Sir Edmond-Bury Godfrey.

HAD the Person who wrote that Scanda­lous Libel upon Sir E. B. G. which he calls The Mystery of his Death, but always con­fin'd himself to as much Truth and Rea­son as we meet with in the very first Lines of his Preface to it, he might have gone both through the World, and out of it with more Reputati­on than now he is like to do—[There will (saith he) be a time when Truth shall be believed, and the Witnesses of it justified.] But notwithstanding all his boasted Sagacity in winding Alterations at such a distance, we may safely affirm, that when he writ that Sentence, he little thought 'twould ever have been apply'd in this manner— That Truth would come to life again after all [Page 2] the care he had taken to stifle it, and the highest Judicatures in the Nation in one day remove all the black dirt which so many years he had been throwing on its Witnesses, and in so Publick and authentick a manner justifie 'em again. 'Twas in the heat of those Mischiefs and Miseries which all thinking men cou'd long before easily foresee wou'd be the Consequences of such Notions as he broached, and were too greedily swallow'd, that he publish'd the book before mentioned, at such at time when he knew 'twas in one sense un­answerable, wherein he pretends both to confound all the Evidence given in before the Parliament, and Publick Courts of Justice for Sir Edmond's being murthered with Papists; and over and a­bove—That he was a self-murtherer—No better than a second running him through with his own Sword after his Death. 'Tis some plausible insinuations he has there heapt together which will make it necessary to be a little larger on him than those who came after; especially since he led the way both to the Sufferings of the Prote­stants, and Malice of their Enemies.

Sir Edmond-Bury Godfrey was born of a good Family; his Relations are sufficiently known, and as justly respected in the City of London: But 'tis not the intention of this Piece to write the Lives, but the Deaths of those who are the Subjects of it; at least no more of one than is requisite for describing the other.—The occasion of his Knight­hood is reported to be the good Service he did in giving Directions for quenching a Fire which happend some years past at St. James's; which Honour the then Duke of York obtain'd [Page 3] for him, having been under a great Consternation at the apprehension of the danger. This very probably might be the beginning of his so great Intimacy with the Papists, which Sir Roger so often hints in his History, and which afterwards cost him so dearly.

He was a Person of known Vertues—For the Instances of his secret Charity the World is oblig'd to that Reverend and Learned Person who preach'd his Funeral Sermon. For his Piety and Integrity, even his worst Enemy here gives us se­veral Instances thereof; that particularly, when after those Prophetick bodings of his approaching Martyrdom, he took care to settle all things, and adjust Accompts exactly, and even in Parish Mat­ters to right such as he thought had formerly been injur'd. Lastly, how vigilant and careful he was in the Execution of that Office the Law had intru­sted him with, his Death, as well as his Life may testifie—One thing cannot, without great In­jury to his Memory, be omitted—'Tis his ex­traordinary Conduct and Courage in the time of the Plague in this City, whence he never stir'd all the while it rag'd so dreadfully; but reliev'd the Poor, and fed them daily with his own hands: Nor did he neglect Justice while he was exercising Mercy, but to the amazement, and almost terrour of the Beholders, pursu'd a Malefactor, who had taken Sanctuary in a Pesthouse, thinking none wou'd be so desperate as to follow him, and with his own hands fetch'd him thence, when the other Officers dar'd not venture after him.

'Twas either his Acquaintance among the Pa­pists, before intimated, and hence his being con­sequently [Page 4] better known by those who were of that Party, or his industry and indefatigable care in the Discharge of his Office, or both, to which we may rationally attribute the addressing of the first Discovery of the Popish Plot to him, rather than any other.

The clearest Method for the Description of his Martyrdom, will be first to enquire into the Occa­sion of it and then the Manner, Circumstan­ces, and Authors; and lastly the several Endea­vours have been used to clear the Papists of that indelible Guilt which sticks upon 'em from so horrid a Villany.

For the Occasion of his Martyrdom, what was said in the Summing up the Evidence concerning him, but modestly and on supposition only, we may yet venture to affirm positively—This Prote­stant Magistrate was certainly murder'd—because he was a Pro [...]estant.

But the particular and special Reasons were these following:

1. He had taken Examinations about the Po­pish Plot, and those not only (as the Attorny Ge­neral said in the Trial of the Assassines) perhaps, but undoubtedly more than are now extant. Mr. Oates addressed himself to him with his Depositions—he had taken them, and enquired something close­ly into the Design, as his manner was in any thing which belong'd to his Office. This the Pa­pists very well knew, and therefore found it con­venient to be rid of a troublesome busie man, who now he was engaged in the business, was likely to pierce to the bottom on't—and he being once out of the way, the Evidence might very easily [Page 5] have been dispos'd of to their satisfaction

But here those, whose Interest 'tis to get clear of such a Charge, object very pertly—What need, or what advantage in taking off a Justice, when the same things were deposed in other places?

2. The second Reason or Occasion for this Mur­der will easily answer that Objection. They not only bore him Malice for what he had already done in Oates's case, and might probably be ig­norant of those secret Passages transacted before King and Council in relation to Oates's Depositions, —but were sensible of a deeper Reason than all this, and which brought them into more danger than the other.

See it in the Lord Stafford's Trial, p. 22. and 24. Mr. Dugdale had received a Letter the very night on which this Gentleman was martyr'd (of which more anon) with these words in't—[This Night Sir E.B.G. is dispatch'd.]— This came from the Papists to Ewers a Popish Priest at my Lord Aston's, who after he had read it communicated the good News to Mr. Dugdale, telling him One of their E­nemies was taken out of the way. — He being desi­rous to know how things went, ask'd what was the Reason they took away his Life? Ewers tells him — There was a Message sent to Mr. Coleman, when in Newgate, to desire him that he wou'd not reveal any thing of the Plot; which Message came from the Duke of York.— To which Coleman replyed — What was he the nearer — for he had been so foolish as to reveal all to Sir E.B.G. already? But upon the Ex­amination of Oates before Sir E.B.G. he was afraid he would come in as Evidence against him, having shewn himself eager in the business.—To which [Page 6] the Duke of York sent word again, — If he wou'd take care not to reveal, but conceal it, Sir E.B.G. shou'd not come in against him.—And the next news was—that he was dispatch'd.

Now this effectually takes off the former Cavil; —and this S [...]r Roger cou'd not but be sensible of; and concluding so unanswerably against wh [...]t he built so much upon, e'ne lets it fairly drop. and mentions not a syllable of it in all his Book— Which Evidence of Mr. Dugdales is beyond con­tradiction confirm'd by several hints unluckily gi­ven in Sir Roger's own Depositions—pa. 187. where Mr. Wynnel deposes Sir E. told him— Coleman wou'd dye—and mention'd Consults about a Toleration—Adding further—That he was Ma­ster of a dangerous secret that wou'd be fatal to him. —Hence nothing can be plainer to any reasona­ble man, than that Sir Edmond was acquainted with Mr. Coleman as well as Dr. Oates, and knew even the minute Circumstances in those Letters which afterwards were brought against him and stood in fear of his Life for that very Reason, as for the same he afterwards lost it.

For the Manner of his Death, those who were Accomplices therein shou'd best know it; and the Objections against their Evidence the Reader may find clear'd, if he'll take the pains to look a little lower —After the poor Gentleman had seve­ral days been dog'd by the Papists, as Dr. Oates, Mr. Prance, and Mr. Bedlow unanimously swear, and which he as good as acknowledged to Mr. Ro­binson, as appears on the Trial of his Murtherers, they at last accomplish'd their wicked design on Saturday, Octob. 12. 1678. and under a pretence [Page 7] of a Quarrel, which they knew his Care for the publick Peace wou'd oblige him to prevent, about Nine at night, as he was going home, got him into the Water-gate at Somerset-House. When he was thus trapan'd in, and got out of hearing from the Street, toward the lower end of the Yard, Green, one of the Assassines, threw a twisted Hand­kerchief round his Neck, and drew him behind the Rails,—which, notwithstanding his age and weak­ness, are objected against its probability; taking him thus at a surprize, and in the dark, 'twas ea­sie for him to do, especially three or four more of 'em immediately falling in to assist him, there they throtled him; and lest that shou'd not be e­nough, punch'd and kickt him on the Breast, as sufficiently appear'd when his Body was found, by the marks upon it; and lest he shou'd not be yet dead enough, another of 'em, Girald, or, as I find him called in other places, Fitz-Girald, wou'd have run him through, but was hindered by the rest, lest the Blood shou'd have discover'd 'em: But Green, to make sure work, wrung his Neck round, as 'twas found afterwards on the inspecti­on of the Surgeons.

For the disposal of the Body, they all carried it up into a little Chamber of Hills, another of the Murtherers, who had been, or was Dr. God­win's man, where it lay till Monday night, when they remov'd it into another Room, and thence back again 'till Wednesday, when they carried him out in a Sedan about Twelve a clock, and after­wards upon a Horse, with Hill behind him, to sup­port him, till they got to Primrose-Hill, or as some say 'tis call'd, Green-Bury-Hill, near a Publick [Page 8] House, call'd the White house, and there threw him into a Ditch, with his Gloves and Cane on the Bank near him, and his own Sword run through him, on purpose to perswade the world he had kill'd himself. Very politickly making choice of a place to lay him where they might both think he wou'd be sometime conceal'd, and near where he had been seen walking the same day, if the Affi­davits to this purpose in Sir R's Book may be re­posed upon.

