, that is an act or issue of jurisdiction, and shewes the superio­rity of the Bishop over his Presbyters, by the pra­ctice of Christendome.

S. Ignatius hath done very good offices in all the parts of this Question, and here also he brings in succour. [...]. Epist. ad Smyrn. It is not lawfull without the Bishop (viz. without his leave) either to baptize, or to offer Sacrifice, or to make oblation, or to keep feasts of charity: and a little before; speaking of the B. Eucharist, and its mini­stration, and having premised a generall interdict for doing any thing without the Bishops consent, [Page 252] [...]. But let that Eucharist (saith he) be held valid which is celebrated under the Bishop, or under him, to whom the Bishop shall permit. ***

* I doe not here dispute the matter of right, and whether or no the Presbyters might de jure doe any offices without Episcopall licence, but whether or no de facto it was permitted them in the primitive Church? This is sufficient to show, to what issue the reduction of Episcopacy to a primitive consi­stence will drive; and if I mistake not, it is at least a very probable determination of the question of right too. For who will imagine that Bishops should at the first in the calenture of their infant devotion, in the new spring of Christianity, in the times of persecution, in all the publike disadvantages of state and fortune, when they anchor'd only upon the shore of a Holy Conscience, that then they should have thoughts ambitious, incroaching, of usurpati­on and advantages, of purpose to devest their Bre­thren of an authority intrusted them by Christ, and then too when all the advantage of their honour did only set them upon a hill to feele a stronger blast of persecution, and was not, as since it hath been, attested with secular assistance, and faire argu­ments of honour, but was only in a meere spirituall estimate, and ten thousand reall disadvantages. This will not be suppos'd either of wise or holy men. But however. Valeat quantum valere potest. The que­stion is now of matter of fact, and if the Church of Martyrs, and the Church of Saints, and Doctors, [Page 253] and Confessors now regnant in heaven, be faire pre­cedents for practices of Christianity, we build upon a rock, though we had digg'd no deeper then this foundation of Catholick practise.

Upon the hopes of these advantages, I proceed. [...]. Can. Apost. 32 If any Presbyter disrespecting his own Bishop shall make conventions a­part, or erect an altar (viz. without the Bishops li­cense) let him be deposed; clearely intimating that potestas faciendi concionem, the power of making of Church-meetings and assemblies, for preaching or o­ther offices is derived from the Bishop; and there­fore the Canon adds [...]. He is a lover of Rule, he is a Tyrant, that is, an usurper of that power & government which belongs to the Bishop. The same thing is also decreed in the Coun­cell of Antioch, and in the Councell of Chalcedon, [...], Ca. 5. Act. 4. All the most Reverend Bi­shops cryed out, this is a righteous law, this is the Ca­non of the holy Fathers. [This] viz. The Canon Apostolicall now cited. * Tertullian is something De baptism. more particular, and instances in Baptisme. Dandi baptismum jus habet summus Sacerdos, qui est Episco­pus. Dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi, non tamen sine Episcopi authoritate, propter honorem Ecclesiae, quo salvo salva pax est; alioquin etiam Laicis jus est. The place is of great consideration, and carries in it its own objection and its answer. The Bishop hath the right of giving baptisme. Then after him,[Page 254] Presbyters and Deacons, but not without the autho­rity of the Bishop.(So farre the testimony is clear) and this is for the honour of the Church. * But does not this intimate it was only by positive constitution, and neither by Divine nor Apostolicall ordinance? No indeed. It does not. For it might be so ordained by Christ or his Apostles propter ho­norem Ecclesiae; and no harme done. For it is ho­nourable for the Church, that her Ministrations should be most ordinate, and so they are when they descend from the superior to the subordinate. But the next words doe of themselves make answer, [Otherwise lay-men have right to baptize] That is, without the consent of the Bishop Lay-men can doe it as much as Presbyters and Deacons. For indeed bap­tisme conferred by Lay-men is valid and not to bee repeated, but yet they ought not to administer it, so neither ought Presbyters without the Bishops li­cense: so saies Tertullian, let him answer it. Only the difference is this, Lay-men cannot jure ordinario re­ceive a leave or commission to make it lawfull in them to baptize any; Presbyters and Deacons may, for their order is a capacity or possibility. * * But besides the Sacrament of Baptisme, Tertullian af­firmes De coronâ milit. c. 3. vide S. Chrysost. hom. 11. in 1. Tim. & S. Hi­eron. dial. adv. Lucifer. the same of the venerable Eucharist. Eucha­ristiae Sacramentum non de aliorum manu quàm Prae­sidentium sumimus. The former place will expound this, if there be any scruple in [Praesidentium] for clearly the Christians receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist from none but Bishops. I suppose he means [without Episcopall license.] whatsoever [Page 255] his meaning is, these are his words.

‘The Councell of Gangra, forbidding conventi­cles, Can. 6. expresses it with this intimation of Episcopall authority. If any man shall make assemblies pri­vately, & out of the Church, so despising the Church, or shall doe any Church-offices [...], without the pre­sence of a Priest by THE DECREE OF A BISHOP, let him be anathema. The Priest is not to be assist­ant at any meeting for private offices without the Bi­shops license. If they will celebrate Synaxes private­ly, it must be by a Priest, and he must be there by leave of the Bishop, & then the assembly is lawfull.

* And this thing was so knowne, that the Fathers of the second Councell of Carthage call it ignorance or hypocrisy in Priests to doe their offices without a Ca. 9. license from the Bishop. Numidius Episcopus Massi­lytanus dixit, In quibusdam locis sunt Presbyteri qui aut ignorantes simplicitèr, aut dissimulantes audactèr, praesente, & inconsulto Episcopo complurimis in domi­cilijs agunt agenda, quod disciplinae incongruum cog­noscit esse Sanctitas vestra. In some places there are Priests that in private houses doe offices (houseling of people is the office meant, communicating them at home) without the consent or leave of the Bishop, being either simply ignorant, or boldly dissembling; Implying, that they could not else but know their duties to be, to procure Episcopall license for their ministrations. Ab Vniversis Episcopis dictum est. Quisquis Presbyter inconsulto Episcopo agenda in quolibet loco voluërit celebrare, ipse honroi suo con­trarius [Page 256] existit. All the Bishops said, if any Priest without leave of his Bishop shall celebrate the myste­ries, be the place what it will be, he is an Enemy to the Bishops dignity.

After this in time, but before in authority is the great Councell of Chalcedon. [...]. Can. 8. part. 2. Act. 14. Let the Clergy according to the tradition of the Fathers, remaine under the power of the Bishops of the City. So that they are for their of­fices in dependance of the authority of the Bishop. The Canon instances particularly to Priests offici­ating in Monasteries and Hospitalls, but extends it selfe to an indefinite expression [...], They must not dissent or dif­fer from their Bishop. [...] &c: All they that trans­gresse this Constitution in ANY WAY, not submitting to their Bishop, let them be punish'd canonically. So that now these generall expressions of obedience and subordination to the Bishop being to be Under­stood according to the exigence of the matter, to wit, the Ministeries of the Clergy in their severall offices, the Canon extends it's prohibition to all ministrations without the Bishops authority.

But it was more clearely and evidently law and practice in the Roman Church, we have good wit­nesse for it; S. Leo the Bishop of that Church is my author. Sed ne (que) coram Episcopo licet Presbyter is in baptisterium introire, nec praesente Antistite infan­tem Epist. 86. tingere, aut fignare, nec poenitentem sine praecep­tione [Page 257] Episcopi sui reconciliare, nec eo praesente nisi illo jubente Sacramentum corporis & Sanguinis Christi conficere, nec eo coràm posito populum docere, vel be­nedicere &c. It is not lawfull for the Presbyters to en­ter into the baptistery, nor to baptize any Catechu­mens, nor to consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and bloud in the presence of the Bishop without his command. From this place of S. Leo, if it be set in conjunction with the precedent, we have faire evi­dence of this whole particular. It is not lawfull to doe any offices without the Bishops leave; So S. Ignatius, so the Canons of the Apostles, so Tertullian, so the Councells of Antioch and Chalcedon. It is not lawfull to doe any offices in the Bishops presence without leave, so S. Leo. The Councell of Carthage joynes them both together, neither in his presence, nor without his leave in any place.

Now against this practice of the Church, if any man should discourse as S. Hierome is pretended to doe by Gratian, Qui non vult Presbyteros facere quae jubentur à Deo, dicat quis major est Christo. He dist. 95. cap. Ecce ego. that will not let Presbyters doe what they are com­manded to doe by God, let him tell us if any man be greater then Christ, viz: whose command it is, that Presbyters should preach. Why then did the Church require the Bishop's leave? might not Pres­byters doe their duty without a license? This is it which the practice of the Church is abundantly suf­ficient to answer. * For to the Bishop is committed the care of the whole diocesse, he it is that must give the highest account for the whole charge, he it is [Page 258] who is appointed by peculiar designation to feede the flock, so the Canon of the Can. 40. Apostles, so Epist. ad Ephes. Ig­natius, so the Councell of Cap. 24. Antioch, so every where; The Presbyters are admitted in partem sollicitudinis, but still the jurisdiction of the whole Diocesse is in the Bishop, and without the Bishop's admission to a part of it per traditionem subditorum, although the Presbyter by his ordination have a capacity of prea­ching and administring Sacraments, yet he cannot exercise this without designation of a particular charge either temporary or fixt. And therefore it is, that a Presbyter may not doe these acts without the Bishops leave, because they are actions of relati­on, and suppose a congregation to whom they must be administred, or some particular person; for a Priest must not preach to the stones as some say Venerable Bede did, nor communicate alone, the word is destructive of the thing, nor baptize un­lesse he have a Chrysome Child, or a Catechumen; So that all of the Diocesse being the Bishop's charge, the Bishop must either authorize the Priest, or the Priest must not meddle, least he be (what S. Peter blam'd) [...], a Bishop in anothers Diocesse: Not that the Bishop did license the acts precisely of baptizing, of consecrating &c. For these he had by his ordination, but that in giving license he did give him a subject to whom he might apply these rela­tive actions, and did quoad hoc take him in partem sollicitudinis and concredit some part of his diocesse to his administration cum curâ animarum.

But then on the other side because the whole cure [Page 259] of the Diocesse is in the Bishop, he cannot exonerate himselfe of it, for it is a burden of Christs impo­sing, or it is not imposed at all, therefore this taking of Presbyters into part of the regiment and care does not devest him of his own power, or any part of it, nor yet ease him of his care, but that as he must still [...], visit and see to his Diocesse, so he hath authority still in all parts of his Diocesse, and this appears in these places now quoted; insomuch as when the Bishop came to any place, there the Vica­ria of the Presbyters did cease. In praesentiâ Majo­ris cessat potest as minoris. And, though because the Bishop could not doe all the Minor and daily offi­ces of the Priesthood in every congregation of his Diocesse, therefore he appointed Priests severally to officiate, himselfe looking to the Metropolis and the daughter Churches by a generall supravision; yet when the Bishop came into any place of his Di­ocesse, there he being present might doe any office, because it was in his own charge, which he might concredit to another, but not exonerate himselfe of it; And therefore praesente Episcopo (saith the Councell of Carthage, and S. Leo) if the Bishop be present, the Presbyter without leave might not of­ficiate; For he had no subjects of his owne, but by trust and delegation, and this delegation was given him to supply the Bishops absence, who could not simul omnibus interesse, but then, where he was pre­sent, the cause of delegation ceasing, the jurisdiction also ceased, or was at least absorpt in the greater, and so without leave might not be exercised; like [Page 260] the starres which in the noon day have their own naturall light, as much as in the night, but appeare not, shine not in the presence of the Sunne.

This perhaps will seem uncouth to those Presby­ters, who (as the Councell of Carthage's expressi­on is) are contrarii honori Episcopali; but yet if we keep our selves in our own forme, where God hath placed us, and where wee were in the Primitive Church, wee shall find all this to be sooth, and full of order. For Consider. The elder the prohibition was, the more absolute & indefinite it runs. [With­out the Bishop it is not lawfull to baptize, to conse­crate] &c. So Ignatius. The prohibition is with­out limit. But in descent of the Church it runnes, [praesente Episcopo] the Bishop being present they must not without leave. The thing is all one, and a derivation from the same originall, to wit, the Vni­versality of the Bishops Iurisdiction, but the reason of the difference of expression is this. At first Pres­byters were in Citties with the Bishop, and no pari­shes at all concredited to them. The Bishops lived in Citties, the Presbyters preach'd and offer'd [...] from house to house according as the Bishop directed them. Here they had no ordinary charge, and there­fore the first prohibitions runne indefinitely, they must not doe any Clericall offices sine Episcopo, un­lesse the Bishop sends them. But then afterwards when the Parishes were distinct, and the Presbyters fix't upon ordinary charges, then it was only, prae­sente Episcopo, if the Bishop was present, they might not officiate without leave. For in his absence they [Page 261] might doe it, I doe not say without leave, but I say they had leave given them, when the Bishop sent them to officiate in a Village with ordinary or tem­porary residence; as it is to this day, when the Bi­shop institutes to a particular charge, he also gives power hoc ipso, of officiating in that place. So that at first when they did officiate in places by tempora­ry missions, then they were to have leave, but this li­cense was also temporary; but when they were fixt upon ordinary charges they might not officiate without leave, but then they had an ordinary leave given them in traditione sub ditorum, and that was done in subsidium Muneris Episcopalis, because it was that part of the Bishops charge, which he could not personally attend for execution of the Minor offices, and therefore concredited it to a Presbyter, but if he was present, a new leave was necessary, be­cause as the power alwaies was in the Bishop, so now the execution also did returne to him when he was there in person, himselfe if he listed, might offi­ciate.

All this is excellently attested in the example of S. Austin, of whom Possidonius in his life reports that being but a Presbyter, Valerius the Bishop be­ing a Greek borne, and not well spoken in the Latin tongue, and so unfit for publike orations, eidem Presbytero (viz. to Austin) potestatem dedit coram se in Ecclesiâ Evangelium praedicandi, ac frequentis­simè tractandi contra USUM quidem, & CONSUE­TUDINEM Africanarum Ecclesiarum. He gave leave to Austin then but Presbyter, to preach in the Church, [Page 262] even while himselfe was present, indeed against the VSE and CUSTOME of the African Churches. And for this act of his he suffered soundly in his report.

* For the case was thus. In all Africa ever since the first spring of the Arian heresy, the Church had then suffered so much by the preaching of Arius the Presbyter, that they made a Law not to suffer any Presbyter to preach at all, at least in the Mother Church, and in the Bishops presence. [...] (saith Socrates.) Lib. 5. c. 22. Thence came this Custome in the African Churches. But because Valerius saw S. Austin so able, and himselfe for want of Latin so unfit, he gave leave to Austin to preach before him, against the Custome of the African Churches. But he addes this reason for his excuse too; it was not indeed the custome of A­frica, but it was of the Orientall Churches. For so Possidonius proceeds, sed & ille vir venerabilis, ac providus, in orientalibus Ecclesiis id ex more fieri sci­ens, in the Levant it was usuall for Bishops to give Presbyters leave to preach, dummodò factitaretur à Presbytero quod à se Episcopo impleri minimè posse cernebat, which determines us fully in the businesse. For this leave to doe offices was but there to be gi­ven where the Bishop himselfe could not fulfill the offices, which showes the Presbyters in their seve­rall charges, whether of temporary mission, or fixtt residence, to be but Delegates, and Viears of the Bishop admitted in partem Sollicitudinis, to assist the Bishop in his great charge of the whole Dio­cesse.

[Page 263] Against this it is objected out of S. Hierome, and Ad [...] Narbon. dist. 95. can. Ecce ego. it is recorded by Gratian, Ecce ego dico praesentibus Episcopis suis, at (que) adstantibus in altari Presbyteros posse Sacramenta conficere. Behold, I say that Presby­ters may minister Sacraments in presence of the Bishop. So Gratian quotes it indeed, but S. Hierome saies the expresse contrary, unlesse we all have false co­pies. For in S. Hierome it is not [Ecce ego dico] but [Nec ego dico.] He does not say it is lawfull for Pres­byters to officiate in the presence of their Bishop. In­deed S. Hierome is angry at Rusticus Bishop of Nar­bona because he would not give leave to Presbyters to preach, nor to blesse &c. This, perhaps it was not well done, but this makes not against the for­mer discourse; for though it may be fit for the Bi­shop to give leave, the Church requiring it still more and more in descent of ages, and multiplicati­on of Christians, and Parishes, yet it is cleare that this is not to be done without the Bishops leave, for it is for this very thing that S. Hierome disputes a­gainst Rusticus, to show he did amisse, because he would not give his Presbyters license. * And this he also reprehends in his epistle ad Nepotianum, Pes­simae consuetudinis est in quibusdam Ecclesiis tacere Presbyteros, & praesentibus Episcopis non loqui. That Presbyters might not be suffered to preach in presence of the Bishop, that was an ill custome, to wit, as things then stood, and it was mended presently after, for Presbyters did preach in the Bishops pre­sence, but it was by license from their Ordinary. For so Possidonius relates, that upon this act of Valerius [Page 264] before mentioned, Posteà currente & volante hujus­modi famâ, bono praecedente exemplo, ACCEPTA AB EPISCOPIS POTESTATE Presbyteri nonnulli coram Episcopis, populis tractare caeperunt verbum Dei. By occasion of this precedent it came to passe, that some Presbyters did preach to the people in the Bi­shops presence, having first obtain'd faculty from the Bishop so to doe. And a little after it became a custome from a generall faculty and dispensation indulged to them in the second Councell of Vase. Can. 12. Now if this evidence of Church practise be not sufficient to reconcile us to S. Hierome, let him then first be reconciled to himselfe, and then we are sure to be help'd. For in his dialogue against the Luci­ferians, his words are these, Cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potest as, tot efficientur Schismata quot sunt Sacerdotes. Inde venit ut sine E­piscopi missione ne (que) Presbyter, ne (que) Diaconus jus ha­beant baptizandi. Because the Bishop hath an emi­nent power, and this power is necessary, thence it comes that neither Presbyter nor Deacon may so much as baptize without the Bishops leave.

** This whole discourse showes clearely not on­ly the Bishops to be superiour in jurisdiction, but that they have sole jurisdiction, and the Presbyters only in substitution and vicaridge.

** § 38. Reserving Church goods to E­piscopall dispensati­on, DIvers other acts there are to attest the supe­riority of the Bishops jurisdiction over Priests and Deacons, as, that all the goods of the Church were in the Bishops sole disposing, and as [Page 265] at first they were laid at the Apostles feet, so after­wards, at the Bishops. So it is in the 41. Canon of the Apostles, so it is in the Councell of Gangra, and all the world are excluded from intervening in the dispensation, without expresse delegation from the Bishop, as appears in the seventh and eight Canons, and that under pain of an anathema by the holy Councell. * And therefore when in successe of time, some Patrons that had founded Churches and endowed them, thought that the dispensation of those lands did not belong to the Bishop; of this the third Councell of Toledo complains, and makes re­medy, An. Dom. 589. commanding, ut omnia SECUNDUM CON­STITUTIONEM ANTIQUAM, ad Episcopi ordinatio­nem & potestatem pertineant. The same is reniewed in the fourth Councell of Toledo. Noverint autem Cap. 32. conditores basilicarum in rebus quas eisdem Ecclesiis conferunt, nullam se potestatem habere, SED IUXTA CANONUM INSTITUTA, sicut Ecclesiam, ita & dotem ejus ad ordinationem Episcopi pertinere. These Councells I produce not as Iudges, but as witnes­ses in the businesse, for they give concurrent testi­mony that as the Church it selfe, so the dowry of it too did belong to the Bishops disposition by the Ancient Canons. For so the third Councell of Tole­do calls it, antiquam Constitutionem, and it selfe is al­most 1100. years old, so that still I am precisely within the bounds of the Primitive Church though it be taken in a narrow sense. For so it was deter­min'd Can. 26. vide Zonaram in hunc Cano­nem. in the great Councell of Chalcedon, com­manding that the goods of the Church should be [Page 266] dispensed by a Clergy steward, [...], Videatur Con­cil. Carthag. Graec. can. 36. 38. & 41. & Balsam. ibid. & apologia 2. Iustini Mar­tyris. according to the pleasure or sentence of the Bi­shop.

ADde to this, that without the Bishop's dimisso­ry letters Presbyters might not goe to another Diocesse. So it is decreed in the fifteenth Canon of the Apostles, under paine of suspension or depositi­on, § 39. Forbidding Presbyters to leave their own Diocesse, or to travell without leave of the Bishop. [...] is the censure; and that especially, [...], if he would not returne when his Bishop calls him. The same is renewed in the Councell of Antioch, cap. 3. and in the Councell of Constantinople in Trullo, cap. 17. the censure there is, [...] let him be deposed that shall without dimissory letters from his Bishop, [...], fixe him­selfe in the Diocesse of another Bishop. But with li­cense of his Bishop, he may. Sacerdotes, vel alii Cle­rici concessione suorum Episcoporum possunt ad alias Ecclesias transmigrare. But this is frequently re­newed Vide Concil. Epaun. c. 5. & venet. c. 10. in many other Synodall decrees, these may suffice for this instance.

* But this not leaving the Diocesse is not only meant of promotion in another Church, but Cler­gy men might not travaile from Citty to Citty, without the Bishops license; which is not only an argument of his regiment in genere politico, but ex­tends it almost to a despotick; But so strict was the Primitive Church in preserving the strict tye of du­ty, and Clericall subordination to their Bishop. The Councell of Laodicea commands a Priest, or Cler­gy Can. 41. [Page 267] man [...], not to tra­vail without Canonicall, or dimissory letters. And who are to grant these letters, is expressed in the next Canon which repeats the same prohibition, Can. 42. [...], a Priest or a Clerke must not travaile without the command of his Bishop; and this prohibition is inser­ted into the body of the Law, de consecrat. dist 5. can. non oportet, which puts in the clause of [Ne (que) etiam Laicum,] but this was beyond the Councell. The same is in the Councell of Can. 38. Agatho. The Councell of Can. 5. Venice adds a cēsure, that those Clerks should be like persons excommunicate in all those places whither they went, without letters of license from their Bishop. The same penalty is inflicted by the Councell of Epaunum, Presbytero, vel Diaco­no Can. 6. sine Antistitis sui Epistolis ambulanti communio­nem nullus impendat. The first Councell of Tou­rayne in France, and the third Councell of Orleans attest the selfe same power in the Bishop, and duty in all his Clergy.

BUT a Coërcitive authority makes not a com­plete § 40. And the Bishop had power to preferre which of his Clerks he pleased, jurisdiction, unlesse it be also remunera­tive, & [the Princes of the Nations are called [...] Benefactors] for it is but halfe a tye to indeare obe­dience, when the Subject only fears quod prodesse non poterit, that which cannot profit. And therefore the primitive Church, to make the Episcopall juris­diction up intire, gave power to the Bishop to pre­sent the Clerks of his Diocesse to the higher Orders [Page 268] and neerer degrees of approximation to himselfe, and the Clerks might not refuse to be so promoted. Item placuit ut quicun (que) Clerici vel Diaconi pro ne­cessitatibus Ecclesiarnm non obtemperaverint EPIS­COPIS SUIS VOLENTIBUS EOS AD HONOREM AMPLIOREM IN SUA ECCLESIA PROMOVERE, nec illic ministrent in gradu suo unde recedere nolue­runt. So it is decreed in the African Code, They that will not by their Bishop be promoted to a Greater ho­nour Can. 31. in the Church, must not enjoy what they have al­ready.

But it is a question of great consideration, and worth a strict inquiry, in whom the right and pow­er of electing Clerks was resident in the Primitive Church: for the right and the power did not al­waies goe together, and also severall Orders had severall manner of election; Presbyters and inferior Clergy were chosen by the Bishop alone, the Bishop by a Synod of Bishops, or by their Chapter; And lastly, because of late, strong outcries are made up­on severall pretensions, amongst which the people make the biggest noise, though of all, their title to election of Clerks be most empty, therefore let us consider it upon all its grounds.

1. In the Acts of the Apostles, which are most certainely the best precedents for all acts of holy Church we find that [Paul and Barnabas ordain'd Elders in every Church] and [they passed thorough Lystra, Iconium, Antioch, and Derbe [...], appointing them Elders. * S. Paul chose Timothy Bishop of Ephesus, and he saies of [Page 269] himselfe and Titus, [For this cause I SENT thee to Crete, [...], that thou shoul­dest oppoint Presbyters, or Bishops (be they which they will) in every City]. The word [...], sig­nifies that the whole action was his. For that he or­dain'd them no man questions, but he also AP­POINTED THEM, and that was, saith S. Paul, [...], 1. Titus. V: 5. as I commanded thee. It was therefore an Apostolicall ordinance, that the BISHOP SHOULD APPOINT PRESBYTERS. Let there be halfe so much showne for the people, and I will also indea­vour to promote their interest. **** There is onely one pretence of a popular election in Scrip­ture; It is of the seven that were set over the wid­dowes. * But first, this was no part of the hierar­chy: This was no cure of soules: This was no di­vine institution: It was in the dispensation of mo­nyes: it was by command of the Apostles the ele­ction was made, and they might recede from their owne right: it was to satisfye the multitude: it was to avoid scandall, which in the dispensation of mo­neyes might easily arise: it was in a temporary of­fice: it was with such limitations, and conditions as the Apostles prescrib'd them: it was out of the num­ber of the 70 that the election was made, if we may beleive S. Epiphanus, so that they were Presbyters before this choice: and lastly, it was onely a Nomi­nation of seven Men, the determination of the bui­sinesse, and the authority of rejection was still in the Apostles, and indeed the whole power [Whom WE MAY APPOINT over this businesse] & after all this, [Page 270] there can be no hurt done by the objection, especi­ally since clearely and indubiously the clection of Bishops, and Presbyters was in the Apostles owne persons [...], saith S. Ignatius of Evodias; Evodias was first APPOINTED to be your Governour, or Bi­shop, by the APOSTLES) and themselves did com­mitt Epist. ad Antioch. it to others that were Bishops, as in the instan­ces before reckoned. Thus the case stood in Scrip­ture.

2. In the practice of the Church it went accor­ding to the same law, and practice Apostolicall. The People did not, might not choose the Ministers of holy Church. So the Councell of Laodicea, [...]. Can. 13. The people must not choose those that are to be promoted to the Priesthood. The pro­hibition extends to their Non-election of all the Su­periour Clergy, Bishops and Presbyters. But who then must elect them? The Councell of Nice deter­mines that, for in 16 and 17 Canons the Councell forbids any promotion of Clerks to be made, but by the Bishop of that Church where they are first ordayned, which clearely reserves to the Bishop the power of retayning, or promoting all his Clergy.

* 3. All Ordinations were made by Bishops a­lone, (as I have already prooved.) Now let this be confronted with the practice of Primitive Christen­dome, that no Presbyter might be ordain'd sine titulo without a particular charge, which was al­waies custome, and at last grew to be a law in the [Page 271] Councell of Chalcedon, and we shall perceive that the ordainer was the onely chooser; for then to or­daine a Presbyter was also to give him a charge; and the Patronage of a Church was not a lay inhe­ritance, but part of the Bishops cure, for he had [...], the care of the Churches in all the Diocesse; as I have already showne. And therefore when S. Ierome, according to the cu­stome of Christendome, had specified some parti­cular ordinations or election of Presbyters by Bi­shops, Epist. 61. & 62. as how himselfe was made Priest by Paulinus, and Paulinus by Epiphanius of Cyprus, Gaudeat Epis­copus judicio suo, cùm tales Christo elegerit Sacerdo­tes, Hieron. ad Nepotian. let the Bishop rejoyce in his owne act, having cho­sen such worthy Priests for the service of Christ.

Thus S. Ambrose gives intimation that the dis­pensing all the offices in the Clergy was solely in the Bishop. Haec spectet Sacerdos, & quod cui (que) congruat, lib. 1. offic. cap. 44. id officij deputet. Let the Bishop observe these rules, and appoint every one his office as is best answerable to his condition and capacity. And Theodoret reports of Leontius the Bishop of Antioch, how being an Ari­an, adversarios recti dogmatis suscipiens, licèt turpem Tripart. hist. lib. 5. cap. 32. habentes vitam, ad Presbyteratûs tamen ordinem, & Diacontûs evexit. Eos autem qui Vniversis virtu­tibus ornabantur, & Apostolica dogmata defendebant, abs (que) honore deseruit. He advanc'd his owne faction, but would not promote any man that was Catho­like and pious. So he did. The power therefore of Clericall promotion was in his owne hands. This thing is evident and notorious; And there is scarce [Page 272] any example in Antiquity of either Presbyters, or people choosing any Priest, but only in the case of S. Austin whom the Peoples hast snatch'd, and car­ried him to their Bishop Valerius intreating him to ordayne him Priest. This indeed is true, that the te­stimony of the people, for the life of them that were to be ordayn'd was by S. Cyprian ordinarily requi­red; In ordinandis Clericis (Fratres Charissimi) so­lemus vos ante consulere, & mores, ac merita singulo­rum lib. 1. Epist. 5. communi consilio ponderare. It was his custome to advise with his people concerning the publike fame of Clerks to be ordayn'd; It was usuall (I say) with him, but not perpetuall, for it was other­wise in the case of Celerinus, and divers others, as I shewed elsewhere.

4. In election of Bishops (though not of Priests) the Clergy and the people had a greater actuall in­terest, and did often intervene with their silent con­senting suffrages, or publike acclamations. But first; This was not necessary. It was otherwise among the Apostles, and in the case of Timothy, of Titus, of S. Iames, of S. Marke, and all the Successors whom they did constitute in the severall chayres. 2ly. This was not by law, or right, but in fact only. It was a­gainst the Canon of the Laodicean Councell, and the 31th Canon of the Apostles, which under paine of deposition commands that a Bishop be not promo­ted to his Church by the intervening of any lay power.

Against this discourse S. Cyprian is strongly pre­tended. Quando ipsa [plebs] maximè habeat potesta­tem Epist. 68. [Page 273] vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes, vel indignos re­cusandi. Quod & ipsum videmus de divinâ authori­tate descendere &c. Thus he is usually cited. The people have power to choose, or to refuse their Bishops, and this comes to them from Divine authority. No such matter. The following words expound him better, [Quod & ipsum videmus de divinâ authori­tate descendere, ut Sacerdos PLEBE PRaeSENTE sub omnium oculis deligatur, & dignus, at (que) idoneus publi­co judicio ac testimonio comprobetur: that the Bishop is chosen publikely, in the presence of the people, and he only be thought fit who is approved by publike judge­ment, and testimony; or as S. Paul's phrase is [he must have a good report of all men] that is indeed a divine institution, and that to this purpose, and for the publike attestation of the act of election and or­dination the peoples presence was required, appeares clearely by S. Cyprian's discourse in this Epistle. For what is the divine authority that he mentions? It is only the example of Moses whom God com­manded to take the Sonne of Eleazer and cloath him with his Fathers robes coram omni Synagogâ, before all the congregation. The people chose not, God chose Eleazar, and Moses consecrated him, and the people stood, and look'd on; that's all that this argu­ment can supply. * Iust thus Bishops are, and ever were ordayn'd, non nisi sub populi assistentis conscien­tiâ, in the sight of the people standing by; but to what end? Vt plebe praesente detegantur malorum crimi­na, vel bonorum merita praedicentur. All this while the election is not in the people, nothing but the [Page 274] publike testimony, and examination, for so it fol­lowes, & sit ordinatio justa & legitima quae omni­um suffragio, & judicio fuerit examinata.

* * But S. Cyprian hath two more proof's whence we may learne either the sense, or the truth of his as­sertion. The one is of the Apostles ordayning the se­ven Deacons (but this we have already examin'd,) the other of S. Peter choosing S. Matthias into the Apostolate; it was indeed done in the presence of the people. * But here it is considerable that at this sur­rogation of S. Matthias the Number of the persons present was but 120, of which eleven were Apo­stles, and 72 were Disciples and Presbyters, they make up 83, and then there remaines but 37 of the Laity, of which many were women, which I know not yet whether any man would admitt to the ele­ction of an Apostle, and whether they doe or doe not, the Laity is a very inconsiderable Number if the matter had beene to be carried by plurality of voices; so that let the worst come that is imagina­ble, the whole businesse was in effect carried by the Clergy, whom in this case we have no reason to suspect to be divided, and of a distinct, or disagree­ing interest. * 2. Let this discourse be of what va­lidity it will, yet all this whole businesse was mira­culous, and extraordinary; For though the Apostles nam'd two Candidates yet the holy Ghost chose them by particular revelation. And yet for all this, it was lawfull for S. Peter alone to have done it without casting lots. An non licebat ipsi [Petro] e­ligere? licebat, & quidem maximè; verùm id non [Page 275] facit ne cui videretur gratificari. Quanquam alio­qui non erat particeps Spiritûs. For all, he had not as yet received the holy Ghost, yet he had power himselfe to have completed the election. So S. homil. 3. in Act. Chrysostome.

So that now, if S. Cyprian meanes more then the presence of the people for suffrage of publike testi­mony, & extends it to a suffrage of formall choice, his proofes of the divine authority are invalid, there is no such thing can be deduc'd from thence, and then this is his complying so much with the people (which hath beene the fault of many a good man) may be reckon'd together with his rebaptization. But truth is, he meanes no more then suffrage of testimony, viz: That he who is to be chosen Bishop be for his good life a man of good fame, and appro­ved of before God and all the people, and this is all the share they have in their election. * And so in­deed himselfe summes up the whole businesse and tells us of another jus Divinum too. [Propter quod diligentèr de traditione Divinâ, & Apostolicâ obser­vatione, observandum est & tenendum, quod apud nos quo (que), & ferè apud Provincias Vniversas tenetur, ut ad ordinationes ritè celebrandas ad eam plebem cui Praepositus ordinatur, Episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi qui (que) conveniant, & Episcopus deligatur plebe praesente quae singulorum vitam plenissimè no­vit. It is most diligently to be observed, for there is a Divine tradition, and an Apostolicall ordinance for it, and it is us'd by us and almost by all Churches, that all the Bishops of the Province assemble to the [Page 276] making of right ordinations, and that a Bishop be chosen in the face of the people who best know their life and conversation.]’ So that the Bishops were to make the formall election, the people to give their judgement of approbation in this particular, and so much as concern'd the exemplary piety, and good life of him that was to be their Bishop. Here we see in S. Cyprian is a jus Divinum for the Bishops choo­sing a Collegue, or a Brother-Bishop, as much as for the presence of the people, and yet the presence was all. And howsoever the people were present to give this testimony, yet the election was cleare­ly in the Bishops, and that by Divine tradition, and Apostolicall observation saith S. Cyprian; And thus it was in all Churches almost.

In Africa this was, and so it continued till after S. Austins time, particularly in the choice of Eradi­us Epist. 120. lib. 3. de Sa­cerd. his successor. It was so in the Greek Church as S. Chrysostome tels us. It was so in Spaine, as S. lib. 2. de offic. Isi­dore tels us; and in many other places, that the peo­ple should be present, and give acclamation, and tu­multuary approbation; but to the formall election of the Clergy, made by enumeration of votes and subscription, the people never were admitted.

5. Although that in times of persecution, at first, and to comply with the people who were in all re­spects to be sweetned, to make them with easier ap­petite swallow the bitter pill of persecution, and also to make them more obedient to their Bishop; if they did, though but in a tumult and noyse cry him up in his ordination, ne plebs invita Episcopum non op­tatum, [Page 277] aut contemnat, aut oderit, & fiat minùs reli­giosa quàm convenit, cui non licuerit habere quem vo­luit, (for so S. Leo expresses the cause) yet the for­mality, Epist. 84. c. 5. and right of proper election was in the Clergy, and often so practised without any consent at all, or intervening act of the people. The right, I say, was in the Bishops, so it was decreed in the Ni­cene Councell, [...]. Can. 4. The Bishop must be appointed or constituted by all the BISHOPS of the province, [...]. It must be confirm'd, and established by the METRO­POLITAN. No Presbyters here all this while, no people. * But the exercise of this power is more clearely seen in the Acts of some Councells, where the Fathers degraded some Bishops, and themselves appointed others in their Roomes. * The Bishops in the Councell of Constantinople deposed Mar­cellus. In cujus locum Basilium in Ancyram miserunt. They sent Basilius Bishop in his roome, saith Sozo­men. Tripart. hist. lib. 3. cap. 9. * Ostendat Bassianus si per Synodum Reveren­dissimorum Episcoporū, & consuetâ lege Episcopus E­phesiorum Metropolis est constitutus, (said the Fathers of the Councell of Chalcedō.) Let Bassianus show that Act. 11. he was made BISHOP OF EPHESUS BY A SYNOD OF BISHOPS, and according to the accustomed Law. The Law I shewed before, even the Nicene Canon. The fathers of which Councell sent a Synodall Epi­stle to the Church of Alexandria, to tell them they had deposed Militius from the office of a Bishop, only left him the name, but took from him all pow­er, [Page 278] nullam verò omnimodò habere potestatem, ne (que) Tripart. hist. lib. 2. cap. 12. ELIGENDI, NEQUE ORDINANDI: &c. Neither suffering him to choose nor to ordaine Clerks. It seems then that was part of the Episcopall office in ordinary, placitos sibi eligere, as the Epistle expres­ses it in the sequell, to choose whom they listed. But the Councell deposed Melitius, and sent Alexander their Bishop, and Patriarch to rule the Church a­gaine. * * And particularly to come home to the case of the present question, when Auxentius Bi­shop of Millaine was dead, and the Bishops of the Province; and the Clergy of the Church, and the people of the Citty, were assembled at the choosing of another, the Emperour makes a speech to the Theodor. lib. 4. c. 5. Bishops only, that they should be carefull in their choyce. So that although the people were present, quibus pro fide, & religione etiam honor deferendus est (as S. Cyprians phrase is) to whom respect is to be had, and faire complyings to be used so long as they are pious, catholick, and obedient, yet both the right of electing, and solemnity of ordaining was in the Bishops, the peoples interest did not arrive to one halfe of this.