All this Mr. Prance swe [...]rs upon the Trial of his Murtherers, with whom he acknowledges he had several Consults before at the Plow Alehouse, and other places, concerning it. Whose Evidence is confirm'd, not only by innumerable other Cir­cumstances, but Mr. Bedlow's Confession, who was to have been present at the Action, had not Re­morse of Conscience hinder'd him, having been engag'd by the Conspirators for a great Reward, and was afterwards to have a considerable part of it for carrying off the Body, which he swears he saw in the very Room whither Prance says 'twas remov'd on the Monday night.—But even here too he fail'd 'em—So 'twas done without his Assistance in the manner before described.

And very sure, no doubt, the great Plotters thought they had now made their Business: for we are not to fancy these little Villains attempted such an Action of their own impulse; the great Spring we had before in Dugdales Story of Cole­man, from whence those large Sums must pro­ceed which Bedlow mentions. Now, I say, they thought the Business was as sure as the Jews had made the Sepulchre—having seal'd all the [Page 9] mouths of the Parties concern'd, with Oaths and Sacraments, Solemnities commonly abus'd by their Party to the foulest Villanies.—But neither that, nor the darkness of the night, nor the distance of places, cou'd hinder the Divine Justice from look­ing through and discovering the Villains concern'd, and bringing 'em to Punishments worthy their Wickedness —The manner thus,—His Body being found by some who accidentally walk'd that way, and generally suspected from his former dis­courses, and many probabilities; that he was mur­der'd by the Papists, the King issued out a Procla­mation with a promise of Indempnity and 500 l. reward to any who wou'd discover it. On this Mr. Bedlow writ a Letter to the Secretary from the Country, concerning his Knowledge of something considerable in that matter; and being sent for up to Town, reveal'd whate're he knew of the Business. And a little after, Prance being acci­dentally seiz'd by a Constable, and then in the House of Lords Lobby, was known by Mr. Bedlow, having seen his Face on that Monday night, when at the same time they saw the Body; —who on Examination discover'd also what his share was in the Murther: And tho' he afterwards denied it, for fear of losing his Trade, and such other Mo­tives, as he himself confest, yet in a quarter of an hour he returned again to his first Evidence.

But the most difficult Task will be what yet remains—the clearing those Objections, and some of 'em plausible ones, and which have led away too many well-meaning men, against the Truth of this recited Evidence; as well as some Insinua­tions spread abroad, and made the most of to [Page 10] perswade the World this worthy Gentleman was guilty of his own Death.

But here it can't be expected that a private Person, who has not the advantages of Sir Roger, to have Warrants from two K's and all Persons and Papers before him relating to that Business, and who had Wit great, and Honesty little enough to pick out, and leave in what was for his turn; that such an one shou'd be able to go through so many hundred pages as his Book consists of, and answer every Particular therein. 'Twill be satis­faction enough to any rational man, to touch some of the Plots and Fetches made use of from one time to another to wash the Blackamoor white, and clear the Papists from this Villany: To an­swer the main Objections against the Evidence, and bring some corroborating Circumstances for the truth on't. And lastly, To shew Sir Edmond cou'd not murther himself in that place and man­ner as is pretended.

The first of the Methods they used to sham off this Murther, was by early Reports they spread about, even before his Body was found, That he had kill'd himself. Now this Sir Roger himself can scarce have Brow enough to affirm was done by the Brothers to save the Estate; since 'twas a very odd way certainly to do that, by letting the World openly know that he was a Self-murtherer. That such Reports were spread we shall by and by prove, and that from Sir Roger's own Book, with­out the trouble of consulting the Paper-Office,— and who got by't, who shou'd do't, whose Interest was't to do't but the Papists, altho' the particular Authors may be unknown?

[Page 11]Among the many Evidences of his Death be­ing known at so many distant places before 'twas publick here, there are two come up exactly to the matter in hand. The first—which was recited by the Reverend Dean of Bangor, now Bishop of St. Asaph, in his Funeral Sermon, and which it seems he had of one Mr. Angus — who the same day Sir Edmond was found about Five a clock on Primrose-Hill, being in Mr. Chiswell's Shop in St. Paul's Church-yard about One or Two, there was a Person unknown to him past by, and clapping him on the shoulder, ask'd him [If he heard the News that Sir E.B.G. was found dead, with his own Sword run through him.]

The second is of Mr. Goldsborough, Clerk of the House of Commons, who being in a Barber's Shop on Tuesday morning, while he was missing, a person came in open-mouth'd [That Sir E. B. G. was found;] and being ask'd where, reply'd, [He had kill'd himself upon Primrose-Hill;] where, up­on Thursday following in the evening the Body was indeed discover'd.

The second considerable Attempt made the same way, was by one Magrath an Irishman, the famous Celiers, who foretold both the Prince of Wales, and a great many more after him; the Je­suits in Newgate, and others, who pretended to prove Sir E. B. G. hang'd himself, and his Clerk Moor cut him down—But being examin'd at the Council-Board, it prov'd only a malicious and false Contrivance.

'Twill be very well worth the while, to re­mark that Mrs. Mary Gibbons was one of the per­sons deeply engaged in this design among so much [Page 12] other good Company; and that Mrs. Mary Gib­bons is one of the main Evidences Sir Roger makes use of in his Book.—Tho' this Sham was then so thin laid, and this person so well known, that even Farewell and Pain were asham'd to make use of either in their Letters to Prance on this Sub­ject, but protest very solemnly, That none of those, neither Celiers, the Newgate Priests, nor Mrs. Mary Gibbons, or other Papists, or popishly affected, knew any thing of the matter, but were all Strangers to it.

When this Contrivance was found out by all the World to be as very a Sham as Celiers being with Child in Newgate, or some Body else in ano­ther place, yet was not the indefatigable Zeal of that Party discouraged; but Mr. Farewell, a person intrusted in managing the Estates and Lands of the Jesuits; and Pain, Brother to the famous Pain who wrote St. Coleman's Elegy, set a new Project on foot to the same purpose in some Letters sent to Prance, and printed by N. Thomson; which in­deed, if we look close into 'em, will appear to be Sir Roger in little, there being the self same Ex­pressions in one as the t'other, and his Mystery seeming to be hardly more than their Letters spread a little thinner.—The Blood gubling out of the Wound,—Bedlow and Prances East and West Contradictions,—The Wax dropt on his Clothes af­ter he was found, and several other things the self same in both of 'em. And I remember, at that very time 'twas shrewdly suspected and rumour'd about Town▪ that the same person lay behind the Curtain, and thrust their Cats-feet into the Fire, who has since appear'd publickly in prosecution of the same Cause.

[Page 13]Before their Trial they reckon'd their Witnes­ses by the hundred, pretending to make his Self-murther as clear as the Sun. When they came to it, and had all the fair Play imaginable, Pain's heart fail'd him, and he pleaded Guilty.—Fare­well made so poor a Defence, and the Matter was so clearly prov'd against 'em, that Farewell and Thomson were both fined by the Court▪ and sen­tenced to stand in the Pillory, with this Inscrip­tion over them, [For Libelling the Justice of the Nation, by makin [...] the World believe that Sir E.B.G. murther'd himself.] Where how abundantly they were honour'd by the Spectators, all who know any thing of the Story can't but remember.

Thus it lay for some time, and no person was so hardy to make any farther Attempts that way while there was any possibility of having Justice against 'em: But when the Sheriffs, Juries, nay King and all were chang'd; when that past which poor Oates and all the World have cause to re­member; when, if Prance wou'd not unconfess, he knew he must tread the same dolorous way that Oates had gone before him, and had now done all that cou'd be desired; Then Sir Roger took up the Cudgels, and publish'd his Book, call'd, [The My­stery of Sir E.B.G's Death unfolded;] Or, which wou'd have been a fitter Title, [The second Edition with Additions of Farewell and Pain's Letters.] The main of what he advances there, will be answer'd in clearing, as was propos'd, the Objections against the Evidence relating to that matter.

If the ill Character of the persons who gave it, be urg'd to invalidate their Testimony, as this does not reach all of 'em, so it has been often an­swer'd [Page 14] —Who but such were fit for such Villanies? If their seeming Disagreement in some part of their evidence, what greater Argument that 'twas no Combination? If Prance retracted—we are told by Sir Roger himself, That he was a white-liver'd Man, and so might be frighted out of truth as well as into it. And indeed, on that very rea­son 'twas long before suspected, that if he shou'd ever be bore hard upon, he wou'd not be able to stand it.

[But the Papists wou'd never kill him, because he had obliged'em] — As if Gratitude were a Popish Vertue, or Charity, any more than Faith were to be kept with Hereticks: Those that think so, let 'em look back, and see if the last Reign be enough to convince 'em.

It may be urg'd on, Here are several Testimo­nies in the Trial of the Murtherers, and since, that invalidate the Evidence there given,—Warner and his Wife and Maid about Green—That he was at home all that Evening when he was accused for com­mitting it. —'Twou'd be enough to oppose to this their Confession to Captain Richardson— That they cou'd do him no good.—But besides this, Mr. Justice Dolbin's Observation on the Trial clears it effectually—They swore to the Saturday fortnight after Michaelmas day, which was, says the Justice, the 19th of Octob. not the 12th. on which the Murther was committed.

—If Broadstreet and others testifie they were in the Room where the Body was laid, and Hills Wife so rubs up her Memory, that after so many years she remembers what she cou'd not upon his Trial—That she, and he, and their Child lay in [Page 15] the Room all that very time when the Body was said to be there—'Twou'd not be a shift, but an An­swer—That they were Papists that swore it, who can swear any thing. But besides, Broadstreet ac­knowledged before the Duke of Monmouth, That Hill was gone from his Lodgings before this time, as was prov'd on the Trial. Mrs. Tilden says, There was but one Key to their Door. Mrs. Broadstreet at the same time, with what she own'd about Hill, That there were six or seven—Contradictions in others, we see, as well as the King's Evidence; and these being much homer, and more irrecon­cileable than theirs, must of necessity destroy the belief of what else they testifie.

But the home thrust is—[The Centinels saw no Sedan carried out—] This the printed Trial easily sets right. The Centinels were Trollop and Wright. Trollop staid till Ten, and saw a Sedan go in, but none out again: Wright till One, but saw none go out. It must be in Trollops time, be­ing, as Prance says, about Twelve.—The Cen­tinels being then at Bury's Lodge, smoking and drinking. Trollop says on the Trial, he was never at the Lodge, but so does not Wright, as any one may see by consulting it, he being never ask'd the Question.

'Twill give a great Light into this Deed of Darkness in the next place, to consider several Circumstantial Evidences, which wou'd, of them­selves, go very far to prove that Sir E. B. G. was murther'd by the Papists, and that in the very place and manner which has been already de­scribed.

[Page 16]The first of these from Sir Edmond's own mouth, which has been already hinted, but shall here be farther clear'd.

'Twas indeed so notorious, that Sir E.G.B had boding thoughts, and a sort of a Prophetical In­timation of his Death, and that by the Papists; and discours'd of so publickly and generally, that Sir Roger cou'd not deny all the Matter of Fact, but endeavours to avoid the force on't; when he says, as is witnessed by several—[On my Con­science I shall be the first Martyr—] This he inter­prets —[I doubt I shan't live long.] —Sure, though he says in one place, The Man was no Fool; yet he must be supposed to be no better, any more than all the Readers, if neither he nor they made any difference between being hang'd and martyr'd. But the very reason of this [...]nterpretation was for what Sir R. dearly loved—that he might have opportunity for a Reflection on the Parliament— He fear'd, says he, that the Parliament wou'd call him to account, and that nothing wou'd satisfie 'em but his Life for not discovering it sooner.— In oppo­sition to this, any impartial man need but consider what follows. Esquire Robinson, on the Trial of the Murderers, witnesses that he had a Discourse with Sir Edmond a little while before his Death about the Plot then newly talkt on— Says Robin­son —I wish the depth of the Matter be found out.— Sir E. answers, —I'm afraid it is not.—Vpon any Conscience I believe I shall be the first Martyr.— He acknowledged he had taken several Examina­tions about it, but thought he shou'd have little Thanks for his pains. The Esquire askt him— Are you afraid? [No, said he, I do not fear 'em, [Page 17] if they come fairly; and I shan't part with my Life tamely.] Well, Sir Roger, Is all this the Parlia­ment? Was he afraid the Parliament wou'd send a Party to dog him, and set upon him? and that he did not fear the Parliament, but if they came fairly, would not part with his Life tamely?— No; any Man that has but half an eye, unless that too blinded with Prejudice, may see the meaning on't; and that he apprehended danger onely from the Papists, against whom he had ta­ken several Examinations.

The next is of John Wilson the Sadler, who Swears, Sir Edmond talking with one Mr. Harris, then told this Informant, [That he was in danger for what he acted for the Discovering of the late Plot against his Majesty.] See how ingeniously this is answer'd—[His apprehension was from the Par­liament, not the Papists; and for Concealing, not Discovering the Plot.] These very words Sir Ro­ger has in his Book, pag. 281. Now whether this is not a direct Statuimus, i. e. Abrogamus, What Sir Edmond calls Discovering, for Sir R. who knows his Mind better, now he's dead, than he himself did while alive, to tell us he means Concealing, which is quite contrary— and how fair a way of answer 'tis, let any of his best Friends be Judges.

Twou'd be tedious to bring any more, when this does effectually as to his own Judgment. On­ly 'tis remarkable, that these very things are Sworn upon the Trial by Mr. Oates,—that Sir E. B. G. had told him— [He had received Af­fronts from great Persons for being so zealous in the Business—That he had been threatned— That he [Page 18] went in fear of his Life from the Popish Party; and that he had been dog'd several days, —but fear'd 'em not if they came fairly to work.]

For other Evidences of his Murther by the Pa­pists, that which indeed made the greatest noise, was, his Death being heard of so far off, and in so many different places, before 'twas known in London. This Sir Roger tells us, was on purpose spread by the Brothers to throw it on the Papists: But here's this in opposition: Dugdale, against whom he makes no objection, but allows his Evidence; makes Oath in my Lord Stafford's Trial, and other places, That this News was brought to one Ewers a Priest, in a Letter which he shew'd him, dated the very night 'twas done, —which had these words in't —[This very night Sir E. B. G. is dispatch'd.] Now I'd fain ask—Had these Bro­thers Correspondence with the Priest? wou'd they use such a word as that [Dispatch'd?—] Did they write to Ewers too, and bid him tell Dugdale, That this Sir E B.G. was a busie Man, and fit to be taken out of the way?— as Dugdale swears he did.— Cou'd Dugdale conspire with Oates so long before they knew one another; and while he was himself a Prisoner in Staffordshire; and were all those perjur'd who witness that Mr. Dugdale did report this before it cou'd be known by any but the ve­ry Conspirators?

That 'twas done in that very place, at Somerset-House, Providence has left strange Confirma­tion.

The first is—Bury the Porter's refusing to admit any persons into the Gates about that time, the 12th, 13th, 14th of October. Nay, that [Page 19] he had deny'd the Prince himself admittance, (Prince Rupert I suppose it must be) and pretend­ed Orders for so doing. But these Orders he ne­ver produc'd.—And more like a true Papist, deny'd matter of Fact when charg'd with it; and tho' he had acknowledg'd to the Council he had never such Orders before, when Sir Thomas Strin­ger came to witness it, positively deny'd it.

Two more ve [...]y remarkable Affidavits there are, which give mighty strength to all the former: One of Spence (Captain Spence he's call'd in some Copies) and the other of John Okeley. Spence was a tall, black Man, much like Sir E. B. G. as was witnessed by those who knew him; to all which Sir R. only answers—He has been told otherwise. This Spence passing by the same Water-gate at Somerset-House about Seven at night, two days be­fore Sir Edmond's Murther, was drag'd in thither, being seiz'd by five or six Men— but one of 'em, when they had him in, cry'd out— This is not he— on which they immediately let him go.— Here's a plain Evidence of their Intentions, and a Confirmation of what Bedlow, Oates, and Prance sware of Sir E's being dog'd so long before.— All that's answer'd to't is,— That there was a Suit of Law depending between this Spence and Mrs. Broadstreet —and therefore forsooth, he must forswear himself, and wilful­ly damn his Soul only for a Circumstantial Evi­dence and Reflection on Hill himself three or four years after he was hang'd, and so on his Master Dr. Godden, and thence again on Mrs. Broadstreet; and all this when it had no influence at all on the Suit of Law, or them who su'd him.— But [Page 20] enough of this— Let's now take notice of the next— 'Tis one John Okeley, who that very night, Octob. 12. going by Somerset-House, at the Water-gate about Nine a Clock, saw there Sir E. B. G. whom he knew very well, living in the same Lane with him—he past close by him, pull'd off his Hat to him, as Sir E.B.G. did to him again; —when past him, he turn'd about and look'd on him. And this he told to several persons, which witness the same.— To this, the main of what Sir R. objects is,— 'Twas dark, and how shou'd he know him? Certainly, any one that knows London can't be ignorant that we have Lights in the Streets at Nine at night: and 'twas morally impossible that one who knew him so well, who look'd upon him, who put off his Hat to him, as he to him again, and who after all this look'd back upon him— that such a one shou'd be mistaken in the Person.

The last thing to be prov'd is—That Sir E.B.G. did not, and cou'd not murder himself in that place, as is pretended by his Enemies. He was first missing on Saturday, and therefore according to their ac­count, his Body must have been in the place where 'twas found till that Thur [...]day night. But had it been there on Tuesday or Wednesday, the Pack of Hounds which hunted there, both of those days, must have found him. Sir Roger tells us.— They might have been on t'other side of the Ditch, or beat the place carelesly without finding it. But Mr. Faucet's Deposition is,—That he beat that very place—which sure he was capable of knowing, having been himself there to see it after the Body was found. He repeats it, and says twice,— [Page 21] 'Twas in that very place. And Harwood says as much, who hunted the day after.—One Cir­cumstance there is, which makes this Evidence yet more conclusive. 'Twas depos'd in the Trial of Farewell, and several other places, that the Body stunk extreamly when 'twas found, which was but the next day after. Now I'd ask any unprejudic'd man, Whether was so much as possible that this very place shou'd be beat two days after one ano­ther, and the Hounds not Scent the Body, even tho' the Hunters might perhaps over-see it?

But besides this, there was yet a narrower search made on another occasion in that same Field. The Story is told in a Paper, call'd, An Account of the Murther, publish'd by Thompson him­self, who, with another Printer, was present, and avouch'd the Matter of Fact on their own Know­ledge. 'Tis this—That while the Body lay at the White-house, and the Jury were about it, one of the Jury-men themselves declar'd,—That a servant of his Mother, a Butcher, and two Boys, made a very strict and narrow search in all parts of the Ground for a Calf that was lost there, and this both on Munday and Tuesday—and at that time there lay no dead Body, Belt, Gloves, or any thing else there.— But were all these too on the wrong side of the Hedge? or where did they look for this Calf? in the middle of the Field, or in the Ditches and Hedges? where 'twas impossible they cou'd have mist of the Body, had it been there.