6. There are in Antiquity diverse precedents of Bishops, who chose their own successors; it will not be imagined the people will choose a Bishop over his head, and proclaime that they were weary of him. In those daies they had more piety. * Age­lius did so, he chose Sisinnius, and that it may ap­peare it was without the people, they came about him, and intreated him to choose Marcian, to [Page 279] whom they had been beholding in the time of Va­lens the Emperour; he complyed with them, and appointed Marcian to be his successor, and Sisinnius Socrat. lib. 5. c. 21. whom he had first chosen, to succeed Marcian. * Thus did Valerius choose his successor, S. Austin; for though the people nam'd him for their Priest, and carried him to Valerius to take Orders, yet Va­lerius chose him Bishop. And this was usuall; [...], (as Epiphanius expresses this case,) it was ordinary to doe so in many Churches.

7. The manner of election in many Churches was various, for although indeed the Church had com­manded it, and given power to the Bishops to make the election, yet in some times and in some Chur­ches the Presbyters, or the Chapter, chose one out of themselves. S. Hierome saies they alwaies did so in Alexandria, from S. Markes time to Heraclas and Dionysius. * S. Ambrose saies that at the first, In Ephes. 4. the Bishop was not, by a formall new election pro­moted, but recedente uno sequens ei succedebat. As one dyed so the next senior did succeed him. In both these cases no mixture of the peoples votes.

8. In the Church of England the people were never admitted to the choyce of a Bishop from its first becoming Christian to this very day, and there­fore to take it from the Clergy, in whom it alwaies was by permission of Princes, and to interest the people in it, is to recede à traditionibus Majorum, from the religion of our forefathers, and to INNO­VATE in a high proportion.

9. In those Churches where the peoples suffrage [Page 280] (by way of testimony, I meane, and approbation) did concurre with the Synod of Bishops in the choyce of a Bishop, the people at last according to their usuall guise grew hot, angry, and tumultuous, and then were ingaged by divisions in religion to Name a Bishop of their own sect; and to disgrace one another by publike scandall, and contestation, and often grew up to Sedition, and Murder; and therefore although they were never admitted, (un­lesse where themselves usurped) farther then I have declared, yet even this was taken from them, espe­cially, since in tumultuary assemblies, they were apt to carry all before them, they knew not how to di­stinguish between power, and right, they had not well learn'd to take deniall, but began to obtrude whom they listed, to swell higher like a torrent when they were check'd; and the soleship of electi­on, which by the Ancient Canons was in the Bi­shops, they would have asserted wholly to them­selves both in right, and execution.

* I end this with the annotation of Zonaras up­on the twelfth Canon of the Laodicean Councell. Po­puli suffragiis olim Episcopi eligebantur (understand him in the senses above explicated) Sed cùm multae inde seditiones existerent, hinc factum est ut Episco­porum Vnius cujus (que) provinciae authoritate eligi Epis­copum quem (que) oportere decreverint Patres: of old time Bishops were chosen, not without the suffrage of the people (for they concurred by way of testimo­ny and acclamation) but when this occasion'd many seditions and tumults, the Fathers decreed that a Bi­shop [Page 281] should be chosen by the authority of the Bishops of the Province. And he addes that in the election of Damasus 137 men were slaine, and that sixe hun­dred examples more of that nature were produ­cible.

Truth is, the Nomination of Bishops in Scripture was in the Apostles alone, and though the Kindred of our Blessed Saviour were admitted to the choyce of Simeon Cleophae, the Successor of S. Iames to the Bishoprick of Ierusalem, as Eusebius witnesses; it was lib. 3. hist. cap. 11. propter singularem honorem, an honorary, and extra­ordinary priviledge indulged to them for their vi­cinity and relation to our Blessed Lord the foun­taine of all benison to us; and for that very reason Simeon himselfe was chosen Bishop too. Yet this was praeter regulam Apostolicam. The rule of the Apostles, and their precedents were for the sole right of the Bishops to choose their Colleagues in that Sacred order. * And then in descent, even before the Nicene Councell the people were forbidden to meddle in election, for they had no authority by Scripture to choose; by the necessity oftimes and for the reasons before asserted they were admitted to such a share of the choyce as is now folded up in a peice of paper, even to a testimoniall; and yet I deny not but they did often take more as in the case of Nilammon, quem cives elegerunt, saith the story out of Sozomen, they chose him alone, Tripart. hist. lib. 10. c. 14. (though God took away his life before himselfe would accept of their choyce) and then they behav'd themselves oftentimes with so much in­solency, [Page 282] partiality, faction, sedition, cruelty, and Pagan basenesse that they were quite interdicted it, above 1200 yeares agone. * So that they had their little in possession but a little while, and never had any due, and therefore now, their request for it is no petition of right, but a popular ambition and a snatching at a sword to hew the Church in peices. vide dist. 63. per tot. Gratian.

But I thinke I need not have troubled my selfe halfe so farre, for they that strive to introduce a po­pular election, would as faine have Episcopacy out, as popularity of election let in. So that all this of popular election of Bishops, may seeme superfluous. For I consider, that if the peoples power of choo­sing Bishops be founded upon Gods law, as some men pretend from S. Cyprian (not proving the thing from Gods law, but Gods law from S. Cyprian) then Bishops themselves must be by Gods law: For surely God never gave them power to choose any man into that office which himselfe hath no way instituted. And therefore I suppose these men will desist from their pretence of Divine right of popular election, if the Church will recede from her divine right of Episcopacy. But for all their plundering, and confounding, their bold pretences have made this discourse necessary.

IF we adde to all these foregoing particulars the § 41. Bishops onely did Vote in Councells and neither Presbyters, nor People. power of making lawes to be in Bishops, nothing else can be required to the making up of a spirituall Principality. Now as I have shewne that the Bishop of every Diocesse did give lawes to his owne [Page 283] Church for particulars, so it is evident that the lawes of Provinces and of the Catholike Church, were made by conventions of Bishops without the inter­vening, or concurrence of Presbyters, or any else for sentence and decision.

The instances of this are just so many as there are Councells. S. Athanasius reprehending Constantius the Arian for interposing in the Conciliary deter­minations of faith, si judicium Episcoporum est (saith Epist. ad Solitar. he) quid cum eo commune habet Imperator? It is a judgment to be pass'd BY BISHOPS, (meaning the determination of the article,) and not proper for the Emperour. And when Hosius of Corduba reprov'd him for sitting President in a Councell, Quis enim videns eum IN DECERNENDO PRINCIPEM SE, FACERE EPISCOPORUM, non meritò dicat illum eam ipsam abhominationem desolationis? He that sits Pre­sident, makes himselfe chiefe of the Bishops, &c. inti­mating Bishops only to preside in Councells, and to make decision. And therefore conventus Episcopo­rum, and Concilium Episcoporum are the words for Generall, and Provinciall Councells. Bis in anno Episcoporum Concilia celebrentur, said the 38th Ca­non of the Apostles; and Congregatio Episcopalis the Councell of Sardis is call'd by Theodoret. And when lib. 2. cap. 7. the Question was started in the time of Pope Victor about the celebration of Easter, ob quam causam (saith Eusebius) conventus Episcoporum, & Concilia lib. 5. cap. 23. per singulas quas (que) provincias convocantur. Where by the way, it is to be observeable, that at first, even provinciall Synods were onely held by Bishops, [Page 284] and Presbyters had no interest in the decision; how­ever we have of late sate so neere Bishops in Provin­ciall assemblies, that we have sate upon the Bishops skirts. But my Lords the Bishops have a concer­ning interest in this. To them I leave it; And be­cause the foure generall Councells are the Prece­dents and chiefe of all the rest, I shall only instance in them for this particular.

1. The title of the Nicene Councell runs thus. [...]. The Canons of the 318 Fathers met in Nice. These Fathers were all that gave suffrage to the Canons, for if there had been more, the title could not have appropriated the Sanction to 318. And that there were no more S. Ambrose gives te­stimony in that he makes it to be a mysticall num­ber; proëm. in lib. de fide. Nam & Abraham trecentos decem & octo duxit ad bellum.... De Concilijs id potissimùm sequor quod trecenti decem & octo Sacerdotes.... velut trophaeum extulerunt, ut mihi videatur hoc esse Divinum, quod eodem numero in Concilijs, fidei habemus oraculum, quo in historiâ, pietatis exemplum. Well! 318 was the Number of the Iudges, the Nicene Fathers, and they were all Bishops, for so is the title of the sub­scriptions, Subscripserunt trecenti decem & octo EPISCOPI qui in eodem Concilio convenerunt; 13. whereof were Chorepiscopi, but not one Presbyter, save onely that Vitus, and Vincentius subscribed as legates of the Bishop of Rome, but not by their owne authority.

2. The great Councell of Constantinople was [Page 285] celebrated by 150 Bishops: [...], That's the title of the Canons. The Canons of 150 holy Fathers who met in C. P. and that these were all Bishops ap­peares by the title of S. Gregory Nazianzen's oration in the beginning of the Councell. [...]. The oration of S. Gregory Nazianzen in the presence of 150 Bishops. And of this Councell it was that Socrates speaking, Imperator (saith he) nullâ morâ interpositâ Concilium EPISCOPORUM lib. 5. cap. 8. convocat. Here indeed some few Bishops appear'd by Proxy as Montanus Bishop of Claudiopolis by Paulus a Presbyter, and Atarbius Bishop of Pontus by Cylus a Reader, and about some fowre or five more. * This onely, amongst the subscriptions I find Tyrannus, Auxanon, Helladius, and Elpidius calling themselves Presbyters. But their modesty hinders not the truth of the former testimonies; They were Bishops, saith the title of the Councell, and the Oration, and the Canons, and Socrates; And least there be scruple concerning Auxanon Presby­ter Apameae, because before, Iohannes Apameensis subscribed, which seemes to intimate that one of them was the Bishop, and the other but a Presbyter indeed, without a subterfuge of modesty, the titles distinguishes them. For Iohn was Bishop in the Province of Caele Syria, and Auxanon of Apamea in Pisidia.

3. The third was the Councell of Ephesus, Epis­coporum plurium quàm ducentorum, as is often said [Page 286] in the acts of the Councell [of above 200 Bishops] But no Presbyters, for, Cùm Episcopi supra ducen­tos extiterint qui Nestorium deposuerunt, horum sub­scriptionibus contenti fuimus. We were content with the subscription of the 200 and odde Bishops, saith the Councell; and Theodosius junior, in his Epistle Epist Synod. ad Clerum C. Ptanum. part. 2. act. 3. part. 1. c. 32. Vide §. 36. de simil. ferè quaestione in fine. to the Synod, Illicitum est (saith he) eum qui non sit in ordine sanctissimorum Episcoporum Ecclesiasticis immisceri tractatibus. It is unlawfull for any but them who are in the order of the most holy Bishops, to be in. terest in Ecclesiasticall assemblies.

4. The last of the foure great conventions of Christendome was, sexcentorum triginta Episcopo­rum, of 630 Bishops at Chalcedon in Bithynia. But in all these assemblies, no meere Presbyters gave suffrage except by legation from his Bishop, and de­legation of authority. And therefore when in this Councell some Laicks, and some Monks, and some Clergy-men, not Bishops, would interest themselves Pulcheria the Empresse sent letters to Consularius to repell them by force; si praeter nostram evocatio­nem, aut permissionem suorum Episcoporum ibidem commorantur, who come without command of the Em­presse, or the Bishops permission. Where it is ob­serveable that the Bishops might bring Clerks with them to assist, to dispute, and to be present in all the action; And thus they often did suffer Abbots, or Archimandrites to be there, and to subscribe too, but that was praeter regulam, and by indulgence on­ly, and condescension; For when Martinus the Ab­bot was requested to subscribe he answered, Nec Action. 1. Con­cil. Chalced. [Page 287] suum esse, sed Episcoporum tantùm subscribere, it be­long'd only to Bishops to subscribe to Councells. For this reason the Fathers themselves often call'd out in the Councell, Mitte for as superfluos, Concili­um Episcoporum est.

But I need not more particular arguments, for till the Councell of Basil, the Church never admit­ted Presbyters as in their own right to voyce in Councells, and that Councell we know savourd too much of the Schismatick, but before this Councell, no example, no president of subscriptions of the Presbyters either to Oecumenicall, or Provinciall Synods. Indeed to a Diocesan Synod, viz. that of Auxerre in Burgundy, I find 32 Presbyters subscri­bing. This Synod was neither Oecumenicall nor Provinciall, but meerely the Convocation of a Dio­cesse. For here was but one Bishop, and some few Abbots, and 32 Presbyters. It was indeed no more then a visitation, or the calling of a Chapter, for of this we receive intimation in the seaventh Canon of that assembly, ut in medio Maio omnes Presbyteri ad Concil. Anti­siodor. can. 7. Synodum venirent, that was their summons, & in Novembri omnes Abbates ad Concilium: so that here is intimation of a yearely Synod besides the first convention, the greatest of them but Diocesan, and therefore the lesser but conventus Capitularis, or however not enough to give evidence of a subscrip­tion of Presbyters to so much as a Provinciall Councell. For the guise of Christendome was al­waies otherwise, and therefore it was the best argu­ment that the Bishops in the Arian hurry used to ac­quit [Page 288] themselves from the suspition of heresy, Ne (que) nos sumus Arii sectatores; Quî nam (que) fieri potest, ut cùm simus Episcopi Ario Presbytero auscultemus? Socrat. lib. 2. c. 7. Bishops never receive determination of any article from Priests, but Priests doe from Bishops. Nam vestrum est eos instruere (saith S. Clement speaking Epist. 3. per Ruffinum. of the Bishops office and power over Priests and all the Clergy, and all the Diocesse) eorum est vobis o­bedire, ut Deo cujus legatione fungimini. And a little after; Audire ergo eum attentiùs oportet, & ab ipso suscicere doctrinam fidei, monita autem vitae à Pres­byteris inquirere. Of the Priests we must inquire for rules of good life, but of the Bishop receive positi­ons and determinations of faith.

Against this if it be objected, Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet, That which is of generall concernement, must also be of generall Scrutiny. I an­swer, it is true, unlesse where God himselfe hath in­trusted the care of others in a body, as he hath in the Bishops, and will require the soules of his Dio­cesse at his hand, and commanded us to require the Law at their mouths, and to follow their faith, Hebr. 13. 7. & 17. 1. Pet. 5. 2. Act. 20. whom he hath set over us. And therefore the de­termination of Councells pertains to all, and is handled by all, not in diffusion but in representation. For, Ecclesia est in Episcopo, & Episcopus in Ecclesiâ, (saith S. Cyprian) the Church is in the Bishop (viz. by representment) and the Bishop is in the Church Epist. 69. (viz. as a Pilot in a ship, or a Master in a family, or rather as a steward, and Guardian to rule in his Ma­sters absence) and for this reason the Synod of the [Page 289] Nicene Bishops is called (in Eusebius) conventus or­bis Lib. 3. de vitâ Constant. lib. de baptis. cap. 18. terrarum, and by S. Austin, consensus totius Ec­clesiae, not that the whole Church was there present in their severall persons, but was there represented by the Catholike Bishops, and if this representment be not sufficient for obligation to all, I see no reason but the Ladyes too, may vote in Councells, for I doubt not, but they have soules too.

But however, if this argument were concluding in it selfe, yet it looses its force in England, where the Clergy are bound by Lawes of Parliament, and yet in the capacity of Clergy-men are allowed to choose neither Procurators to represent us as Cler­gy, nor Knights of the shire to represent us as Com­mons. * In conclusion of this I say to the Presby­ters as S. Ambrose said of the Lay-judges, whom the Arians would have brought to judge in Coun­cell (it was an old hereticall trick.) Veniant planè si qui sunt ad Ecclesiam, audiant cum populo, non ut Epist. 32. QUIS QUAM IUDEX resideat, sed unus quis (que) de suo af­fectu habeat examen, & eligat quem sequatur. So may Presbyters be present, so they may judge, not for others, but for themselves. And so may the people be present, and anciently were so; and there­fore Councells were alwaies kept in open Chur­ches, [ubi populus judicat] not for others, but for themselves, not by externall sentence, but internall conviction, so S. Ambrose expounds himselfe in the forecited allegation.

There is no considerable objection against this discourse but that of the first Councell of Ierusalem; [Page 290] where the Apostles, and ELDERS did meet together to DETERMINE of the question of circumcision. For although in the story of celebration of it, we find no man giving sentence but Peter, and Iames; yet in 16. Acts, they are called [...], decrees IUDGED by the A­postles, and Elders. But first, in this the difficulty is the lesse, because [Presbyter] was a generall word for all that were not of the number of the twelve, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors, and Doctors. And then secondly, it is none at all, because Paul, and Barnabas are signally, and by name reckoned as pre­sent in the Synod, and one of them Prolocutor, or else both. So that such Presbyters may well define in such conventuall assemblies. 3. If yet there were any difficulty latent in the story, yet the Catholick practice of Gods Church, is certainly the best ex­positor of such places where there either is any dif­ficulty, or where any is pretended. And of this, I have already given account.

* I remember also that this place is pretended for the peoples power of voycing in Councells. It is a pretty pageant; onely that it is against the Ca­tholick practice of the Church, against the exigence of Scripture, which bids us require the law at the Mouth of our spirituall Rulers, against the gravity of such assemblies, for it would force them to betu­multuous, and at the best, are the worst of Sancti­ons, as being issues of popularity, and to summe up all, it is no way authoriz'd by this first copy of Christian Councells. The pretence is, in the Syno­dall [Page 291] Acts 15. 23. letter written in the name of [the Apostles, and Elders, and Brethren] that is, (saies Geta,) The Apostles, and Presbyters, and People. But why not BRETHREN, that is, all the Deacons, and Evange­lists, and Helpers in Governement, and Ministers of the Churches? There is nothing either in words, or circumstances to contradict this. If it be ask'd who then are meant by Elders, if by [Brethren] S. Luke understands these Church officers? I answer, that here is such variety, that although I am not certain which officers he precisely comprehends under the distinct titles of Elders, and Brethren, yet here are enough to furnish both with variety, and yet neither to admit meere Presbyters in the pre­sent acceptation of the word, nor yet the Laity to a decision of the question, nor authorizing the de­cretall. For besides the twelve Apostles, there were Apostolicall men which were Presbyters, and some­thing more, as Paul and Barnabas, and Silas; and E­vangelists, and Pastors besides, which might furnish out the last appellative sufficiently. But however without any further trouble it is evident, that this word [Brethren] does not distinguish the Laity from the Clergy. [Now when they heard this, they were pricked in their hearts, and said unto PETER, and to the rest of the APOSTLES, Men and BRE­THREN what shall we doe. Iudas and Silas who were Apostolicall men, are called in Scripture, chiefe men among the BRETHREN. But this is too known, to need a contestation.

I only insert the saying of Basilius the Emperour [Page 292] in the 8th Synod. De vobis autem Laicis tam qui in dignitatibus, quàm qui absolutè versamini quid am­pliùs dicam non habeo, quàm quòd nullo modo vobis li­cet de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere, ne (que) penitùs resistere integritati Ecclesiae, & universali Synodo adversari. Lay-men (saies the Emperour) must by no means meddle with causes Ecclesiasticall, nor oppose themselves to the Catholick Church, or Councells Oecumenicall. They must not meddle, for these things appertaine to the cognisance of Bi­shops and their decision. * And now after all this, what authority is equall to this LEGISLATIVE of the Bishops? [...], (saith Aristotle,) Lib. 4. polit. c. 15. They are all evidences of power and authority, to deliberate, to determine, or judge, to make lawes. But to make lawes is the greatest power that is ima­ginable. The first may belong fairely enough to Presbyters, but I have proved the two latter to be appropriate to Bishops.

LAstly, as if all the acts of jurisdiction, and every § 42. imaginable part of power were in the Bishop, o­ver And the Bishop had a propriety in the per­sons of his Clerks, the Presbyters & subordinate Clergy, the Pres­byters are said to be Episcoporum Presbyteri, the Bishops Presbyters; as having a propriety in them, and therefore a superiority over them, and as the Bishop was a dispenser of those things which were in bonis Ecclesiae, so he was of the persons too, a Ru­ler in propriety. * S. Hilary in the book which [Page 293] himselfe delivered to Constantine, Ecclesiae adhuc (saith he) per Presbyteros MEOS communionem di­stribuens, I still give the holy Communion to the faithfull people by MY Presbyters. And therefore in the third Councell of Carthage a great deliberation was had about requiring a Clerke of his Bishop, to be promoted in another Church,.... Deni (que) qui u­num habuerit numquid debet illi ipse unus Presbyter auferri? (saith Posthumianus.) If the Bishop have Can. 45. Con­cil. Carthag. 3. but one Presbyter must that one be taken from him? Idsequor (saith Aurelius) ut conveniam Episcopum ejus, at (que) ei inculcem quod ejus Clericus à quâlibet Ecclesiâ postuletur. And it was resolved, ut Cleri­cum alienum nisi concedente ejus Episcopo. No man shall retaine another Bishop's without the consent of the Bishop whose Clerk he is.

* When Athanasius was abused by the calumny of the hereticks his adversaries, and entred to purge himselfe, Athanasius ingreditur cum Timotheo Pres­bytero Eccles. hist. lib. 10. cap. 17. Suo. He comes in with Timothy HIS Presby­ter; and, Arsenius, cujus brachium dicebatur excisum, lector aliquando fuerat Athanasii. Arsenius was A­thanasius HIS Reader. Vbi autem ventum est ad Ru­mores de poculo fracto à Macario Presbytero Atha­nasii, &c. Macarius was another of Athanasius HIS Priests. So Theodoret. Peter, and Irenaeus were two Lib. 2. cap. 8. more of his Presbyters, as himselfe witnesses. Pau­linianus comes sometimes to visit us (saith S. Hie­rome to Pammachius) but not as your Clerke, sed Athanas. E­pist. a [...] vitam solitar: agen­tes. ejus à quo ordinatur. His Clerk who did ordaine him. [Page 294] But these things are too known to need a multipli­cation of instances.

The summe is this. The question was, whether or no, and how farre the Bishops had Superiority o­ver Presbyters in the Primitive Church. Their do­ctrine, and practice have furnished us with these par­ticulars. The power of Church goods, and the sole dispensation of them, and a propriety of persons was reserved to the Bishop. For the Clergy, and Church possessions were in his power, in his admi­nistration: the Clergy might not travaile without the Bishops leave: they might not be preferred in a­nother Diocesse without license of their own Bi­shop: in their own Churches the Bishop had sole power to preferre them, and they must undertake the burden of any promotion if he calls them to it: without him they might not baptize, not conse­crate the Eucharist, not communicate, not recon­cile penitents, not preach; not onely, not without his ordination, but not without a speciall faculty besides the capacity of their order: The Presbyters were bound to obey their Bishops in their sancti­ons, and canonicall impositions, even by the decrce of the Apostles themselves, and the doctrine of Igna­tius, and the constitution of S. Clement, of the Fa­thers in the Councell of Arles, Ancyra, and Tole­do, and many others: The Bishops were declared to be Iudges in ordinary of the Clergy, and people of their Diocesse by the concurrent suffrages of almost 2000 holy Fathers assembled in Nice, Ephesus, Chalcedon, in Carthage, Antioch, Sardis, Aquileia, [Page 295] Taurinum, Agatho, and by the Emperour, and by the Apostles; and all this attested by the constant pra­ctice of the Bishops of the Primitive Church infli­cting censures upon delinquents, and absolving them as they saw cause, and by the dogmaticall re­solution of the old Catholicks declaring in their at­tributes, and appellatives of the Episcopall function that they have supreme, and universall spirituall power, (viz. in the sense above explicated) over all the Clergy and Laity of their Diocesse, as [that they are higher then all power, the image of God, the figure of Christ, Christs Vicar, President of the Church, Prince of Priests, of authority incompara­ble, unparalell'd power] and many more, if all this be witnesse enough of the superiority of Epis­copall jurisdiction, we have their depositions, wee may proceed as we see cause for, and reduce our E­piscopacy to the primitive state, for that is truly a reformation [id Dominicum quod primum, id hae­reticum quod posterius] and then we shall be sure E­piscopacy will loose nothing by these unfortunate contestations.

BUT against the cause, it is objected super totam §. 43. Their Iu­risdiction was over many con­gregations, or Parishes, Materiam, that Bishops were not Diocesan, but Parochiall, and therefore of so confin'd a jurisdicti­on that perhaps our Village, or Citty Priests shall advance their Pulpit, as high as the Bishops throne.

* Well! put case they were not Diocesan, but parish Bishops, what then? yet they were such Bi­shops as had Presbyters, and Deacons in subordina­tion [Page 296] to them, in all the particular advantages of the former instances.

2. If the Bishops had the Parishes, what cure had the Priests? so that this will debase the Priests as much as the Bishops, and if it will confine a Bishop to a Parish, it will make that no Presbyter can be so much as a Parish-Priest. If it brings a Bishop lower then a Diocesse, it will bring the Priest lower then a Pa­rish. For set a Bishop where you will, either in a Diocesse, or a Parish, a Presbyter shall still keep the same duty and subordination, the same distance still. So that this objection upon supposition of the former discourse, will no way mend the matter for any side, but make it farre worse, it will not advance the Presbytery, but it will depresse the whole hie­rarchy, and all the orders of H. Church.

* But because, this trifle is so much used amongst the enimies of Episcopacy, I will consider it in little, and besides that it does no body any good advan­tage, I will represent it in it's fucus and show the falsehood of it.

1. Then. It is evident that there were Bishops before there were any distinct Parishes. For the first division of Parishes in the West was by Evaristus, who lived almost 100 years after Christ, and divi­ded Rome into seven parishes, assigning to every one a Presbyter. So Damasus reports of him in the Pontificall book. Hic titulos in urbe Româ divisit Presbyteris, & septem Diaconos ordinavit qui custo­dirent Episcopum praedicantem propter stylum veri­tatis. He divided the Parishes, or titles in the City of [Page 297] Rome to Presbyters. The same also is by Damasus reported of Dionysius in his life, hic Presbyteris Ec­clesias divisit, & caemiteria, parochias (que) & dioeceses constituit. Marcellus increased the number in the yeare 305. Hic fecit caemiterium viâ Salariâ, & 25 Titulos in urbe Roma constituit quasi dioeceses propter baptismum, & poenitentiam multorum qui converte­bantur ex Paganis, & propter sepulturas Marty­rum. He made a Sepulture, or caemitery for the buriall of Martyrs, and appointed 25. Titles or Parishes: but he addes [quasi Dioeceses] as it had been diocesses, that is, distinct and limited to Presbyters, as dioces­ses were to Bishops; and the use of parishes which he subjoynes, cleares the businesse; for he appointed them onely propter baptismum, & poenitentiam mul­torum & sepulturas, for baptisme, and penance, and buriall; for as yet there was no preaching in Pari­shes, but in the Mother-Church. Thus it was in the West.

* But in Aegypt we find Parishes divided some­thing sooner then the earliest of these, for Eusebius reports out of Philo that the Christians in S. Markes Lib. 2. hist. cap. 17. time had severall Churches in Alexandria. Etiàm DE ECCLESIIS quae apud eos sunt, it a dicit. Est au­tem in singulis locis consecrata orationi domus &c: But even before this, there were Bishops. For in Rome there were fowre Bishops before any division of Parishes, though S. Peter be reckon'd for none. And before Parishes were divided in Alexandria, S. Marke himselfe who did it was the Bishop, and be­fore that time S. Iames was Bishop of Ierusalem, and [Page 298] in diverse other places where Bishops were, there were no distinct Parishes of a while after Evaristus time, for when Dionysius had assign'd Presbyters to severall Parishes, he writes of it to Severus Bishop of Corduba, & desires him to doe so too in his Diocesse, as appeares in his Epistle to him.

* For indeed necessity requir'd it, when the Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 43. Apolog. c. 37. Christians multiplyed and grew to be [...], as apud Binium. tom. 1. Concil Cornelius call'd the Roman Chri­stians, a great and innumerable people; and did im­plere omnia, as Tertullians phrase is, fill'd all places, and publike and great assemblies drew danger upon themselves, and increased jealousies in others, and their publike offices could not be perform'd with so diffused and particular advantage, then they were forc'd to divide congregations, and assigne severall Presbyters to their cure, in subordination to the Bi­shop, and so we see, the elder Christianity grew, the more Parishes there were. At first in Rome there were none, Evaristus made seven, Dionysius made some more, and Marcellus added 15, and in Optatus lib. 2. contr. Parmenian. time there were 40.

Well then! The case is thus. Parishes were not divided at first, therefore to be sure they were not of Divine institution. Therefore it is no divine institu­tion that a Presbyter should be fixt upon a Parish, therefore also a Parish is not by Christs ordinance an independant body, for by Christs ordinance there was no such thing at all, neither absolute, nor in de­pendance neither; and then for the maine issue, since Bishops were before Parishes (in the present sense) [Page 299] the Bishops in that sense could not be Parochiall.

* But which was first, a private congregation, or a Diocesse? If a private congregation, then a Bi­shop was at first fix't in a private congregation, and so was a Parochiall Bishop. If a Diocesse was first, then the Question will be, how a Diocesse could be with­out Parishes, for what is a Diocesse but a jurisdicti­on over many Parishes?

* I answer, it is true that DIOCESSE and PA­RISH are words us'd now in contradistinction; And now, a Diocesse is nothing but the multiplication of of many Parishes: Sed non fuit sic ab initio. For at first, a Diocesse was the Citie and the Regio suburbi­caria, the neighbouring townes, in which there was no distinction of Parishes: That which was a Dio­cesse in the secular sense, that is, a particular Pro­vince, or division of secular prefecture, that was the assignation of a Bishops charge. * Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Laodicea, were [...], heads of the Diocesses, (saith Pliny,) meaning in respect of secu­lar lib. 5. cap. 29. & 30. Vide Baron. A. D. 39. n. 10. & B. Rhenan. in notit. provinc. Imperial. in descript. Illyrici. jurisdiction; and so they were in Ecclesiasticall regiment. And it was so upon great reason, for when the regiment of the Church was extended just so as the regiment of the Common-wealth, it was of lesse suspition to the secular power, while the Church regiment was just fixt together with the politicall, as if of purpose to shew their mutuall con­sistence, and it's owne subordination. ** And be­sides this, there was in it a necessity; for the subjects of another Province, or Diocesse, could not either safely, or conveniently meete where the duty of the [Page 300] Common-wealth did not ingage them; but being all of one prefecture, and Diocesse, the necessity of publike meetings in order to the Common-wealth would be faire opportunity for the advancement of their Christendome. And this, which at first was a necessity in this case, grew to be a law in all, by the sanction of the Councell of Can. 17. Chalcedon, and of Con­stantinople in Can. 38. Trullo, [...]. Let the or­der of the Church, follow the order and guise of the Common wealth, viz. in her regiment, and prefe­fecture.

* But in the moderne sense of this division a Bishops charge was neither a Parish, nor a Diocesse, as they are taken in relation; but a Bishop had the su­preme care of all the Christians which he by him­selfe, or his Presbyters had converted, and he also had the charge of indeavouring the conversion of all the Country. So that although he had not all the Diocesse actually in communion and subjection, yet his charge, his Diocesse was so much. Iust as it was with the Apostles, to whom Christ gave all the world for a Diocesse, yet at first they had but a smal congregation that did actually obey them.

And now to the Question. Which was first, a particular congregation or a Diocesse? I answere, that a Diocesse was first, that is, the Apostles had a charge before they had a congregation of converts; And S. Marke was sent Bishop to Alexandria by S. Peter before any were converted. * But ordinarily the Apostles, when they had converted a City or [Page 301] Nation, then fix't Bishops upon their charge, and there indeed the particular congregation was before the Bishop's taking of the Diocesse; But then, this Ci­ty, or Nation although it was not the Bishops Dio­cesse before it was a particular congregation, yet it was part of the Apostles Diocesse, and this they con­credited to the Bishops respectively.

S. Paul was ordain'd by the Prophets at Antioch, Apostle of the Uncircumcision; All the Gentiles was his Diocesse, and even of those places he then received power which as yet he had not converted. So that, absolutely, a diocesse was before a particu­lar congregation. But if a diocesse be taken colle­ctively, as now it is, for a multitude of Parishes uni­ted under one Bishop, then one must needes be be­fore 20, and a particular congregation before a dio­cesse; but then that particular congregation was not a parish, in the present sense, for it was not a part of a Diocesse taking a Diocesse for a collection of Parishes; but that particular Congregation was the first fruits of his Diocesse, and like a Graine of Mustard-seed that in time might, and did grow up to a considerable height, even to a necessity of di­stinguishing titles, and parts of the Diocesse, assig­ning severall parts, to severall Priests.

2. We see that the Primitive Bishops, before the division of parishes, had the City, and Country; and after the division of parishes, had them all under his jurisdiction, and ever, even from the Apostles times had severall provinces (some of them I meane) within their limits and charges. * The 35 Canon of [Page 302] the Apostles gives power to the Bishop to dispose only of those things [...], which are under his Diocesse & the Neigh­bour-villages, and the same thing is repeated in the ninth and tenth Canons of the Councell of Antioch calling it [...], the Ancient Canon of our forefathers; and yet it selfe is elder then three of the generall Councells, and if then it was an Ancient Canon of the Fathers, that the City and Villages should be subject to the Bishop, surely a Primitive Bishop was a Diocesan.

But a little before this was the Nicene Councell, Can. 6. and there I am sure we have a Bishop that is at least a Diocesan. [...]. Let the old Cu­stomes be kept. What are those? [...]. Let the Bishop of Alexandria have power over ALL Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis: It was a good large Parish; And yet this parish if we have a mind to call it so, was [...], ac­cording to the old custome of their forefathers, and yet that was so early that S. Anthony was then a­live, who was borne in S. Irenaeus his time, who was himselfe but second from the Apostles.

It was also a good large parish that Ignatius was Bishop of, even all Syria, Caelesyria, Mesopotamia, and both the Ciliciae. [...], The Bishop of Syria he calls himselfe in his epistle to the Romans, and [...], so Theodoret: and be­sides lib. 5. ca. 23. all these, his Successors, in the Councell of Chalcedon, had the two Phaeniciae, and Arabia yeilded Action. 7. [Page 303] to them by composition. These alone would have made two or three reasonable good parishes, and would have taken up time enough to perambulate, had that been then the guise of Christendome. * But examples of this kind are infinite. Theodorus Bishop Epist. ad Le­on. 1. Episc. Rom. Haeres. 68. of Cyrus was Pastor over 800 parishes, Athanasius was Bishop of Alexandria, Egypt, Thebais, Mareo­tis, Libya, Ammoniaca, and Pentapolis, saith S. Epi­phanius; And his predecessor Iulianus, successor of Agrippinus, was Bishop Concil Chal­ced. act. 16. [...], of the Churches about Alexandria. Either it was a Diocesse, or at least a plurality. * Theodoret. lib. 5. c. 28. S. Chrysostome had Pontus, Asia, and all Thrace in his parish, even as much as came to sixteen prefectures; a faire bounds surely; and so it was with all the Bishops, a greater, or a lesser Diocesse they had; but all were Diocesan; for they had severall parishes, singuli Ec­clesiarum Episcopi habent sub se Ecclesias, saith Epi­phanius in his epistle to Iohn of Ierusalem, and in his Apud. S. Hie­ron. haeres. 69. book contra haereses, Quotquot enim in Alexandriâ Catholicae Ecclesiae sunt, sub uno Archiepiscopo sunt, privatim (que) ad has destinati sunt Presbyteri propter Ecclesiasticas necessitates, it aut habitatores vicini sint uniuscujus (que) Ecclesiae. * All Italy was the parish of Lib. 4. c. 12. Encom. Cypri­an. Sozom. lib. 5. c. 18. Vide apud Eu­seb. lib. [...]. c. 22. Liberius (saith Socrates.) Africa was S. Cyprians parish, saith S. Gregory Nazianzen, and S. Basil the Great was parish-Priest to all Cappadocia. But I ra­ther believe if we examine their severall stories they will rather prove Metropolitans, then meere paro­chians.