There's one great Objection which Sir Roger makes very much of in this matter—tho' not quite so strong now as 'twas some years since; and that is—There was no Popish Plot at all, therefore no [Page 20] [...] [Page 21] [...] [Page 22] Popish Murther, —which he expresses in his own peculiar Merry-Andrew way—They hang both upon the same string, and whoever overthrows the one, trips up the heels of the other. Nor indeed is he singular in his Opinion, as to a great part of it—for my Lord Chief Justice Pemberton says, on the Trial of Farewell I think 'twas, —If they cou'd have made it out that he had killd himself, all of them wou'd have cried out, the Popish Plot was a Sham raised by the Protestants against the Papists, and all the Plot must have gone for nothing.— But now to retort the Ob­jection—If there was a Popish Plot, 'tis a ter­rible Argument that there was too a Popish Mur­ther. But that there was one, we must be forc'd to believe, till we find these things, among many others, answer'd.

1. Coleman's Letters— and that Expression— The Extirpation of this Northern Heresie.

2. The Letter produc'd in Harcourt's Trial, wherein the very Consult of April 24. is men­tion'd,—and A Design then on foot among 'em, which they were to manage with all imaginable secrecy.

3. The positive Oaths of so many men. Some of 'em of a fair Character and blameless Con­versation; others no more able to invent such a Plot than their Enemies to disprove it.

4. The Endeavours of the Papists to assassinate, disgrace, buy off, or any way divert the Evidence against 'em; which they were not such Fools to do for nothing.

5. The behaviour of the Witnesses ever since. One of 'em testifying at his death, after the Sa­crament: Another by his life, their Malice reach­ing to his barbarous Murther. A third with his [Page 23] Blood, and so much as wou'd have perhaps cost any two or three other men their Lives, to the Truth of their Depositions.

And lastly, What Transactions we have felt and seen since the late King came to his Throne, till his departure, are no great Evidence that all that Plot was a Forgery.

From these things 'tis plain there was a Popish Plot: from these, and what went before, that this was a Popish Murther.

There needs no Exaggeration of the Fact, nor Tragical Exclamations. 'Twas as foul as Hell cou'd make it, and perhaps we have not yet seen the full Revenge that Heaven intends for those who were concerned in it; tho' 'tis after so long a time miraculously begun, and will in due time be accomplish'd.

Two Anagrams there were made on this brave Gentleman, which for the peculiar luckiness of 'em, it may not be ungrateful to the Reader, to have 'em inserted.

Having thus vindicated the Memory of this great Person▪ without any mean expectation, either [Page 24] of Applause or Reward, who was the first Martyr for our holy Protestant Religion; we shall address what has been written on this subject, not only to Posterity, as Sir Roger very wisely does, where he shall never hear his Fault, but to all the sober unprejudic'd men of the present Age, and so dis­miss it, and go on to the rest for whom he only made way, after we have presented you with one of the best pieces of Wit that the Age has yield­ed on Sir Edmond's death. 'Tis a part of that in­genious Poem, call'd Bacchanalia, or, The Drunken Club.

Mr. ARNOLD.

BUT though the Providence of God was pleas'd, no doubt for wise Reasons, to suf­fer this last worthy Person to fall a Victim to the Malice and Cruelty of our Popish Enemies; tho' there was perhaps a sort of a sad necessity —that this one man shou'd die, to alarm a stupid Nation, and rouze 'em from that careless be­lieving temper which since that has gone so fair towards their Ruine; and tho' 'twas to cost Eng­land more and nobler Blood, before its entire de­liverance; yet the Government of the World is not so absolutely given up to the disposal of him who is call'd the Prince of it, as that in every At­tempt, Villany should be triumphant, and Vertue miserable. However kindly 'twas meant, the Stroke here was not home enough, and Mr. Arnold prov'd only a Confessor, tho' they intended him a Martyr. One wou'd have thought their ill Suc­cess in taking off one Justice of Peace, shou'd have cool'd their Fury a little, and hinder 'em from venturing upon another.— But this 'tis when men list themselves of a Religion where they must be given up to the Salleys and Trans­ports of a blind Zeal, and refuse the Conduct either of their Senses or Reason.

[Page 26]Mr. Arnold had been a vigorous Prosecutor of the Priests and Jesuits which sculkt about in his own County of Wales. This was a crime not to be forgiven, nor any ways attoned by less than his Destruction. In order to which he was assaulted by several Villains, fit for such a business, in a little dark Lane near the Temple, as he was passing through it pretty late in the Evening; and had no doubt dispatch'd him; and either found some way to make the World believe he had done it himself, as they wou'd have done in the former instance, or started some other Sham to have re­mov'd the Odium from their own Party. But the Gentleman, having had apprehension of some such Accident, made better use of it than Sir Ed­mond before him; and having luckily a Sute of private Armour on, receiv'd several Stabs the Villains gave him, upon that, and so sav'd his life. But they finding their Attempts that way unsuc­cessful, were resolv'd to take another course with him, and having got him down, with some despe­rate weapon or other fit for the purpose, made several Trials to cut his Throat, and gave him some dangerous wounds about that part; which while he was strugling with them to preserve, a Boy providentially goes by with a Light, which their Deeds of Darkness not being able to endure, they all ran away, and left Mr. Arnold weltering in his Blood, who yet, by God's Providence, re­cover [...]d again, and liv'd to see Justice done to one of the Villains that used him in that barba­rous manner: His name was Giles, and was dis­cover'd by a wound in his Leg, which one of his Accomplices ran through in the scuffle, as he was [Page 27] making a Stab at Mr. Arnold. He was try'd for the Action, found Guilty of it, and Sentenced to stand in the Pillory for the same, which was ac­cordingly executed, with a liberal Contribution over and above from the enraged Rabble, who sufficiently made up for the Gentleness of his Sentence, though as Severe a one as our mild Laws could inflict upon such Offenders.

Mr. COLLEDGE.

NO Body can doubt but that 'twas now very much the Interest of the Papists to get off, if possible, that foul Imputation of a Plot which stuck so deep upon 'em; which had been confirm'd by Sir Edmond's Murther, Cole­man's never to be forgotten Letters, Arnold's As­sassination, and a great deal of Collateral Evi­dence, which fell in unexpectedly, many of those who gave it being utterly unacquainted with the first Discoverers. After several unfortunate at­tempts they had made to this purpose; after the Living had perjur'd themselves, and the Dying done worse, to support their desperate Cause; after Attempts to blast and ruine some of the Evi­dence, and buy off others of 'em, in both which, publick Justice took notice of, and punish'd 'em: being of a Religion that sticks at no Villany to serve an Interest, and certainly the most indefa­tigable and firm People in the World when they [Page 28] set about any Design, especially where Diana is concern'd, not being yet discouraged, they re­solv'd to venture upon one Project more, which prov'd but too successful, to the loss of the bra­vest and best Blood in the Kingdom; and that was to Brand all those who were the steddiest Patriots, and so their greatest Enemies, of what Rank so­ever they were, with the odious Character of Per­sons disaffected to the Government, or, in the old Language, Enemies to Caesar: They pretended to perswade the World, that after all this great noise of a Popish Plot, 'twas onely a Presbyterian one lay at the bottom: This they had endeavour'd in the Meal-tub Intrigue, the Names of most of the worthy Persons in England being cull'd out to be sworn into it: But this miscarrying (like the Mo­ther on't, Mrs. Celiers Miscarriage in Newgate) they had by this time taken breath, form'd new De­signs, and procur'd new Witnesses which might do business more effectually, and, tho' they cou'd not write nor spell their Names, and so were not ve­ry well skill'd in Book-learning, yet at Buke-blaw­ing they were admirable; by which Character you may easily guess they were Irish-men. Nor did they want Fools to believe, any more than Knaves to manage this Design; by their continued unwea­ried Contrivances a great many easie, and some well-meaning People having by this time been wrought upon to believe almost as implicitly as they themselves, whatever the Priests wou'd have 'em. One thing, whatever happen'd, they were pretty sure of, That whether this Plot were be­lieved, or no, they shou'd carry on their Intrigue by it: If 'twas, they had what they wish'd: If it [Page 29] shou'd be discover'd, 'twou'd yet confound and a­muse Peoples minds, and make 'em so sick of Plot upon Plot, that it might make 'em almost stagger in their belief of the other. They had besides all this, a strong Party at Court to favour their En­terprizes. The King was the Duke's, and the Duke —all the World know who's▪ Twas necessary to flesh their Blood-hounds by degrees, to bring People on by little and little▪ to attempt some of inferiour Rank for a beginning▪ and not split the Cause for want of good management. And who so fit as poor Colledge to be the first Victim of their Perjury and Malice; by whose Death, besides be­ing rid of a troublesom Fellow, and breaking the Ice to make room for those to follow; they might also expect this advantage, That the middle sort of People wou'd be discourag'd in their just ha­tred of Popery and Papists, and prosecution of the Laws against them.

'Twas by such Methods as these that Mr. Col­ledge began to signalize himself in the VVorld. Be­ing a Man of Courage, Industry, and Sharpness, he made it much of his Business to serve his Coun­try, as far as possible, in searching after Priests and Jesuits, and hunting those Vermin out of their lurking Holes, in which he was very serviceable and successful, and for which, no doubt, they did not fail to remember him. The first time we meet with him in Publick, is, I think, in Stafford's Tri­al, where he's brought in for Mr. Dugdale, as a Collateral Evidence. But by that time the VVind was a little upon turning, and the Tide of Popular Aversion not quite so strong against Popery, being by the cunning of our common Enemy diverted [Page 30] into little Streams, and private Factions; and Ar­bitrary Power driving on, as the best way to pro­secute the Designs of Rome; to which the City of London in a particular manner made a vigorous Resistance; which displeasing the grand Agitators, no wonder they endeavour'd, as much as possible, to do it a mischief; their kindness to it having been sufficiently experienced in 66. and even since, In order to which, the K. was pleas'd, by the ad­vice of his Ghostly Brother, to alter the common and almost constant course of Parliaments, and call one at Oxford instead of London. Many of the Members whereof, and especiall [...] those of London were apprehensive of some design upon 'em there, having formerly in the Gun-powder Treason, and ever since, sufficiently found the Love of the Pa­pists to Protestant Parliaments, and knowing ve­ry well what they were to expect from their kind­ness, if they shou'd be attempted upon by 'em, and found defenceless. And more ground of Suspicion they had, because, as Colledge protests in his Speech, there had been Affidavits judiciously made of a form'd Design against 'em, being besides remov'd away from the City of London, which had always so much of the English Blood in't, as hear­tily to love Parliaments, and for that reason wou'd have ventur'd all for their defence. From these, and such like Reasons 'twas, that several of the Parliament men went accompanied with some of their Friends, well arm'd and accoutred, to Oxford, of which number this Mr. Colledge was one, he waiting on my Lord Clare, Paget, and Huntington to Oxford; where the Parliament, foreseeing what has since happen'd, wou'd have [Page 31] gone on where they left off in former Sessions, which, causing great Heats, every body knows how abruptly they were dissolv'd not long after their meeting. 'Twas now grown the entertain­ment of every Coffee-House, and the Subject of every Buffoons Pamphlet to expose and vilifie Parliaments as much as possible, and the very name of it was now grown as odious to some men, as that of Protestant. Mr. Colledge had, besides all his other forementioned Crimes, been, as he de­clares in his Speech, a great Honourer of that august Assembly, and had been in former Sessi­ons engaged by [...]me of the honourable Members to search the places adjoyning the Parliament-House, lest there should be a new Gun-powder-Treason hatching for 'em; from whence, as he says himself, he believes he got that Popular Name of Protestant Joyner.

All these Reasons together were more than e­nough to get him taken out of the way; and for the performance thereof, Heins, Macnamarra, and one or two of the Apostate Evidence of the Popish Plot, informed against him. Nor is it a won­der that after so many attempts, some of those men should be prevail'd with to prove false; but rather, that under so many temptations, any of 'em resisted▪ or were not sooner Villains. These Persons swore such mad things against him, of taking Whitehall, and pulling the King out of it, and such other odd wild Stories, that partly from the improbability of the matter, and partly from the ill Character of the Persons who witness'd it, the Jury here in London refus'd to find the Bill, but return'd it Ignoramus. On which, contrary [Page 32] to all Justice, and President, and Law, and Com­mon Reason, which forbids a man should be twice in danger of his Life for the same Offence; the business was remov'd to Oxford, where how little Civility or common Justice he met with in his Tryal, was then notorious to all the World: A Person being check'd, for giving him but assi­stance and notes in the way of his calling, to make his defence, when his Life was engaged: Yet tho' even those Notes were deny'd him: None that heard the Tryal, or so much as read it, but must grant, that he made a very extraordinary Defence, and much more than could have been expected from a man of more Learning. But he might have spared all his Labour; the Business was no doubt on't resolv'd upon before, and he was found Guilty, Sentenc'd and Executed accor­ding to Order. To look back once more, and en­quire a little deeper into the very original of the matter: That there was a design laid to bring in most of the worthy Patriots of England into a Sham-Plot under the odious, scare-crow name of Presbyterians, not only the Meal-tub-attempt, and several other of the same Batch, makes sufficiently appear; but the late Essay of Fitz-harris above all the rest, was enough to satisfie the most preju­diced Persons. He had conspired with some others to write a scandalous Libel against the King, which was to be laid on such as they'd call Presbyterians, and this to be sent to their Houses, or conveyed into their Pockets, and there to be seiz'd, and the Persons prosecuted thereupon. This business the Oxford Parliament had before 'em, and began to smell out who set it on foot; and being resolv'd [Page 33] to find the bottom on't, lest he should be hang'd up on the sudden to prevent his Confession, (he now beginning to melt a little) as Hubert, who fir'd London formerly was, they impeached him, to keep the examination of that matter to themselves. 'Tis too long to run over the Proceedings against him, and the Court-Parties subtle contrivance, to Hang, Draw, and Quarter him, and so to hinder effectually his telling any more Tales. 'Tis sufficient to observe, that this design was prosecuted for se­veral years after, and poor Colledge was to bear the first brunt on't, as has been already declared.

If we reflect y [...]t further on the manner of his Tryal, and not look on to any others, one wou'd be apt to think 'twas impossible a man could be destroyed with more injustice and barbarity than he was, or that twelve men who look like Christians, could be found out, who would hang a Man upon such Evidence as was given against him.

When a Criminal shall be kept a close Prisoner in the Tower, without having sufficient means to make his Defence, till he come to his Trial: When, as has been said, he shall be rifled of his Notes, by which he could only save his Life, on which he depended, and that just before he came to his Tryal; though assisted therein by that very Council assigned by the Court for him: When he shall in vain demand 'em again, and call Heaven and Earth to witness, that he's meerly cheated of his Life for want of 'em: When all his redress is such a frivolous excuse, as not only a Judge, but any honest Man would be asham'd to make use of—Nay, such a sort of a one as is commonly made before the Judges, but seldom by 'em — [Page 34] That 'twas somebody else did it—That the Court, the Chief-Justice, had 'em not, nor did take 'em from him; when the very Person stood by who rob'd him of 'em; and yet he could have no reparation: When the Kings Council must whisper the Chief-Justice on the Bench, and the Court must be adjourned, on purpose to examine into those Minutes which the poor Man had got to­gether to save his Life, and even from them get an opportunity to take it away, altering the manner of their Prosecution, strengthning and bolstering their Evidence where they found it weak or con­tradictory: When all the Evidence against him, were not only such as an honest London Jury wou'd not believe, though a Country one, directed by the Kings Council, could make a shift to do it; but were every one of 'em who witness'd any thing material, confounded by such home Evi­dence, as if any thing in the World could do it, did certainly invalidate and annul their Testimo­nies: When one of them swears horridly, He cared not what he swore, nor whom he swore against, for 'twas his Trade to get Money by swearing.— That the Parliament were a company of Rogues for not giving the King Money, but he would help him to Money out of the Fanaticks Estates, which is ex­plained by what Smith says, —That if the Par­liament would not give the King Money, but stood on the Bill of Exclusion, 'twas pretence enough to swear a design to seize the King at Oxford. When this same Heins very pleasantly says, 'Twas a Judg­ment upon the King and the People, and the Irish-men's swearing against 'em was justly fallen on 'em, for out­ing the Irish of their Estates. When others of 'em [Page 35] swear, That since the Citizens deserted 'em, they would not starve; That they would have Colledge's Blood; That tho they had gone against their Con­sciences, 'twas because they had been persuaded to't, and could get no Mony else; and when they had said before t [...]ey believed Colledge had no more hand in any Conspiracy against his Majesty, than the Child unborn; When they would have hired others to swear more into the same Plot; when the Bench was so just and kind Counsel for the Prisoner, as to tell the Jury, The Kings Wit­nesses were on their Oaths, the Prisoners not, and so one to be credited before the other; in which case 'tis impossible for any man living to make a defence against a perjur'd Villain. Lastly, When the Prisoner himself very weightily objected— [...]hat there was no proof of any Persons being concern'd with him in the design of seizing the King, and 'twas wisely answer'd,—That he might be so vain to design it alone—A thousand times more Romantic Improbability than an Ar­my's lying conceal'd at Knightsbridge, and of the same stamp with Draweansirs killing all on both sides. Taking all these things together, hardly ever was a man at this rate banter'd out of his Life be­fore any Judicature in the World, in any place or Age that History hath left us.

Nor ought the great Service he did to the Na­tion in general to be ever forgotten; since not­withstanding all the disadvantages he was under, the publick stream running so violently against him and his Witnesses, and the surprize which such strange Treatment, when he was on his Life, might cast him into, he yet made so strong a De­fence, [Page 36] by shewing what sort of Witnesses were brought against him, hindring them ever after from being believ'd, and thereby certainly saved many anothers Life, tho he could not his own.

Nor can the undaunted Courage, and firm Ho­nesty of the man be hardly ever enough admired. Since besides what he shewed in his defence, after he was condemned, as he himself said, as good as without a Tryal, he boldly ask'd, When he was to be executed? without any the least seeming con­cern. And tho he had time considerable before his Execution to consider on't, refus'd to save his Life so meanly, as to make other innocent men's the price of his own; without which design they had hardly been so kind to have given him so long a Reprieve.