3ly The ancient Canons forbad a Bishop to be or­dain'd [Page 304] in a Village, Castle, or Towne. It was so de­creed in the Councell of Laodicea before the first Nicene. [...]. Can. 56. In the Villages, or Countries, Bishops must not be constituted. And this was renewed in the Councell of Sardis, [...]. Can. 6. It is not lawfull to ordaine Bishops in Villages or little Townes to which one Presbyter is sufficient, [...], but Bishops must ordaine Bishops in those Cities where Bishops formerly have been. * So that this Canon does not make a new Constitution, but perpetuates the old sancti­on. Bishops ab antiquo were only ordain'd in great Cities, and Presbyters to little Villages. Who then was the Parish Curate? the Bishop or the Priest? The case is too apparent.

Onely, here it is objected that some Bishops were of small Townes, and therefore these Canons were not observed, and Bishops might be, and were paro­chiall, as S. Gregory of Nazianzum, Zoticus of Co­mana, Maris in Dolicha. The one of these is called [...] by Lib. y. c. 16. Eusebius; and another [...] by Lib. 5. cap. 4. Theo­doret, a little Towne. This is all is pretended for this great Scarcrow of parochiall Bishops.

* But, first, suppose these had been parishes, and these three parochiall Bishops, it followes not that all were; not those to be sure, which I have proved to have been Bishops of Provinces, and Kingdomes. 2ly It is a cleare case, that Nazianzum [Page 305] though a small City, yet was the seate of a Bishops throne, so it is reckoned in the [...] made by Leo the Emperour, where it is accounted inter thro­nos Ius Graecc-Rom. p. 89. Ecclesiarum Patriarchae Constantinopolitano subje­ctarum, & is in the same account with Caesarea, with Ephesus, with Crete, with Philippi, and almost foure­score more. * As for Zoticus, he indeed came from Vide Baron. An. Dom. 205 n. 27. Comana, a Village towne, for there he was born, but he was Episcopus Otrenus, Bishop of Otrea in Arme­nia, saith Lib. 4. c. 25. Nicephorus. * And for Maris the Bishop of Dolicha, it was indeed such a small Citty as Na­zianzus was, but that proves not but his Diocesse and territory was large enough. Thus was Ascle­pius Gennad. apud Hieron. Iohan. de Trit­tenheim de script. Eccles. vici non grandis, but yet he was Vagensis terri­torii Episcopus. His seat might usually be in a little Citty, if it was one of those townes in which ac­cording to the exigence of the Canons [...] in which Bishops anci­ently were ordain'd, and yet the appurtenances of his Diocesse large, and extended, and too great for 100 Parish Priests.

4ly. The institution of Chorepiscopi proves most evidently that the Primitive Bishops were Dioce­san, not Parochiall: for they were instituted to assist the Bishop in part of his Country-charge, and were [...], Visiters, (as the Councell of Laodicea calls them.) But what need such Suffragans, such coadjutors to the managing of a Parish. Indeed they might possibly have been needfull for the managing of a Citty-parish, especially if a whole Citty was a Parish, as these objectors must pretend, or not say [Page 306] Primitive Bishops were Parochiall. But being these Chorepiscopi were Suffragans to the Bishop, and did their offices in the country, while the Bishop was resident in the Citty, either the Bishops parish ex­tended it selfe from Citty to Country; and then it is all one with a Diocesse, or else we can find no imployment for a Chorepiscopus, or Visiter. * The tenth Canon of the Councell of Antioch, describes their use and power. Qui in villis & vicis constituti sunt Chorepiscopi.... placuit sanctae Synodo ut mo­dum proprium recognoscant, ut gubernent sibi subje­ctas Ecclesias. They were to governe the Churches delegated to their charge. It seems they had many Churches under their provision, and yet they were but the Bishops Vicars, for so it followes in the Ca­non; he must not ordaine any Presbyters, and Dea­cons abs (que) urbis Episcopo cui ipse subjicitus, & Re­gio; Without leave of the Bishop of the Citty to whom both himselfe, and all the Country is subor­dinate.

5. The Bishop was one in a Citty wherein were many Presbyters. [...], saith S. Ignatius. There is one Altar in every Church, and Epist. ad Phi­ladelph. ONE BISHOP together with the Presbytery, and the Deacons. Either then a whole City, such as Rome, or Ierusalem (which as Iosephus reports had 400 Syna­gogues,) must be but one Parish, and then they had as good call a Bishops charge a Diocesse, as a Parish in that latitude; or if there were many Pari­shes in a Citty, and the Bishop could have but one [Page 307] of them, why, what hindred but that there might in a Citty be as many Bishops, as Presbyters? For if a Bishop can have but one Parish, why may note­very Parish have a Bishop? But by the ancient Ca­nons, a City though never so great, could have but one for it selfe and all the Country, therefore eve­ry parish-Priest was not a Bishop, nor the Bishop a meere parish-Priest.

Ne in unâ civitate duo sint Episcopi, was the Con­stitution Lib. 10. Eccles. hist. of the Nicene Fathers as saith Ruffinus; and long before this, it was so known a businesse that one City should have but one Bishop, that Corneli­us exprobrates to Novatus his ignorance, is ergo qui Apud Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 33. Evangelium vendicabat, nesciebat in Ecclesiâ Catho­licâ unum Episcopum esse debere, ubi videbat esse Presbyteros quadraginta & sex. Novatus (the Fa­ther of the old Puritans) was a goodly Gospeller that did not know that in a Catholick Church there should be but one Bishop wherein there were 46 Presbyters; intimating clearely that a Church that had two Bi­shops is not Catholick, but Schismatick at least, (if both be pretended to be of a fixt residence) what then is he that would make as many Bishops in a Church as Presbyters? He is [...], he fights a­gainst God, if S. Ambrose say true. Deus enim sin­gulis In 1. Cor. 12. Ecclesiis singulos Episcopos praeesse decrevit. God hath decreed that one Bishop should rule in one Church; and of what extent his ONE CHURCH was, may easily be guessed by himselfe who was the Ruler, and Bishop of the great City, and pro­vince of Millaine. * And therefore when Valerius [Page 308] [...]. Epiphan. hae­res. 66. n. 6. Possidon. in vitâ S. Aug. cap. 8. as it was then sometimes used in severall Chur­ches had ordain'd S. Austin to be Bishop of Hippo, whereof Valerius was also Bishop at the same time, S. Austin was troubled at it as an act most Uncano­nicall, and yet he was not ordain'd to rule in com­mon with Valerius, but to rule in succession and af­ter the consummation of Valerius. It was the same case in Agelius, a Novatian Bishop ordaining Mar­cian Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 21▪ to be his successor, and Sisinnius to succeed him, the acts were indeed irregular, but yet there was no harme in it to this cause, they were ordain'd to succeed, not in conjunction. * [...], (saith Sozomen) It is a Lib. 4. cap. 15. note of Schisme, and against the rule of H. Church to have two Bishops in one chaire. Secundus Episco­pus nullus est (saith S. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. Cyprian) And as Cornelius reports it in his epistle to S. Cyprian, it was the voice of the Confessors that had been the instru­ments and occasions of the Novatian Schisme by e­recting another Bishop; Nec non ignoramus unum Deum esse, unum Christum esse Dominum quem con­fessi sumus, unum spiritum sanctum, unum Episco­pum in Catholicâ Ecclesiâ esse debere. And these ve­ry words the people also used in the contestation a­bout Liberius, and Faelix. For when the Emperour was willing that Liberius should returne to his See, on condition that Faelix the Arian might be Bishop there too, they derided the suggestion, crying out, One God, one Christ, one Bishop. So Theodoret re­ports. But who lists to see more of this, may be sa­tisfied Lib. 2. c. 11. (if plenty will doe it) in In 1. Philip. S. Chrysostome, [Page 309] in 1. Phi­lip. Theodoret, S. in 1. Phi­lip. Hierom, in 1. Phi­lip. Oecumenius, lib. 2. contr, Parmen. Optatus, S. in 1. Tim. 3. & in 1. Phil. Ambrose, and if he please he may read a whole booke of it written by S. Cyprian, de Vnitate Eccle­siae, sive de singularitate Prelatorum.

6ly. Suppose the ordinary Diocesses had been pa­rishes, yet what were the Metropolitans, and the Pri­mates, were they also parish-Bishops? Surely if Bi­shops were parochiall, then these were at least dioce­san by their owne argument, for to be sure they had many Bishops under them. But there were none such in the Primitive Church? yes most certainly. The 35 Canon of the Apostles tells us so, most plaine­ly, and at the worst, they were a very primitive re­cord. Episcopos gentium singularum scire convenit quis inter eos PRIMUS HABEATUR, quem velut caput existiment, & nihil amplius praeter ejus conscientiam gerant, quàm ea sola quae parochiae propriae, & villis quae sub eâ sunt, competunt. The Bishops of every Na­tion must know who is their PRIMATE, and esteeme him as their HEAD, and doe NOTHING without his consent, but those things that appertaine to their owne Diocesse. And from hence the Fathers of the Coun­cell of Antioch deriv'd their sanction, per singulas re­giones Episcopos convenit nosse METROPOLITANUM Concil. An­tioch. ca. 9. Episcopum sollicitudinem totius provinciae gerere &c. The Bishops of every province must know that their METROPOLITAN. Bishop does take cure of all the province. For this was an Apostolicall Constitution (saith S. Clement) that in the conversion of Gen­tile Epist. 1. ad Iacobum Fra­trem Domini. Cities in place of the Archflamines, Archbishops, Primates, or Patriarchs should be placed, qui reli­quorum [Page 310] Episcoporum judicia, & majora (quoties ne­cesse foret) negotia in fide agitarent, & secundùm Dei voluntatem, sicut constituerunt Sancti Apostoli, defini­rent. * Alexandria was a Metropoliticall See long before the Nicene Councell, as appeares in the sixth Canon before cited; Nay, Dioscorus the Bishop of vide Concil. Chalced. act. 1. in epist. Theod. & Valentin. Imp. that Church was required to bring ten of the ME­TROPOLITANS that he had UNDER HIM to the Councell of Ephesus, by Theodosius and Valentini­an Emperours, so that it was a PATRIARCHAT.

These are enough to shew that in the Primitive Church there were Metropolitan Bishops. Now then either Bishops were Parochiall, or no: If no, then they were Diocesan; if yea, then at least many of them were Diocesan, for they had (according to this rate) many Parochiall Bishops under them.

* But I have stood too long upon this impertinent trifle, but as nowadayes it is made, the considerati­on of it is materiall to the maine Question. Only this I adde; That if any man should trouble the world with any other fancy of his owne, and say that our Bishops are nothing like the Primitive, be­cause all the Bishops of the Primitive Church had onely two townes in their charge, and no more, and each of these townes had in them 170 families, and were bound to have no more, how should this man be confuted? It was just such a device as this in them that first meant to disturbe this Question, by pretending that the Bishops were onely parochiall, not diocesan, and that there was no other Bishop but the Parish-Priest. Most certainely, themselves could [Page 311] not beleive the allegation, onely they knew it would raise a dust. But by God's providence, there is water enough in the Primitive fountaines to al­lay it.

ANother consideration must here be interpos'd §. 44. concerning the intervening of Presbyters in And was ayded by Presbyters but not im­payred. the regiment of the severall Churches. For though I have twice already showne that they could not challenge it of right either by Divine institution, or Apostolicall ordinance, yet here also it must be considered how it was in the practice of the Primi­tive Church, for those men that call the Bishop a Pope, are themselves desirous to make a Conclave of Cardinalls too, & to make every Diocesse a Ro­mane Consistory.

1. Then, the first thing we heare of Presbyters (after Scripture I meane, for of it I have already given account) is from the testimony of S. Hierome, in Epist. ad Titum. cap. 1. Antequam studia in religione fierent, & diceretur in populis ego sum Pauli &c: communi Presbyterorum consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur. Before factions a­rose in the Church, the Church was govern'd by the common Counsell of Presbyters. Here S. Hierome ei­ther meanes it of the time before Bishops were con­stituted in particular Churches, or after Bishops were appointed. If, before Bishops were appointed, no hurt done, the Presbyters might well rule in common, before themselves had a ruler appointed to governe both them and all the diocesse beside. For so S. Ignatius writing to the Church of Antioch Epist. ad Antioch. [Page 312] exhorts the Pres byters to feed the flock untill God should declare [...] whom he would make their ruler. And S. Cyprian speaking of Ete­cusa Epist. 2. 1. and some other women that had made defail­lance in time of persecution, and so were put to penance, praeceperunt eas Praepositi tantispèr sic esse, donec Episcopus constituatur. The Presbyters, whom sede vacante hee praeter morem suum calls Praepositos, they gave order that they should so remaine till the Consecration of a Bishop. * But, if S. Hierome meanes this saying of his, after Bishops were fixt, then his expression answers the allegation, for it was but communi CONSILIO Presbyterorum, the IUDICI­UM might be solely in the Bishop, he was the IUDGE, though the Presbyters were the COUNSELLORS, For so himselfe addes, that upon occasion of those first Schismes in Corinth, it was DECREED in ALL THE WORLD, vt omnis Ecclesiae cura ad unum pertineret, all the care of the diocesse was in the Bi­shop, and therefore all the power, for it was unima­ginable that the burden should be laid on the Bishop, and the strength put into the hands of the Presbyters. * And so S. Ignatius stiles them, [ [...],] Assessors, and Counsellors to the Bishop. But yet if we take our estimate from Igna­tius, The Bishop is THE RULER, without him though all concurr'd, yet nothing could be done, nothing at­tempted; The Bishop was Superiour in ALL POW­ER and AUTHORITY, He was to be obey'd in ALL THINGS, and contradicted in NOTHING; The Bi­shops judgement was to sway, and nothing must seeme Ad Trallian. Ad Magnes. [Page 313] pleasing to the Presbyters that was crosse to the Bi­shops sentence: this, and a great deale more which I have formerly made use of, is in Ignatius; And now let their assistance and Counsell extend as farre as it will, the Bishops authority is invulnerable. But I have already enough discussed this instance of S. Hierome's. §. thither I referre the Reader.

2. But S. Cyprian must doe this businesse for us, if any man, for of all the Bishops, he did acts of the greatest condescension, and seeming declination of Episcopall authority. But let us see the worst. Ad id verò quod scripserunt mihi compresbyteri no­stri Epist. 6. .... solus rescribere nihil potui, quando à primor­dio Episcopatûs mei statuerim nihil sine consilio ve­stro, & sine consensu plebis meae privatâ sententiâ gerere. And againe, quamvis mihi videantur debe­re Epist. 19. pacem accipere, tamen ad consultum vestrum eos dimisi, ne videar aliquid temerè praesumere. And a third time, Quae res cùm omnium nostrum consilium Epist. 18. & sententiam spectet, praejudicare ego & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo. These are the grea­test steps of Episcopall humility that I find in mate­riâ juridicâ, The summe whereof is this, that S. Cyprian did consult his Presbyters and Clergy in matters of consequence, and resolved to doe no­thing without their advice. But then, consider al­so, it was, statui apud me, I have resolved with my selfe to doe nothing without your Counsell. It was no necessity ab extrà, no duty, no Sanction of holy Church that bound him to such a modesty, it was his owne voluntary act. 2. It was as well Diacono­rum, [Page 314] as Presbyterorum consilium that he would have in conjunction, as appeares by the titles of the sixth and eighteenth Epistles; Cyprianus Presbyter is, ac DIACONIS fratribus salutem: So that here the Presbyters can no more challenge a power of regi­ment in common, then the Deacons, by any Di­vine law, or Catholike practice. 3. S. Cyprian also would actually have the consent of the people too, and that will as well disturbe the Ius Divinum of an independant Presbytery, as of an independant E­piscopacy.

But indeed neither of them both need to be much troubled, for all this was voluntary in S. Cyprian, like Moses, qui cùm in potestate suâ habuit vt so­lus possit praeesse populo, seniores elegit (to use S. Hierome's expression) who when it was in his power alone to rule the people, yet chose seaventy Elders for in 1. ad Titum. assistants. For as for S. Cyprian, this very Epistle cleares it that no part of his Episcopall authority was impayred. For he shewes what himselfe alone could doe. Fretus igitur dilectione vestrâ, & religione, quam satis novi, his literis & hortor & mando &c. I intreat and COMMAND you.... vice meâ fungamini circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit, Be my substitutes in the administration of Church af­fayres. He intreates them pro dilectione, because they lov'd him, he COMMANDS THEM PRO RELI­GIONE, by their religion; for it was a peice of their religion to obey him, and in him was the governe­ment of his Church, else how could he have put the Presbyters, and Deacons in substitution?

[Page 315] * Adde to this; It was the custome of the Church that although the Bishop did onely impose hands in the ordination of Clerks, yet the Clergy did approve, & examine the persons to be ordain'd, and it being a thing of publike interest, it was then not thought fit to be a personall action both in pre­paration, and ministration too (and for this S. Chry­sostome was accus'd in Concilio nefario [as the title of the edition of it, expresses it] that he made ordina­tions [...]) yet when S. Ius Graecc Rom. pag. 556. Cyprian saw occasion for it, he did ordaine without the consent of the Clergy of his Church, for so he or­dained Celerinus, so he ordain'd Optatus, and Satu­rus, when himselfe was from his Church, and in great want of Clergy-men to assist in the ministrati­on of the daily offices. *** He did as much in ju­risdiction too, and censures; for HIMSELFE did ex­communicate Felicissimus and Augendus, and Repo­stus, and Irene, and Paula, as appeares in his 38, and 39 epistles; and tells Epist. 65. Rogatianus that he might have done as much to the petulant Deacon that abus'd him by vertue of his Episcopall authority. And the same power singly, and solely, he exercis'd in his acts of favour and absolution; Vnus at (que) alius Epist. 55. OBNITENTE PLEBE ET CONTRADICENTE, MEA tamen FACILITATE suscepti sunt. Indeed here is no contradiction of the Clergy expressed, but yet the absolution said to be his owneact, against the peo­ple and without the Clergy. For he alone was the IUDGE, insomuch that he declared that it was the cause of Schisme and heresie that the Bishop was not [Page 316] obey'd, nec UNUs in Ecclesiâ ad tempus Sacerdos, & ad tempus IUDEX VICE CHRISTI COGITATUR, ibidem. and that ONE high Priest in a Church, and IUDGE INSTEED OF CHRIST is not admitted. So that the Bishop must be ONE, and that ONE must be IUDGE, and to acknowledge more, in S. Cyprians Lexicon is called schisme and heresie. Farther yet, this Iudica­tory of the Bishop is independant, and responsive to none but Christ. Actum suum disponit, & dirigit Vnusquis (que) Episcopus rationem propositi sui Domino Epist. 52. redditurus, and againe, habetin Ecclesiae administrati­one Epist. 72. voluntatis suae arbitrium liberum unusquis (que) Prae­positus: rationem actûs sui Domino redditurus. The Bishop is Lord of his owne actions, and may doe what seemes good in his owne eyes, and for his actions he is to account to Christ.

This generall account is sufficient to satisfie the allegations out of the 6th, and 18th epistles, and in­deed, the whole Question. But for the 18th epistle, there is something of peculiar answer. For first, It was a case of publike concernement, and therefore he would so comply with the publike interest as to doe it by publike counsell. 2ly, It was a necessity of times that made this case peculiar. NECESSITAS TEMPORUM facit ut non temerè pacem demus, they are the first words of the next epistle, which is of the same matter; for if the lapsi had been easily, and without a publike and solemne triall reconcil'd, it would have made Gentile Sacrifices frequent, and Martyrdome but seldome. 3ly, The common coun­sell which S. Cyprian here said he would expect, [Page 317] was the Councell of the Confessors, to whom for a peculiar honour it was indulged that they should be interested in the publike assoyling of such peni­tents who were overcome with those feares which the Confessors had overcome. So that this is evi­dently an act of positive, and temporary discipline; and as it is no disadvantage to the power of the Bi­shop, so to be sure, no advantage to the Presbyter.

* But the clause of objection from the 19th epistle is yet unanswer'd, and that runs something higher, .... tamen ad consultum vestrum eos dimisi ne videar aliquid temerè praesumere. It is called presumption to reconcile the penitents without the advice of those to whom he writ. But from this we are fairely de­liver'd by the title. Cypriano, & Compresbyteris Carthagini consistentibus; Caldonius, salutem. It was not the epistle of Cyprian to his Presbyters, but of Caldonius one of the suffragan Bishops of Numidia to his Metropolitan; and now, what wonder if he call it presumption to doe an act of so publike conse­quence without the advise of his Metropolitan. He was bound to consult him by the Canons Apostoli­call, and so he did, and no harme done to the present Question, of the Bishops sole and independant power, and unmixt with the conjunct interest of the Presby­tery, who had nothing to doe beyond ministery, counsell, and assistance.

3. In all Churches where a Bishops seat was, there were not alwayes a Colledge of Presbyters, but only in the greatest Churches; for sometimes in the lesser Cities there were but two. Esse oportet, [Page 318] & aliquantos Presbyteros, ut bini sint per Ecclesias, & unus incivitate Episcopus. So S. Ambrose, some­times there was but one in a Church. Posthumianus in In 1. Timoth. 3. the third Councell of Carthage put the case. Dein­de qui unum [Presbyterum] habuerit, numquid de­bet illi ipse unus Presbyter auferri? The Church of Hippo had but one. Valerius was the Bishop, and Austin was the Priest; and after him Austin was the Bishop, & Eradius the Priest. Sometimes not one, as in the case Aurelius put in the same Councell I now cited, of a Church that had never a Presbyter to be consecrated Bishop in the place of him that dyed; & once at Hippo they had none, even then when the people snatch'd S. Austin and carried him to Valeri­us to be ordain'd. In these cases I hope it will not be denied but the Bishop was Iudge alone, I am sure he had but little company, sometimes none at all.

4. But suppose it had been alwaies done that Presbyters were consulted in matters of great diffi­culty, and possibility of Scandall, for so S. Ambrose intimates, Ecclesia seniores habuit sine quorum Con­silio nihil gerebatur in Ecclesiâ (understand, in these 1. Tim. 1. Churches where Presbyteries were fixt) yet this might be necessary, and was so indeed in some de­gree at first, which in succession as it prov'd trouble­some to the Presbyters; so unnecessary and imper­tinent to the Bishops. At first I say it might be ne­cessary. For they were times of persecution, and temptation, and if both the Clergy and people too were not comply'd withall in such exigence of time, and agonies of spirit, it was the way to make [Page 319] them relapse to Gentilisme; for a discontented spirit will hide it selfe, and take sanctuary in the reedes and mud of Nilus, rather then not take complacence in an imaginary security and revenge. 2. As yet there had been scarse any Synods to determine cases of publike difficulty, and what they could not re­ceive from publike decision, it was fitting they should supply by the maturity of a Consiliary assi­stance, and deliberation. For although, by the Ca­nons of the Apostles, Bishops were bound twise a yeare to celebrate Synods, yet persecution intervening, they were rather twice a yeare a [...] then [...], a dispersion then a Synod. 3. Although Synods had been as frequently conven'd as was intended by the Apostles, yet it must be length of time, and a suc­cessive experience that must give opportunity and a­bility to give generall rules for the emergency of all particulars, and therefore till the Church grew of some considerable age, a fixt standing Colledge of Presbyters was more requisite then since it hath been, when the frequency of Generall Councells, and Provinciall Synods, and the peace of the Church, and the innumerable volumes of the Fa­thers, and Decretalls of Bishops, and a digest of Ec­clesiasticall Constitutions, hath made the personall assistance of Presbyters unnecessary. 4. When ne­cessity requir'd not their presence and Counsell, their own necessity requir'd that they should attend their severall cures. For let it be considered; they that would now have a Colledge of Presbyters as­sist the Bishop whether they think of what fol­lowes. [Page 320] For either they must have Presbyters or­dain'd without a title, which I am sure they have complain'd of these threescore years, or else they must be forc'd to Non-residence. For how else can they assist the Bishop in the ordinary, and daily oc­currences of the Church, unlesse either they have no cure of their own, or else neglect it? And as for the extraordinary, either the Bishop is to consult his Metropolitan, or he may be assisted by a Synod, if the Canons already constitute doe not aide him, but in all these cases the Presbytery is impertinent.

5. As this assistance of Presbyters was at first for necessity, and after by Custome it grew a Law; so now retrò, first the necessity fail'd, and then the desuetude abrogated the Law, which before, cu­stome had established. [quod quâ negligentiâ ob­solever Vbi suprà. it nescio] saith S. Ambrose, he knew not how it came to be obsolete, but so it was, it had expired before his time. Not but that Presbyters were still in Mother-Churches (I meane in Great ones) In Ecclesiâ enim habemus Senatum nostrum, actum Pres­byterorum, In Isaiae c. 3. we have still (saith S. Hierome) in the Church our Senate, a Colledge, or Chapter of Presby­ters, (he was then at Rome, or Ierusalem) but they were not consulted in Church affaires, & matter of jurisdiction, that was it, that S. Ambrose wondred how it came to passe. And thus it is to this day. In our Mother Churches we have a Chapter too, but the Bishop consults them not in matters of ordinary jurisdiction, just so it was in S. Ambrose his time, and therefore our Bishops have altered no custome in [Page 321] this particular, the alteration was pregnant even be­fore the end of the fowre generall Councells, and therefore is no violation of a divine right, for then most certainly a contrary provision would have been made in those conventions, wherein so much sanctity, and authority, and Catholicisme and se­vere discipline were conjunct; and then besides, it is no innovation in practice which pretends so faire antiquity, but however it was never otherwise then voluntary in the Bishops, and positive discipline in the Church, and conveniency in the thing for that present, and Councell in the Presbyters, and a trou­ble to the Presbyters persons, and a disturbance of their duties when they came to be fixt upon a parti­cular charge.

* One thing more before I leave. I find a Ca­non of the Councell of Hispalis objected. Episcopus Presbyteris solus honorem dare potest, solus autem au­ferre Can. 6. non potest. A Bishop may alone ordaine a Priest, a Bishop may not alone depose a Priest. Therefore in censures there was in the Primitive Church a necessity of conjunction of Presbyters with the Bi­shop in imposition of censures.

* To this I answer, first it is evident, that hee that can give an honour, can also take it away, if any body can; for there is in the nature of the thing no greater difficulty in pulling downe, then in raising up. It was wont alwaies to be accounted easier; therefore this Canon requiring a conjunct power in deposing Presbyters is a positive constitution of the Church, founded indeed upon good institution, [Page 322] but built upon no deeper foundation, neither of nature or higher institution, then its own present authority.

But that's enough, for we are not now in que­stion of divine right, but of Catholick and Primi­tive practice. To it therefore I answer, that the con­junct hand required to pull downe a Presbyter, was not the Chapter, or Colledge of Presbyters; but a company of Bishops, a Synodall sentence, and deter­mination, for so the Canon runnes, qui profecto nec ab uno damnari, nec uno judicante poterunt honoris sui privilegiis exui: sed praesentati SYNODALI IU­DICIO, quod canon de illis praeceperit definiri. And the same thing was determin'd in the Greekes Coun­cell of Carthage. If a Presbyter or a Deacon be accu­sed, Can. 20. their owne Bishop shall judge them, not alone, but with the assistance of sixe Bishops more, in the case of a Presbyter; three, of a Deacon; [...]. But the causes of the other Clergy the Bi­shop of the place must ALONE heare and determine them. So that by this Canon, in some things the Bi­shop might not be alone, but then his assistants were Bishops, not Presbyters, in other things he alone was judge without either, and yet his sentences must not be clancular, but in open Court, in the full Chapter; for his Presbyters must be present; and so it is deter­min'd for Africa in the fourth Councell of Carthage, Vt Episcopus nullius causam audiat abs (que) praesentiâ Can. 23. Clericorum suorum: alioquin irrita erit sententia E­piscopi nisi praesentiâ Clericorum confirmetur. Here [Page 323] is indeed a necessity of the presence of the Clergy of his Church where his Consistory was kept, least the sentence should be clandestine, and so illegall, but it is nothing but praesentia Clericorum, for it is sen­tentia Episcopi, the Bishops sentence, and the Clerks presence only; for [...], the Bishop ALONE might give sentence in the causes of the in­ferior Clergy, even by this Canon it selfe, which is used for objection against the Bishops sole jurisdi­ction.

*** I know nothing now to hinder our processe; for the Bishops jurisdiction is clearely left in his own hand, and the Presbyters had no share in it, but by delegation and voluntary assumption. Now I proceed in the maine question.

VVEE have seen what Episcopacy is in it selfe, § 45. So that the govern­ment of the Church by Bishops was belie­ved neces­sary. now from the same principles let us see what it is to us. And first; Antiquity taught us it was simply necessary, even to the being and constitu­tion of a Church. That runs high, but we must fol­low our leaders. * S. Ignatius is expresse in this question. Qui intra altare est, mundus est, quare & obtemperat Episcopo, & Sacerdotibus. Qui verò fo­ris Epist. ad Tral. est hic is est▪ qui sine Episcopo, Sacerdote, & Dia­cono quicquam agit, & ejusmodi inquinatam habet conscientiam, & infideli deterior est. He that is with­in the Altar, that is, within the Communion of the Church, he is pure, for he obeyes the Bishop, and the Priests. But he that is without, that is, does any thing without his Bishop and the Clergy, he hath a filthy con­science [Page 324] and is worse then an infidell. NECESSE ita (que) est, quicquid facitis, ut SINE EPISCOPO NIHIL faciatis. It is NECESSARY that what euer ye doe, ye be sure to doe nothing without the Bishop. Quid enim aliud est Episcopus, &c. For what else is a Bishop but he that is greater then all power? So that the obeying the Bishop is the necessary condition of a Christian, and Catholick communion; he that does not, is worse then an infidell. The same also he affirmes a­gaine. Quotquot enim Christi sunt partium Episco­pi, Epist. ad Phi­ladelph. qui verò ab illo declinant, & cum maledict is com­munionem amplectuntur, hi cum illis excidentur. All them that are on Christs side, are on the Bishops side, but they that communicate with accursed Schisma­ticks, shall be cutt off with them. * If then we will be Christ's servants, we must be obedient and subor­dinate to the Bishop. It is the condition of Christi­anity. We are not Christians else. So is the inti­mation of S. Ignatius. * As full and pertinent is the peremptory resolution of S. Cyprian in that admi­rable epistle of his ad Lapsos, where after he had Epist. 27. alibi. spoken how Christ instituted the honour of Episcopa­cy in concrediting the Keyes to Peter and the other Apostles, Inde (saith he) per temporum & successio­num vices, Episcoporum ordinatio, &. ECCLESIAE RATIO decurrit, VT ECCLESIA SUPER EPISCO­POS CONSTITUATUR, & omnis actus Ecclesiae per EOSDEM PRAEPOSITOS gubernetur. Hence is it, that by severall succcession of Bishops the Church is continued, so that the CHURCH HATH IT'S BEING, OR CONSTITUTION BY BISHOPS, and every act [Page 325] of Ecclesiasticall regiment is to be disposed by them. Cùm hoc ita (que) divinâ lege fundatum sit, miror &c. Since therefore this is so ESTABLISHED BY THE LAW OF GOD, I wonder any man should question it, &c. And therefore as in all buildings, the foundati­on being gone, the fabrick falls, so IF YE TAKE AWAY BISHOPS, the Church must aske a writing of divorce from God, for it can no longer bee called a Church. This account we have from S. Cyprian, and he reenforces againe upon the same charge in his Epist. 69. Epistle ad Florentium Pupianum, where he makes a Bishop to be ingredient into the DEFINITION of a Church. [Ecclesia est plebs sacerdoti adunata, & Pastori suo Grex adhaerens, The Church is a flock ad­hering to it's Pastor, and a people united to their Bi­shop] for that so he means by Sacerdos, appears in the words subjoyn'd, Vnde & scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesiâ esse, & Ecclesiam in Episcopo, & si qui Cum EPISCOPO NON SIT IN ECCLESIA NON ESSE, & frustrà sibi blandiri eos qui pacem cum Sa­cerdotibus Dei non habentes obrepunt, & latentèr apud quosàam communicarese credunt &c. As a Bi­shop is in the Church, so the Church is in the Bishop, and he that does not communicate with the Bishop is not in the Church; and therefore they vainely flatter themselves that think their case faire and good, if they communicate in conventicles, and forsake their Bishop.

And for this cause the holy Primitives were so confident, and zealous for a Bishop, that they would rather expose themselves and all their tribes to a [Page 326] persecution, then to the greater misery, the want of Bishops. Fulgentius tells an excellent story to this purpose. When Frasamund King of Byzac in Afri­ca vide Concil. Byzacenum. An. Dom. 504. & Surium die 1. Ianuar. & Baron. in A. D. 504. had made an edict that no more Bishops should be consecrate; to this purpose that the Catholike faith might expire (so he was sure it would, if this device were perfected) vt arescentibus truncis abs (que) palmitibus omnes Ecclesiae desolarentur, the good Bishops of the Province met together in a Councell, and having considered of the command of the ty­rant, Sacra turba Pontificum qui remanser ant com­municato inter se consilio definierunt adversus prae­ceptum Regis in omnibus locis celebrare ordinationes Pontificum, cogitantes aut Regis iracundiam, si qua forsan existeret, mitigandam, quò faciliùs ordinatiin suis plebibus viverent, aut si persecutionis violentia nasceretur, coronandos etiam fidei confessione, quos dignos inveniebant promotione. It was full of bra­very, and Christian sprite. The Bishops resolved for all the edict against new ordination of Bishops to obey God, rather then man, and to consecrate Bishops in all places, hoping the King would be appeased, or if not, yet those whom they thought worthy of a Mitre were in a faire disposition to receive a Crowne of Martyr­dome. They did so. Fit repentè communis assump­tio, and they all striv'd who should be first, and thought a blessing would outstrip the hindmost. They were sure they might goe to heaven (though persecuted) under the conduct of a Bishop, they knew, without him the ordinary passage was ob­structed.

[Page 327] Pius the first, Bishop of Rome, and Martyr, speak­ing of them that calumniate, and disgrace their Bi­shops Epist. 2. endeavouring to make them infamous, they adde (saith he) evill to evill, and grow worse, non intelligentes quòd Ecclesia Dei in Sacerdotibus con­sistit, & crescit in templum Dei; Not considering that THE CHURCH OF GOD DOTH CONSIST, or is established in BISHOPS, and growes up to a holy Temple? To him I am most willing to adde S. Hie­rome, because he is often obtruded in defiance of advers. Luci­fer. cap. 4. the cause. Ecclesiae salus in summi Sacer dot is digni­tate pendet, The safety of the Church depends upon the Bishops dignity.

THE Reason which S. Hierome gives, presses this § 46. For they are schis­maticks that sepa­rate from their Bi­shop. businesse to a further particular. For if an emi­nent dignity, and an Vnmatchable power be not given to him, tot efficientur schismata, quot Sacerdotes. So that he makes Bishops therefore necessary because without them the Unity of a Church cannot be preserved; and we know that unity, and being, are of equall extent, and if the Unity of the Church de­pends upon the Bishop, then where there is no Bi­shop, no pretence to a Church; and therefore to sepa­rate from the Bishop makes a man at least a Schisma­tick; For Unity which the Fathers presse so often, they make to be dependant on the Bishop. Nihil sit in vobis quod possit vos dirimere, sed Vnimini Episco­po, subjecti Deo per illum in Christo (saith S. Ignatius.) Let nothing divide you, but be united to your Bishop,Epist. ad Magnes.being subiect to God in Christ through your Bishop. [Page 328] And it is his congè to the people of Smyrna to whom he writ in his epistle to Polycarpus, opto vos semper valere in Deo nostro Iesu Christo, in quo manete per Vnitatem Dei & EPISCOPI, Farewell in Christ Ie­sus, in whom remaine by the Vnity of God and of the BISHOP. * Quantò vos beatiores judico qui depen­detis ab illo [Episcopo] vt Ecclesia à Domino Iesu, Ad Ephes. & Dominus à Patre suo, vt omnià per Vnitatem con­sentiant. Blessed people are ye that depend upon your Bishop, as the Church on Christ, and Christ on God, that all things may consent in Vnity.

* Ne (que) enim aliundè haereses obortae sunt, aut nata sunt schismata, quàm inde quòd Sacerdoti Dei non ob­temperatur, S. Cyprian. ep. 55. nec unus in Ecclesiâ ad tempus Sacerdos, & ad tempus Iudex vice Christi cogitatur. Hence come SCHISMES, hence spring HERESYES that the Bishop is not obeyed, and admitted alone to be the high Priest, alone to be the Iudge. The same, S. Cyprian Epist. 69. repeates againe, and by it, we may see his meaning clearer. Qui vos audit, me audit &c: Indeenim hae­reses & schismata obortae sunt & oriuntur, dum E­piscopus qui unus est, & Ecclesiae praeest superbâ quo­rundam praesumptione contemnitur, & homo dignatio­ne Dei honoratus, indignus hominibus judicatur. The pride and peevish haughtinesse of some factious people that contemne their Bishops is the cause of all heresy and Schisme. And therefore it was so strictly forbidden by the Ancient Canons, that any Man should have any meetings, or erect an Altar out of the communion of his Bishop, that if any man prov'd delinquent in this particular, he was pu­nish'd [Page 329] with the highest censures, as appeares in the 32 Canon of the Apostles, in the 6th Canon of the Councell of Gangra, the 5th Canon of the Councell of Antioch, and the great Councell of Chalcedon, all Act. 4. which I have before cited. The summe is this, The Bishop is the band, and ligature of the Churches U­nity; and separation from the Bishop is [...], as Theodorets expession is; a Symbol of faction, and he that separates is a Schismatick.

But how if the Bishop himselfe be a heretick, or schismatick? May we not then separate? Yes, if he be judg'd so by a Synod of Bishops, but then he is sure to be depos'd too, and then in these cases no se­paration from a Bishop. For till he be declar'd so, his communion is not to be forsaken by the subjects of his diocesse, least they by so doing become their Iudges judge, and when he is declar'd so, no need of withdrawing from obedience to the Bishop, for the heretick, or schismatick must be no longer Bishop. * But let the case be what it will be, no separation from a Bishop, ut sic, can be lawfull; and yet if there were a thousand cases in which it were lawfull to se­parate from a Bishop, yet in no case is it lawfull to se­parate from Episcopacy; That is the quintessence, and spirit of schisme, and a direct overthrow to Christianity, and a confronting of a Divine institu­tion.

* BUt is it not also heresie? Aerius was condem­ned §. 47. And Here­ticks, for heresie by the Catholike Church. The heresie from whence the Aërians were denomina­ted [Page 330] was, sermo furiosus magis quàm humanae conditi­onis, & dicebat, Quid est Episcopus ad Presbyterum, nihil differt hic ab illo. A mad, and an unmanly heresie, to say that a Bishop, and a Priest are all one. So Epi­phanius. Assumpsit autem Ecclesia, & IN TOTO haeres. 75. MUNDO ASSENSUS FACTUS EST, antequam esset Aërius, & qui ab ipso appellantur Aëriani. And the good Catholike Father is so angry at the heretick Aërius, that he thinks his name was given him by Providence, and he is call'd Aërius, ab aërijs spiriti­bus pravitatis, for he was possessed with an uncleane spirit, he could never else been the inventer of such hereticall pravity. S. Austin also reckons him in the accursed roll of hereticks, and adds at the conclusi­on of his Catalogue, that he is NO CATHOLIKE CHRISTIAN that assents to any of the foregoing Doctrines, amongst which, this is one of the princi­pall. Philastrius does as much for him.

But against this it will be objected. first, That heresies in the Primitive Catalogues are of a large extent, and every dissent from a publike opinion, was esteemed heresie. 2ly, Aërius was called here­tick, for denying prayer for the dead. And why may he not be as blamelesse in equalling a Bishop, and a Presbyter, as in that other, for which he also is condemn'd by Epiphanius, and S. Austin. 3ly, He was never condemn'd by any Councell, and how then can he be called heretick?

I answer; that dissent from a publike, or a received opinion was never called heresie, unlesse the contra­ry truth was indeed a part of Catholike doctrine. [Page 331] For the Fathers many of them did so, as S. Austin from the Millenary opinion; yet none ever reckon'd them in the Catalogues of hereticks; but such things only set them downe there, which were either dire­ctly opposite to Catholike beliefe, though in mino­ribus articulis, or to a holy life. 2ly, It is true that Epiphanius and S. Austin reckon his denying pray­er for the dead to be one of his owne opinions, and hereticall. But I cannot help it if they did, let him and them agree it, they are able to answer for them­selves. But yet they accused him also of Arianisme; and shall we therefore say that Arianisme was no heresie, because the Fathers call'd him heretick in one particular upon a wrong principall? We may as well say this, as deny the other. 3ly, He was not condemned by any Councell. No. For his heresie was ridiculous, and a scorne to all wise men; as Epi­phanius observes, and it made no long continuance, neither had it any considerable party. * But yet this is certaine, that Epiphanius, & Philastrius, & S. Au­stin call'd this opinion of Aërius a heresie and against the Catholike beliefe. And themselves affirme that the Church did so; and then it would be considered, that it is but a sad imployment to revive old here­sies, and make them a peice of the New religion.

And yet after all this, if I mistake not, although Aërius himselfe was so inconsiderable as not to be worthy noting in a Councell, yet certainly the one halfe of his error is condemn'd for heresie in one of the foure Generall Councells, viz. the first Councell of Constantinople. [...] Can. 6. [Page 332] We call all them hereticks whom the Anci­ent Church hath condemn'd, and whom we shall anathematize. Will not Aërius come under one of these titles for a condemn'd heretick? Then see for­ward. [...]. Here is enough for Aërius and all his hyperaspists, new and old; for the holy Coun­cell condemnes them for hereticks who doe indeed confesse the true faith, but separate from their Bi­shops, and make conventicles apart from his Com­munion. Now this I the rather urge because an Act of Parliament made Io of Elizabeth does make this Councell, and the other three of Nice, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, the rule of judging heresyes.

I end this particular with the saying of the Coun­cell of Paris against the Acephali (who were the branch of a Crabstock and something like Aërius,) cited by Burchard; Nullâ ratione Clerici aut Sacer­dotes lib. 2. decret. cap. 226. habendi sunt, qui sub nullius Episcopi disciplina & providentiâ gubernantur. Tales enim Acepha­los, id est sine capite Priscae Ecclesiae consuetudo nun­cupavit. They are by no meanes to be accounted Cler­gy-men, or Priests, that will not be governed by a Bi­shop. For such men the Primitive Church call'd [...], that is, headlesse, wittlesse people.

This onely. Acephali was the title of a Sect, a formall heresy, and condemn'd by the Ancient Church, say the Fathers of the Councell of Paris. Now if we can learn exactly what they were, it may [Page 333] perhaps be another conviction for the necessity of Episcopall regiment. Nicephorus can best informe us. lib. 18. ca. 45 Eccles. hist. Eodem tempore, & Acephali, quorum dux Severus Antiochenus fuit &c: Severus of Antioch was the first broacher of this heresy. But why were they cal­led Acephali? id est, sine capite, quem sequuntur hae­retici; Nullus enim eorum reperitur author à quo ex­orti sunt (saith Isidore). But this cannot be, for their lib. 8. cap. 5. Etymol. head is knowne, Severus was the heresiarch. But then why are they called Acephali? Nicephorus gives this reason, and withall a very particular ac­count of their heresy, Acephali autem ob eam causam dicti sunt, quòd sub Episcopis non fuerint. They refu­sed to live under Bishops. Thence they had their Name. what was their heresie? They denied the distinction of Natures in Christ. That was one of their heresies, but they had more; for they were tri­um capitulorum in Chalcedone impugnatores, saith Isidore, they opposed three Canons of the Councell of Chalcedon. One we have heard, what their other vbi suprà. heresies were, we doe not so well know, but by the Canon of the Councell of Paris, and the intimation of their name we are guided to the knowledge of a se­cond; They refused to live under the government of a Bishop. And this also was impugnatio unius ar­ticuli in Chalcedone, for the eighth Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon commands that the Clergy should be under Episcopall government. But these Acephali would not, they were antiepiscopall men, and therefore they were condemn'd hereticks; con­demn'd, In the Councell of Paris, of Sevill, and of Chalcedon.

[Page 334] But the more particular account that Nicephorus gives of them I will now insert, because it is of great use. Proinde Episcopis, & Sacerdotibus apud eos de­functis, ne (que) baptismus juxtà solennem, at (que) receptum Ecclesiae morem apud eos administratur, ne (que) ob­latio, autres aliqua divina facta, ministeriumvé Ec­clesiasticum, sicuti mos est, celebratum est. Communio­nem verò illi à plurimo tempore asservatam habentes ferijs pascalibus in minutissimas incisam partes con­venientibus adse hominibus dederunt. Quo temport quam quis (que) voluisset placitam sibi sumebat potesta­tem. Et proptere à quod quilibet, quod si visum essct, fidei insertum volebat, quamplurima defectorum, at (que) haereticorum turba exortaest. It is a story wor­thy observation. When any Bishop dyed they would have no other consecrated in succession, and therefore could have no more Priests when any of them dyed. But how then did they to baptize their Children? Why, they were faine to make shift, and doe it with­out any Church-solemnity. But, how did they for the Holy Sacrament, for that could not be conse­crated without a Priest, and he not ordain'd with­out a Bishop? True, but therefore they, while they had a Bishop, got a great deale of bread consecra­ted, and kept a long time, and when Easter came, cutt it into small bitts, or crummes rather, to make it goe the farther, and gave it to their people. And must we doe so too? God forbid. But how did they when all that was gone? For crummes would not last alwaies. The story specifies it not, but yet I suppose they then got a Bishop for their necessity to [Page 335] help them to some more Priests, and some more crummes; for I find the Councell of Sevill the Fa­thers saying, Ingressus est ad nos quidem ex haeresi Can. 12. Acephalorum Episcopus; They had then it seemes got a Bishop, but this they would seldome have, and never but when their necessity drave them to it. But was this all the inconvenience of the want of Bi­shops? No. For every man (saith Nicephorus) might doe what he list, & if he had a mind to it, might put his fancy into the Creed, and thence came innu­merable troopes of Schismaticks and Hereticks. So that this device was one simple heresie in the root, but it was forty heresies in the fruit, and branches; clearely proving that want of Bishops is the cause of all Schisme, & recreant opiniōs that are imaginable.

I summe this up with the saying of S. Clement Epist. 3. the Disciple of S. Peter, Si autem vobis Episcopis non obedierint omnes Presbyteri, &c. tribus, & linguae non obtemperaverint, non solùm infames, sed & extor­res à regno Dei, & consortio fidelium, ac à limitibus Sancti Dei Ecclesiae alieni erunt. All Priests, and Clergy-men, and People, and Nations, and Languages that doe not obey their Bishop shall be shut forth of the communion of Holy Church here, and of Heaven here­after. It runnes high, but I cannot help it, I doe but translate Ruffinus, as he before translated S. Clement. §. 48. And Bi­shops were alwaies in the Church, men of great Ho­nour.

IT seemes then we must have Bishops. But must we have Lord Bishops too? That is the question now, but such an one as the Primitive piety could never have imagined. For, could they, to whom Bishops [Page 336] were placed in a right and a true light, they who be­lieved, and saw them to be the Fathers of their soules, the Guardian of their life and manners (as King Edgar call'd S. Dunstan) the guide of their consciences, the instruments and conveyances of all the Blessings heaven uses to powre upon us, by the ministration of the holy Gospell; would they, that thought their lives a cheap exchange for a free, and open communion with a Catholick Bishop; would they have contested upon an aëry title, and the imaginary priviledge of an honour, which is farre lesse then their spirituall dignity, but infinitely lesse then the burden, and charge of the soules of all their Diocesse? Charity thinks nothing too much, and that love is but little, that grutches at the good words a Bishoprick carries with it.

However; let us see whether titles of honour be either unfit in themselves to be given to Bishops, or what the guise of Christendome hath been in her spirituall heraldry.

1. S. Ignatius in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna gives them this command. Honora Episco­pum ut Principem Sacerdotum, imaginem Dei refe­rentem. Honour the Bishop as the image of God, as the PRINCE OF PRIESTS. Now since honour, and excellency are termes of mutuall relation, and all excellency that is in men, and things, is but a ray of divine excellency; so farre as they participate of God, so farre they are honourable. Since then the Bishop carries the impresse of God upon his fore­head, and bears Gods image, certainly this participa­tion [Page 337] of such perfection makes him very honoura­ble. And since honor est in honorante, it is not enough that the Bishop is honourable in himselfe, but it tells us our duty, we must honour him, we must doe him honour: and of all the honours in the world, that of words is the cheapest, and the least.

S. Paul speaking of the honour due to the Pre­lates of the Church, [...]. Let them be accounted worthy of dou­ble honour. And one of the honours that he there means is a costly one, an honour of Maintenance, the other must certainly be an honour of estimate, and that's cheapest. * The Councell of Sardis Can. 10. Graec. speaking of the severall steps and capacities of pro­motion to the height of Episcopacy, uses this ex­pression, [...]. He that shall be found worthy of so Di­vine a Priesthood, let him be advanced to the HIGH­EST HONOUR. * Ego procidens ad pedes ejus roga­bam, excusans me, & declinans HONOREM CATHE­DRAE, & potestatem, (saith S. Clement, when S. Peter Epist. 1. ad Iacobum. would have advanc'd him to the Honour and power of the Bishops chaire.) But in the third epistle speaking of the dignity of Aaron the High-Priest, and then by analogy, of the Bishop, who although he be a Minister in the order of Melchisedek, yet he hath also the honour of Aaron, Omnis enim Pontifex sacro crismate perunctus, & in civitate constitutus, & in Scripturis sacris conditus, charus & preciosus ho­minibus oppidò esse debet. Every High Priest or­dained in the Citty (viz. a Bishop) ought forthwith to [Page 338] be Deare, and Precious in the eyes of men. Quem qua­si Christi locum tenentem honorare omnes debent, ei (que) servire, & obedientes ad salutem suam fidelitèr exi­stere, scientes quòd sive honor, sive injuria quae ei de­sertur, in Christum redundat, & a Christo in Deum. The Bishop is Christ's vicegerent, and therefore he is to be obeyed, knowing that whether it be honour, or in­jury that is done to the Bishop, it is done to Christ, and so to God. * And indeed what is the saying of our blessed Saviour himselfe? He that despiseth you, de­spiseth mee. If Bishops be Gods Ministers and in higher order then the rest, then although all dis­countenance, and disgrace done to the Clergy re­flect upon Christ, yet what it done to the Bishop is farre more, and then there is the same reason of the honour. And if so, then the Question will prove but an odde one; even this, whether Christ be to be ho­nour'd or no, or depressed to the common estimate of Vulgar people? for if the Bishops be, then he is. This is the condition of the Question.

2. Consider wee, that all Religions, and parti­cularly all Christianity did give titles of honour to their High-Priests, and Bishops respectively. * I shall not need to instance in the great honour of the Priestly tribe among the Iewes, and how highly Honourable Aaron was in proportion. Prophets were called [Lords] in holy Scripture. [Art not thou MY LORD Elijah?] said Obed Edom to the Prophet. [Knowest thou not that God will take THY LORD from thy head this day?] said the children in the Prophets Schooles. So it was then. And in the [Page 339] New Testament we find a Prophet HONOURD eve­ry where, but in his own Country. And to the A­postles and Presidents of Churches greater titles of honour given, then was ever given to man by secu­lar complacence and insinuation. ANGELS, and Apocal. 1. 1. Corinth. 9. GOVERNOURS, and FATHERS OF OUR FAITH, and STARRS, LIGHT OF THE WORLD, the CROWNE OF THE CHURCH, APOSTLES OF Iohn 10. IESUS CHRIST, nay, GODS, viz. to whom the word of God came; and of the compellation of A­postles, particularly, S. Hierom saith, that when S. Paul called himselfe the Apostle of Iesus Christ, it was as Magnifically spoken, as if he had said, Prae­fectus In Titum. praetorio Augusti Caesaris, Magister exercitûs Tiberii Imperatoris; And yet Bishops are Apostles, and so called in Scripture. I have prooved that al­ready.

Indeed our blessed Saviour in the case of the two sonnes of Zebedee, forbad them to expect by vertue of their Apostolate any Princely titles, in order to a Kingdome, and an earthly Principality. For that was it which the ambitious woman sought for her sonnes, viz. faire honour, and dignity in an earthly Kingdome; for such a Kingdome they expected with their Messias. To this their expectation, our Saviours answer is a direct antithesis; And that made the Apostles to be angry at the two Petitio­ners, as if they had meant to supplant the rest, and yet the best preferment from them, to wit, in a tem­porall Kingdome. No; (saith our blessed Saviour) ye are all deceived. [The Kings of the Nations in­deed [Page 340] doe exercise authority, and are called [...], Be­nefactors Matth. 20. Mark 10.] so the word signifies, [Gracious Lords] so we read it, [But it shall not be so with you.] what shall not be so with them? shall not they exercise au­thority? Luke 22. [Who then is that faithfull and wise stew­ard whom his Lord made ruler over his Houshold?] Surely the Apostles, or no body. Had Christ au­thority? Most certainly. Then so had the Apostles, for Christ gave them his, with a sicut misit me Pa­ter, &c. Well! the Apostles might, and we know they did exercise authority. What then shall not be so with them? shall not they be called [...]; In­deed if S. Marke had taken that title upon him in A­lexandria, the Ptolomies, whose Honourary appel­lative that was, would have question'd him Highly for it. But if we goe to the sense of the word, the Apostles might be Benefactors, and therefore might be called so. But what then? Might they not be call­ed Gratious Lords? The word would have done no hurt if it had not been an ensigne of a secular Prin­cipality.

For as for the word [Lord] I know no more prohibition for that, then for being called RABBI, or MASTER, or DOCTOR, or FATHER. What shall we think now? May we not be called DOCTORS? Matth. 23. 8, 9. 10. Ephes. 4. [God hath constituted in his Church Pastors, and Doctors, saith S. Paul.] Therefore we may be called so. But what of the other, the prohibition runs a­like for all, as is evident in the severall places of the Gospells, and may no man be called MASTER, or FATHER? let an answer be thought upon for these, [Page 341] and the same will serve for the other also without any sensible error. It is not the word, it is the ambi­tious seeking of a temporall principality as the issue of Christianity, and an affixe of the Apostolate that Christ interdicted his Apostles. * And if we marke it, our B. Saviour points it out himselfe. [The Prin­ces of the Nations [...], exercise authority over them, and are called Benefactors, [...]. It shall not be so with you. Not so how? Not as the Princes of the Gentiles, for theirs is a temporall regiment, your Apostolate must be Spirituall. They rule as Kings, you as fellow servants, [...]. He that will be first amongst you, let him be your Minister, or ser­vant; It seems then among Christs Disciples there may be a Superiority, when there is a Minister or servant; But it must be [...] that this great­nesse doth consist, it must be in doing the greatest service and ministration that the superiority consists in. But more particularly, it must be [...]. It must not be [as the Princes of the Gen­tiles] but it must be [as the sonne of man] so Luke 22. Christ saies expressely. And how was that? why, he came to Minister and to serve, and yet in the low­est John 13. act of his humility (the washing his Disciples feet) he told them, [ye call me Lord, and Master, and ye say well, for so I am] It may be so with you. Nay it must be as the sonne of Man; But then, the being called Rabbi, or Lord, nay the being Lord in spirituali Magisterio & regimine, in a spirituall su­perintendency, and [...], may stand [Page 342] with the humility of the Gospell, and office of Mi­nistration.

So that now I shall not need to take advantage of the word In locis ubi suprà. [...], which signifies to rule with more then a politicall regiment, even with an abso­lute, and despotick, and is so used in holy Scripture, viz. in sequiorem partem. God gave authority to Man over the creatures, [...] is the word in the septuagint, and we know the power that man Gen. 1. hath over beasts, is to kill, and to keep alive. And thus to our blessed Saviour, the power that God gave him over his enemies is expressed by [...]. Psal. 110. And this wee know how it must be exercised, [...] with a rod of iron, [...]. He shall Psal. 2. break them in pieces like a potters vessell. That's [...]. But it shall not be so with you.

But let this be as true as it will. The answer needs no way to rely upon a Criticisme. It is cleare, that the forme of Regiment only is distinguished, not all Regiment, and authority taken away. [...], but [...], Not as the Kings of the Gentiles, but as the sonne of man; so must your regiment be, for sicut mi­sit me Pater, &c. As my father hath sent me, even so send I you. It must be a government, not for your Impery, but for the service of the Church. So that it is not for your advancement, but the publick mi­nistery that you are put to rule over the Houshold.

* And thus the Fathers expresse the authority and regiment of Bishops. * Qui vocatur ad Episcopatum non ad Principatum vocatur, sed ad servitutem totius [Page 343] siae (saith Origen.) And S. Hierom; Episcopi Sacer do­tes se esse noverint, non Dominos; And yet S. Hie­rom homil. 6. in Isai. himselfe writing to S. Austin, calls him, Domi­ne verè sancte, & suscipiende Papa. * Forma Aposto­lica haec est, Dominatio interdicitur, indicitur Mini­stratio. S. Bernard. lib. 10. de con­siderat. It is no Principality that the Apostles have, but it is a Ministery; a Ministery in chiefe, the offi­cers of which Ministration must governe, and wee must obey. They must governe not in a temporall regiment by vertue of their Episcopacy, but in a spirituall, not for honour to the Rulers, so much as for benefit and service to the subject. So S. Austin. Nomen est operis, non honoris, ut intelligat se non esse lib. 19. de ci­vit. Dei. cap. 19. Episcopum qui praeesse dilexerit, non prodesse. And in the fourteenth chapter of the same book, Qui impe­rant serviunt ijs rebus quibus videntur Imperare. Non enim dominandi cupidine imperant, sed officio confu­lendi, nec principandi superbiâ, sed providendi mise­ricordiâ. And all this is intimated in the Propheti­call visions, where the regiment of Christ is de­sign'd by the face of a man; and the Empire of the world, by Beasts. The first is the regiment of a Fa­ther, the second of a King. The first spirituall, the other secular. And of the Fatherly authority it is that the Prophet saies, Instead of Fathers thou shalt have Children, whom thou maist make Princes in all lands. This (say the Fathers) is spoken of the Apostles and their Successors the Bishops, who may be [...], Princes or Rulers of Churches, not Princes of Kingdomes by vertue or challenge of their Apostolate. But if this Ecclesiasticall rule, or [Page 344] cheifty be interdicted, I wonder how the Presidents of the Presbyters, the [...] in the Reformed Churches will acquit themselves? How will their Superiority be reconciled to the place, though it be but temporary? For is it a sinne, if it continues, and no sinne if it lasts but for a weeke? or is it lawfull to sinne, and domineere, and Lord it over their Bre­thren for a weeke together? * But suppose it were, what will they say, that are perpetuall Dictators? Calvin was perpetuall president, and Beza, till Da­naeus came to Geneva, even for many years toge­ther? * But beyond all this how can the Presbyte­ry which is a fixt lasting body rule and governe in causes Spirituall and Consistoriall, and that over all Princes, and Ministers, and people, and that for e­ver? For is it a sinne in Episcopacy to doe so, and not in the Presbytery? If it be lawfull here, then Christ did not interdict it to the Apostles, for who will think that a Presbytery shall have leave to domi­neere, and (as they call it now a dayes) to Lord it over their Brethren, when a Colledge of Apostles shall not be suffered to governe? but if the Apo­stles may governe, then we are brought to a right understanding of our Saviours saying to the sonnes of Zebedee, and then also, their successors, the Bi­shops may doe the same.

If I had any further need of answer or escape, it were easy to pretend, that this being a particular directory to the Apostles, was to expire with their persons. So S. Cyprian intimates. Apostoli pari fu­êre De Vnitat. Ec­cles. consortio praediti, & honoris, & dignitatis; and [Page 345] indeed this may be concluding against the Supre­macy of S. Peter's Successors, but will be no waies pertinent to impugne Episcopall authority. For inter se they might be equall, and yet Superiour to the Presbyters, and the people.

Lastly, [It shall not be so with you] so Christ said, non designando officium, but Sortem; not their duty, but their lot; intimating that their future condition should not be honorary, but full of trouble, not ad­vanc'd, but persecuted. But I had rather insist on the first answer; in which I desire it be remembred, that I said, seeking temporall Principality to be for­bidden the Apostles, as an Appendix to the office of an Apostle. For in other capacities Bishops are as re­ceptive of honour and temporall principalities as o­ther men. Bishops vt sic are not secular Princes, must not seeke for it; But some secular Princes may be Bishops, as in Germany, and in other places to this day they are. For it is as unlawfull for a Bishop to have any Land, as to have a Country, and a single acre is no more due to the Order, then a Province; but both these may be conjunct in the same person, though still by vertue of Christs precept, the fun­ctions and capacities must be distinguished; accor­ding to the saying of Synesius [...]. To confound and intermixe the Kingdome and the Priesthood, is to joyne things incompossible and inconsistent, Incon­sistent (I say) not in person, but absolutely discre­pant in function.

3. Consider we, that S. Peter, when he speakes [Page 346] of the duteous subordination of Sarah to her Hus­band Abraham, he propunds her as an example to all married women, in these words [shee obeyed A­braham, and called him Lord] why was this spoken to Christian women, but that they should doe so too? And is it imaginable that such an Honoura­ble compellation as Christ allowes every woman to give to her husband, a Mechanick, a hard-handed ar­tisan, he would forbid to those eminent pillars of his Church, those lights of Christendome whom he really indued with a plenitude of power for the re­giment of the Catholike Church. Credat Apella.

4. PASTOR, and FATHER, are as honourable titles as any. They are honourable in Scripture. Ho­nour thy Father &c: Thy Father, in all senses. They are also made sacred by being the appellatives of Kings, and Bishops, and that not onely in secular addresses, but even in holy Scripture, as is knowne.

* Adde to this; [...], and [...] are Acts. 15. Rom. 12. Hebr. 13. used in Scripture for the Prelates of the Church, and I am certaine, that, Duke, and Captaine, Rulers, and Commanders are but just the same in English, that the other are in Greeke, and the least of these is as much as [...], or Lord. And then if we consider that since Christ erected a spirituall regiment, and us'd words of secular honour to expresse it, as in the instances above, although Christ did interdict a secular principality, yet he forbad not a secular title; He us'd many himselfe.

5. The voyce of the Spouse, the holy Church hath alwaies expressed their honourable estimate in [Page 347] reverentiall compellations and Epithets of honour to their Bishops, and have taught us so to doe. * Bi­shops were called Principes Ecclesiarum, Princes of the Churches. I had occasion to instance it in the question of Iurisdiction. Indeed the third Councell of Carthage forbad the Bishop of Carthage to be cal­led Princeps Sacerdotum, or summus Sacerdos, or aliquid hujusmodi, but onely primae sedis Episcopus. I know not what their meaning was, unlesse they would dictate a lesson of humility to their Primate, that he might remember the principality not to be so much in his person, as in the See, for he might be called Bishop of the prime See. But whatsoever fan­cy they had at Carthage, I am sure it was a guise of Christendome, not to speake of Bishops sine praefa­tione honoris, but with honourable mention. [...], To our most blessed LORD. So the let­ters were superscribed to Iulius Bishop of Rome from some of his Brethren; in Sozomen. Let no man lib. 3. cap. 23. speake Untruths of mee [...], Epist. ad Greg. Nyssen. Nor of MY LORDS THE BISHOPS, said S. Gregory Nazianzen. The Synodicall book of the Councell of Constantinople is inscribed DOMINIS REVE­RENDISSIMIS, Theodoret. lib. 5. ca. 9. ac pijssimis Fratribus ac Collegis, Damaso, Ambrosio &c: To our most Reverend LORDS, and holy Brethren &c: And the Councell of Illyri­cum sending their Synodall letters to the Bishops of Asia, by Bishop Elpidius, Haec pluribus (say they) persequi non est visum, quòd miserimus vnum ex omnibus, DOMINUM, & Collegam nostrum Elpidi­um, Theodor. lib. 4. cap. 9. qui cognosceret, esset ne sicut dictum fuerat à [Page 348] DOMINO, & Collegâ nostro Eustathio. Our Lord, and Brother Elpidius. Our Lord and Brother Eusta­thius. * The oration in the Councell of Epaunum begins thus. Quod praecipientibus tantis DOMINIS MEIS ministerium proferendi sermonis assumo &c: The Prolocutor tooke that office on him, at the com­mand of so many GREAT LORDS THE BISHOPS. * When the Church of Spayne became Catholike, and abjur'd the Arian heresy, King Recaredus in the third Councell of Toledo made a speech to the Bi­shops, Non incognitum reor esse vobis, REVERENDIS­SIMI Sacerdotes &c: Non credimus vestram latere SANCTITATEM &c: vestra Cognovit BEATITUDO &c: VENERANDI PATRES &c: And these often. Your Holinesse, your Blessednesse, Most Reverend, Venerable Fathers; Those were the addresses the King made to the Fathers of the Synod. Thus it was when Spaine grew Catholike; But not such a Speech to be found in all the Arian records. They amongst them us'd but little Reverence to their Bi­shops. But the instances of this kind are innumera­ble. Nothing more ordinary in Antiquity then to speake of Bishops with the titles of [...], Domine verè Sancte, & susci­piende Thedor. lib. 1. c. 4. &c. 5. Athanas. A­polog. 2. Papa, So S. Hierome a Presbyter, to S. Austin a Bishop. Secundùm enim honorum vocabula quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit Episcopatus Presbyterio major est, saith S. Austin. Episcopacy is Greater then the of­fice Epist. 17. 18. 19. apud. S. Augustin. and dignity of a Presbyter according to the TI­TLES OF HONOUR which the custome of the Church hath introduc'd. * But I shall summe up these par­ticulars [Page 349] in a totall, which is thus expressed by S. Chrysostome. Haeretici à Diabolo HONORUM VOCA­BULA in Psal. 13. apud Baron. An. Dom. 58. n. 2. Episcopis non dare didicerunt. Hereticks have learned of the Devill not to give due titles of honour to Bishops. The good Patriarch was angry surely when he said so. * For my owne particular, I am confident that my Lords the Bishops doe so under­value any fastuous, or pompous title, that were not the duty of their people in it, they would as easily reject them, as it is our duties piously to use them. But if they still desire appellatives of honour, we must give them, they are their due, if they desire them not, they deserve them much more. So that either for their humility, or however for their works sake we must [highly honour them that have the rule 1. Thessal. 5. 13. over us] It is the precept of S. Paul, and S. Cyprian observing how Curious our blessed Saviour was that he might give honour to the Priests of the Iewes, even then when they were reeking in their malice hot as the fire of Hell; he did it to teach us a duty. Docuit enim Sacerdotes veros LEGITIME Epist. 65. ET PLENE HONORARI dum circa falsos Sacerdotes ipse talis extitit. It is the argument he uses to pro­cure a full honour to the Bishop.

* To these I adde; If fitting in a THRONE even above the seate of Elders be a title of a great dignity, then we have it confirmed by the voice of all Anti­quity calling the Bishops chaire, A THRONE, and the investiture of a Bishop in his Church AN IN­THRONIZATION. Quando INTHRONIZANTUR propter communem utilitatem Episcopi &c: saith P. [Page 350] Anterus in his decretall Epistle to the Bishops of Boe­tica and Toledo. INTHRONING is the Primitive word for the consecration of a Bishop. Sedes in E­piscoporum Ecclesi is excelsae constitutae & praeparatae, UT THRONUS speculationem & potestatem judicandi à Domino sibi datam materiam docent, (saith Vrban). And S. Ignatius to his Deacon Hero, [...], Epist. decret. [...], I trust that the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ will show to me Hero sitting upon my Epist. ad Hero [...]. THRONE.

** The summe of all is this. Bishops if they must be at all, most certainly must be beloved, it is our dutyes, and their worke deserves it. S. Paul was as deare to the Galathians, as their eyes, and it is true eternally, Formosipedes Evangelizantium, the feete of the Preachers of the Gospell are beauteous, and then much more of the chiefe. Ideo ista praetulimus (charissimi) vt intelligatis potestatem Episcoporum vestrorum, in eis (que) Deum veneremini, & eos UTA­NIMAS Urban. ibid. VESTRAS diligatis, vt quibus illi non com­municant, non communicetis &c: Now, love to our Superiours is ever honourable, for it is more then amicitia, that's amongst Peeres, but love to our Betters, is Reverence, Obedience, and high Estimate. And if we have the one, the dispute about the other would be a meere impertinence. I end this with the saying of S. Ignatius, & vos decet non contemnere ae­tatem Episcopi, sed juxta Dei Patris arbitrium OM­NEM Epist. ad Magnes. ILLI IMPERTIRI REVERENTIAM. It is the WILL OF GOD the Father, that we should give all [Page 351] REVERENCE, HONOUR, or veneration to our Bi­shops.

VVELL! However things are now, It was §. 49. And trusted with af­fayres of Secular in­terest. otherwise in the Old Religion; for no ho­nour was thought too great for them whom God had honourd with so great degrees of approximati­on to himselfe in power, and authority. But then also they went further. For they thought whom God had intrusted with their soules, they might with an equall confidence trust with their personall actions, and imployments of greatest trust.

For it was Great Consideration that they who were Antistites religionis the Doctors, and great Dictators of Faith and conscience, should be the composers of those affayres in whose determinati­on, a Divine wisdome, and interests of conscience and the authority of religion were the best ingre­dients.

But, it is worth observing how the Church and the Common-wealth did actions contrary to each other, in pursuance of their severall interests. The Common-wealth still enabled Bishops to take cog­nisance of causes, and the confidence of their owne people would be sure to carry them thither where they hop'd for faire issue, upon such good grounds as they might fairely expect from the Bishops abili­tyes, authority, and religion; But on the other side, the Church did as much decline them as shee could, and made sanctions against it so farre as shee might without taking from themselves all oppor­tunities [Page 352] both of doing good to their people, and in­gaging the secular arme to their owne assistance. But this we shall see by consideration of parti­culars.

1. It was not in Naturâ rei unlawfull for Bishops to receive an office of secular imployment. S. Paul's tent-making was as much against the calling of an Apostle, as sitting in a secular tribunall is against the office of a Bishop. And it is hard, if we will not al­low that to the conveniences of a Republike which must be indulged to a private, personall necessity. But we have not S. Paul's example onely, but his rule too, according to Primitive exposition. [Dare any of you having a matter before another goe to law 1. Cor. 6. before the Vnjust, and not before the Saints? If then ye have judgements of things pertaining to this life, set them to judge who are least esteemed in the Church] who are they? The Clergy I am sure, now adayes. But S. Ambrose also thought that to In hunc locum. be his meaning seriously. Let the Ministers of the Church be the Iudges. For by [least esteemed] he could not meane the most ignorant of the Laity, they would most certainly have done very strange justice, especially in such causes which they Under­stand not. No, but set them to judge who by their office are Servants, and Ministers of all, and those are the Clergy who (as S. Paul's expression is) Preach not themselves, but Iesus to be the Lord, and themselves your servants for Iesus sake. Meliùs di­cit apud Dei Ministros agere causam. Yea but S. Paul's expression seemes to exclude the Governours [Page 353] of the Church from intermedling. [Is there not one wise man among you that is able to Iudge betweene his Brethren?] Why Brethren, if Bishops and Priests were to be the Iudges, they are Fathers? The ob­jection is not worth the noting, but onely for S. Ambrose his answer to it. Ideò autem Fratrem Iudi­cem eligendum dicit, quià adhuc Rector Ecclesiae illo­rum non erat ordinatus. S. Paul us'd the word [Bre­thren] for as yet a Bishop was not ordained amongst them of that Church, intimating that the Bishop was Vide etiam August. de opere Mo­nach. ca. 29. to be the man, though till then, in subsidium any prudent Christian man might be imployed.

2. The Church did alwaies forbid to Clergy­men A VOLUNTARY ASSUMPTION of ingagements in REBUS SAECULI. So the sixth Canon of the A­postles, Can. 7. Latin. [...]. A Bishop, and a Vide Zonar­in Can. A­postol. Priest, and a Deacon, must not assume, or take on him­selfe worldly cares. If he does, let him be depos'd. Here the Prohibition is generall. No worldly cares. Not domestick. But how if they come on him by Divine imposition, or accident? That's nothing, if he does not assume them; that is, by his volunta­ry act acquire his owne trouble. So that if his secu­lar imployment be an act of obedience, indeed it is trouble to him, but no sinne. But if he seekes it, for it selfe, it is ambition. In this sense also must the following Canon be understood. [...]. A Clerk must not be a Tutor, or Guardian, viz: of secular trust, that is must not seeke a diver­sion from his imployment by voluntary Tutorship,

[Page 354] 3. The Church also forbad all secular negotia­tion for base ends, not precisely the imployment it selfe, but the illnesse of the intention, and this indeed shee expressely forbids in her Canons. * Pervenit ad Sanctam Synodum quòd quidam qui in Clero sunt allecti PROPTER LUCRA TURPIA conductores alie­narum Concil. Chal­ced. Act. 15. can. 3. possessionum fiant, & saecularia negotia sub curâ suâ suscipiant, Dei quidem Ministerium parvipen­dentes, Saecularium verò discurrentes domos & PROPTER AVARITIAM patrimoniorum sollicitudi­nem sumentes. Clergy men farmers of lands, and did take upon them secular imployment FOR CO­VETOUS DESIGNES, and with neglect of the Church. These are the things the Councell com­plain'd of, and therefore according to this exigence the following Sanction is to be understood. Decre­vit ita (que) hoc Sanctum magnum (que) Concilium, nullum deinceps, non Episcopum, non Clericum vel Mona­chum aut possessiones conducere, aut negotijs saecula­ribus se immiscere. No Bishop, No Clergy man, No Monke must farme grounds, nor ingage himselfe in secular businesse. What in none? No, none, prae­ter pupillorum, si fortè leges imponant inexcusabilem curam, aut civitatis Episcopus Ecclesiasticarum rerum sollicitudinem habere praecipiat, aut Orphanorum, & viduarum earum quae sine ullâ defensione sunt, ac per­sonarum quae maximè Ecclesiastico indigent adjuto­rio, & propter timorem Domini causa deposcat. This Canon will doe right to the Question.