As for his Behaviour at his Execution: 'Twa [...] such as convinc'd more than a few of his greatest Enemies, and made 'em entertain a much better opinion of him than before. From his last Speech we shall remark several Passages as another argu­ment for his Innocency. But before we proceed any further in 'em, 'twill be needful to fix one asserti­on, which we may presume few modest unpreju­diced Persons, will deny, and which we shall have occasion to make further use of.—'Tis,— That a Protestant, who believes an Heaven and Hell, and is not a Man of no Principles, or de­bauch'd and atheistical, would go out of the World, into the Presence of that God who must Judge him, with a Lie in his Mouth.—This none will deny, but those who have a very great kind­ness for the Papists; and yet of all men in the world, such as these must not offer to do it,— [Page 37] since 'twas the very argument they made use of for the Innocence of the Jesuits, and other Tray­tors. Tho' on that side we know there are un­answerable Arguments not to believe them; their Religion recommending Pe [...]jury, and all sorts of Villanies to 'em as meritorious, when Holy Church is concerned. Their Church besides allowing 'em Dispensations before, and Absolution after, and Purgatory at the worst, whence a few Masses would fetch them out again.—Things being thus, what can any Man of Modesty say to Mr. Colledges Protestations over and over, both in Pri­son, and at his Death, that he was perfectly in­nocent of what he dy'd for? [I did deny it then, (says he, that is, before the Council) and do deny it upon my Death: I never was in any manner of Plot in my days; nor if I had had any such design as these have sworn against me, I take God to witness, as I am a dying Man, and on the terms of my Salvation, I know not one Man upon the face of the Earth which would have stood by me.] And lower, [I knew not of any part of what they swore against me, till I heard it sworn at the Bar.] Again, [All the Arms we had was for our Defence, in case the Papists should have made any attempt by way of Massacre, &c. God is my witness this is all I know.] And in his solemn Prayer, and some of his almost very last Words— ['Tis thee, O God, I trust in.—I disown all Dispen­sations, and will not go out of the World with a Lie in my Mouth.] —And just after to the People, [From the sincerity of my Heart, I declare again, That these are the very Sentiments of my Soul, as God shall have mercy upon me.]

[Page 38]Now upon the whole I'd ask any sober man, what he would answer to this, and how he can forbear, without the greatest Violation to all Principles of Good Nature and Ingenuity to pro­nounce this Person innocent?

Thus dy'd Mr. Colledge, whose Blood as he him­self desir'd it might, sufficiently spoke the Justice o [...] his Cause ▪ who seem'd in his Speech to have some Prophetick Intimations, that his Blood would not be the last, as indeed it was not, but rather a Praelude to that which follow'd, the Edge of the Laws being now turn'd against all those who dar'd defend it.

He has one Daughter yet living, whose Grati­tude and Generosity to those who were kind to her under the Misfortunes of her Family, is at present the wonder and entertainment of the Cou [...]t of England, and whose brave Soul speaks her the true Child of such a Father.

For his Character. How great and undaunt­ed his Courage was, both his Tryal and Death testifie. He was very vigorous and earnest, almost to a Fault, in his undertakings. But certainly there are so few who err on that hand, that we may without flattery account this his warm zeal for his Country, if it did a little exceed, a happy as well as a very pardonable er­ror. He was extraordinary ingenious in his own Trade, and imployed amongst great Persons for his dexterity therein. He had an entire love for the City of L [...]ndo [...], and stood up for its honour and priviledges as highly as any man living. He ha [...] a Soul so very great and generous, that many who knew him well, have said, considering his Edu­cation, [Page 39] they wondred how he came by it. He was a man of very good sound sense, considerably more than those of his Rank generally have, which he had much improved in his latter time by conversation with Persons of Honour and Quality. In fine, he liv'd sufficiently belov'd by those who knew, and did not fear him; and dy'd lamented by his Friends, and admired and esteemed by his very Enemies.

Some time after his Death his Picture was sold about Town, which as I remember very much displeased the Observator. Under it were these Lines engraven,

ARTHUR Earl of Essex.

THat Party, and those Persons who were en­gag'd to manage the Designs before-men­tion'd, were now entred on the most compendious way of introducing what they desir'd, as well as avoiding what their own Consciences, and all the World knew they deserv'd. Having those in their own hands who had the Executive part of the [Page 41] Government in theirs; and finding no doubt a sort of malicious pleasure, as well as advantage, in destroying People by those Laws which were made to preserve 'em; a Villany to be compared with nothing but the Treason of that Monster of a Priest, who gave the Emperour Poison in the Blessed Sacrament: Having wrought up the Na­tion, and all Parties therein to a high ferment, ma­king one side mad for Slavery, as if they had all been at Constantinople as well as their Sheriff, and learnt the Doctrine of the Bow-string; some of 'em treated, others cajoled, others frightned, and some few reason'd into the Belief of Absolute Au­thority in Kings, and Obedience Active as well as what is call'd Passive, to be paid to all their Com­mands. Some honest, several learned, more wit­ty men joyning in with all their power to ad­vance the Transactions at that time on the wheel. And on the other side, exasperating that Party who were more tenacious of their Liberties, as much as possible against the Constitution which they saw so horridly abused both in Church and State, perswading 'em all the Clergy were for making 'em Slaves▪ and themselves and the Court great to ride upon 'em; whereas really it was on­ly a Party, tho' too large, who made more noise, tho' they had neither more sense nor number than those who differ'd from 'em; and by this means rendring many of the trading part of the Nation especially, so dissatisfied with 'em, and eager against 'em, that they began to think they had reason to fear as bad Effects thereof as they had experienced in the last Age, and so sided more closely with that Party whence they expected [Page 40] [...] [Page 41] [...] [Page 42] Protection. When things were in this posture, and a great many Persons either taken off from their natural Love to a lawful Liberty, which is so much of the very nature of an English-man; the Mana­gers of the great Intrigue which was to accom­plish our ruine, resolv'd after they had begun with Colledge, to rise higher, and flie at nobler Game, and take off all those whom they cou'd not win over, or against whom Interest or Revenge had more keenly engag'd 'em, and who were most likely to make the most vigorous opposi­tion against their Attempts. But finding the Lon­don Juries unmoveably honest, and no way to ac­complish their Designs on these Persons, while their Witnesses wou'd not be believ'd, and no way to get Juries fit for their turn, but by having She­riffs of the same stamp; and finding the Party they had gotten, after all their tricks, which ma­ny of those who then knew, are now ashamed of, visibly and fairly out-numbred by those who were not yet ripe for Slavery, they bethought themselves of one way to rid themselves of that Inconveniency—which was by a Quo Warranto against the City of London, that they might more effectually and with less noise have what Sheriffs they pleas'd; or in effect, hang whomever they thought their Enemies, and not be forc'd almost to blush at those visible and sensible Illegalities with which they had forc'd those Officers upon the City.

This they had accomplish'd in the Year 1683. when Judgment was given against the Charter of London, whose Liberties had been confirm'd to 'em by William the Conquer [...]r, and deliver'd down [Page 43] before from immemorial Ages, and this by two Judges only in Westminster-Hall, tho' the greatest Cause, one may venture to say, that ever was le­gally try'd therein.

Now by this time they had, after so many for­mer fruitless endeavours, brought something of a Plot to bear; and with this Advantage above all their former, that there was really something in't, altho', as Bays says in another Case, That Truth, which was notoriously blended with Lies and Perjuries. The occasion of it, we may best meet with in Holloway's most ingenuous Acknowledgment; [By Arbitrary and [...]llegal ways, and force of Arms, they had got Sheriffs to their mind,— Witnesses they had before, but wanted Jurors to believe them▪ N [...]w they have got Sheriffs who will find Jurors to believe any Evidence against a Protestant, and so hang up all the King's Friends by degrees.—None being suffered to come near the King but those who have been declared Enemies to the King and Kingdom, who to save themselves, do endeavour to keep all things from the King's knowledge, and perswade him against Parliaments, &c.]

Thus much for the Occasion. The Design seems to be the same with what was intended at first, by many of those great and eminent Persons, both Clergy and Laity, in their late appearance in Arms; tho' by the Providence of God, for the Security of the Nation, and Reason of State, it has since been carried farther than theirs was ever to have been. [Seeing fair means, says Holloway, would not do, but all things on the Protestants side mis­represented to the King by such great Criminals, and none more in favour than those,—To take the King [Page 44] from his Evil Council, and that (as the late wonder­ful Turn was transacted, and as 'tis impossible to be otherwise in business of so large a Concern, by a general Insurrection in several parts of England at ones.] All those who have had any share in the present Transactions, which are upon the matter all the Nation, have shewn themselves plainly of the same mind with those who were engaged in this, on which the Dispute runs, as to t [...]e Reason of the Thing, and the Principles on which they proceeded—And their only difference is about Matter of Fact, Whether Things were then at that heighth as to need desperate Remedies. If it be objected, That such Attempts are only glossy Pretences, vali'd under the specious name of the Publick Good.— The Answer is as ready as the Objection, Is there any difference between Rea­son and no Reason, Truth and Falshood? There is a right, and a wrong,—and if ever Liberties were invaded, and the Ends of Government va­cated and annulled, never were the Foundations of such a Design plainer than on this Occasion— So that 'twas indeed, what was of it, a Counter-Plot, rather than a Plot against the Govern­ment and Laws of England, and that when no other Remedy could without a Miracle be ex­pected.

That this was the heighth and utmost of the then Design, and that no brave good man need to be asham'd on't, I think all, or most men are by this time pretty well satisfied. But alas! this would not serve the turn of the Managers— Even this might not, nor perhaps could not be, as certain­ly 'twas not fairly prov'd against several, who [Page 45] suffered for it. This was a thing so necessary and defensible, that there was occasion of laying fouler colours upon't, to fright and amuse the World, and let 'em stand by patiently, and see their best and bravest Patriots sink, with much such Prudence and Wisdom as the Sheep in the Fable suffer'd those bloody Mastiffs to be destroy'd, who so often broke the Peace between them and the harmless Wolves; and were afterwards in their turns handsomly worried, and justly eaten up for their Reward. 'Twas convenient to make some­what more of it—There must be an Assassination grafted on this Insurrection, or else all would not be worth—an Halter: 'Twas the business and in­terest of the Popish Party to render their Enemies odious as possible to the people, of whom for their steddy Zeal and Love to their Religion and Liber­ties they had long been the Darlings. To accom­plish this, 'twas very necessary to get some Per­sons to insinuate into their Counsels, to inflame things higher, to make black and odious Propo­sals of Assassinations, and Murders, and such bloo­dy Villanies as alarm the good-nature of an Eng­lish-man with the very mentioning of 'em.— Which yet some of the honester and wiser look­ing upon as mad hot words only, or, if any more intended, having it in their power to prevent such wickedness another way, would not yet turn Informers, nor ruin those Persons, who in all pro­bability were only Trapans to ruin them. In all the Papers relating to this matter, we shall find all Discourses of this nature center'd in West and Rumsey. West was very much for the Lopping bu­siness—for killing 'em in their Calling—and was [Page 46] full and eager of it . Tho' Walcot, Holloway, and all whoever heard it propos'd, receiv'd it still with the greatest Detestation imaginable, as a most base and bloody Action, which they never wou'd have their own Hands imbru'd in, nor their Po­sterity stain'd with. That all the great Persons, of Birth and Honour, were absolutely against any so foul an Action, and abhorr'd it from their Souls, we may find, even without the forc'd Con­fession of their worst Enemies, by the Lord Rus­sel's concern when such a thing was mutter'd, and the Duke of Monmouth's Answer, —God so— Kill the King, I will never suffer it. The account we have of it, is from him who shou'd best know, and that's West, who in his Discourse with Hollo­way on this Occasion, tells him of the New-market and Rye-house Design—That the King and Duke were to be kill'd as they came by, for which they had provided Arms for fifty Men—and were pro­mis'd Rumbald's House, which lay in the Road. When ask'd, VVho was to act it—who were to fire these Arms for fifty Men— Pistols, Carbines, and Blunderbusses? He cou'd name but two Men, Rumbald and his Brother; who certainly must have been very dexterous to have discharg'd all those dreadful Businesses themselves without As­sistance, and is much such a likely Story as Col­ledges being so vain to attempt seizing the King by himself, without any Assistance.

But if even these two Brothers, who very like­ly were pickt out by the Evidence for the King­killers, meerly for their hard Names, the very sound of which wou'd be as shrew'd an Argu­ment of their Guilt to VVomen and Children, [Page 47] and with as much Justice, as some of the odd Names of the poor People in the VVest were made, at least a strong Presumption against 'em, and almost as mortal as an Innuendo. [...]f even these two were innocent of this horrid Business, who were the onely Persons ingaged therein, pray, VVhat then becomes of the Assassination? And won't Rumbald's Blunderbuss hear Laughing at full as well as [...]ickering's Carbine or Screw-Gun, and chaw'd Bul [...]ets. But if there be any thing solid in that Observation in Colledge's Case, That a Chri­stian, and a Protestant won't forswear himself when he's just going out of the World; if this fair Suppo­sition may but be granted me, as I see not how it can be avoided, the matter will be clear enough; Rumbald himself in his Speech at his Execution in Scotland absolutely disclaiming and denying any hand in any such Design. See his Speech▪ and Answer to his Indictment—[He desired all pre­sent to believe the words of a dying Man—as for having design'd the King's death, he never directly, nor indirectly, intended such a Villany; That he ab­horr'd the very thoughts on't; and that he blessed God he had that Reputation in the VVorld, that he knew none had the Impudence to ask him the Question, and he detested the Thoughts of the Action, and hoped all good people wou'd believe him, which was the onely way he had to clear himself; and he was sure that this Truth shou'd one Day be manifest to all Men.] So at his Execution—[I think it necessary to clear my self of some Aspersions laid on my Name; and first, That I shou'd have had so horrid an Intention of de­stroying the King and his Brother.] VVhere he repeated what he had said to the Jury on the same Subject.

[Page 48]The Sum is,— If any Assassination, it must have been by the Rumbalds: if not by them, as has been proved, then not at all. If no assassina­tion in this Plot, then nothing is left of malignity in it, but a lawful and laudable opposition to the breach and ruine of our good Laws and Go­vernment; and even that, as will be proved, not proved against most of those that by the iniquity of the times, suffer'd for the same.

We have been forced to give this fair and im­partial Scheme or Idea of that design which was at that time represented so formidable and dreadful, before we could handsomly proceed to the Death of this Noble Lord, or those others that follow­ed him; and that as well from the order of the History, as for his Vindication. And as has been re­mark'd, 'Twas necessary for that Party who ma­nag'd our ruine, that the forementioned business of the Assassination should be believed, and no­thing like a real one actually performed, to gain Credit to a feigned one onely pretended: For what could be a greater Argument that there was some black wickedness at the bottom, some sin of an extraordinary stain, like the Murder of Princes, bearing too hard on his Conscience, could possibly induce so great a Man to so unchristian an attempt on his own Person? Hence they might, and no doubt did argue— Hence the very rabble may easily reason—Certainly there was more in it than onely just consultations, and necessary mea­sures taken for the Publick Safety by the Peers of the Realm— by the King and Kingdoms best Friends, to deliver his Majesty from those Fami­liars that haunted him. There was more than [Page 49] this, and this Lord was conscious of it, or else certainly he had never acted what he has. Now this would effectually excite that aversion which must necessarily follow from all honest Men to a Party who could be guilty of such horrid designs. This must of necessity, as in effect it did, sway much with those Juries who were to sit upon the Lives of any accused or concerned in the same business, had there not been more weighty reasons to be produced below towards the finding 'em guilty. Altho 'tis certain, by their own confessi­on, the best excuse they could make for Innocent Blood, particularly in Russel's Case, was that Con­firmation they had to the Evidence sworn against 'em' by Essex's Murder. Besides, There might be a barbarous kind of a pleasure, in opening this Plot with a Scene so like that which began the Popish one; and that in all probability, by the same Act­ors whose hands were deep in the others.

There was a Gentleman kill'd, which contribu­ted very much towards the credit of that Plot, tho in another way. Here must be one to undergo the same Fate for the same reason. And both of 'em too pretendedly to kill themselves— Just one as much as another.

These Preliminaries being cleared, 'twill be now time to come to the Person of this Noble Lord, his Family, and former manner of Life.

Every one knows he was of the Illustrious Fa­mily of the Capels, whose Father dy'd for a Fami­ly, whence he deserved better Treatment for his sake, and had received it, had he not fallen into the Hands of Popish Gratitude and Mercy; which his Enemies knowing too well, and doubting the [Page 50] Sweetness of temper which all the world ever ac­knowledged in King Charles the Second would not give him over to their publick Revenge, in all pro­bability, resolved to take a shorter course with him. He had been some years before in the high­est place under the King in Ireland, and there be­haved himself with that Wisdom and Candor, inseparable from all the actions of his Life — and lived above Blame, though not above Envy: Be­ing recalled thence unexpectedly, and dealt with not very handsomly; which yet he bore with a Spirit like a brave man, and a Christian.

My Lord of Essex was a Person, whom, 'twas no doubt the highest Interest of the Popish Faction to have gotten out of the way, even tho' there had been no such extraordinary Reason as has been mentioned. He had large Interest, a plentiful Estate, a great deal of Courage, understood the World, and the Principles and Practices of the Papists as well as any man, having been of several Secret Committees in the Examination of the Plot, on which very reason there was as much necessity for his dying as Sir E. B. Godfrey's. He was besides all this, they very well knew, of Inflexible Hone­sty, and so true a greatness of mind, they could no more expect to gain him, than Heaven it self to be on their side

As for the immediate Subject of his Death, the manner and cir [...]u [...]stances thereof — It must first be granted and a very reasonable demand it is, that for the present only supposing he was murder'd by the Papists they would, we may be sure, make it their business to render the man­ner of it as dark as the Hell in which 'twas con­triv'd. [Page 51] Murders, especially of that magnitude, don't use to be committed in the face of all the world, and at Noon-day. When Power is en­gaged in any Villany, when the same Power is still continu'd or encreas'd, and can be easily exer­cis'd in taking out of the way the Traytors, tho' it loves the Treason; and when so many years have interven'd since the Fact; 'tis no wonder at all if things are more in the dark, than they would have been, had at that very instant Liberty been given to have enquired into it, which was so loudly and passionately demanded. But this we are yet certain of, tho' no more be yet publickly known in this matter than what has formerly been Printed; and tho' there may be several rea­sons, both of State and Decency, which may per­haps make it convenient that things should al­ways be as they are; yet there are already such violent probabilities, both that he was murthered, and murthered by Papists; And of the other side, such at least next to impossibilities, in his acting it himself, that as long as the World stands, no modest man will be able either to get by 'em or over 'em; nor the most impudent or cunning, to out-face, or give them an answer.

For the probability that he was murther'd by Popish Contrivement, besides those already na­med, Why they should do it; here are these fol­lowing Arguments, That they did it; Their Prin­ciples too openly known to be deny'd: Their Practices in all Ages, and this present,—Sir E.B.G. the very Prototype of Essex, Arnold; all the pre­tended Legal Murders, all that has since happen­ed —But if 'tis said, some Papists are better and [Page 52] braver than others. Let's come nearer. Would those that formerly burnt London; those who have since broke all the Obligations of Gratitude and Good Nature, nay, Publick Faith, and the most solemn Oaths which 'tis possible for a man to take —Who, if the Testimonies of such as have confirmed it with their dying Breaths, and last drop o [...] Blood, may be credited, who have encou­raged, hired, paid men for attempts to be made on the lives of their nearest, and too tender Re­lations; Would such as these stick at a single mur­ther, a small Venial Villany to advance their Cause, and merit Heaven into the Bargain; When pre­tence of Justice, necessity of Affairs, Reason of State, and so many more such weights might be thrown into the Scales? More than all this— When such Persons as these were actually in the place where this Murther was committed, at the very instant 'twas done? All these together, with what is yet to follow, amount to as strong Argu­ments and pregnant Circumstances as the nature of the thing will bear, and mark out the Murtherers as plainly and visibly, as if they had come out of his Chamber with white Sleeves, and a long Knife in their Hands, bloody all over.