All secular affaires, and bargaines either for co­vetousnesse, or with considerable disturbance of [Page 355] Church offices are to be avoided. For a Clergy man must not be covetous, much lesse for covetise must he neglect his cure. To this purpose is that of the second Councell of Arles, Clericus turpis lucri Can. 14. gratiâ aliquod genus negotiationis non exerceat. But nor here, nor at Chalcedon is the prohibition abso­lute, nor declaratory of an inconsistence and inca­pacity; for, for all this, the Bishop or Clerk may doe any office that is in piâ curâ. He may undertake the supravision of Widdowes, and Orphans. And though he be forbid by the Canon of the Apostles to be a guardian of pupills, yet it is expounded here by this Canon of Chalcedon, for a voluntary seeking it is forbidden by the Apostles, but here it is permitted only with, si fortè leges imponant, if the Law, or Au­thority commands him, then he may undertake it. That is, if either the Emperor commands him, or if the Bishop permits him, then it is lawfull. But with­out such command or license it was against the Ca­non of the Apostles. And therefore S. Cyprian did himselfe severely punish Geminius Faustinus, one of the Priests of Carthage, for undertaking the exe­cutorship of the Testament of Geminius Victor: he Epist. 66. had no leave of his Bishop so to doe, and for him of his own head to undertake that which would be an avocation of him from his office, did in S. Cyprians Consistory, deserve a censure. 3. By this Canon of Chalcedon, any Clerk may be the Oeconomus or steward of a Church, and dispense her revenue if the Bishop command him. 4. He may undertake the patronage, or assistance of any distressed person that [Page 356] needs the Churches ayde. * From hence it is evi­dent that all secular imployment did not hoc ipso a­vocate a Clergy-man from his necessary office and duty; for some secular imployments are permitted him, all causes of piety, of charity, all occurrences con­cerning the revenues of the Church, and nothing for covetousnesse, but any thing in obedience, any thing Vide Synod. Roman. sub Sylvestr. c. 4. Concil. Chal­ced. c. 26. & Zonar. ibid. I meane of the fore-named instances. Nay the af­faires of Church revenues, and dispensation of Ec­clesiasticall Patrimony was imposed on the Bishop by the Canons Apostolicall, and then considering how many possessions were deposited first at the A­postles feet, and afterwards in the Bishops hands, we may quickly perceive that a case may occurre in which something else may be done by the Bishop and his Clergy besides prayer and preaching. [...]. saith Ignatius to S. Polycarpe of Smyrna. Let not the Widdowes be neglected: after God, doe thou take care of them. * Qui locupletes sunt, & volunt, pro ar­bitrio Justin. Mar­tyr. Apolog. 2. quis (que) suo quod libitum est contribuit; & quod collectum est apud Praesidem deponitur, at (que) is inde o­pitulatur Orphanis, & viduis, iis (que) qui vel morbo, vel aliâ de causâ egent: tum iis qui vincti sunt, & pere­grè advenientibus hospitibus: & ut uno verbo dicam, omnium indigentium Curator est. All the Collects and Offerings of faithfull people are deposited with the Bi­shop, and thence he dispenses for the reliefe of the wid­dowes, and Orphans, thence he provides for travel­lers, and in one word, he takes care of all indigent, and necessitous people. So it was in Iustin Martyrs time [Page 357] and all this, a man would think, requir'd a conside­rable portion of his time, besides his studies and prayer and preaching.

This was also done even in the Apostles times, for first they had the provision of all the Goods, and persons of the coenobium, of the Church at Ieru­salem. This they themselves administred till a com­plaint arose, which might have prov'd a Scandall; then they chose seven men, men full of the holy Ghost; men that were Priests, for they were of the 70 Disciples saith Epiphanius, and such men as Preached, and Baptized, so S. Stephen, and S. Philip, therefore to be sure they were Clergy-men, and yet they left their preaching for a time, at least aba­ted of the height of the imployment, for therefore the Apostles appointed them, that themselves might not leave the word of God and serve Tables; plainly implying that such men who were to serve these Tables, must leave the Ministery of the word, in some sense or degree, and yet they chose Presby­ters, and no harme neither, and for a while them­selves had the imployment. I say there was no harme done, by this temporary office, to their Priestly function and imployment. For to me it is considerable. If the calling of a Presbyter does not take up the whole man, then what inconvenience though his imployment be mixt with secular allay. But if it does take up the whole man, then it is not safe for any Presbyter ever to become a Bishop, which is a dignity of a farre greater burden, and re­quires more then a Man's all, if all was requir'd to [Page 358] the function of a Presbyter. But I proceed.

4. The Church prohibiting secular imployment to Bishops and Clerks, doe prohibite it, onely in gradu impedimenti officii Clericalis; and therefore when the offices are supplyed by any of the Order, it is never prohibited but that the personall abilities of any man may be imployed for the fairest advan­tages either of Church, or Common-wealth. And therefore it is observeable that the Canons provide that the Church be not destitute, not that such a particular Clerke should there officiate. Thus the Councell of Arles decreed, ut Presbyteri SICUT HACTENUS FACTUM EST, INDISCRETE per di­ver Apud Bur­chard. lib. 2. decret. cap. 99. sa non mittantur loca ....ne fortè propter eorum absentiam, & animarum pericula, & Ecclesiarum in quibus constituti sunt, negligantur officia. So that here we see, 1. That it had been usuall to send Priests on Embassyes [sicut hactenus factum est] 2. The Canon forbids the indiscreet or promiscuous doing of it; not that men of great ability & choyce be not imployed, but that there be discretion, or discerning in the choyce of the men. viz. that such men be chosen whose particular worth did by ad­vancing the legation, make compensation for ab­sence from their Churches; and then I am sure there was no indiscretion in the Embassy, quoad hoc at least; for the ordinary offices of the Church might be dispensed by men of even abilities, but the extra­ordinary affaires of both states require men of an heightned apprehension. 3. The Canon only took care that the cùre of the soules of a Parish be not re­linquished, [Page 359] for so is the title of the Canon, Ne Pres­byteri causâ legationis per diversa mittantur loca, cu­râ animarum relictâ. But then if the cure be sup­plied by delegation, the feares of the Canon are prevented.

* In pursuance of this consideration the Church forbad Clergy-men to receive honour, or secular preferment; and so it is expressed where the prohi­bition is made. It is in the Councell of Chalcedon. Qui semel in clero deputati sunt, aut Monachorum Part. 2. Act. 15. Can. 7. vitam expetiverunt, statuimus ne (que) ad militiam, ne (que) ad dignitatem aliquam venire mundanam. That's the inhibition; But the Canon subjoynes a temper; aut hoc tentantes, & non agentes poenitentiam, quo minùs redeant ad hoc quod propter Deum primitùs elege­runt, anathematizari, they must not turne Souldi­ers, or enter upon any worldy dignity to make them leave their function, which for the honour of God they have first chosen: for then, it seemes, he that tooke on him military honours, or secular prefectures, or consular dignity, could not officiate in holy Orders, but must renounce them to assume the other; It was in obstruction of this abuse that the Canon directed its prohibition, viz. in this sence clearely, that a Clerk must not so take on him secular offices, as to make him redire in saeculum, having put his hand to the plow, to look back, to change his profession, or to relinquish the Church, and make her become a Widdow. The case of S. Matthew and S. Peter, di­stinguish, and cleare this businesse. Ecce reliquimus omnia, was the profession of their Clericall office. [Page 360] S. Matthew could not returne to his trade of Pub­lican at all, for that would have taken him from his Apostolate. But S. Peter might and did returne to his nets, for all his reliqui omnia. Plainly telling us that a SECULAR CALLING, a CONTINUED FIX'D ATTENDANCE on a businesse of the world is an impediment to the Clericall office, and mini­stration, but not a temporary imployment or se­cession.

5. The Canons of the Church doe as much for bid the cares of houshold, as the cares of pub­like imployment to Bishops. So the fourth Coun­cell of Carthage decrees. Vt Episcopus nullam rei fa­miliaris curam adserevocet, sed lectioni, & orationi, Can. 20. & verbi Dei praedicationi tantummodò vacet. Now if this Canon be confronted with that saying of S. Paul [He that provides not for them of his own hous­hold is worse then an infidell] it will easily informe us of the Churches intention. For they must pro­vide, saith S. Paul, But yet so provide as not to hin­der their imployment, or else they transgresse the Canon of the Councell; but this caveat may be as well entred, and observed in things Politicall, as Oeconomicall.

Thus farre we have seene what the Church hath done in pursuance of her owne interest, and that was that she might with sanctity, and without di­straction, tend her Grand imployment; but yet ma­ny cases did occurre in which she did canonically permitt an alienation of imployment, and revoca­tion of some persons from an assiduity of Ecclesi­asticall [Page 361] attendance, as in the case of the seven set over the widdowes, and of S. Peter, and S. Paul, and all the Apostles and the Canon of Chalcedon.

Now let us see how the Common-wealth also pursued her interest, and because shee found Bishops men of Religion and great trust, and confident abi­lities, there was no reason that the Common-wealth should be disserv'd in the promotion of able men to a Bishops throne. * Who would have made recom­pence to the Emperour for depriving him of Am­brose his prefect, if Episcopall promotion had made him incapable of serving his Prince in any great Negotiation? It was a remarkeable passage in Ig­natius, [...], Epist. ad Ephes. [...]. As our Lord is to be observ'd so also must we observe the BI­SHOP, because he assists and serves the Lord. And wisemen, and of great vnderstanding must SERVE KINGS, for he must not be serv'd with men of small parts. Here either Ignatius commends Bishops to the service of Kings, or else propounds them as the fittest men in the world to doe them service. For if onely men of great abilities are fit to serve Kings, surely as great abilities are required to inable a man for the service of God in so peculiar manner of ap­proximation. He then that is fit to be a Bishop, is most certainly fit for the service of his King. This is the sence of Ignatius his discourse.

For consider. Christianity might be suspected for a designe; and if the Church should choose the [Page 362] best, and most pregnant Understandings for her im­ployment, and then these men become incapable of ayding the Republike, the promotion of these men, would be an injury to those Princes whose affayres would need support. * The interest of the Subjects also is considerable. For we find by experience, that no authority is so full of regiment, and will so finely force obedience, as that which is seated in the Conscience; And therefore Numa Pompilius made his lawes, and imposed them with a face of religi­ous solemnity. For the people are stronger then any one Governour, and were they not awed by Religion, would quickly miscere Sacra prophanis, jumble heaven and earth into a miscellany, and therefore not onely in the Sanction of lawes, but in the execution of them, the Antistites religionis are the most competent instruments; and this was not onely in all religions that ever were, and in ours ever till now, but even now we should quickly find it, were but our Bishops in that Veneration, and esteeme that by the law of God they ought, and that actually they were in the Calenture of primi­tive devotion, and that the Doctors of Religion were ever even amongst the most barbarous and untaught Pagans.

Upon the confidence of these advantages, both the Emperours themselves when they first became Christian allowed appeales from secular tribunalls to the * Bishops Consistory, even in causes of secu­lar Sozom. lib. cap. 9. interest, and the people would choose to have their difficulties there ended whence they expected [Page 363] the issues of justice, and religion. * I say this was done as soone as ever the Emperours were Christi­an. Before this time, Bishops, and Priests (to be sure) could not be imployed in state affayres, they were odious for their Christianity; and then no wonder if the Church forbad secular imployment in meaner offices, the attendance on which could by no meanes make recompense for the least avocation of them from their Church imployment. So that it was not onely the avocation but the sordidnesse of the imployment that was prohibited the Clergy in the Constitutions of holy Church. But as soone as ever their imployment might be such as to make compensation for a temporary secession, neither Church nor State did then prohibite it; And that was as soone as ever the Princes were Christian, for then immediately the Bishops were imployed in ho­norary negotiations. It was evident in the case of S. Ambrose. For the Church of Millaine had him for their Bishop, and the Emperour had him one of his prefects, and the people their judge in causes of secular cognisance. For when he was chosen Bishop the Emperour who was present at the election cry­ed out, Gratias tibi ago Domine ... quoniam huic viro ego quidem commisi corpora; tu autem animas, Tripart. hist. lib. 7. cap. 8. & meam electionem ostendisti tuae justitiae convenire. So that he was Bishop, and Governour of Millaine at the same time; And therefore by reason of both these offices S. Austin was forc'd to attend a good while before he could find him at leisure. Non enim S. August. lib. 6. Confess. cap. 4. quaerere ab eo poteram quod volebam sicut volebam, [Page 364] secludentibus me ab ejus aure, at (que) ore catervis nego­tiosorum hominum, quorum infirmitatibus servie­bat. And it was his owne condition too, when he came to sit in the chayre of Hippo; Non permittor Epist. 110. ad quod volo vacare ante meridiem; post meridiem occupationibus hominum teneor. And againe, & ho­mines quidam causas suas saeculares apuà nos finire cupientes, quando eis necessarij fuerimus, sic nos San­ctos, Epist. 147. & Dei servos appellant, ut negotiaterrae suae pe­ragant. Aliquando & agamus negotium salutis nostrae & salutis ipsorum, non de auro, non de argento non de fundis, & pecoribus, pro quibus rebus quotidiè sub­misso capite salutamur ut dissensiones hominum termi­nemus. It was almost the businesse of every day to him, to judge causes concerning Gold, and Silver, Cattell, and glebe, and all appertenances of this life. This S. Austin would not have done, if it had not been lawfull, so we are to suppose in charity; but yet this we are sure of, S. Austin thought it not de [...]pare Mo­nach. cap: 29. only lawfull, but a part of his duty, [quibus nos molestijs idem affixit Apostolus, and that by the au­thority, not of himselfe, but of him that spake with­in him, even the H. Ghost:] so he.

Thus also it was usuall for Princes in the Primi­tive Church to send Bishops their Embassadours. Constans the Emperour sent two Bishops chosen out of the Councell of Sardis together with Salianus Tripart. hist: lib: 4. cap. 25. the Great Master of his Army to Constantius * S. Chrysostom was sent Embassadour to Gainas. Ma­ruthus the Bishop of Mesopotamia was sent Embass­adour lib: 10. cap; 6. ibid. 11. cap. 8. ibid. from the Emperour to Isdigerdes the King [Page 365] of Persia. S. Ambrose from Valentinian the yonger lib. 5. Epist. Ambros. 33. Euseb: lib. 8. cap. 1. to the Tyrant Maximus. * Dorotheus was a Bishop and a chamberlaine to the Emperour. Many more examples there are of the concurrence of the Epis­copall office, and a secular dignity or imployment. Now then Consider. * The Church did not, might not challenge any secular honour, or im­ployment by vertue of her Ecclesiasticall dignity precisely. 2. The Church might not be ambitious, or indagative of such imployment. 3. The Church­e's interest abstractly considered was not promoted by such imployment, but where there was no grea­ter way of compensation was interrupted and de­press'd. 4. The Church (though in some cases shee was allowed to make secession, yet) might not re­linquish her owne charge, to intervene in anothers ayd. 5. The Church did by no meanes suffer her Clerks, to undertake any low secular imployment, much more did shee forbid all sordid ends, and Co­vetous designes. 6. The Bishop, or his Clerks might ever do any action of piety, though of secu­lar burden. Clerks were never forbidden to reade Grammer, or Philosophy to youth, to be Masters of Schooles, of Hospitalls, they might reconcile their Neighbours that were falne out, about a per­sonall trespasse, or reall action, and yet since now a­dayes a Clergy-man's imployment and capacity is bounded within his Pulpit, or reading deske, or his study of Divinity at most, these that I have reck­oned are as verily secular as any thing, and yet no law of Christendome ever prohibited any of these [Page 366] or any of the like Nature to the Clergy, nor any thing that is ingenuous, that is fit for a Scholler, that requires either finenesse of parts, or great learn­ing, or overruling authority, or exemplary piety. 7. Clergy-men might do any thing that was imposed on them by their Superiours. 8. The Bishops, and Priests were men of Great ability and surest confi­dence for determinations of Iustice, in which, reli­gion was ever the strongest binder. And therefore the Princes and People sometimes forc'd the Bi­shops from their owne interest to serve the Com­mon-wealth, & in it they serv'd themselves directly, and by consequence too, the Church had not only a sustentation from the secular arme, but an addition of honour, and secular advantages, and all this war­ranted by precedent of Scripture, and the practice of the Primitive Church, and particularly of men whom all succeeding ages have put into the Calen­der of Saints. * So that it would be considered, that all this while, it is the kings interest, and the Peoples that is pleaded, when we assert a capacity to the Bishops to undertake charges of publike trust. It is no addition to the calling of Bishops. It serves the King, it assists the republike, and in such a ple­thory, and almost a surfet of Clergy-men as this age is supplied with, it can be no disservice to the Church, whose dayly offices may be plentifully supplyed by Vicars, and for the temporary avoca­tion of some few, aboundant recompence is made to the Church (which is not at all injured) by be­comming an occasion of indearing the Church, to those whose aide shee is.

[Page 367] * There is an admirable epistle written by Petrus Blesensis in the name of the Arch bishop of Canter­bury Epist. 84. to P. Alexander the third in the defence of the Bishop of Ely, Winchester & Norwich that attended the Court upon service of the King. Non est novum (saith he) quòd Regum Consiliis intersint Episcopi. Sicut enim honestate, & sapientiâ caeteros antecedunt, sic expeditiores, & efficaciores in reip administratio­ne censentur. Quia sicut Scriptum est [minús salu­britèr disponitur regnum, quod non regitur consilio sapientum] In quo not atur eos consiliis Regum debe­re assistere, qui sciant & velint, & possint patientibus compati, paciterrae, ac populi saluti prospicere, crudire adjustitiam Reges, imminentibus occursare periculis, vitae (que) maturioris exemplis informare subditos & quâdam authoritate potestativâ praesumptionem ma­lignantium cohibere. It is no new thing for Bishops to be Counsellors to Princes (saith he) their wis­dome and piety that enables them for a Bishoprick proclaimes them fit instruments to promote the publike tranquillity of the Common-wealth. They know how to comply with oppressed people, to ad­vance designes of peace, and publike security; It is their office to instruct the King to righteousnesse, by their sanctity to be a rule to the Court, and to diffuse their exemplary piety over the body of the Kingdome, to mixe influences of religion with de­signes of state, to make them have as much of the dove as of the serpent, and by the advantage of their religious authority to restraine the malignity of accursed people in whom any image of a God, or [Page 368] of religion is remaining. * He proceeds in the dis­course and brings the examples of Samuel, Isaiah, Elisha, Iojada, Zecharias, who were Priests and Pro­phets respectively, and yet imployed in Princes Courts, and Councells of Kings, and addes this; Vnum noveritis, quia nisi familiares, & Consiliarii Regis essent Episcopi, suprà dorsum Ecclesiae hodiè fa­bricarent peccatores, & immanitèr, ac intolerabilitèr opprimeret Clerum praesumptio Laicalis. That's most true. If the Church had not the advantage of addi­tionall honorary imployments, the plowers would plow upon the Churches back, & make long furrowes. * The whole Epistle is worth transcribing, But I shall content my selfe with this summary of the ad­vantages which are acquir'd both to policy and Re­ligion by the imployment of Bishops in Princes Courts. Ist is me diantibus mansuescit circa simplices judiciarius rigor, admittitur clamor pauperum, Ec­clesiarum dignitas erigitur, relevatur pauperum in­digentia, firmatur in clero libertas, pax in populis, in Monasteriis quies, justitia liberè exercetur, superbia opprimitur, augetur Laicorum devotio, religio fove­tur, diriguntur judicia, &c. When pious Bishops are imployed in Princes Councells, then the rigor of Lawes is abated, equity introduced, the cry of the poore is heard, their necessities are made known, the liber­ties of the Church are conserved, the peace of King­domes labour'd for, pride is depressed, religion in­creaseth, the devotion of the Laity multiplies, and tribunalls are made just, and incorrupt, and mercifull. Thus farre Petrus Blesensis. * These are the effects [Page 369] which though perhaps they doe not alwaies fall out, yet these things may in expectation of reason be look'd for from the Clergy, their principles and calling promises all this, & quia in Ecclesiâ magis lex est, ubi Dominus legis timetur, meliùs dicit apud Dei Ministros agere causam. Faciliùs enim Dei ti­more sententiam legis veram promunt; (saith S. Am­brose,) In 1. Corinth. 6. and therefore certainly the fairest reason in the world that they be imployed. But if personall defaillance be thought reasonable to disimploy the whole calling, then neither Clergy nor Laity should ever serve a Prince.

And now we are easily driven into an under­standing of that saying of S. Paul [No man that 2. Timoth. 2. 4. warreth entangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life.] For although this be spoken of all Christian people, and concernes the Laity in their proportion as much as the Clergy, yet nor one, nor the other is interdicted any thing that is not a direct hinde­rance to their owne precise duty of Christianity. And such things must be par'd away from the frin­ges of the Laity, as well as the long robe of the Clergy. But if we should consider how little we have now left for the imployment of a Bishop, I am afraid a Bishop would scarce seem to be a necessary function, so farre would it be from being hindered by the collaterall intervening of a Lay-judicature. I need not instance in any particulars; for if the judging matters and questions of religion be not left alone to them, they may well be put into atem­porall [Page 370] imployment, to preserve them from suspiti­on of doing nothing.

I have now done with this; only intreating this to be considered. Is not the King fons utrius (que) juris­dictionis? In all the senses of Common-law, and externall compulsory he is. But if so, then why may not the King as well make Clergy-Iudges, as Lay-Delegates? For (to be sure) if there be an inca­pacity in the Clergy of medling with secular af­faires, there is the same at least in the Laity of med­ling with Church affaires. For if the Clergy be a­bove the affaires of the World, then the Laity are under the affaires of the Church; or else, if the Clergy beincapable of Lay-businesse, because it is of a different and disparate nature from the Church, does not the same argument exclude the Laity from intervening in Church affaires? For the Church dif­fers no more from the common-wealth, then the common-wealth differs from the Church. And now after all this, suppose a King should command a Bi­shop to goe on Embassy to a forraine Prince, to be a Commissioner in a treaty of pacification, if the Bishop refuse, did he doe the duty of a Subject? If yea, I wonder what subjection that is which a Bishop owes to his Prince, when hee shall not be bound to obey him in any thing but the saying, and doing of his of­fice, to which he is obliged, whether the Prince commands him yea or no. But if no, then the Bi­shop was tyed to goe, and then the calling makes him no way incapable of such imployment, for no man can be bound to doe a sinne.

[Page 371] BUt then did not this imployment, when the oc­casions §. 50. And there­fore were inforced to delegate their pow­er and put others in substituti­on. were great, and extraordinary, force the Bishops to a temporary absence? And what remedy was there for that? For the Church is not to be left destitute, that's agreed on by all the Canons. They must not be like the Sicilian Bishops whom Petrus Blesensis complains of, that attended the Court, and never visited their Churches, or took care either of the cure of soules, or of the Church possessions. What then must be done? The Bishops in such cases may give delegation of their power, and offices to others, though now adaies they are complain'd of for their care. I say, for their care; For if they may intervene in secular affaires, they may sometimes be absent, and then they must delegate their power, or leave the Church without a Curate. *** But for this matter the account need not be long. For since I have proved that the whole Diocesse is in curâ Episcopali, and for all of it, he is responsive to God Almighty, and yet, that instant necessity and the publike act of Christendome hath ratified it, that Bishops have delegated to Presbyters so many parts of the Bishops charge as there are parishes in his Diocesse, the [...] which is pretended for de­legation of Episcopall charge, is no lesse then the act of all Christendome. For it is evident at first, Presbyters had no distinct cure at all, but were in common assistant to the Bishop, and were his emis­saries for the gaining soules in Citty, or Suburbs; But when the Bishops divided parishes, and fixt the [Page 372] Presbyters upon a cure, so many Parishes as they distinguished, so many delegations they made; And these we all believe to be good both in law, and conscience. For the Bishop per omnes divinos ordi­nes propriae hierarchiae exercet mysteria (saith S. De­nis, Eccles. hierar. c. 5.) he does not doe the offices of his order by him­selfe onely, but by others also, for all the inferior orders doe so operate, as by them he does his pro­per offices.

* But besides this grand act of the Bishops first, and then of all Christendome in consent, we have faire precedent in S. Paul; for he made delegation of a power to the Church of Corinth to excommuni­cate the incestuous person. It was a plain delegati­on; for he commanded them to doe it, and gave them his own spirit, that is, his own authority; and indeed without it, I scarce find how the delinquent should have been delivered over to Satan in the sense of the Apostolick Church, that is, to be buffeted, for that was a miraculous appendix of power Aposto­lick.

* When S. Paul sent for Timothy from Ephe­sus, he sent Tychicus to be his Vicar. [Doethy dili­gence 2. Timoth. 4. v. 9. & 12. to come unto me shortly, for Demas hath forsa­ken me &c. And Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus] Here was an expresse delegation of the power of jurisdiction to Tychicus, who for the time was Cu­rate to S. Timothy. Epaphroditus for a while attended on S. Paul, although he was then Bishop of Philippi, and either S. Paul, or Epaphroditus appointed one in substitution, or the Church was relinquished, Philip. 2. v. 25. 26. [Page 373] for he was most certainly non-resident.

* Thus also we find that S. Ignatius did dele­gate his power to the Presbyters in his voyage to his Martyrdome. Presbyteri pascite gregem qui in­ter Epist. ad Antioch. vos est, donec Deus designaverit eum qui princi­patum in vobis habiturus est. Ye Presbyters doe you feed the flock till God shall designe you a Bishop. Till then. Therefore it was but a delegate power, it could not else have expired in the presence of a Su­periour. * To this purpose is that of the Laodice­an Can. 56. Councell. Non oportet Presbyteros ante ingressum Episcopi ingredi, & sedere in tribunalibus, nisi fortè aut aegrotet Episcopus, aut in peregrinis eum esse con­stiterit. Presbyters must not sit in Consistory without the Bishop, unlesse the Bishop be sick, or absent. So that it seemes what the Bishop does when he is in his Church, that may be committed to others in his absence. And to this purpose S. Cyprian sent a playne commission to his Presbyters. Fretus ergo dilectione & religione vestrâ .... his literis hortor, & Epist. 9. Mando vt vos .... VICE MEA FUN GAMINI circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit. I in­treat and command you, that you doe my office in the administration of the affayres of the Church; and a­nother time he put Herculanus, and Caldonius, two of his Suffragans, together with Rogatianus, and Numidicus, two Priests, in substitution for the ex­communicating Epist. 38. & 39. Faelicissimus and fower more. [Cùm ego vos pro me VICARIOS miserim.] So it was just in the case of Hierocles Bishop of Alexandria and haeres. 68. Melitius his Surrogate in Epiphanius. Videbatur [Page 374] autem & Melitius praeminere &c: vt qui secundum locum habebat post Petrum in Archiepiscopatu, velut adjuvandi ejus gratiâ sub ipso existens, & sub ipso Ec­clesiastica curans. He did Church offices under, and for Hierocles; And I could never find any Canon or personall declamatory clause in any Councell, or Primitive Father against a Bishop's giving more or lesse of his jurisdiction by way of delegation.

* Hitherto also may be referr'd, that when the goods of all the Church which then were of a per­plexe and buisy dispensation, were all in the Bishops hand as part of the Episcopall function, yet that part of the Bishops office, the Bishop by order of the Councell of Chalcedon might delegate to a stew­ard; provided he were a Clergy-man; and upon this intimation and decree of Chalcedon the Fathers in the Councell of Sevill forbid any lay-men to be stewards for the Church. Elegimus vt vnusquis (que) nostrûm secundùm Chalcedonensium Patrum decreta Concil. Hispal. cap. 6. ex proprio Clero Oeconomum sibi constituat. But the reason extends the Canon further. Indecorum est enim laicum VICARIUM esse Episcopi, & Saeculares in Ecclesiâ judicare. VICARS OF BISHOPS the Canon allowes, onely forbids lay-men to be Vi­cars. In uno enim eodem (que) officio non decet dispar professio, quod etiam in divinâ lege prohibetur, &c: In one and the same office the law of God forbids to joyne men of disparate vapacities. This then would be considered. For the Canon pretends Scripture, Precepts of Fathers, and Tradition of antiquity for it's Sanction.

[Page 375] * FOR although antiquity approves of Episco­pall §. 51. But they were ever Clergy­men, for there ne­ver was a­ny lay El­ders in any Church of­fice heard of in the Church. Socrat. lib. 7. cap. 37. delegations of their power to their Vi­cars, yet these Vicars and delegates must be Priests at least. Melitius was a Bishop, and yet the Chan­cellor of Hierocles Patriarch of Alexandria, So were Herculanus, and Caldonius to S. Cyprian. But they never delegated to any lay-man any part of their Episcopall power precisely. Of their lay-pow­er or the cognisance of secular causes of the people, I find one delegation made to some Gentlemen of the Laity, by Sylvanus Bishop of Troas, when his Clerks grew covetous, he cur'd their itch of gold, by trusting men of another profession so to shame them into justice, and contempt of money. * Si quis autem Episcopus posthâc Ecclesiasticam rem aut LAICALI PROCURATIONE administrandam elege­rit Concil. Hispal. ubi suprà. .... non solùm a Christo derebus Pauperum judi­catur reus, sed etiàm & Concilio manebit obnoxius. If any Bishop shall hereafter concredit any Church af­fayres to LAY ADMINISTRATION, he shall be respon­sive to Christ, and in danger of the Councell. But the thing was of more ancient constitution. For in that Epistle which goes under the Name of S. Clement, Epist. ad Iacob. Fratr. Dom. which is most certainly very ancient whoever was the author of it, it is decreed, Si qui ex Fratribus negotia habent inter se apud cognitores saeculi non ju­dicentur, sed apud Presbyteros Ecclesiae quicquid il­lud est dirimatur. If Christian people have causes of difference and judiciall contestation, let it be ended before the PRIESTS. For so S. Clement expounds [Page 376] [Presbyteros] in the same Epistle, reckoning it as a part of the sacred Hierarchy. * To this or some paralell constitution S. Hierome relates, saying that [Priests from the beginning were appointed judges of de 7. Ordin. Eccles. causes]. He expounds his meaning to be of such Priests as were also Bishops, and they were Iudges ab initio, from the beginning (saith S. Hierom). So that this saying of the Father may no way prejudge the Bishops authority, but it excludes the assistance of lay-men from their Consistories. Presybter, and E­piscopus was instead of one word to S. Hierom, but they are alwaies Clergy, with him and all men else,

* But for the mayne Question, S. Ambrose did represent it to Valentinian the Emperour with Epist. 13. ad Valent. confidence, and humility, In causâ fidei, vel Eccle­siastici alicujus ordinis eum judicare debere, qui nec Munere impar sit, nec jure dissimilis. The whole Epistle is admirable to this purpose, Sacerdotes de Sacerdotibus judicare, that Clergy-men must onely judge of Clergy-causes; and this S. Ambrose there call's judicium Episcopale. The Bishops judicature. Si tractandum est, tractare in Ecclesiâ didici, quod Majores feceruntmei. Si conferendum de fide, Sa­cerdotum debet esse ista collatio, sicut factum est sub Constantino Aug. memoriae Principe. So that, both matters of Faith and of Ecclesiasticall Order are to be handled in the Church, and that by Bishops, and that sub Imperatore, by permission and authority of the Prince. For so it was in Nice, under Constantine. Thus farre S. Ambrose.

* S. Athanasius reports that Hosius Bishop of Epist. ad Solitar. [Page 377] Corduba, president in the Nicene Councell, said, it was the abhomination of delolation that a lay-man should be judge in Ecclesiasticis judicijs, in Church­causes; And Leontius calls Church-affayres, Res Suidas in vitâ Leontij. alienas à Laicis, things of another Court, of a distinct cognisance from the Laity. * To these adde the Councell of Venice, for it is very considerable in Can. 9. A. D. 453. this Question. Clerico nisi ex permissu Episcopi sui servorum suorum saecularia judicia adire non liceat. Sed si fortasse Episcopi sui judicium caeperit habere suspectum, aut ipsi de proprietate aliquà adversus ip­sum Episcopum fuerit nata contentio, aliorum Epis­coporum audientiam, NON SAECULARIUM POTES­TATUM debebit ambire. Alitèr à communione habea­tur alienus. Clergy-men without delegation from their Bishop may not heare the causes of their servants, but the Bishop, unlesse the Bishop be appealed from, then other Bishops must heare the cause, but NO LAY IUDGES by any meanes.

* These Sanctions of holy Church it pleased the Emperour to ratifie by an Imperiall edict, for so Novell. con­stit. 123. Iustinian commanded that in causes Ecclesiasticall, Secular Iudges should have no interest, SED SAN­CTISSIMUS EPISCOPUS SECUNDUM SACRAS RE­GULAS CAUSAE FINEM IMPONAT. The Bishop ac­cording to the Sacred Canons must be the sole judge of Church-matters. I end this with the decretall of S. Gregory one of the fower Doctors of the Church. Cavendum est à Fraternitate vestrâ, ne saecularibus viris, at (que) non sub regulâ nostrâ degentibus res Ec­clesiasticae lib. 7. epist. 66. committantur. Heed must be taken that [Page 378] matters Ecclesiasticall be not any waies concredited to secular persons. But of this I have twice spoken al­ready. §. 36. and §. 41.

The thing is so evident, that it is next to impu­dence to say that in Antiquity Lay-men were par­ties and assessors in the Consistory of the Church. It was against their faith, it was against their pra­ctice; and those few pigmy objections, out of Tertull. Apol. c. 33. S. Ambros. in. 1. Tim. 5. 1. & lib. 1. de offic. c. 20. S. Au­gust. lib. 3. contra Cres­con. & Epist. 137. Ter­tullian, S. Ambrose, and S. Austin using the word Seniores, or Elders, sometimes for Priests, as being the latine for the Greeke [...], sometimes for a secular Magistrate, or Alderman, (for I thinke S. Austin did so in his third booke against Cresconius) are but like Sophoms to prove that two and two are not foure; for to pretend such slight, aëry ima­ginations, against the constant, knowne, open, Ca­tholike practice and doctrine of the Church, and history of all ages, is as if a man should goe to fright an Imperiall army with a single bulrush. They are not worth further considering.

* But this is; That in this Question of lay-El­ders the Moderne Aërians and Acephali doe wholly mistake their own advantages. For whatsoever they object out of antiquity for the white, and watry colours of lay-Elders is either a very misprision of their allegations, or else clearly abused in the use of them. For now adayes they are only us'd to ex­clude and drive forth Episcopacy, but then they mis­alledge antiquity, for the men with whose Heifers they would faine plough in this Question were themselves Bishops for the most part, and he that [Page 379] was not, would faine have beene, it is knowne so of Tertullian, and therefore most certainly if they had spoken of lay-Iudges in Church matters (which they never dream'd of) yet meant them not so as to exclude Episcopacy, and if not, then the pretended allegations can doe no service in the present Que­stion.

I am only to cleare this pretence from a place of Scripture totally misunderstood, and then it cannot have any colour from any [...], either divine, or humane, but that Lay-Iudges of causes Ecclesiasti­call as they are unheard of in antiquity, so they are neither nam'd in Scripture, nor receive from thence any instructions for their deportment in their ima­ginary office, and therefore may be remanded to the place from whence they came, even the lake of Gebenna, and so to the place of the neerest denomi­nation. The objection is from S. Paul, [...]. let the Elders that rule well, be 1. Tim. 5. 17. accounted worthy of double honour, especially they that labour in the word & doctrine. especially they—therefore all Elders doe not so. Here are two sorts of Elders, Preaching Ministers, and Elders not Preachers. Therefore Lay-Elders, and yet all are governours.

1. But why therefore Lay-Elders? Why may there not be diverse Church-officers, and yet but one, or two of them the Preacher? [Christ sent me not to Baptize but to Preach] saith S. Paul, and yet the commission of [baptizate] was as large as [praedicate] and why then might not another say, [Page 380] Christ sent me not to Preach, but to Baptize, that is, in S. Pauls sense, not so much to doe one, as to doe the other, and if he left the ordinary ministration of Baptisme, and betook himselfe to the ordinary of­fice of Preaching, then to be sure, some Minister must be the ordinary Baptizer, and so, not the Prea­cher, for if he might be both ordinarily, why was not S. Paul both? For though their power was common to all of the same order, yet the execution and dispensation of the Ministeries was according to severall gifts, and that of Prophecy, or Preach­ing was not dispensed to all in so considerable a measure, but that some of them might be destin'd to the ordinary execution of other offices, and yet be­cause the guift of Prophecy was the greatest, so al­so was the office, and therefore the sense of the words is this, that all Presbyters must be honour'd, but especially they that Prophecy, doing that office with an ordinary execution and ministery. So no Lay-Elders yet. Adde to this, that it is also plain that all the Clergy did not Preach. Valerius Bishop of Hippo could not well skill in the Latine tongue being a Greek borne, and yet a Godly Bishop, and S. Austin his Presbyter preach'd for him. The same case might occurre in the Apostles times. For then was a concurse of all Nations to the Christian Sy­naxes, especially in all great Imperiall Citties, and Metropolitans, as Rome, Antioch, Ierusalem, Caesa­rea, and the like. Now all could not speak with tongues, neither could all Prophecy, they were particular guifts given severally, to severall men ap­pointed [Page 381] to minister in Church-offices. Some Pro­phecyed, some interpreted; and therefore is is an ignorant fancy to think that he must needs be a Laick, whosoever in the ages Apostolicall was not a Preacher.

2. None of the Fathers ever expounded this place of Lay-Elders, so that we have a traditive in­terpretation of it in prejudice to the pretence of our new office.

3. The word Presbyter is never used in the new Testament for a Lay-man, if a Church officer be in­tended. If it be said, it is used so here, that's the que­stion, and must not be brought to prove it selfe.

4. The Presbyter that is here spoken of must be maintain'd by Ecclesiasticall revenue, for so S. Paul expounds [honour] in the next verse. Presbyters that rule well must be honoured &c. For it is written, thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the Oxe that treadeth out the corne. But now, the Patrons of this new devise are not so greedy of their Lay-Bishops as to be at charges with them, they will rather let them stand alone on their own rotten leggs, and so perish, then fixe him upon this place with their hands in their purses. But it had been most fitting for them to have kept him, being he is of their own begetting.

5. This place speaks not of divers persons, but divers parts of the Pastorall office, [...], and [...]. To rule, and to labour in the word. Iust as if the expression had been in materiâ politicâ. All good Counsellors of State are worthy of dou­ble [Page 382] honour, especially them that disregarding their own private, aime at the publike good. This im­plies not two sorts of Counsellors, but two parts of a Counsellors worth, and quality. Iudges that doe righteousnesse are worthy of double honour, espe­cially if they right the cause of Orphans, and Wid­dowes, and yet there are no righteous judges that refuse to doe both.

6. All Ministers of H. Church did not preach, at least not frequently. The seven that were [...], set over the Widdowes were Presby­ters, but yet they were forced to leave the constant ministration of the word to attend that imploy­ment, as I shewed §. 48. formerly; and thus it was in descent too, for [...], lib. 5: cap. 22. (said Socrates) A Presbyter does not Preach in A­lexandria, the Bishop only did it. And then the alle­gation is easily understood. For labouring in the word does not signify, only making Homilies or exhortations to the people, but whether it be by word, or writing, or travelling from place to place, still, the greater the sedulity of the person is, and difficulty of the labour, the greater increment of honour is to be given him. So that here is no Lay-Elders; for all the Presbyters S. Paul speaks of, are to be honoured, but especially those who take ex­traordinary pains in propagating the Gospell. For though all preach, (suppose that) yet all doe not [...], take such great pains in it, as is intimated in, [...]. For [...] is to take bodily labour, and tra­vaile, us (que) adlassitudinem, (so Budaeus renders it.) [Page 383] And so it is likely S. Paul here means. Honour the good Presbyters, but especially them that travell for disseminating the Gospell. And the word is of­ten so used in Scripture. S. Paul, [...]. I have travelled in the word more then they all. Not that S. Paul preached more then all the Apostles, for most certainly, they made it their businesse as well as he. But he travelled further and more then they all for the spreading it. And thus it is said of the good Woman that travelled with the Aposties, for supply of the necessities of their diet and houshold offices, [they laboured much in the Lord.] [...] is the word for them too. So it is said of Persis, of Mary, of Tryphaena, of Triphosa. And Rom. 16. since these women were [...], that travel­led with the Apostolicall men and Evangelists, the men also travelled to, and preach'd, and therefore were [...], that is travellers in the word. [We ought therefore to receive such] (saith S. Iohn) 1. Epist. cap. 3. intimating a particular reception of them, as being towards us of a peculiar merit. So that the sense of S. Paul may be this also, All the Rulers of the Church, that is, all Bishops, Apostles, and Apostolick men, are to be honoured, but especially them who, besides the former ruling, are also travellers in the word, or Evangelists.

7. We are furnished with answere enough to infatuate this pretence for Lay-Elders, from the com­mon draught of the new discipline. For they have some that Preach only, and some that Rule, and Preach too, and yet neither of them the Lay-Elder, viz. their Pastors, and Doctors.

[Page 384] 8. Since it is pretended by themselves in the Question of Episcopacy, that Presbyter, and Epis­copus is all one, and this very thing confidently ob­truded in defiance of Episcopacy, why may not Presbyteri in this place signify [Bishops?] And then either this must be Lay-Bishops as well as Lay-Presbyters or else this place is to none of their pur­poses.

9. If both these offices of RULING and PREACHING may be conjunct in one person, then there is no necessity of distinguishing the Officers by the severall imployments, since one man may doe both. But if these offices cannot be conjunct, then no Bishops must preach, nor no preachers be of the Consistory (take which government you list) for if they be, then the offices being united in one person, the inference of the distinct officer, the Lay-Elder, is impertinent. For the meaning of S. Paul would be nothing but this. All Church-Rulers must be honour'd, Especially for their preaching. For if the offices may be united in one person (as it is evident they may) then this may be comprehen­ded within the other, and only be a vitall part and of peculiar excellency. And indeed so it is, according to the exposition of S. Chrysostome, and Primasius, [...]. They rule well, that spare nothing for the care of the flock. So that this is the generall charge, and preaching is the particular. For the work in generall they are to receive double honour, but this of preaching, as then preaching was, had a [Page 385] particular excellency, and a plastick power to forme men into Christianity, especially it being then at­tested with miracles.

But the new office of a Lay-Elder, I confesse I cannot comprehend in any reasonable proportion, his person, his quality, his office, his authority, his subordination, his commission hath made so many divisions and new emergent Questions: and they, none of them all asserted either by Scripture or An­tiquity, that if I had a mind to leave the way of God and of the Catholick Church, and runne in pursuit of this meteor, I might quickly be amused, but should find nothing certain but a certainty of being misguided. Therefore if not for conscience sake, yet for prudence, bonum est esse hic, it is good to remaine in the fold of Christ, under the guard, and supravision of those sheapheards Christ hath appointed, and which his sheep have alwaies fol­lowed.

For I consider this one thing to be enough to determine the Question. [My sheep (saith our blessed Saviour) heare my voice, if a stranger, or a thiefe come, him they will not heare] Clea ly thus. That Christ's sheep heare not the voice of a stran­ger, nor will they follow him, and therefore those sheapheards whom the Church hath followed in all ages, are no strangers, but Sheapheards or Pastors of Christs appointing, or else Christ hath had no sheep; for if he hath, then Bishops are the sheap­heards, for them they have ever followed. I end with that golden rule of Vincentius Lirinensis, Mag­nopere Cap. 3. adv. haereses. [Page 386] curandum est ut id teneamus, quod ubi (que), quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est. Hoc est enim verè, proprie (que) Catholicum. For certainly the Ca­tholick belief of the Church against Arius, Euno­mius, Macedonius, Apollinaris, and (the worst of hereticks) the Cataphrygians was never more truly received of all, and alwaies, and every where then is the government of the Church by Bishops. An­nunciare ergo Christianis Catholicis praeter id quod Cap. 14. acceperunt, nunquam licuit, nunquam licet, nunquam licebit. It never was, is, nor ever shall be lawfull to teach Christian people any new thing then what they have received from a primitive fountain, and is de­scended in the stream of Catholick, uninterrupted succession.

* I onely adde, that the Church hath insinuated it to be the duty of all good Catholike Christians to pray for Bishops, and as the case now stands, for Episcopacy it selfe, for there was never any Church-Liturgy but said Letanyes for their KING, and for their BISHOP.

[...].

[Page] A SERMON PREACHED IN SAINT MARIES Church in OXFORD. Vpon the Anniversary of the GUNPOWDER-TREASON.

By IEREMY TAYLOR, Fellow of Allsoules Colledge in OXFORD.

Nolite tangere Christos meos.

OXFORD, Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversity.

M. DC. XXXVIII.

TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD WILLIAM by Divine providence LORD ARCH-BISHOP OF CANTERBURY His Grace, Primate of all England, and Metropolitane, CHANCELLOUR of the University of OXFORD, and one of his MAIESTIES most Honourable Privy Councell. My most Honourable good LORD.

May it please your GRACE,

IT was obedience to my Superiour that ingaged me upon this last Anniversary commemoration of the great Goodnesse of God Almighty to our King and Country in the discouery of the most dam­nable [Page] Powder-Treason. It was a blessing which no tongue could expresse, much lesse mine, which had scarce learn'd to speake, at least, was most unfit to speake in the Schooles of the Prophets. Delicata autem est illao bedientia quae causas quaerit. It had beene no good argument of my obedience to have disputed the inconvenience of my person, and the unaptnesse of my parts for such an imployment. I knew God, out of the mouth of Infants, could acquire his praise, and if my heart were actually as Uotive as my tongue should have beene, it might bee one of Gods Magnalia to perfect his owne praise out of the weaknesse and imperfecti­on of the Organ. So as I was able, I endea­vour'd to performe it, having my obedience ever ready for my excuse to men, and my willingnesse to performe my duty, for the assoylment of my selfe before God; part of which I hope was accepted, and I have no reason to thinke, that the other was not par­doned.

When I first thought of the Barbarisme [Page] of this Treason, I wondred not so much at the thing it selfe as by what meanes it was possible for the Divell to gaine so strong a party in mens resolutions, as to move them to undertake a businesse so abhorring from Christianity, so evidently full of extreame danger to their lives, and so certainly to in­curre the highest wrath of God Almighty. My thoughts were thus rude at first; but af­ter a strict inquisition I fond it was appre­hended as a businesse (perhaps full of dan­ger to their bodies, but) advantagious to their soules, consonant to the obligation of all Christians, and meritorious of an excee­ding weight of Glory, for now it was come to passe which our dear Master foretold, men should kill us, and thinke they did God good ser­vice in it. I could not thinke this to be a part of any mans religion, nor doe I yet believe it. For it is so apparently destructive of our deare Master his Royall lawes of Charity & Obedience, that I must not be so uncharitable as to thinke they speake their owne minde truly, when they professe their beliefe of [Page] the lawfullnesse and necessity in some cases of rebelling against their lawfull Prince, and using all meanes to throw him from his kingdome, though it be by taking of his life. But it is but iust that they who breake the bonds of duty to their Prince, should like­wise forfeit the lawes of charity to them­selves, and if they say not true, yet to bee more uncharitable to their owne persons, then I durst be, though I had their own war­rant. Briefly (Most R. Father) I found a­mongst them of the Roman party such pre­vailing opinions, as could not consist with loyalty to their Prince, in case hee were not the Popes subiect, and these so generally be­lieved, and somewhere obtruded under pe­rill of their soules, that I could not but point at these dangerous rocks, at which I doubt not, but the loyalty of many hath suffered shipwrack, and of thousands more might, if a higher Starre had not guided them bet­ter, then their owne Pilots.

I could not therefore but thinke it very likely that this Treason might spring from [Page] the same Fountaine, and I had concluded so in my first meditations, but that I was wil­ling to consider, whether or no it might not bee that these men were rather exasperated then perswaded, and whether it were not that the severity of our lawes against them might rather provoke their intemperate zeal, then religion thus move their setled consci­ence. It was a materiall consideration, be­cause they ever did and still doe fill the world with outcries against our lawes for making a rape upon their consciences, have printed Catalogues of their English Martyrs, drawn Schemes of most strange tortures imposed on their Priests, such as were unimaginable, by Nero, or Dioclesian, or any of the worst and cruellest enemies of Christianity, endea­vouring thus to make us partly guilty of our owne ruine, and so washing their hands in token of their owne innocency, even then when they were dipping them in the blood Royall, and would have emptyed the best veynes in the whole Kingdome to fill their Lavatory. But I found all these to be [Page] but Calumnies, strong accusations upon weake presumptions, and that the cause did rest where I had begun, I meane, upon the pretence of the Catholique cause, and that the imagin'd iniquity of the Lawes of England could not be made a vaile to cover the de­formity of their intentions, for our Lawes were just, Honourable, and Religious.

Concerning these and some other ap­pendices to the businesse of the day; I expres­sed some part of my thoughts, which be­cause happily they were but a just truth, and this truth not unseasonable for these last times, in which (as S. Paul prophecyed) men would be fierce, Traytors, heady, and high min­ded, creeping into houses, leading silly women captive, it pleased some who had power to command me, to wish me to a publicatiō of these my short and sudden meditations, that (if it were possible) even this way I might expresse my duty to God and the King.

Being thus farre encouraged, I resolved to goe something further, even to the bold­nesse of a dedication to your Grace, that since [Page] I had no merit of my own to move me to the confidence of a publike view, yet I might dare to venture under the protection of your Graces favour. But since my boldnesse doth as much neede a defence, as my Sermon a Patronage, I humbly crave leave to say, that though it be boldnesse, even to presumpti­on, yet my addresse to your Grace is not al­together unreasonable.

For since all know that your Grace thinks not your life your owne, but when it spends it selfe in the service of your King, oppo­sing your great endeavours against the ze­lots of both sides who labour the distur­bance of the Church and State, I could not think it [...] to present to your Grace this short discovery of the Kings enemies, [...], and proper to your Grace who is so true, so zealous a lover of your Prince and Country. It was likewise appointed to be the publike voice of thanks­giving for your Vniversity (though she never spake weaker then by so meane an instru­ment) and therefore is accountable to your [Page] Grace to whom under God and the King we owe the Blessing and Prosperity of all our Studies. Nor yet can I choose but hope, that my Great Obligations to your Grace's Favour may plead my pardon, (since it is bet­ter that my Gratitude should be bold, then my diffidence ingratefull) but that this is so farre from expressing the least part of them, that it layes a greater bond upon me, either for a debt of delinquency in presenting it, or of thankfulnesse, if your Grace may please to pardon it.

I humbly crave your Grace's Benediction, par­don, and acceptance of the humblest duty and observance of

Your GRACES most observant and obliged CHAPLAINE IER. TAYLOR.

A SERMON PREACHED VPON THE Anniversary of the GUNPOWDER-TREASON.

LUK. 9. Cap. vers. 54.But when Iames and Iohn saw this, they said, Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come from Heaven and consume them even as Elias did?

I Shall not need to strain much to bring my Text and the day together, Here is fire in the text, consuming fire, like that whose Antevorta we doe this day commemorate. This fire called for by the Disciples of Christ: so was ours too; by Christs Disciples at least, and some of them intitled to our Great Master by the compellation of his ho­ly name of IESUS.

[Page 2] I would say the paralell holds thus farre, but that the persons of my Text, however Boanerges, sonnes of thunder and of a reproveable spirit, yet are no way considerable in the proportion of malice with the persons of the day. For if I consider the cause that mov'd Iames and Iohn to so inconsiderate a wrath, it beares a fair excuse: The men of Samaria Verse 53. turn'd their Lord and Master out of doores, deny­ing to give a nights lodging to the Lord of Heaven and Earth. It would have disturbed an excellent pa­tience to see him, whom but just before they beheld trans figured, and in a glorious Epiphany upon the Mount, to be so neglected by a company of hated Samaritans, as to be fore'd to keep his vigils where nothing but the welkin should have been his roofe, not any thing to shelter his precious head from the descending dew of heaven.—Quis talia fando Temperet?

It had been the greater wonder if they had not been angry. But now if we should levell our progresse by the same line and guesse that in the present affaire there was an equall cause, because a greater fire was intended, wee shall too much betray the ingenuity of apparent truth, and the blessing of this Anniver­sary. They had not halfe such a case for an excuse to a farre greater malice; it will prove they had none at all, and therefore their malice was somuch the more malicious because causelesse and totally inex­cusable.

However, I shall endeavour to joyne their consi­deration [Page 3] in as neere a paralell as I can; which if it be not exact (as certainly it cannot, where we have al­ready discovered so much difference in degrees of malice,) yet by laying them together we may better take their estimate, though it be only by seeing their disproportion.

The words as they lay in their own order, point out, 1. The persons that ask't the question. 2. The cause that mov'd them. 3. The person to whom they propounded it; 4. The Question it selfe. 5. And the precedent they urg'd to move a grant, drawn from a very fallible Topick, a singular Ex­ample, in a speciall and different case. The persons here were Christs Disciples; and so they are in our case, design'd to us by that glorious Sir-name of Christianity: they will be called Catholiques, but if our discovery perhaps rise higher, and that the See Apostolique prove sometimes guilty of so reprove­able a spirit, then we are very neer to a paralell of the persons, for they were Disciples of Christ, & Apo­stles. 2. The cause was the denying of toleration of a­bode upon the grudge of an old schisme, Religion was made the instrument. That which should have taught the Apostles to be charitable, and the Sama­ritans hospitable, was made a pretence to justify the unhospitablenesse of the one and the uncharitable­nesse of the other. Thus farre we are right, for the malice of this present Treason, stood upon the same base. 3. Although neither Side much doubted of the lawfulnesse of their proceedings; yet S. Iames [Page 4] and S. Iohn were so discreet as not to think them­selves infallible, therefore they ask'd their Lord: so did the persons of the day, aske the question too, but not of Christ, for he was not in all their thoughts; but yet they ask'd of Christs Delegates, who there­fore should have given their answer ex eodem tripode, from the same spirit. They were the Fathers Confes­sors who were ask'd. 4. The question is of both sides concerning a consumptive sacrifice, the destruction of a Towne there, of a whole Kingdome here, but differing in the circumstance of place whence they would fetch their fire. The Apostles would have had it from Heaven, but these men's conversation was not there. [...], things from beneath, from an artificiall hell, but breath'd from the naturall and proper, were in all their thoughts. 5. The example, which is the last particular, I feare I must leave quite out, and when you have considered all, perhaps you will look for no example.

First of the persons; they were Disciples of Christ and Apostles. [But when Iames and Iohn saw this,] When first I considered they were Apostles, I won­dered they should be so intemperatly angry; but when I perceived they were so angry, I wondred not that they sinned. Not the priviledge of an Apo­stolicall spirit, not the nature of Angels, not the con­dition of immortality can guard from the danger of sinne, but if we be overrul'd by passion, we almost subject our selves to its necessity. It was not there­fore without reason altogether, that the Stoicks af­firm'd [Page 5] wisemen to be void of passions, for sure I am, the inordination of any passion is the first step to fol­ly. And although of them, as of waters of a muddy residence wee may make good use, and quench our thirst, if wee doe not trouble them, yet upon any un­gentle disturbance we drinke down mud in stead of a cleere streame, and the issues of sinne and sorrow, certaine consequents of temerarious or inordinate anger. And therefore when the Apostle had given us leave to be angry, as knowing the condition of hu­man nature, hee quickly enters a Caveat that we sinne not; hee knew sinne was very likely to be hand-maid where Anger did domineer, and this was the reason why S. Iames and S. Iohn are the men here pointed at, for the Scripture notes them for Boanerges, sonnes of thunder, men of an angry temper, & quid mirum est filios tonitrui fulgurâsse voluisse? said S. Ambrose. But there was more in it then thus. Their spirits of themselves hot enough, yet met with their education under the Law, (whose first tradition was in fire and thunder, whose precepts were just but not so mercifull;) and this inflam'd their distemper to the height of a revenge. It is the Doctrine of S. Epist. ad Al­gas. Hie­rome and in Lucam. Titus Bostrensis; The Law had beene their Schoole-master, and taught them the rules of justice both Punitive and Vindictive: But Christ was the first that taught it to be a sinne to retaliate evill with evill, it was a Doctrine they could not read in the killing letter of the Law. There they might meete with precedents of revenge and anger of a high se­verity, [Page 6] an eye for an eye, and a tooth for atooth, and let him be cut off from his people: But forgiving injuries, praying for our persecutors, loving our enemies, and relieving them, were Doctrines of such high and absolute integrity, as were to be reserved for the best and most perfect Law-giver, the bringer of the best promises, to which the most perfect actions have the best proportion; and this was to be when Shiloh came. Now then the spirit of Elias is out of date,

—I am ferrea primum
Desinit, ac toto surgit Gens Aurea Mundo.

And therefore our blessed Master reproveth them of ignorance, not of the Law, but of his spirit, which had they but known or could but have guessed at the end of his comming, they had not been such Abecedarij in the Schoole of Mercy.

And now we shall not need to look farre for per­sons, Disciples professing at least in Christs schoole, yet as great strangers to the mercifull spirit of our Saviour, as if they had been sonnes of the Law, or foster-brothers to Romulus and suck't a wolse, and they are Romanists too; this daies solemnity presents them to us, [...], & yet were that wash'd off, underneath they write Christian and Iesuit.

One would have expected that such men, set forth to the worlds acceptance with so mercifull a cognomentum, should have put a hand to support the ruinous fabrick of the worlds charity, and not have pulled the frame of heaven & earth about our eares. [Page 7] But yet—Necredite Teucri! Give me leave first to make an Inquisition after this Antichristian pravity, and try who is of our side, and who loves the King, by pointing at those whose Sermons doe blast Loy­alty, breathing forth Treason, slaughters and cruel­ty, the greatest imaginable contrariety to the spirit and Doctrine of our Dear Master. So we shall quick­ly finde out more then a pareil for S. Iames and S. Iohn the Boanerges of my Text.

It is an act of faith, by faith to conquer the enemies Sanderus de Clave David Lib. 2. c. 15. of God and Holy Church, saith Sanders our Country­man. Hitherto nothing but well; If Iames and Iohn had offered to doe no more then what they could have done with the sword of the spirit and the shield of Faith, they might have beene inculpable, and so had he if hee had said no more; but the blood boyles higher, the manner spoyles all. For it is not well done unlesse a warlike Captaine be appointed by Christs Vi­car to beare a Croisade in a field of blood. And if the other Apostles did not proceed such an angry way as Iames & Iohn, it was only discretion that detain'd them, not religion. For so they might, and it were no Ibid. cap. 14. way unlawfull for them to beare armes to propagate Re­ligion, had they not wanted an opportunity; if you be­lieve the same author: for fighting is proper for S. Pe­ter and his Successors, therefore because Christ gave him Commission to feed his Lambs. A strange reason!

I had thought Christ would have his Lambes fed with the sincere milk of his word, not like to Ca­nibals,

[Page 8]
—solitis (que) cruentum
Lac potare Getis, & pocula tingere venis,

To mingle blood in their sacrifices (as Herod to the Galilaeans) and quaffe it off for an auspicium to the propagation of the Christian faith. Me thinks here is already too much clashing of armour and effusion of blood for a Christian cause; but this were not al­together so unchristian-like, if the sheepe, though with blood, yet were not to befed with the blood of their sheepheard Cyrus, I meane their Princes. But I finde many such Nutritij in the Nurseries of Rome, driving their Lambes from their folds un­lesse they will be taught to wory the Lion. Tyrannicè gu­bernans iustè acquisitum dominium non potest spoliari sine publico iudicio: Latâ verò sententiâ quis (que) potest fieri executor. Potest autem à populo eti­am qui iura­vit ei obedien­tiam, simoni­tus non vult corrigi. Verb. Tyrannus.

Emanuel Sà, in his Aphorismes, affirmes it lawful to kill a King, indeed not every King, but such a one as rules with Tyranny, and not then, unlesse the Pope hath sentenc'd him to death, but then he may; though he be his lawfull Prince. Not the necessi­tude which the Law of nations hath put betweene Prince and people, not the obligation of the oath of Allegeance, not the Sanctions of God Almighty himselfe, must reverse the sentence against the King when once past, but any one of his subjects, of his owne sworne subjects, may kill him.

This perfidious treasonable position of Sà, is not a single Testimony. For 1. it slipt not from his pen by inadvertency; it was not made publique, untill af­ter Praesertim cum in hoc o­pus per annos serè quadra­ginta diligen­tissime incu­buerim. forty yeares deliberation, as himselfe testifies in his Preface. 2. After such an avisamente it is now the ordinary receiv'd manuall for the Fathers Confessors of the Iesuits Order.

[Page 9] This Doctrine, although—Titulo res digna sepul­chri—yet is nothing if compared with Mariana. For 1. he affirms the same Doctrine in substance. 2. Then he descends to the very manner of it, ordering how De Rege & R. instituit. lib. 1. c. 6. it may be done with the best convenience: He thinks poyson to be the best way, but yet that for the more secrecy, it be cast upon the chayres, saddles, and gar­ments of his Prince. It was the old laudable custome of the Moores of Spaine. 3. Hee addes examples of Qui est l' ar­tifice dont ie trouue que le Roys Mores ont souuent usè. Cap. 7. the businesse, telling us that this was the device, to wit, by poyson'd boots, that old Henry of Castile was cur'd of his sicknesse. 4. Lastly, this may be done, not only if the Pope judge the King a Tyrant (which was the utmost Emanuel Sà affitm'd) but it is sufficient proofe of his being a Tyrant if lear­ned men, though but few, and those seditious too doe but murmure it, or beginne to call him so. I Postquam ae paucis seditio­sis, sed doctis caeperit Ty­rannus appel­lari. hope this Doctrine was long since disclaim'd by the whole Society, and condemned ad umbras A­cherunticas. Perhaps so, but yet these men who use to object to us an infinity of divisions among our selves, who boast so much of their owne Vnion and consonancy in judgment, with whom nothing is more ordinary then to maintaine some opinions quite throughout their Order (as if they were infor­med by some common Intellectus agens) should not be divided in a matter of so great moment, so much concerning the Monarchy of the See Apostolike, to which they are vowed leigemen. But I have greater reason to believe them Vnited in this Doctrine, then [Page 10] is the greatnesse of this probability. For 1. There was an Apology printed in Italy, permissu superiorum, in the yeare 1610. that sayes, They were all enemies of that holy Name of Iesus that condemned Mariana for any such Doctrine. I understand not why, but sure I am that the Iesuits doe or did thinke his Doctrine innocent: for in their Apology put forth in the name of the whole Society against the accusations of An­ticoton, they deny that the Assasine of Henry 4. I meane Ravaillac, was mov'd to kill the King by rea­ding of Mariana, and are not ashamed to wish that he had read him. Perhaps they meane it might have Quodamo­do optandum esse ut ille A­lastor Maria­nam legisset. wrought the same effect upon him which the sight of a drunkard did upon the youth of Lacedaemon, else I am sure it is not very likely he should have beene disswaded from his purpose by reading in Mariana that it was lawfull to doe what he intended. 3. I adde they not only thought it innocent, and without po­sitive Cap. 6. Cum cognito à Theologis quos erat. sciscita­tus, Tyrannum jure interimi posse. hurt, but good and commendable; so that it is apparent that it was not the opinion of Mariana a­lone, but that the Moores of Spaine had more disci­ples then Mariana. 1. Hee sayes it himselfe, for com­mending the young Monke that killed Henry 3. he sayes, he did it having beene informed by severall Di­vines that a Tyrant might lawfully be killed. 2. The thing it selfe speaks it, for his book was highly com­mended by Chauuesau­ris polit. Gretser & Amphith. honoris lib. 1. cap. 12. Bonarscius both for stile & matter, higher yet by Petrus de Onna, provinciall of Toledo who was so highly pleased with it, hee was sorry hee wanted Iterum & tertio facturus siper otium & tempus li­cuisset. leisure to read it the second and [Page 11] third time over, and with this censure prefixed was liceus'd to the Presse. Further yet, for Steven Hoyedae Visitor of the Iesuits for the same Province appro­ved it not only from his own judgment, but as being Vt approbatos priùs a viris Doctis & gravihus ex eodem nostro Ordine. before approved by grave and learned men of the Iesuits Order, and so with a speciall commission from Claudius Aquaviva their generall, with these approbations and other solemne Priviledges it was Printed at By Petras Rhodriques. 1599. Toledo and By Balth. Lippius 1605 Mentz; and lastly inserted into the Catalogues of the Books of their Order by Petrus Ribadineira.

What negligence is sufficient that such a Doctrine as this should passe so great supravisors, if in their hearts they disavow it? The children of this world are not such fooles in their generations. The Fathers of the Society cannot but know how apt these things of themselves are to publike mischiefe, how invi­dious to the Christian world, how scandalous to their Order; and yet they rather excuse then con­demne Mariana: speaking of him at the hardest but very gently, as if his only fault had beene his spea­king a truth in tempore non opportuno, something out of season, or as if they were forc'd to yeelde to the current of the times, and durst not professe openly of what in their hearts they were perswaded: I speak of some of them, for others you see are of the same opinion. But I would faine learne why they are so sedulous and carefull to procure the decrees of the Rector & Deputies of Paris, Rescripts of the Bishop, Revocation of Arrest of the Parliament which had [Page 12] been against them, and all to acquit the Fathers of the Society from these scandalous opinions; as if these laborious devices could make what they have said and done, to be unspoken and undone, or could change their opinions from what indeed they are, whereas they never went ex animo to refute these Theorems, never spake against them in the reall and serious dialect of an adversary, never condemned them as hereticall, but what they have done they have been sham'd to, or forc'd upon, as Pere Coton by the King of France, and Servin to a confutation of Mariana, (from which he desir'd to be excused, and after the Kings death, writ his declaratory letter to no purpose;) the Apologists of Paris by the out­cryes of Christendome against them; and when it is done, done so coldly in their reprehensions with a greater readinesse to excuse all, then condemne any, I say these things to a considering man doe increase the suspicion if at least that may be called suspicion for which we have had so plain testimonies of their own.

I adde this more, to put the businesse past all que­stion, that when some things of this nature were objected to them by Arnald the French Kings Ad­vocate, they were so farre from denying them or excusing them, that they maintained them in spite of opposition, putting forth a Book intitled Veritas defensa contra actionem Antonii Arnaldi. What the things were for which they stood up patrons, heare themselves speaking, Tum enim id non solum potest Pag. 7. 1. edit. [Page 13] Papa, sed etiam debet se ostendere superiorem illis [Principibus.] Exceptio haec stomachum tibi commo­vet, facit ut ringaris, sed oportet haurias, & de cae­tero fatearis tibi nec rationem esse, nec conscientiam. Hard words these! The Advocate is affirm'd to be void both of reason and honesty for denying the Popes dominion over Kings. The reason followes, The Pope could not keep them to their duties, unlesse he kept them in awe with threatning them the losse of their Kingdomes. But this is but the least part of it. Pag. 67. 1. e­dit. They adde, If the subiects had been but disposed as they should have been, there was no time but it might have been profitable to have exercised the sword upon the persons of Kings. Let them construe their mean­ing, those are their words. But see farther.

The damned act of Iaques Clement the Monk up­on the life of Henry the third of France, of Iean Cha­stel and Ravaillac upon Henry the fourth, are notori­ous in the Christian world, and yet the first of these was commended by Voyez. le proces de Par­liam. de Paris contre le pere Guignard pre­sire Iesuit. F. Guignard in a discourse of purpose, & by Mariana as I before cited him. The se­cond had two Apologies made for him, the one by Vid. cap. 3. Constantinus Veruna, the Lugduni de iusta abdica­tione Henr. 3. 1630. other without a name in­deed, but with the marke and cognizance of the Ie­suits order, and the last was publiquely commended in a Sermon by a Monk of Colein, as it is reported by the excellent Thuanus.

Not much lesse then this is that of Baronius, just I am sure of the same spirit with Iames and Iohn, for he calls for a ruin upon the Venetians for opposing [Page 14] of his Holinesse. Arise Peter, not to feed the sowan­dring sheep, but to destroy them, throw away thy Pasto­rall staffe and take thy sword. I confesse here is some more ingenuity, to oppose Murdering to Feeding then to make them all one, as Sanders doth, but yet De clave Da­vid cap. 14. Vide pag. 7. the same fiery spirit inflames them both, as if all Rome were on fire, and would put the world in a combustion.

Farther yet. Guignard a Iesuit of Clerimont Col­ledge in Paris was executed by command of the Parliament for some conclusions he had writ which Arrest. de Parliam. 7. de Tanv. 1595. were of a high nature treasonable, and yet as if, ei­ther there were an infallibility in every person of the Society, or as if the Parliament had done in ju­stice in condemning Guignard, or lastly as if they ap­proved his Doctrine, hee was Apologiz'd for by Expostul. A­pologet. pro Societ. Iesus. Lewes Richeome, and Amphith. ho­nor. lib. 1. Bonarscius. I know they will not say that every Iesuit is infallible, they are not come to that yet, it is plain then they are of the same mind with Guignard, or else (which I think they dare not say) the Parliament was unjust in the con­demnation of him, but if they doe, they thus pro­claim their approbation of these Doctrines he was hanged for; for that he had such, was under his own hand, by his own confession, and of it selfe evident; as is to be seen in the Arrest of the Parliament a­gainst him.

Lastly, more pertinent to the day is the fact of Garnet, who because a Iesuit could have done no­thing for which he should not have found an Apo­logist, [Page 15] for even for this his last act of high treason he was Apologiz'd for, by Apol. adv. R. Angliae. Bellarmine, Stigm. Mi­seric. Gretser, & Apol. pro Garnetto. Eudaemon Iohannes.

Thus farre we have found out persons fit enough to match any malice; Boanerges all, and more then a pareil for Iames and Iohn: but I shall anon discover the disease to be more Epidemicall, and the pest of a more Catholike infection, and yet if we summe up our accounts, we shall already finde the doctrine to be too Catholike. For we have already met with E­manuel Sà a Portugall, Mariana & Ribadineira Spa­niards, Bonarscius a bas Almain, Gretser a German, Eudaemon Iohannes a false Greek, Guignard, Richeome and the Apologists for Chastell, Frenchmen, Bellar­mine and Baronius, Italians, Garnet and Sanders, English.

The Doctrine you see they would fain make Ca­tholike, now if it prove to be but Apostolique too, then we have found out an exact paralell for Iames and Iohn, great Disciples and Apostles, and whether or no the See Apostolique may not sometime be of a fiery and consuming spirit, we have so strange ex­amples, even in our own home, that wee need seek no farther for resolution of the Quaere. In the Bull of excommunication put forth by Pius quintus against Q. Elizabeth of blessed memory, there is more then a naked incouragement, as much as comes to a Volu­mus & Iubemus ut adversus Elizabetham Angliae Re­ginam subditi arma capessent. Bone Iesu! in quae nos reservasti tempora? Here is a command to turne re­bels, [Page 16] a necessity of being Traitors. Quid eo infelici­us, cui iam esse malum necesse est?

The businesse is put something farther homeby Catena and Gabutius, who writ the life of Pius quin­tus, were resident at Rome, one of them an advocate in the Roman Court; their Bookes both printed at Rome, con licenza, and con privilegio. And now hear 1588. 1605. their testimonies of the whole businesse between the Queen and his Holinesse.

Pius quintus published a Bull against Q. Elizabeth, declared her a Heretique, and deprived her of her Kingdome, absolv'd her subiects from their oath of Al­legeance, Pio publicò una bolla & sentezza cōtra Elisabetta, di­chiarandola heretica, & priva delreg­no,.... in tal forma con­cedendo che ciascuno an­dar contra le potesse &c. Girolamo Ca­tena p. 114. Il quale .... muovesse gli animi al solle­vamento per distruttione d' Elizabetta. Pag. 113. L [...]andare in persona, in­pegnae tutte le softanze della sede Apostolica, & calici, e [...]i proprii vestimenti. Pag. 117. excommunicated her, and gave power to a­ny one to rebell against her &c. This was but the first step, he therefore thus proceeds, He procures a gen­tleman of Florence to move her Subiects to a rebellion against her for her destruction. Farther yet, he thought this would be such a reall benefit to Chri­stendome to have her destroied, that the Pope was ready to aid in person, to spend the whole revenew of the See Apostolique, all the Chalices and crosses of the Church, and even his very cloths to promote so pious a businesse as was the destruction of Q. Elizabeth.

The witnesses of truth usually agree in one. The same story is told by De▪ vitâ & Gestis Pii 5. lib. 3. cap. 9. Antonius Gabutius, and some more circumstances added. First he names the end of the Popes designe, it was to take her life away, in case she would not turn Roman Catholique. To at­chieve [Page 17] this, because no Legat could come into England, nor any publique messenger from the See Apostolique he imployed a Florentine Merchant to stirre her sub­iects to a rebellion for her perdition. Nothing but Sol­levamento, Qui incolarū animos ad E­lizabethae perditionem. rebellione fa­ctâ commove­ret. Rebellion, Perdition and destruction to the Queen could be thought upon by his Holinesse.

More yet; for when the Duke of Alva had seiz'd upon the English Merchants goods which were at Antwerp, the Pope took the occasion, instigated the King of Spain to aid the pious attempts of those who conspir'd against the Queen: they are the words of Gabutius. This rebellion was intended to be under Efflagitabat ab Rege ut Anglorum in Elizabetham pie conspiran­rium studio foveret. the conduct of the Duke of Norfolk, Viro Catholico, a Roman Catholique, Gabutius notes it, for fear some Heretik might be suspected of the designe, and so the Catholiques loose the glory of the action. However Pius quintus intended to use the utmost and most extreme remedies to cure her heresy, & all means to increase and strengthen the rebellion. I durst not have thought so much of his Holinesse, if his own had not said it; but if this be not worse then the fiery spirit which our blessed Saviour reproved in Iames and Iohn, I know not what is.

I have nothing to doe to specify the spirit of Paulus quintus in the Venetian cause; this only, Ba­ronius propounded the example of Gregory the sea­venth Hildebrand. to him, of which how farre short he came, the world is witnesse. Our own businesse calls to mind the Bulls of Pope Clement the eight, in which the Ca­tholiques in England were commanded to see that [Page 18] however the right of succession did intitle any man to the Crown of England, yet if he were not a Ca­tholique, they should have none of him, but with all their power they should hinder his coming in. This Bull Bellarmine doth extreamly magnify, and indeed Apol. adv. R. Angl. it was for his purpose, for it was (if not author) yet the main encourager of Cates by to the Powder Trea­son. For when Garnet would willingly have known the Popes minde in the businesse, Cates by eased him of the trouble of sending to Rome, since the Popes mind was cleere. I doubt not (said Cates by) at all of Proced agt. Traytors. the Popes mind, but that he, who commanded our endeavours to hinder his coming in, is willinge­nough we should throw him out. It was but a reaso­nable collection.

I shall not need to instance in the effects which this Bull produc'd; the Treason of Watson & Cleark, two English Seminaries are sufficiently known, it was as a Praeludium or warning peice to the great Fougade, the discharge of the Powder Treason. Briefly, the case was so, that after the Publication of the Bull of Pius quintus, these Catholiques in England durst not be good Subjects till F. Parsons and Campian got a dispensation that they might for a while doe it, and rebus sic stantibus with a safe con­science professe a generall obedience in causes Tem­porall: and after the Bull of Clement a great many of them were not good subjects, and if the rest had not taken to themselves the Priviledge which the Pope [...]noc. Decre­tal de rescript cap. si quando. sometimes gave to the Arch-bishop of Ravenna, ei­ther [Page 19] to doe as the Pope bid them, or to pretend a reason why they would not: we may say as Creswell in de­fence of Cardinall Allen; Certainly we might have had Philop pag. 212. n. 306. more bloudy tragedies in England, if the moderation of some more discreetly temperd had not been interpo­sed. However it is no thank to his Holinesse, his spi­rit blew high enough.

But I will open this secret no farther, if I may have but leave to instance once more. If I mistake not, it was Sixtus Quintus who sometimes pro­nounced [...]ep. 11. 1589 a speech in full Consistory, in which hee compares the assasinat of Iaques Clement upon Henry the third, to the exploits of Eleazar & Iudith, where after having aggravated the faults of the murdred King, concluded him to have died impenitent, de­nyed him the solemnities of Masse, Dirge and Re­quiem, for his soule, at last he ends with a prayer, that God would finish what in this (bloudy) manner had been begun. I will not aggravate the foulenesse of the thing by any circumstances (though I cannot but wonder that his Holinesse should say a prayer of so much abhomination,) it is of it selfe too bad.

If his Holinesse be wrong'd in the businesse I have no hand in it; the speech was printed at Paris three By Nichol. Nivelle, and Rollin Thier­ry. months after the murder of the King, and avouched for authentick by the approbation of three Doctors, Boucher, Decreil, and Ancelein; let them answer it, I wash my hands of the accusation, and only consider the danger of such Doctrines, if set forth with so great authority and practis'd by so uncontroulable persons.

[Page 20] If the Disciples of Christ, if Apostles, if the See Apostolique, if the fathers Confessors prove Boutefeu's and Incendiaries, I'le no more wonder if the people call for fire to consume us, but rather wonder if they doe not. And indeed although it be no rare or unu­suall thing for a Papist to be de facto loyall and dute­ous to his Prince, yet it is a wonder that he is so since such Doctrines have beene taught by so great Ma­sters, and at the best hee depends but upon the Popes pleasure for his Loyalty, which upon what security it rests, you may easily guesse from the an­tecedents.

Thus much for consideration of the persons who ask'd the Question; they were Christs Disciples, they were Iames and Iohn.

But when Iames and Iohn [saw this] Our next in­quiry shall be of the cause of this their angry Que­stion. This we must learne from the fore-going sto­ry. Christ was going to the feast at Ierusalem, and passing through a Village of Samaria ask'd lodging for a night; but they perceiving that hee was a Iew Ver. 50. would by no meanes entertaine him, as being of a different Religion. For although God appointed that all of the seed of Iacob should goe up to Ierusa­lem to worship, [...], yet the Chrysost. in hunc locum. Tribes of the separation first under Ieroboam wor­ship'd in Groves and High places, and after the cap­tivity being a mixt people, halfe Iew, halfe Gentile, procur'd a Temple to be built them by Sanballat their President, neare the City Sichem upon the Iosephi antiq. Lib. 11. c. 6. [Page 21] mountaine Gerezim, stiling themselves pertinentes Posiellus de linguis. lib. 12 Deut. 27. ad Montem benedictum, by allusion to the words of God by Moses, they shall stand upon the Mount Ge­rezim to blesse the people, and these upon Mount E­bal to curse. And in case arguments should faile to make this schisme plausible, they will make it good by turning their Adversaries out of doores. They shall not come neere their blessed Mount of Gere­zim, but fastning an Anathema on them let them goe to Ebal, and curse there. And now I wonder not that these Disciples were very angry at them who had lost the true Religion, and neglected the offices of hu­manity to them that kept it. They might goe neere now to make it a cause of Religion; [...] (as Nazianzene speaks) might seem to Apolo­gize Orat. 12. for them, and so it might if it had not led them to indiscreet and uncharitable zeale. But men care not how farre they goe if they doe but once thinke they can make God a party of their Quarrell. For when Religion which ought to be the antidote of our malice, proves its greatest incentive, our uncha­ritablenesse must needs runne faster to a mischiefe, by how much that which stopt it's course before, drives it on with the greater violence. And therefore as it is ordinary for charity to be called coldnesse in Religion, so it is as ordinary for a pretence of Re­ligion to make cold charity.

The present case of the Disciples and the same spirit which, for the same pretended cause, is takenup by the persons of the day, proves all this true; with [Page 22] whom fire and fagot is esteem'd the best argument to convince the understanding, and the Inquisitors of hereticall pravity, the best Doctors and subtlest Disputants, determining all with a Viris ignem, fossā Decret. Carol. quinti, pro Flandris. mulieribus. For thus wee had like to have suffered, it was mistaken Religion that mov'd these Traytors to so damnable a Conspiracy, not for any defence of their owne cause, but for extirpation of ours. For else what grievances, did they groan under? In quos Orat 2. in Iu­lian. eorum populum exaestuantem sollicitavimus? quibus vitae periculum attulimus? It was Nazianzen's que­stion to the Apostate. Give me leave to consider it as appliable to our present case, and try if can make a just discovery of the cause that mov'd these Tray­tors to so accursed a Conspiracy.

1 Then there was no cause at all given them by us; none put to death for being a Roman Catholique nor any of them punish'd for his Religion. Vid. L. Bur­leighs booke called Execu­tion for Trea­son not reli­gion. King Iames his de­claration to all Christian Kings and Princes, and the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his speech in Starre-cham­ber in Bur­tons case.

This hath beene the constant attestation of our Princes and State since the first Lawes made against Recusants & the thing it selfe will bear them record.

From primo of Elizabeth to undecimo, the Papists made no scruple of comming to our Churches, Re­cusancy was not then so much as a Chrysome, not an Embrio. But when Pius quintus sent forth his Breves of Excommunication and Deposition of the Queen, then first they forbore to pray with us, or to have any religious communion. This although eve­ry where knowne, yet being a matter of fact and so as likely to be denied by others as affirmed by us [Page 23] without good evidence, see it therefore affirmed ex­presly by an Act of Parliament in Decimo tertio of Elizabeth, which specifies this as one inconvenience and ill consequence of the Bull. [Whereby hath grown great disobedience and boldnesse in many, not only to with­draw and absent themselves from divine service, now most Godly set forth and used within this Realme, but also have thought themselves discharged of all obedience &c.] Not only Recusancy, but like wise disobedience; there­fore both Recusancy and disobedience.

Two yeares therefore after this Bull▪ this Statute was made if it was possible to nullify the ef­fects of it, to hinder its execution, and if it might be, by this meanes to keep them, as they had been be­fore, in Communion with the Church of England, and obedience to her Majesty. This was the first Statute that concerned them in speciall, but yet their Religion was not medled with; For this Statute a­gainst execution of the Popes Bulls was no more thē what had been established by Act of Parliament, in the 16th yeare of Richard the second, by which it was made praemunire to purchase Bulls from Rome, and the delinquents in this kinde with all their [abettors, fautors, procurators, and maintainers to be refer­red to the Kings Councell for farther punishment.] There was indeed this severity expressed in the Act of 130 of the Queene, that the putting them in Executi­on should be Capitall; and yet this severity was no more then what was inflicted upon the Bishop of Ely in Edward the thirds time, for publishing of a [Page 24] Bull against the Earle of Chester without the Kings leave, and on the Bishop of Carlile, in the time of Henry the fourth, for the like offence. Thus farre our Lawes are innocent.

But when this Statute did not take the good effect for which it was intended, neither keeping them in their ancient Communion not obedience, but for all this, Mayne, Campian, and many others, came as the Popes Emissaries for execution of the Bull, the State proceeded to a farther severity, making Lawes against Recusancy, against Seditious and Trayterous Bookes, and against the residence of Romish Priests in England, making the first fineable with a pecunia­ry mulct, the two later, Capitall, as being made of a Treasonable nature. Of these in order.

1 The mulct which was imposed for Recusan­cy, was not soul mony, or paid for Religion; and that for these reasons. 1. Because it is plaine Religi­on did not make them absent themselves from our Churches, unlesse they had changed their Religion since the Bull came over. For if Religion could consist with their Communion with us before the Bull (as it's plain it did) then why not after the Bull, unlesse it be part of their Religion to obey the Pope, rather then to obey God commanding us to obey our Prince? 2. Their Recusancy was an apparent mischiefe to our Kingdome, and it was the preventi­on or diversion of this that was the only or speciall and of these Lawes.

The mischiefe is apparent these two waies. 1. Be­cause [Page 25] by their Recusancy they gave attestation that they held the Bull to be valid; for else why should they after the Bull deny their Communion, which before they did not? Either they must think the Queen for a just cause, and by a just power excom­municate, or why did they separate from her Com­munion? Now if the Queen by vertue of the Bull was excommunicate, why should they stop here? She was by the same deposed, they absolved from all Allegeance to her, and commanded to take arms against her. I confesse it is no good argument of it selfe, to say, The Pope might excommunicate the Queen, therefore depose her from her Kingdome; But this concludes with them sufficiently, with whom excommunication not only drives from Spi­ritualls, but deprives of Temporalls, and is not to mend our lives but to take them away; I speak how it is in the case of Princes, (and I shall anon prove it) for they being publike persons from whose Deposi­tion more may be gotten, are like to suffer more, ui ex tunc ipse (Pontifex) vasallos ab ejus fidelitate de­nuntiet absolutos, & terram exponat Catholic is occu­pandam, as they are taught by Pope Innocent the third, in the eight Lateran Councell: such is their Ex­communication for matter of Heresy, as was this pretended in the Queenes case, so that in respect of them the danger was apparent.

2 It is plaine that Recusancy and disobedience came actually hand in hand, I say not that one was the issue of the other, but that they were coetaneous, [Page 26] for the same persons that moved them to Recusancy by vertue of the Bull, moved them to the execution of it per omnia. Now see whither this would tend! They by Recusancy were better able to judge of their forces in England, and what party they were able to make for execution of the Bull, whilest by that as by a discriminative cognisance they were pointed at, as Abettors of the Catholike cause.

Thus farre they suffered not for their Religion or conscience, unlesse it were against their conscience to be good subjects, and then it was not Religion, at least not Christian, that was inconsistent with their Loyalty, & so hitherto inrespect of us, their machi­nation was altogether causelesse.

2. For the second (I mean the writing & publishing of Seditious & Trayterous Books, I shall not need to say any thing in defence of its being made Capitall, though sometimes they accuse our laws for it) for Apud Linwood de senten. ex­communicat. Item omnes il­los excommu­nicationis in­nodanus sen­tentia qui pa­cem & tran­quillitatem Domini Regis & Regni, in­iuriose pertur­hare praesu­munt, & qui iura Domini Regis iniuslè detinere con­tendunt. they were ever so, & of a high nature Treasonable, & the Publishers of thē by the Canons of the Church were ipsofacto excōmunicate. This I noted, because the same censure involves more, by vertue of the same Canon: I mean, not only the seditious Libellers but impugners of the Kings Regalties, as also the Bringers, Publishers, and Executioners of the Bull; as is to be seene in the constitution of Arch-bishop Stephen, in a Councell held at Oxford. But secondly, whether they were or were not, it matters nothing; this I suppose was no part of their Religion, there­fore this might be made Treason, and yet their Re­ligion [Page 27] and peace of conscience undistarbed. 3. But the next is the main outcry of all, the very Concla­matum est of the Catholique cause, if suffered; it was made Treason to be a Priest, or at least if any of their Priests should be found in England he should be ad­judged a Traytor, and these Lawes were not yet re­pealed, but then in execution.

When certaine Sycophants told Philip of Mace­don, that some of his discontented Subjects called him Tyrant, his answer was, Rudes sunt Macedones, & scapham vocant scapham. I wish these men who object this, had the same ingenuity, and would ac­knowledge that the rudenesse of a Macedonian tel­troth is no apparent calumny. And truly, as the case then stood, it was no worse. For consider that the statute against Priests was not made till sixteen years after the Bull of Pius quintus, and after much evi­dence both by the confession of some Priests them­selves, and divers Lay-persons, that at least, many of them came into England with this errand, that they might instigate the Queenes liege people to the Execution of it. This is very plaine in the case of Mayne the Iesuit, and M. Tregion who were execu­ted 1577. at Launston for the same businesse.

The state could not certainly know what would be the issue, but yet could not but think it likely to produce more and worse consequences for the fu­ture. Leges autē justae in facta constituuntur quia fu­tura Tacitus lib. 3. Annal. in incerto sunt. The Queen then providing for her safety banished these Priests out of her domini­ons. [Page 28] This was all, and this done with so much lenity and moderation as if of purpose to render good for their evill; such was her innocence, and yet to pro­vide for her safety, such was her prudence. She gave them forty daies time of preparation for their jour­ney, impos'd no penalty for their longer stay in case that any of them were lesse healthfull, or that the winds were crosse, or that the wether serv'd not: pro­vided that during their stay, they gave security for their due obedience to her laws, and that they should attempt nothing against her person or government, for this was all she aim'd at; but if they obeyed not the Proscriptiō, having no just cause to the contrary, such as were expressed in the Act, then it should be adjudged their errand was not right, & therefore (not their Religion, but) their disobedience Treasonable.

This was the highest [...] of the severity of this state against them, now first I shall briefly shew that this proscription which was the highest penalty, was for just cause as the case then stood, and deserved on their part. 2. It was but reasonable, in case they obeyed not the proscription, their stay should be made Treason. 1. Because the Priests did general­ly preach the Popes power either directly over tem­poralls, or else in order to spiritualls, of which the Pope being judge it would come to the same issue, and this was dangerous to the peace of the King­dome, and intrenched too much upon the Regalty. In particular, the case of bringing from the See of Rome, and publishing of Bulls, was by the Lords of [Page 29] the Parliament in the sixteenth year of Richard the second, judg'd to be [cleerely in derogation of the Kings Crown and of his Regalty, as it is well known and hath been of a long time known,] and therefore they protested [together and every one severally by himselfe, that they would be with the same Crown and Regalty in these cases specially, and in all other cases which shall be attempted against the same Crown and Regalty in all points with all their power,] I hope then if the State in the time of Queen Eliza­beth hàving farre greater reason then ever, shall judge that these Bulles, the publishing of them, the Preaching of their validity, and reconciling by ver­tue of them her Subjects to the See of Rome, be dero­gatory to her Crown and Regalty, I see no reason She should be frighted from her just defence with the bugbear of pretended Religion, for if it was not against Religion then, why is it now? I confesse there is a reason for it, to wit, because now the Popes power is an Article of Faith (as I shall shew anon) but then it was not with them, any more then now it is with us: but whether this will convince any man of reason I leave it to himselfe to consider.

But one thing is observeable in that Act of Parlia­ment of Richard the second, I meane this clause [as it is well knowne, and hath been of a long time knowne.] The Popes incroachments upon the State of Eng­land had been an old sore, and by its eld almost ha­bituate; but yet it grieved them neverthelesse, nor was the lesse a fever for being hecticall: but so it is that I am confident upon very good grounds, it may [Page 30] be made as apparent as the noon Sunne, for these 600 years and upwards, that the Bishops of Rome have exercised so extream and continuall Tyranny and exactions in this Kingdome, that our conditi­on was under him worse then the State of the Athe­nians under their thirty Tyrants, or then our neigh­bors are now under their Belgick Tributes. So many greivances of the people, expilations of the Church, abuses to the State, intrenchments upon the Royal­ties of the Crown were continued, that it was a great blessing of Almighty God, our Kingdome was delivered from them upon so easy termes, which Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne thought would never be done, but in Oregladii cruentandi: and now to have all these mischiefes returne with more strength upon us by the attempts of these Priests, had been the highest point of indiscretion and sleepinesse. I said [with more strength] because what anciently at the highest was thought but a priviledge of the Church began now to be an Article of Faith, and therefore if admitted would have bound stronger and without all possibility of redresse.

And now if after all this any man should doubt of the justice of these Lawes against the Priests obtrud­ing upon the State the Popes power, I only referre him to the Parliament of Paris, where let him hold his Plèa against those great Sages of the Law, for their just censures upon Florentinus Iacobus, Thomas Blanzius, and Iohn Tanquerell, who were all con­demned 1561. to a solemne honorary penance and satis­faction [Page 31] to the State, and not without extreme diffi­culty escaped death, for the same cause. But this is not all. I adde.

Secondly, the Pope had his Agent in England to stirre up the Subjects to rebell against the Queene, as I proved before by the testimonies of Catena and Gabutius. It is not then imaginable that he should so poorely intend his own designes, to imploy one on purpose, and he but a Merchant, and that the Priests who were the men, if any, most likely to doe the businesse, should be un-imployed. I speak not of the argument from matter of fact, (for it is apparent that they were imployed, as I shewed but now,) but it is plain also that they must have been imployed, if we had had no other argument but a presumption of the Popes ordinary discretion.

Things then remaining in this condition what se­curity could the Queen or State have without the absence of those men who must be the instruments of their mischiefe? Thirdly, there was great reason those men might be banished who might from their own principles plead immunity from all Lawes, and subordination to the Prince. But that so these Priests might, I only bring two witnesses, leading men of their own Side. Thus Bellarmine: The Pope hath exempted all Clerks from subiection to Princes Lib. 1. cap. 2 [...]. de Cleri [...]. The same is taught by Emanuel S à in his Aphorismes, Verbo Clericus. I must not dissemble that this Apho­risme however it passed the Presse at first, yet in the Edition of Paris it was left out. The cause is known to every man: For that it was meerely to serve their [Page 32] ends is apparent; for their French freedome was there taken from them, they durst not parler tout so neere the Parliament; but the Aphorisme is to this day retain'd in the Editions of Antwerp and Colein.

If this be their Doctrine, as it is plain it is taught by these leading Authors, I mean and Bellarmine, I know no reason but it may be very just and most convenient to deny those men the Country from whose Lawes they plead exemption.

Secondly, it was but reasonable, in case they o­beyed not the proscriptiō, their disobedience should be made Capitall. For if they did not obey, then ei­ther they sinned against their conscience in disobey­ing their lawfull Prince, and so are [...], and inexcusable from the Lawes penalty, which may be extended at the pleasure of the Lawgiver, where there is no positive injustice in the disproportion; or if they did not sinne against their conscience, then of necessity must they think her to be no lawfull Prince or not their lawfull Prince, nor they her Subjects, & so ipso facto are guilty of high Treason, & their exe­cution De simplie. Pralat. was for Treason not Religion, and so the Prin­cipall is evicted which I shall beg leave to expresse in S. Cyprians language, Non erat illa fidei Corona, sed poena per fidiae; nec religiosae virtutis exitus gloriosus, sed desperationis interitus.

For if Valentius banish Eusebius from Samosata, and Eusebius obey not the edict, if Valentius puts him to death, it is not for his being a Christian that Theodoret. l. 4. c. 14. he suffers death, but for staying at Samosata against the command of Valentius. Such was the case of the [Page 33] Priests, whom for just cause (as I have proved) and too apparent proofe of seditious practices the Queen banished. Now if the Queen was their lawfull So­veraigne, then were they bound to obey her Decree of exile, though it had been unjust as was the case of Eusebius; or if they did not obey, not to think the Lawes unjust for punishing their disobedience. I say again, their Disobedience, not their Religion: for that it was not their Religion that was struck at by the justice of these Lawes, but the security of the Queen and State only aim'd at, (besides what I have already said,) is apparent to the evidence of sence. For when Hart, and Bosgrave, Iesuits both, came in­to England against the Law, they were apprehended and imprison'd: (for the Lawes without just Execu­tion were of no force for the Queenes safety;) but when these men had acknowledg'd the Queenes le­gitimate power, and put in their security for their due obedience, they obtain'd their pardon and their liberty. The same proceedings were in the case of Horton and Rishton, all which I hope were not Apo­states from their Order or Religion, but so they must have been or not have escap'd death, in case that their Religion had been made Capitall. Lastly, this Statute extended only to such Priests who were made Priests since Primo of Elizabeth, & were born in England. It was not Treason for a French Priest to be in England, but yet so it must have been if Reli­gion had been the thing they aim'd at. But 'tis so foule a Calumny, I am asham'd to stand longer to efute it. The proceedings of the Church and State [Page 34] of England were just, honourable and religious, full of mercy and discretion, and unlesse it were that as C. Fimbria complain'd of Q. Scaevola, we did not o­pen our breasts wide enough to receive the danger, there is no cause imaginable, I mean on our parts, to move them to so damned a conspiracy, or indeed to any just complaint.

Secondly, if these were not the causes (as they would faine abuse the world into a perswasion that they were,) what was? I shall tell you, if you will give me leave [...], to derive it from its very head, and then I will leave it to you to judge whether or no my Augury failes me.

First, I guesse that the Traitors were encouraged and primarily mov'd to this Treason from the preuailing opinion which is most generally receiv'd on that side of the lawfulnesse of deposing Princes that are Hereticall. I say generally receiv'd, and I shall make my words good, or else the blame shall lay on themselves for deceiving me when they de­clare their own mindes. I instance first in the Fathers of the Society. Nec ulla eis injuria fier si deponantur. Lib. 5 de Rom. Pontif. cap. 7. Ex ipsa vi juris & ante omnem sen­tentiam su­pre [...]i Pastor is ac Iudicis con­tra ipsum pro­latam. Lugduni im­pres. 1593. p. 106. n 157. Amphith ho­nor. p. 117. Sed heus Ar­nalde à cuius institutione hau sisti nullā posse interci­dere causam quae regem co­gat abire reg­no? Non reli­gionis? Bellarmine teacheth that Kings have no wrong done them if they be deprived of their King­domes when they prove Heretiques. Creswell in his Philopater goes farther, saying, that if his Heresy be manifest he is deposed without any explicite judiciall sentence of the Pope, the Law it selfe hath passed the sentence of deposition. And therefore

Bonarscius is very angry at Arnald the French Kings Advocate for affirming that Religion could be no just cause to depose a lawfull Prince, If hee [Page 37] had beene brought up in their Schooles hee might have learnt another lesson; papa Potest mutare regna & uni auferre at (que) alteri conferre tanquam summus Bellar. de Pont. R. [...]. [...]. lib 5. Princeps spiritualis, si id necessarium sit ad animarum salutem, saith Bellarmine. Hee gives his reason too, quia alioqui possent mali Principes impunè sovere Hae­reticos, which is a thing not to be suffered by his Ho­linesse. Cap. [...].

This Doctrine is not the private opinion of these Doctors, but est certa, definita, at (que) indubitata viro­rum clarissimorum sententia, saith F. Creswell, I sup­pose Vbi saprà p. 107. hee meanes in his owne Order; and yet I must take heed what I say, for Eudaemon Iohannes is very angry with Sr Edward Cooke for saying it is the Do­ctrine of the Iesuits. Doe they then deny it? No sure­ly, but Non est Iesuitarum propria, it is not theirs a­lone, Apol. pro Garnet. [...]. [...]. sed ut Garnett us respondit, totius Ecclesiae, & quidem ab antiquissimis temporibus consensione rece­pta Doctrina nostra est, and there hee reckons up se­ven and twenty famous Authors of the same opini­on. Creswell in his Philopater sayes as much, if not more: Hinc etiam infert Vniversa Theologorum & Iuris consultorum Ecclesiasticorum Schola & est cer­tum Num. 157. & de fide, quemcun (que) Principem Christianum, si à religione Catholicà manifestè deflexerit, & alios a­vocare voluerit, excidere statim omni potestate ac dig­nitate ex ipsâ vi juris tum Humani tum Divini. You see how easily they swallow this great camell. Adde to this that Bellarmine himselfe prooves that the Popes temporall power, or of disposing of Princes [Page 34] [...] [Page 37] [...] [Page 38] Kingdomes is a Catholique Doctrine, for hee rec­kons Contra Barc­laium in prin cip. ferè. up of this opinion, one and twenty Italians, fourteene French, nine Germans, seven English and Scotch, nineteen Spaniards, & these not è faece plebis, but è primoribus, all very famous and very leading Authors.

You see it is good Divinity amongst them, and I have made it good that it is a generall opinion recei­ved by all their Side if you will believe themselves and now let us see if it will passe for good Law as well as good Divinity.

It is not for nothing that the Church of France protests against some of their received Canons; if they did not I know not what would become of their Princes. Their Lillies may be to day, and to morrow be cast into the oven, if the Pope either call their Prince Huguenot, as he did Henry the fourth, or Tyrant as Henry the third, or unprofitable for the Church or Kingdome, as he did King Childeric, whom Pope Zechary, de facto did depose for the same cause, and inserted his act into the body of the Law as a precedent for the future, quod etiam ex au­thoritate Can. Alius. caus. 15. q. 6. frequenti agit sancta Ecclesia, it is impaled in a parenthesis in the body of the Canon, least deposi­tion of Princes should be taken for newes. The law is cleere for matter of fact; the lawfulnesse fol­lowes.

[Haereticis licitum est auferri quae habent,] and this not only from a private man, but even from Princes, Cl. 1. in Sum­ma 23. q. 7. [nam qui in majore dignitate, est plus punitur] or [Page 39] take it if you please in more proper termes. [Domi­nus Gl. cap. Ex­cōmunica [...] tit. de [...]. l. 5. Papa Principem saecularem deponere potest propter haeresim,] & so another may be chosen like the Pa­latines and Castellans in Poland, just as if the King were dead, Nam per haeresim plusquam civilitèr mor­tuus censetur, saith Simancha, and that by vertue of a constitution of Gregory the ninth, by which e­very Cap. 45. de paenit. man is freed from all duty, homage, allegeance or subordination whatsoever due to a Heretick, whe­ther due by a naturall, civill, or politicall right; [ali­quo pacto, aut quâcun (que) firmitate vallatum.] Et sic nota (saith the glosse) quod Papa potest absolvere La [...] ­cum de iur amento fidelitatis.

I end those things with the attestation of Bellar­mine, Contra Barc­laiumc. ap. 3. Est res certa & explorata a posse Pontificem maxi­mum iust is de causis temporalibus iudicare, at (que) ipsos Temporales Principes aliquando deponere. And again that we may be sure to know of what nature this do­ctrine is, he repeats it; Sic igitur de potestate in Tem­poralibus quod ea sit in Papa non Opinio, sed Certitudo apud Catholicos est. And now let any man say if this be not a Catholike Doctrine, and a likely antecedent to have Treason to be its consequent.

But I fixe not here, onely this, it is plain that this proposition is no friend to Loyalty; but that which followes is absolutely inconsistent with it, in case our Prince be of a different perswasion in matters of Religion. For,

2 It is not only lawfull to depose Princes that are hereticall, but it is necessary, and the Catholiks [Page 40] are bound to doe it sub mortali. I know not whe­ther it be so generally, I am sure it is as confidently taught as the former, and by as great Doctors.

Ecclesia nimis graviter erraret si admitteret all­quem Lib. 5. de Rom. Pout c. 7. Regem, qui vellet impunè fovere quamlibet Se­ctam, & defendere haereticos. So Bellarmine. And a­gain, Non licet Christianis tolerare Regem haereticum, si conetur pertrahere subditos ad suam haeresim. But F. Creswell puts the businesse home to purpose, Certè Ibid. non tantum licet, sed summâ etiam iuris Divini neces­sitate, ac praecepto, imò conscientiae vinculo arctissimo, Philopat p. 110 n. 162. & extremo animarum suarum periculo ac discrimine Christianis omnibus hoc ipsum incumbit, si praestare rem possint. Vnder perill of their soules they must not suffer an hereticall Prince to reigne over them. Possunt & debent eum arcere ex hominum Christiano­rum Pag. 106. n. 157. dominatu, ne alios inficiat &c.

3 He that saith Subjects may and are bound to depose their Princes, and to drive them from all rule over Christians, if they be able, meanes some­thing more: For what if the Prince resist? still he is bound to depose him if he be able. How if the Prince make a warre? The Catholike subject must doe his duty neverthelesse, and warre too, if he be able. He that saies he may wage a warre with his Prince, I doubt not but thinks he may kill him; and if the fortune of the warre lights so upon him, the subject cannot be blamed, for doing of his duty.

It is plain that killing a Prince is a certain conse­quent of deposing him, unlesse the Prince be bound [Page 41] in conscience to think himselfe a Heretick, when the Pope declares him so, and be likewise bound not to resist, and besides all this will performe these his obligations, and as certainly think himselfe hereti­call, and as really give over his Kingdome quietly, as he is bound. For in case any of these should faile, there can be but very slender assurance of his life. I would be loth to obtrude upon men the odious con­sequences of their opinions, or to make any thing worse which is capable of a fairer construction; but I crave pard on in this particular, the life of Princes is sacred, and is not to be violated so much as in thought, or by the most remote consequence of a publike doctrine: But here indeed it is so immediate and naturall a consequent of the former that it must not be dissembled. But what shall we think if even this blasphemy be taught in terminis? See this too.

In the yeare 1407. when the Duke of Orleans had been slaine by Iohn of Burgundy, and the fact noto­rious beyond a possibility of concealement, he thought it his best way to imploy his Chaplaine to justify the act, pretending that Orleans was a Ty­rant. This stood him in small stead; for by the pro­curement of Gerson, it was decreed in the Councell of Constance, that Tyranny was no sufficient cause for a man to kill a Prince. But yet I finde that even this decree will not stand Princes in much stead. First, because the decree runnes [ut nemo privatâ Authoritate &c.] but if the Pope commands it, then it is Iudicium publicum, and so they are never the [Page 42] more secure for all this. Secondly, because Marianae tels us, that this Decree is nothing. Nam (que) id decre­tum (Concilij Constantiensis) Romano Pontifici Mar­tino quinto probatum non invenio, non Eugenio aut De Reg & R. instit. lib. 1. c. 6 Successoribus, quorum consensu Conciliorum Ecclesia­sticorum sanctitas stat. Thirdly, because though the Councell had forbidden killing of Tyrannical Prin­ces even by publique authority, though this Decree had beene confirmed by the Pope, which yet it was not, yet Princes are never the more secure if they be convict of Heresy, and therefore let them but adde Heresy to their Tyranny, and this Councell Non obstante they may be killed by any man; for so it is determin'd in an Apology made for Chastel, Lici­tum esse privatis & singulis Reges & Principes Haere­seos Franc. Ve­rum. Const. p. 2. c. 2. & Tyrannidis condemnatos occidere, non obstante Decreto Concilij Constantiensis; And the Author of the Book de iustâ abdicatione Henrici. 3. affirmes it not only lawfull but meritorious.

How much lesse then this is that of Bellarmine? De Pont. R. lib. 5. c 6. Si Temporalia obsint fini Spirituali, Spiritualis pote­stas potest & debet coercere Temporalem, omni ratione ac viâ. If omni ratione, then this of killing him in case of necessity or greater convenience, must not be ex­cluded. But to confesse the businesse openly and freely; It is knowne that either the Consent of the people, or the Sentence of the Pope, or Consent of learned men is with them held to be a publicum Iu­dicium, and sufficient to sentence a Prince and con­vict him of Heresy or Tyranny. That opinion which [Page 43] makes the people Iudge is very rare amongst them but almost generally exploded, that opinion which Vide [...]. Image of both Churches. makes the learned to be their Iudge is I thinke pro­per to Mariana or to a few more with him, but that the sentence of the Pope is a sufficient conviction of him, and a compleate Iudiciall act, is the most Ca­tholique opinion on that Side, as I shall shew anon. Now whether the Pope, or learned men, or the peo­ple be to passe this sentence upon the Prince, it is plaine that it is an Vniversall Doctrine amongst them that after this sentence (whosesoever it be) it is then without Question lawfull to kill him, and the most that ever they say is, that it is indeed not law­full to kill a King, not lawfull for a private man, of his owne head, without the publike sentence of his Iudge, but when this Iudge (whom they affirme to be the Pope) hath passed his sentence, then they doubt not of its being lawfull. That I say true I ap­peale to Tom. 3. disp. 5. q. 8. punct. 3. Gregory de Valentia, In sum. l. [...] c. 6. Apolog. ad Tolet, R. Angl. c. 13 Bellarmine, Defens fidei lib. 6 c. 4. Suarez, in 13 cap. ad Rom. disp. 5. Salmeron, Quaest. p. in c. 3. Iud. Serarius, De iust. & iure. to m. 4. tr. 3. d. 6. Molina, Aphoris. verb. Tyran­nus. 1. Instit, Moral 2. p. lib. 11. c. 5. q 10. Ema­nuel Sà, i Azorius, In Hercul. Furent. Martinus Delrius, de Iustit. & jure. c 9. dub. 4 Lessius, Chauuesauris polit. Gretser, in resp ad Aphoris. Calvinistarū. Becanus, Contr. Calvinist. Apho­rism. c. 3. ad Aphor. 1. Sebastan Heissius, In expostul. ad Henrici. Reg. pro Societate. Richeome, in Apolog. pro Henrico Garnetto. Eudaemon Iohannes, Ad annum 0undi. 2669. n. 7. Salianus, Tract. 29. p. 2 de quinto praece­pto Decal. n. 12. Filliucius, tom. 3. disp. 4. q 8. dub. 3 n. 32. A­dam Tanner, and their great opusc. 20. & lib. 1. de regim. Praecip c. 6. Thomas Aquinas.

All these and many more that I have seene teach the lawfulnesse of killing Kings after publike sen­tence, [Page 44] and then to beautify the matter professe that they deny the lawfulnesse of Regicidium, by a pri­vate authority. For if the Pope sentence him then he is no longer a King, and so the killing of him is not Regicidium, and if any man doth kill him after such sentence, then he kills him not privatâ Authori­tate, or sinè judicio publico, which is all they affirm to be unlawfull.

And thus they hope to stop the clamour of the world against them, yet to have their opinions stand intire, the way to their owne ends fair, but the Prince no jot the more secure of his life. I doe them no wrong, I appeale to the Authors themselves, there. I will be tryed. For that either the People, or that a Company of learned men, or to be sure the Pope may license a man to kill the King, they speake it with one voyce, and tongue. And now after all this we may better guesse what manner of counsell or threatning (for I know not which to call it) that In lib. sub no­mine Torti. e­dit. Colon. A­grip. 1610. pag 21. was which Bellarmine gave sometimes to K. Iames of B. M. Si securus regnare velit Rex, si vitae sitae & suorum consulere cupiat, sinat Catholicos frist religi­one suâ! If this be good counsell, then in case the Catholiques were hindred from the free profession of their Religion, at the best it was full of danger if not certaine ruine. But I will no more rake this Au­gaean Stable, in my first Part I shewed it was too Ca­tholique a Doctrine, and too much practis'd by the great Cisalpine Prelate. I adde no more, least truth it selfe should blush, fearing to become incredible.

[Page 45] Now if we put all these things together, and then we should prove to be Heretiques in their account, we are in a faire case both Prince and people, if wee can but guesse rightly at this wee shall need I thinke to looke no further why fire was called for to con­sume both our King and Country, nor why we may feare it another time.

The Author of the Epistle of comfort to the Ca­tholiques in prison printed by authority in the year of the Powder Treason, is very earnest to perswade his Catholiques not to come to our Churches or com­municate with us in any part of our divine service, affrighting them with the strange terriculamenta of halfe Christians, Hypocrites, Denyers of Christ, in case they joyn'd with us in our Liturgy. Strange af­frightments these yet not much more then what is [...] 36 Can. Apost 33. Laodic. [...]. true if they esteeme us Heretiques. For if they thinke us so, we are so to them, and they communicating with us doe as much sinne, as if wee were so in­deed.

But if wee be not Heretiques what need all this stirr permissu Superiorum. the Counsell of Recusancy was unreasonable, dangerous, schismaticall, and as the case then stood, very imprudent. In charity to their discretion wee cannot but thinke them uncha­ritable in their opinion of us.

But there is no need we should dispute our selves into a conjecture, themselves speake out and plaine enough. Heare Bellarmine under the visor of Tortus, affirming that the Kings Edict commanded the Ca­tholiques Apol ad [...] Angl. [Page 46] to goe to Heretiques Churches, speaking of ours But more plaine is that of Champ the Sorbo­nist Cap. 11. pag. 149 Doway. 1616. in his Treatise of Vocation of Bishops. Therefore as Arrianisme is a condemn'd Heresy, & the Professors thereof be Heretiques, so likewiseis Protestantisme a condemn'd Heresy, and those that Professe it be also He­retiques.

By this time wee see too plainly that the state of Protestant Princes is full of danger where these men have to doe. They may be deposed and expel­led from the Government of their Kingdomes, they must be deposed by the Catholiques under perill of their soules, it may be done any way that is most convenient, they may be rebelled against, fought with, slaine. For all this, it weresome ease, if here we might fixe a Nonultrà. For perhaps these Princes might put in a Plea for themselves, and goe neere to prove themselves to be no Heretiques. All's one, for though they doe, yet unlesse they can perswade his Holinesse not to judge them so, or declare them He­retiques, all is to no purprse, for to him they must stand or fall. Nam iudicare an Rex pertrahat ad haere­sim necne pertinet ad Pontificem. So Bellarmine They need not stay till his Heresy be of it selfe manifest, he is then to be us'd like a Heretique when by the Pope of Rome he shall be judg'd Hereticall.

But what matter is it if the Pope be judge, for if they may be deposed, as good he as any else. What greivance then, can this be to the state of Princes more then the former? Yes, very much. 1. Be­cause [Page 47] the Pope by his order to spiritualls may take away Kingdomes upon more pretences then actuall heresy. It is a large title, and may doe any thing. Bel­larmine expresses it handsomely, and it is the do­ctrine Vbi supra. of their great Aquinas. The Pope (saith he) by De regim, Princip. his Spirituall power may dispose of the Temporalties of all the Christians in the World, when it is requisite to the end of the Spirituall power. The words are plain that he may doe it for his own ends (for his is the Spirituall power) that is, for the advancement of the See Apostolike, and thus (to be sure) he did actu­ally wish Frederick Barbarossa, Iohn of Navarre, the Earle of Tholouse, and our own King Iohn. 2. The Pope pretends to a power that to avoid the probable danger of the increase of heresy he may take away a Territory from the right owner, as is reported by the Cardinall D'Ossat, and this is soon pretended, for who is there that cannot make probabilities, especi­ally when a Kingdome is at stake? 3. We finde ex­amples that the Pope hath excommunicate Princes, and declar'd them hereticks when all the heresy hath been a not laying their crownes at the feet of S. Peter. The case of Lewis the fourth is every where known, whom Iohn the twenty third Excommuni­cated. Platina tels the reason. He called himselfe In Clement. quinto. Emperour without the Popes leave, and aided the Italian deputies to recover Millaine. Doubtlesse a most damnable and fundamentall heresy. 4. How if it proves in the Popes account to be a heresy to defend the immediat right of Princes to their King­domes, [Page 48] dependant only on God, not on the See Apo­stolike. If this be no heresy, nor like heresy to say it, I would faine learn the meaning of Baronius con­cerning the book of Iohannes de Roa, who sometimes had been a Iesuit, but then chang'd his order, and became Augustinian, saying, it was sentenc'd to the Baron, tom. 6. Annal. An. Dom 447. n 8 fire before it had escaped the presse. And good rea­son, Nihil enim tale à Patribus societatis didicit. Good men, they never taught him any such do­ctrine as is contained in that pestilent book, de iu­ribus principalibus defendendis & moderandis iustè. Now if this be heresy or like it, to preach such a Do­ctrine, then likely it will be judg'd heresy in Princes to doe so, that is, to hold their crownes without ac­knowledgment of subordination to S. Peters chaire. And if it be not heresy to doe so, it is in their account as bad, for so the Iesuits in their Veritas defensa against the Action of Arnald the Advocate affirme in termi­nis, that the actions of some Kings of France against the Pope in defence of their Regalties, were but ex­amples of rebellion, and spots to disgrace the purity of the French Lillies. 5. Put case the Pope should chance to mistake in his sentence against a Prince, for the cause of heresy, yet for all this mistake, he can secure any man to take away the Princes life or Kingdome. His Lawyers will be his security for this point. For although in this case, the deposition of the Prince should be, and be acknowledged to be against Gods law, the Prince being neither Ty­rant nor heretick, yet his Holinesse commanding it, [Page 49] takes away the unlawfulnesse of it, by his dispen­sation. So D. Marta, and for this doctrine he quotes Hostiensis, Felinus, Gratus, the Abbat, the De Iurisd cas. 64. n. 14. Arch bishop of Florence, Ancharanus, Iohannes An­dreas, Laurentius de Pinu, and some others. Indeed his Divines deny this, sed contrarium tamen observa­tur, as it's very well observed by the same Doctor, Num. 17. for he brings the practise & example of Pope Mar­tin the fifth, Iulius the second, Celestine the third, Alexander the third, and Sixtus quintus, all which dispensed in cases acknowledged to be expressely a­gainst Gods law. 6. Lastly. How if the Pope should lay a claime to all the Kingdomes of the world, as belonging ro S. Peters patrimony by right of spiritu­all preheminence? I know no great security we have to the contrary. For first, It is known he hath clai­med the Kingdome of England, as feudatary to the See Apostolike. Which when I considered I wondred Rex Anglorū est subditus Romano Pon­tisici ratione directi domini [...] quod in Reg­num Angliae & Hiberniae Romana habet Ecclesia. Bellarm. Apol. adv. R. Angl. c. 3. not at that new and insolent title which Mosconius gives his Holinesse of Desensor fidei. He might have added the title of Rex Catholicus, & Christianissimus. For D. Marta in his treatise of Iurisdiction, which he dedicated to Paulus quintus, hath that for an argumēt why he dedicated his Book to him, because for sooth the Pope is the only Monarch of the World. But of greater authority is that of Thomas Aquinas affirm­ing, the Pope to be the verticall top of all power Ec­clesiasticall b De Maiest, milit. Eccles. c. 1. pag. 25. c Tibi à quo emanat omnis iurisdictio, unicus in orbe Pontifex, Imperator & Rex, om­nium Principum superior, rerum (que) & personarum supremus & Dominus. Epist. Dedi­cat. d 2 Sent, dist. 44. & lib. 3. de Regim. Princ. [Page 50] and Civill. So that now it may be true which the Bishop of Patara told the Emperor, in be­halse of Pope Sylverius. Multos esse Reges, sed nul­lum talem, qualis ille, qui est Papa super Ecclesiam Lib. erat. in Breviar. de causâ Nesto­rian cap. 21. Mundi totius.

For these reasons I think it is true enough that the constituting the Pope the judge of Princes in the matter of deposition, is of more danger then the thing it selfe. The summe is this. However schisme or he­resy may be pretended, yet it is but during the Popes pleasure that Kings or subjects shall remain firme in their mutuall necessitude. For if our Prince bee but excommunicate or declar'd heretick, then to be a good subject will be accounted no better then irre­ligion and Anti-Catholicisme. If the conclusion be too hard and intolerable then so are the Premises, and yet they passe for good Catholike doctrine a­mong themselves.

But if truly and ex animo they are otherwise affe­cted, they should doe well to unsay what hath been said, and declare themselves by publique authority against such doctrines. And say whether or no their determinations shall be de fide? If they be, then all those famous Catholique Doctors, Thomas Aqui­nas, Bellarmine, Creswell, Mariana, Emanuel Sá, &c. are heretiques, and their Canons teach heresy, and Many of their Popes to be condemn'd as hereticall, for practising and teaching deposition of Princes by an authority usurp't against, and in prejudice of the Christian faith. But if their answers be not de fide, [Page 51] then they had as good say nothing, for the danger is not at all decreased, because if there be Doctors on both sides by their own Charity maintaind by Cath. cap. 7. assertion they may without sinne follow either, but yet more safely if they follow the most received and the most autho­rized, and whether this rule will lead them, I will be judg'd by any man that hath considered the premi­ses. Briefly either this thing must remain in the same state it is, and our Princes still expos'd to so extream hazards, or else let his Holinesse seat himselfe in his chaire, condemne these doctrines, vow against their future practise, limit his or do ad spiritualia, containe himselfe within the limits of causes directly and meerely Ecclesiasticall, disclaime all power, so much as indirect over Princes temporalls, and all this with an intent to oblige all Christendome. Which when I see done, I shall be most ready to believe that no­thing in Popery, doth either directly or by a neces­sary consequence destroy Loyalty to our lawfull Prince, but not till then, having so much evidence to the contrary.

Thus much was occasion'd by consideration of the cause of the Disciples Quaere which was when they saw this, that their L. and M. for his difference in Religion was turned forth of doores, which when they saw,

They said Lord]. It was well they ask'd at all, and would not too hastily act what they too suddēly had intended, but it was better that they ask'd Christ, it had been the best warrant they could have had, could [Page 52] they have obtain'd but a Magister dixit. But this was not likely, it was too strange a Question to aske of such a Mr. A Magistro mansuetudinis licentiam crudelitat is? Nothing could have come more crosse to his disposition. His spirit never was addicted to blood, unlesse it were to shed his owne. Hee was a Prince of peace and set forth to us by all the Sym­boles of peace and gentlenesse, as of a sheepe, a lambe, a hen, a gentle twining vine, the healing Olive. and is it likely that such a oneshould give his placet to the utter ruine of a company of poore Villagers for denying him a nights lodging moved thereto by the foregoing scandall of a Schisme? Hee knew bet­ter what it cost to redeem aman, and to save his life from destruction then to bee so hasty for his ru­ine. And if the Fathers Confessors who were to answere the Question of the day had but re­flected upon this Gospell, they might have infor­med their penitents better then to have engaged them upon such Antichristian, and Treasonable practises, as to destroy an assembly of Christians, as to depose or kill a King.

It is the proper cognisance of Mahumetanisme, by fire and sword to maintain their cause, and to pro­pagate their Religion, by ruine of Princes and con­quering their Kingdomes. But it is the excellency of Christianity, that by humility and obedience it made Princes tributary to our Deare Master, and homagers to his Kingdome. When Valentinian sent Calligonus his Chamberlaine to S. Ambrose to threa­ten [Page 45] him from his faith, his answer was, Deus permit­tit tibi ut impleas quod minaris. Ego patiar, quod est Episcopi, tu facies quod est spadonis. He did not stirre up the numerous people of his Diocesse to rebell a­gainst the Emperour, or depose him, imployed no agent in his Court to undermine his security, nor assasine to take his life. He and the rest of those good Fathers, would not have lost their possibility of be­ing Martyrs, for the world, unlesse it were by per­swading the Emperours to the Christian faith. Wee pray for all our Governours, that they might have long life, a secure government, a safe house, strong armies, good subjects, quiet world. So Tertullian. Apologet.

I had thought that the Doctrine and example of our B. Saviour, the practise Apostolicall and primi­tive, had beene tyes enough to keep us in our obedi­ence to God and the King, and in Christian charity to all, but I finde that all these precepts come to nothing, for the Apostles and primitive Christians did not actually depose Kings, nor alter states, nor call for fire to consume their enemies: not because it was simply unlawfull so to doe, or any way ad­verse to the precepts of Christ, but because they wanted Power. So Bellarmine: The Church gave De Pontif. R. l. 5. c. 7. leave that the faithfull should obey Iulian, because then they wanted forces. And F. Creswell is very confident of the businesse, They might without all Question have appointed to themselves other Kings and Princes, if Philopater P. 107. n. 158. the Christians had beene strong enough to bring their intendments to passe. But because they could not, [Page 46] therefore it was not lawfull for them to goe about it, nor is it for us in the same case, especially if the Prince hath quiet possession, and a strong guard about him, then by no meanes is it lawfull for a single man by Disp. 5. in c. 13. ad Roman. his owne authority to assault his Prince that rules Ty­rannically. So Salmeron. But who sees not that this way murder may be lawfull. For true it is God commanded us, saying, Thou shalt not kill, that is, if thou art not able to lift up thy hand, or strike a stroake; thou shalt not blaspheme, that is, if thou beest speechlesse, thou must be obedient to thy Prince, that is, if thou canst not tell how to helpe it. Good Doctrine this! And indeed it might possibly be something if God had commanded our subordina­tion to Princes only for wrath, for then sivires ad­sint, if wee can defend our selves we are secure, wee need not feare his wrath, but when he addes, also for conscience sake, I cannot sufficiently wonder that any man should obtrude so senselesse, so illiterate, and so impious an interpretation upon the Christian world, under the Title of Catholique Doctrine.

Christ when he was betrayed and seized upon by his Murderers could have commanded twelve Le­gions of Angels for his Guard, Non defuerunt vires; and in all humane likelyhood such a Satellitium as that would have mov'd them to a beliefe in him, or else I am sure, might have destroyed the unbelievers. Shall I say more against this rude glossema? Then thus. It is false that the Primitive Christians had not power to defend themselves against their Persecu­tors. [Page 47] Heare S. Cyprian; Nemo nostrum quando appre­henditur reluctatur, nec se adversus iniustitiam, & violentiam vestram quamvis nimius & copiosus noster sit Populus, ulciscitur. They could have resisted and that to blood, but they had not so learned Christ. Prayers and teares were the armes of Christians, and then they had a defence beyond all this, when they were hard put to it, Mori potuerunt, a submission of their bodies to Martyrdome was their last refuge.

Thus S. Agnes, Lucia, Agatha, Christina, Domitilla sav'd both their faith and chastity, non armis, sed ig­nibus & carnificis manu, the tormentors last cruelty defended them from all succeeding danger.

I will not yet conclude, that, that which these men obtrude for Catholique Doctrine is flat and di­rect heresy, I will instance but once more and then I shall. In the fourth Councell of Toledo which was assembled when the usurping and Tyrannizing Goths did domineere in Europe, the most where of were Tyrants, Vsurpers, or Arrians; the Councell decreed that if any man did violate the life or person of his King, aut potestate Regni exuerit, kill him or depose him, Anathema sit &c. He should be accursed in the sight of God and his Holy Angels, and toge­ther withall the companions of his iniquity, hee should be separated from the Catholique Church. And now I hope I may say that these men who ei­ther practise or advise such practises as killing or de­posing Kings, are as formally condemn'd for heresy, and anathematiz'd, as ever was Manichee or Cata­phrygian. [Page 48] I know not, but perhaps this might be thought of when the Iesuits were inscrib'd heretiks upon the publike pillar before the Louure in Paris, upon their banishment: however, let them answer it as they may, it concernes them as much as their be­ing Catholiques comes to, Et considerent, quia quae praedicant tantoperè verba, aut ipsorum summorum Pontificum sunt suas fimbrias extendentium, aut illo­rum qui eis adulantur, as said Aeneas Sylvius, but at De gestis con­cil. Basil. lib. 1. no hand can it be Christian Doctrine.

I instanc'd in these things to shew the Antithesis between the spirit of our B. Saviour who answer'd the Question of the text, and the Fathers Confessors of whom was ask'd the Question of the day.

But give mee leave to consider them not only as mis-informing their penitents, but as concealing their intended purpose, for even this way, the per­sons to whom the Question was propounded made Cap. quantae de senten. ex­com. &. c. de­licto ibid. in 6. 13. q. 3. q. 3. themselves guilty of the intended machination. For by all Law Ecclesiasticall and Civill hee that con­ceales an intended Murder or Treason makes him­selfe l. 1. occiso­rum ad I. c. Syllanian. & l 1. §. 1. ad l. Cornel. de fal­sis l. quisquis ad l lul. Maiest. as much a party for concealing, as is the Princi­pall for contriving.

Ob. But these Fathers Confessors could not be accu­sed by vertue of these generall Lawes, as being ex­empt by vertue of speciall case, for they received notice of these things only in confession, the seale of which is so sacred and inviolable, that he is sacrile­gious who in any case doth breake it open, though it be to avoid the greatest evill that can happen, so Bel­larmine; [Page 49] to save the lives of all the Kings in Chri­stendome, Apol. adv. R. Angl. Casaub. ad Front. Duc. In 3. part. D. Thom. disp. 33. Sect. 1. n. 2. so Binet; though to save a whole common wealth from dammage temporall or spirituall, of body or soule, so Suarez.

A considerable matter! On the one side wee are threatned by sacriledge, on the other by danger of Princes and common-wealths, for the case may happen, that either the Prince and whole State may be suffered to perish bodily and ghostly, or else the Priest must certainly damne himselfe by the sacrile­gious breach of the holy Seale of confession. Give me leave briefly to consider it, and, both for the ac­quittance of our state in its proceedings against these Traytors, and for the regulating of the case it selfe, to say these two things.

1 This present Treason was not revealed to these Fathers Confessors in formall confession. 2. If it had, it did not bind to secresy in the present case. Of the first, only a word.

1 It was only propounded to them in way of Que­stion or consultation (like this in the text) as appea­red Vide Casaub. ep. ad Front. D. p. 133. by their owne confessions, and the attestation of then Sr Henry Mountague Recorder of London to Garnet himselfe. It could not therefore be a formall D. Soto. in. 4. l. Sent. d. 18. q. 4 art. 5. concl. 5. Navar. c. 8. n. 18. Suarez. disp. 33 Sect 2. Coninck des [...] ­gil conf. dub. 1. n. 7. confession, & therefore not bind to the seale. It is the common opinion of their owne Doctors: Non enim inducitur obligatio sigilli in confessione quam quis fa­cit sine ullo animo accipiendi absolutionem, sed solum consilij petendi causâ.

2 It was propounded to these Fathers Confes­sors [Page 50] as a thing not subjicible to their penitentiall, ju­dicature, because it was a fact not repented of, but then in agitation, and resolved upon for the future. How then could this be a confession, whose institu­tion must certainly be in order to absolution, and how could this be in any such order; when it was a businesse of which they could not expect to be ab­solved unlesse they hop'd to sinne with a pardon a­bout their necks; and on condition God would be mercifull to them in its remission, would come and professe that they were resolved to anger him? In reason this could be no act of repentance, neither could it, by confession of their own side. It is the doctrine of Hostiensis: and Cap Sacer­dos. 3. q. n. 116. Navarre, and In lucubrat: ad Bartolum. in L. ut vim. n. 22 ff. de iu­stitia & iure Car­dinall Alban confesse it to be most commonly re­ceived.

3 It was not only not repented of, but by them reputed to be a good action, and so could not be a matter of confession. I appeal to any of their own Manuals and penitentiary bookes. It is culpable say they. I am sure it is ridiculous in any man to con­fesse and shrive himselfe of a good action, and that this was such in their opinion, it's plaine, by that impious answer of Garnet, affirming it a businesse See proceed. against late Traitors. greatly meritorious, if any good might thence ac­crue to the Catholique cause.

4 By this their pretended confession they en­deavoured to acquire new complices, as is evident in the proceedings against the Traitors. They were therefore bound to reveale it, for it neither was nor [Page 51] could be a proper and formall confession. That this is the common opinion of their own Schooles, see it affirmed by Aegidius Coninck. Vbisuprà.

The first particular then is plain. Here neither was the forme of confession, nor yet could this thing be a matter of confession, therefore supposing the seale of confession to be sacredly inviolable in all ca­ses, yet they were highly blameable for their con­cealement in the present.

2 But the truth of the second particular is more to be inquired of. That is, that though these things had been only revealed in confession, and this con­fession had been formall and direct, yet they were bound in the present case to reveale it, because the seale of confession is not so inviolable, as that in no case it is to be broken up, and if in any, especially it may be opened in the case of treason.

I never knew any thing cryed up with so generall a voyce upon so little ground, as is the Over-hallow­ed seale of confession.

True it is that an ordinary secret committed to a friend in civill commerce is not to be revealed upon every cause, nor upon many, (but upon some it may as they all confesse.) If thus, then much rather is this to be observed in the revelation of the secrets of our consciences, not only from the ordinary tye to secrecy, but likewise least sinnes should grow more frequent, if so great a remedy of them be made so odious, as to expose us to a publike infamy or danger of the law. The Councell therefore that first intro­duc'd [Page 52] this obligation was very prudent and reasona­ble, pleads a thousand yeares prescription, and relies upon good conveniences. This is all that ever could be prov'd of it (as may appeare anon) but these are too weak a base, to build so great a structure on it, as to make it sacriledge, or any sinne at all, to reveale confessions in some cases.

1 For first, if because it is delivered as a secret, and such a secret, it is the more closely and religious­ly to be kept; it is true, but concludes no more, but that it must be a greater cause that must authorize a publication of this, then of the secrets of ordinary commerce between friend and friend.

2 If the licensing of publicatiō of confession be a way to make confession odious, and therefore that it may not be publish'd, I say if this concludes, then on the contrary it concludes farre more strongly, that therefore in some cases it may be published, be­cause nothing can make a thing more odious and in­tolerable, then if it be made a cover for grand impie­ties, so as to engage a true subject, quietly & Know­ingly to see his Prince murdred.

3 If it be discouragement to the practise of con­fession that some sinnes revealed in it must be pub­lished though with perill to the delinquents fame & life, then it will be a farre greater discouragement to the sinne, when that it shall by an universall judge­ment be so detested, that its concealement may not be permitted, though it be with the hazard of dis­couraging the Holy duty of confession: and when [Page 53] the being guilty of such a sinne, shall reduce men into such streights, that either they shall want the benefit of absolution, or submit themselves to a publike sa­tisfaction, and so even in this particular the benefit is farre greater then the imaginary inconvenience.

The conveniences of the Seale force no more then that it is convenient to be observed, not simply and absolutely in all cases necessary. And perhaps Suarez the great patron of it perceived it, however he laies the burden, super communi consensu Ecclesiae, In 3. Part. D. Thom. disp. 33. sect. 1. n. 2 eius (que) perpetuâ traditione. If then I can shew, that there is no such Catholike consent of the present Church, nor any universall tradition of the ancient Church for the inviolable Seale, but plainly the contrary, then our Church in her permission of the Priests to reveale some confessions is as inculpable as those of the present Church, who (besides her selfe) teach and practise it, and as the Primitive Church whose, example in this (as in other things) she strictly followes.

Of the first. The Church of England, which ob­serves the seale of confession as sacredly as reason or religion it selfe can possibly permit, yet forbids not disclosure in case of Murder or Treason, but in these particulars leaves us intire in our obedience to Can. 113. A. D. 1604. the common lawes of England, and these command it.

That the Church of England gives leave in some cases to reveale confessions, is argument enough to prove that the Seale is not founded upon the con­sent [Page 54] of the present Catholike Church. For it is no more a begging of the Question (nor apparently so much) to say, the Church of England is a part of the Catholike Church, and therefore her consent is re­quired to make a thing universall, then to say, the Church of Rome is the whole Catholike Church, therefore her consent is sufficient to make a thing Catholike. But I shall not need to proceed this way. For,

1 It is apparent that of their own side Altisidio­rensis largely and professedly proves the iawfulnesse of publication in some cases as is to be seen. Lib. 4. Summae tract. 6. cap. 3. q. 7. and Garnet himselfe, the man who if any had most need to stand in defence of the Seale that the pretence of it might have defended him, yet confessed of his own accord, Leges quae ce­lare haec prohibent apprimè esse justas & salutares. He Actio in prodit. lat. p. 99. addes his reason, and that is more then his authori­ty, for (saith he) it is not fitting that the life and safe­ty of a Prince should depend upon the private nice­ties of any mans conscience. If two, nay if one dis­sent, it is enough to destroy a consent. But see far­ther.

There are many cases, generally confessed a­mongst themselves, in which the seale of formall and (as they love to speak) Sacramentall confession may be broken open. I instance but in two or three.

First, confession may be reveal'd to clear a doubt­full case of marriage. It is the opinion of many great Practic. crim. Ecclesiast. cap. 109. Canonists, as you may see them quoted by Suarez de [Page 55] Paz. and Covaruvias, and the case of the Venetian Resol. de Ma­trimon▪ who married a Virgin that was both his sister and daughter: and that at Rome under Pope Paul the third almost to like purpose, were long disputed on both sides, whether they were to be revealed or not, so that at most, it is but a doubtfull matter in such cases, whether the tye of secrecy doth oblige. Now if for the proofe of marriage the seale may be broken up, that man and wife might live contentedly and as they ought, strange it should be unlawfull to reveale confessions in case of Treason, for the safety of a Prince or State!

2 In case of heresy the seale binds not, by their own generall confession. It is a rule amongst them,

Haeresis est crimen quod non confessio celat.

Now I would fain learn why Treason is not as re­vealeable as Heresy? Is heresy dangerous to soules? Then surely, so is Treason, unlesse it be none, or a very small crime. May heresy infect others? So may Treason, as it did in the present. It may then as well be revealed as heresy. Now that it may something rather, I have these reasons. 1. Because it is not so certaine that such an opinion is heresy as that such a fact is Treason. 2. Because although both Treason and reall heresy be damnable and dangerous to soules, yet heresy killes no Kings as treason doth. I confesse that heresy may, and doth teach it, but then it degenerates into Treason. Now if some he­resy may be Treason, then that Treason is heresy, & so a case of Treason may occurre, in which from [Page 56] their own confession, treason is revealeable.

3 By the most generall voice of their own side any man may licence his confessor to reveale his confession. It is the doctrine of Scotus, Durandus, Almain, Navarre, Medina, and generally of all the Thomists. I inferre, if a private man may licence his Confessor to reveale his confession, then the seale of confession is not founded upon any divine comman­dement, for if it were, the penitent could not give the Priest license to break it. But if the penitent may give his Confessor leave, because the tye of secrecy is a bond in which the Priest stands bound to the peni­tent, & he giving him leave, remits of his own right, then much rather may a whole State authorise this publication, for what ever personall right a private man hath, that the whole State hath much rather, L. quod Maior ff. ad Muni­cipalem. for he is included in it as a part of the whole, and in such cases as concerne the whole commonwealth (as this of treason doth most especially) the rule of the Law holds without exception, Refertur ad uni­versos quod publicè fit per maiorem partem, the delin­quent ff. de regut juris. ad §. re­fertur. L. 7 §. ult. ff. de pact. gives leave to the publication of confession, therefore because the whole state doth, whereof he is one member. I adde, that in the case of Treason this is much rather true, for here the delinquent looseth all his right whatsoever, praediall, personall, and of priviledge, & therefore the Commonwealth can the better license the publication, and the breach of the bond of secrecy, in which the Confessor stood tyed to the penitent by vertue of implicit stipulation.

[Page 57] 4 Lastly, even in speciall in the very case of Treason confessed, many of their owne doe actual­ly practise a publication, when either they are loyall of themselves, or dare not be otherwise.

In instance first in the Church of France. For this See Bodinus, who reports of a Norman Gentleman whom his Confessor discovered for having confessed De republ. lib. 2. cap. 5. a Treasonable purpose he sometimes had, of killing Francis the first, of which hee was penitent, did his penance, craved absolutiō obtain'd it but yet was sen­tenc'd to the axe by expresse commission from the Histoire de lapaiz. King to the Parliament of Paris. The like confession was made by the Lord of Haulteville when he was in danger of death, which when he had escaped, he incurred it with the disadvantage of publike infamy upon the Scaffold. I instance not in the case of Bar­riere, it is every where knowne as it is reported part­ly by Thuanus, but more fully by the Authour of Histoire de la paix. Nor yet is France singular in the practise of publication of confessed Treason. For at Rome there have been examples of the like, I meane of those who confessed their purpose of killing the Dominic. à Soto. memb. 3. q 4. concl. 2 derat. re­gendi secret. Pope, who were revealed by their Confessors, and accordingly punish'd.

Thus then the first pretence proves a nullity, & ei­ther our Laws are just in commanding publication of confession in case of Treasō, or themselves very culpable in teaching & practising it in the same, & in cases of lesse moment. The 2d is like the first for it is ex­tremly vain to pretend that the seale of confession is [Page 58] founded upon Catholike traditiō. Iudg by the sequel.

The first word I heare of concealing confessions Lib 7. hist. c. 16. is in Sozomen, relating how the Greeke Church about the time of Decius the Emperor, set over the penitēts [...]. a publike penitentiary Priest, who was bound to be Vir bonae conversationis, servans (que) secretum, a good man and a keeper of secrets, for indeed he was bound to conceale some crimes, in particular those which an Adulteresse had confessed, I meane concerning her Adultery, as appeares in the Canons of S. Basil. But yet this Priest who was so tyed to a religious secrecy did publish many of them in the Congregation Epist. ad Amphil. before the people, that they might reprove the delin­quent and discountenance the sinne. The same story is reported by Cassiodore, and Nicephorus from the same Authour.

The lawfulnesse and practise of publication in some cases is as cleere in Origen. If (saith he) the Phy­sician Homil. 2. in 37. Psal. of thy soule perceives thy sinnes to be such as to need so harsh a remedy as to have them published be­fore the assemblies of the people, that others may be ad­monished, & thou the better cured, he need be very de­liberate, and skilfull in the application of it. Hitherto no such thing as an Vniversall tradition for the pre­tended inviolable sacramentall seale, for Origen plainly, and by them confessedly speakes of such sins as first were privately confessed to the Priest; how else should hee deliberate of their publication? but yet he did so, and for all the seale of confession, sometimes opened many of them, to no fewer wit­nesses [Page 59] then a whole assembly. Thus it was in the Greeke Church both Law and Custome. But now if we look into the Latine Church wee shall find that it was taken up from example of the Greeks and some while practis'd, that some particular sinnes should be published in the Church before the Congregati­on, as it is confessed in the Councell of Mentz, and Cap. 10. & 21. l. 19. c. 37. inserted by Burchard into his Decree.

But when the Lay piety began to coole, and the zeale of some Clergy men waxe too hot, they would needs heighten this custome of publicati­on of some sinnes to a Law of the publishing of all sinnes. This being judg'd to be inconvenient, expres­sed the first decree for the seale of confession in the Latin Church. Now see how it is utter'd, and it wil sufficiently informe us both of the practise and the opinion which Antiquitie had of the obligation to the seale.

Illam contra Apostolicam regulam praesumptionem, &c. that is, it was against the Apostolicall ordinance that a Law should enjoyn that the Priest should reveale Decret S. Le­onis. P. M. E­pist. 80. ad e­pisc. Campan. all those sinnes which had beene told him in confession. It might be done so it were not requir'd and exa­cted, and yet might be so requir'd, so it were not a publication of all. Non enim omnium hujusmodi sunt peceata; saith S. Leo, some sinnes are inconvenient to be published, it is not fit the world should know all, therefore, some they might, or else hee had said nothing. The reason which he gives makes the bu­sinesse somewhat clearer, for hee derives it not [Page 60] from any simple necessity of the thing or a Divine Right, but least men out of inordinate love to them­selves, should rather refuse to be wash't then buy their purity with so much shame. The whole Epistle hath many things in it excellently to the same purpose.

I say no more, the Doctrine and practise of anti­quity is sufficiently evident, and that there is nothing lesse then an Vniversall tradition for the seale of confession to be observed in all cases, even of sins of the highest malignity.

Thus these Fathers Confessors are made totally in­excusable by concealing a Treason which was not revealed to them in a formall confession, and had been likewise culpable though it had, there being as I have showne, no such sacrednesse of the Seale as to be inviolable in all cases whatsoever.

I have now done with the severall considerations of the persons to whom the Question was propoun­ded, they were the Fathers Confessors in the day, but it was Christ the Lord in my text. The Question it selfe followes.

Shall we command fire to come from heaven and con­sume them?

The Question was concerning the fate of a whole Towne of Samaria, in our case it was more; of the Fate of a whole Kingdome. It had been well if such a Question had been silenc'd by a direct negative or (as the Iudges of the Areopage used to doe) put off ad diem longissimum, that they might have expe­cted the answer three ages after.

[Page 61] De morte hominis nulla est cunctatio longa,

No demurre had been too long in a case of so much and so royall blood, the blood of a King, of a Kings Children, of a Kings Kingdome. [...], King and Kingdome should have & been made a solemne sacrifice to appease theirsolemndeliberate malice. I said deliberate, for they were loth to be ma­licious without good advice, and therefore they askt their question, worthy of an Oracle, even no lesse then Delphick, where an evill spirit was the Numen, and a Witch the Prophet. For the Question was such of which a Christian could not doubt though he had been fearefully scrupulous in his resoluti­ons. For whoever question'd the unlawfulnesse of murder, of murdering innocents, of murdering them who were confessed righteous? for such was their proposall, being rather willing that Catholiks should perish with those whom they thought, hereticks, then that their should be no blood spilt. But to the question: it was fire they called for. The most merci­lesse of all the Elements. No possibility of relenting when once kindled and had its object. It was the fit­test instrument for mercilesse men, men of no bowels whose malice like their instrument did agere ad ex­tremum suarnm virium, worke to the highest of its possibility. Secondly, It was fire indeed they called for, but not like that in my text, not fire from heaven, They might have called as long and as loud as those Priests did, who contested with Elisha, no fire would have come from heaven to have consum'd what they had intended for a sacrifice. Gods Anathema's post [Page 62] not so fast as ours doe. Deus non est sicut homo. Man curseth often when God blesseth, men condemne whom God acquits, and therefore they were loath to trust God with their cause, they therefore take it into their own hands. And certainly if to their Ana­themas they adde some fagots of their own and gunpowder, 'tis oddes but then we may be consum'd indeed, and so did they, their fire was not from hea­ven.

Lastly, it was a fire so strange, that it had no ex­ample. The Apostles indeed pleaded a mistaken pre­cedent for the reasonablenesse of their demand, they desir'd leave to doe but even as Elias did. [The Greekes only retaine this clause, it is not in the Bi­bles of the Church of Rome] and really these Roma­no-barbari could never pretend to any precedent for an act so barbarous as theirs. Adrimelech indeed kil'd a King, but he spar'd the people, Haman would have killed the people, but spared the King, but that both King and people, Princes and Iudges, branch, and rush and root should dye at once (as if Caligula's were actuated and all England upon one head) was never known till now, that all the malice in the world met in this as in a center. The Sicilian evensong, the mattins of S. Bartholomew, known for the pittilesse and damn'd massacres, were but [...], the dream of the shadow of smoake if com­par'd with this great fire. In tam occupato saeculo fa­bulas Vulgaris nequitia non invenit. This was a busy age; Herostratus must have invented a more sublim'd malice then the burning of one Temple, or not have [Page 63] been so much as spoke of since the discovery of the Powder-Treason. But I must make more hast I shall not else clime the sublimity of this impiety. Nero was sometimes the populare [...]dium was popularly hated, and deserv'd it too, for he slew his Master, and his wife and all his family once or twice over, opened his mothers wombe, fired the Citty, laught at it, slandred the Christians for it, but yet all these were but principia malorum, the very first rudiments of evill. Adde then to these, Herods Master-piece at Ramah as it was deciphred by the teares and sad threnes of the Matrons in an Vniversall mourning for the losse of their pretty infants, yet this of Herod will prove but an infant wickednesse, and that of Nero, the evill but of one citty. I would willingly have found out an example, but I see I cannot, should I put into the scale the extract of all the old Tyrants famous in Antique stories,

Bristoni; stabulum Regis, Busiridis ar as,
Antiphatae mensas & Tauricaregna Thoantis,

Should I take for true story the highest cruelty as it was fancied by the most hieroglyphicall Egyptian, this alone would weigh them down, as if the Alpes were put in scale against the dust of a ballance. For had this accursed Treason prosper'd, we should have had the whole Kingdome mourne for the inestima­ble losse of its chiefest glory, its life, its present joy, and all its very hopes for the future. For such was their destind malice, that they would not only have inflicted so cruell a blow, but have made it incura­ble, by cutting off our supplies of joy, the whole suc­cession [Page 64] of the line Royall. Not only the Vine it selfe but all the Gemmulae, and the tender O live branches should either have been bent to their intentions, and made to grow crooked, or else been broken.

And now after such a sublimity of malice, I will not instance in the sacrilegious ruine of the neigh­bouring Temples which needs must have perished in the flame, nor in the disturbing the ashes of our intomb'd Kings devouring their dead ruines like Se­pulchrall dogs, these are but minutes, in respect of the ruine prepared for the living Temples.

Stragem sed istam non tulit
Christus cadentum Principum
Prudent. hy­mn.
Impune, ne for sansui
Patris periret fabrica.
Ergo quae poterit lingua retexere
Laudes Christe tuas, qui domitum struis
Infidum populum cum Duce perfido?

Let us then returne to God the cup of thanks giving, he having powred forth so largely to us of the cup of salvation. We cannot want where withall to fill it, here is matter enough for an eternall thankfulnesse, for the expressiou of which a short life is too little, but let us here begin our Hallelujahs hoping to finish them hereafter, where the many quires of Angels will fill the consort.

Praise the Lord ye house of Levi, ye that fear the Lord, Praise the Lord. Praise the Lord out of Sion, Psal. 135. v. 20. 21. which dwelleth at Hierusalem.

FINIS.

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