And indeed there seems need of little more than relating bare, simple, indubitable matter of Fact, and such as hardly any body will deny, to satisfie any cool rational man in the business.

The Earl of Essex's Throat was cut in the Tow­er the 13th of July, about Eight or Nine in the Morning, at which time the Duke of York, a bi­gotted Papist, his known bitter Enemy, was there present. This was reported at Andover, [Page 53] sixty miles from London, the 11th of July, the first day of his Imprisonment, and as common Town­talk in every bodies mouth, as Sir E.B.G's at the time of his murther, and told a Person travelling on the Road near the same place, which was witnessed before, even a Jeffreys, in a publick Court of Ju­dicature. A Deputy-Coroner present at the In­quest instead of a Legal one; none of the Relati­ons to attend the Inquest. The Body remov'd from the place where 'twas first laid, stript, the Clothes taken away, the Body and Rooms wa­shed from the Blood, the Clothes denied the view of the Jury. The principal Witnesses examin'd, on­ly Bomeny his man, and Russel his Warder, who might be so justly suspected of being privy to, if not Actors in it. That the Jury hasten'd and hurried the Ver­dict when so great a man, a Peer of the Realm, and such a Peer was concern'd, who was the King's Prisoner. When Sir Thomas Overbury had been before murther'd in the Tower, and his Jury brought in an unrighteous Verdict; when even Sir E. B. G's Jury, so much cry'd out against for their ill management, adjourn'd their Verdict, and staid considerably before they brought it in. This at a time when the Lord Russel was to be try'd for a share in a Plot in which the Earl was also accu­sed of being concern'd. One Branch of which Conspiracy, and which 'twas so much the Papists Interest to have the belief on't fix'd, was a bar­barous Murther of the Duke and King; when no­thing cou'd so immediately, and critically tend to that noble Gentleman's ruine; when the News was instantly, with so much diligence, convey'd from the Tower to the Sessions-house, Bench, Bar, [Page 54] and Jury, and harp'd upon by the Lord Howar [...] just then and by others in after Trials, as the mor [...] than a thousand Witnesses, and the very finger of God. After this, the very Centinel, who that Day stood near the place, found dead in the Tower-Ditch, and Captain Hawley barbarously murther'd down at Rochester; and ill methods us'd to prevent the truth of all from coming to light. Mr. Braddon harass'd, prosecuted, jayl'd and fined for stirring in it. On the fair and im­partial Consideration but of these things, hard­ly one of which but is notorious Matter of Fact, granted by all sides—What can a man con­clude from the whole, but whether he will or no— That this noble Lord was certainly murthered by the Popish Party?

But there's yet more Evidence,—If he could not Murther himself in that manner, who then should do it but those on whom the Guilt on't has been justly charged? And this from the manner of it. His Throat was cut from one Jugular to the other, and by the Aspera Arteria and Wind­pipe to the Vertebrae of the Neck, both the Ju­gulars being throughly divided. How often has it been ask'd, and how impossible it should ever receive an Answer,—How could any Living Man, after the prodigious flux of Blood which must necessa­rily follow on the dividing one Jugular, as well as all those strong Muscles which lye in the way, how cou'd he ever have strength to go through, all round, and come to the other, without fainting? One cou'd as soon believe the Story of the Pirate, who after his Head was cut off, ran the whole length of his Ship; or that of St. Dennis, which was no doubt grafted on the other.

[Page 55]Nor is it rendered less impossible from the In­strument with which those who did it wou'd per­swade the World 'twas perform'd by himself A little French Razor. Had Bomeny held to the Penknife, it had been much more likely. But here was nothing to rest or bear upon in the cutting, it having no Tongue to hold it up in the Haft: And as 'tis observ'd in the Prints on that Subject, he must therefore, supposing he had done it himself, have held his hand pretty far, upon the very Blade, and so with about two inches and a half of it, whittle out a wound of four inches deep and all round his Neck, as if he had intended to have been his own Headsman as well as Executioner, out of Remorse of Conscience for his Treason.

Lastly, His Character makes it morally impos­sible he should be guilty of so mean and little an Action. 'Tis for Women, and Eunuch's, and Lovers, and Romantick Hero's to kill themselves; not Men of known Virtue, Temper, Wisdom, Piety and Gravity; who had formerly digested as great Affronts as cou'd be put upon à Man, with a candor and calmness so worthy a Man and a Christian, who had been so far from de­fending so barbarous and unmanly a thing as Self-murther, as is suggested, that he had ra­ther express himself with Detestation concerning it.

And as he ought not, and cou'd not be hurried into so fatal an Action by a false mistaken Greatness of Mind; as no such thing, or so much as the least Footsteps of it appear'd in the whole course of his Life; so from all his Actions in the Tower before his Death, we may fairly deduce the quite [Page 56] contrary to what his Enemies have asserted; and by observing his Conduct there, discover plainly that no such black Intention ever enter'd into his Mind. This appears from his ordering his Peo­ple to have his own Plate sent for out of the Country to dress his Meat▪ as well as a conside­rable parcel of Wines bought and brought into the Tower for his drinking, that he might not stand to the Courtesie of his Enemies; and this sufficient to last him till he cou'd be deliver'd by due Course of Law.

I can foresee but one thing that can with the least plausibility be objected to this considerable Passage; and 'tis, That this was when he was first Committed, before he fell Melancholy, which he more eminently did when he heard my Lord Russel was to be try'd, as being griev'd and desperate for having brought so brave a Gentlemen into such unhappy Cir­cumstances, as Bomeny somewhere or other pretends to, on discoursing with him on that particular.

But there are two Answers which cut all the Si­news of this Objection: One, That this was the ve­ry day before he was murder'd, that he sent both for his Wine and Silver Vessels. Now Bomeny lays the Foundation of his Melancholy, and the Intention to be his own Destroyer on the very first day he came into the Tower. For he says in his Deposi­tion in Braddon's Trial, [That he had order'd his Servant two days before to provide a Penknife for him, on pretence of cutting his Nails, but with an in­tent of committing that Fatal and Tragical Act.] The Thirteenth of July was the day of his Mar­tyrdom, two days before then must be the Eleventh, the day of his Commitment: But 'twas the inter­vening [Page 57] day, the Twelfth of that Month, on which he took such care to eat and drink safely: whereas had there been any such design in his Head, he wou'd never have taken such Measures; and if he had had an intention to amuze his Peo­ple, that no such thing might have been suspect­ed, he might have taken other ways, less trouble­som and chargeable.

But what yet clears all the remaining Scruple, is his ordering his Gentleman to take Notes at my Lord Russel's Trial, appointing him how to ma­nage himself for the effecting it, so calmly and orderly, that he can't be suppos'd, either disturb'd, or desperate on account of his own Guilt, or Russel's unhappiness; or to have taken this Course with himself, as Jeffreys says in Braddon's Trial, to prevent Justice, tho' others did it with him to prevent Mercy.

One great Argument more; That, which indeed when it happen'd, did much alarm all thinking men, and make 'em shrewdly suspect foul play had been offer'd-was the ill Treatment those met with who dared but pry into these Arcana Imperii, and desire but in a legal way that the Business might be reviewed, and search'd to the bottom. This was granted in the Case of poor Sir Edmund, many years after his Death, and Commission given to enquire into it to L'Estrange. — But 'tis confest there was a great deal of Difference. One, as 'twas manag'd, tending to root up all belief of a Po­pish Plot: T'other if it had been honestly ex­amin'd, might have done as much in reality to a Protestant One. The great tenderness of some Per­sons, in this Case, and their huge aversion and [Page 58] unwillingness to be touch'd thereabouts; made People more than suspect, that there was some Sore or other in the Case which wou'd not endure it. Mr. Braddon had heard of a Boy, who be­ing playing before Essex's window that Morning, saw a bloody Razor thrown out of the window; he thought he shou'd do the King Service to make a Discovery if any Injury had been offer'd to one of his Subjects, especially so great and good a Person. He brings the Boy with him to my L. Sunderland, and for his Reward is himself brought before the Council, severely Reprimanded, and for­ced to give 2000 l. Bail to Answer an Informati­on for Suborning the Boy to say what he did. Up­on which, after a great many worse vexations, which besides the charge and trouble▪ hindred also his Prosecution of the Business while 'twas yet fresh and warm, he was at last try'd: The ve­ry words to the Indictment running, —For his procuring and suborning false Witnesses to prove that the Earl of Essex was not a Felon of himself. &c. Of which, according to Jefferys Law, and the Conscience of the then Juries, he was found Guil­ty, and fin'd for the same, tho' not the least syl­lable of Practice or Subornation prov'd against him: tho' the Boy did himself acknowledge he had said those things, as well as several Witnesses prov'd it: tho' 'twas terribly suspicious that some Art had been afterwards used with the Boy to make him deny it; tho' Jefferys storm'd and rav'd, after his usual manner, when Mr. Wallop did put such a Question, and wou'd by no means have it be answer'd.

[Page 59]But whatever this couragious honest Gentle­man suffer'd from their Spite and Malice, he bore all with handsom, and truly English Resolution. As he before his Imprisonment, and since, was indefatigably diligent in getting up the bottom of this soul Business; all English-men must own, he has deserv'd the Love and Honour of his Country, who was not discourag'd from acting even in the worst of times, against a whole enraged Faction. where he had such firm and pregnant Circum­stances on which to ground his Attempt; tho' he cou'd not but be sensible he must undergo all the Censures of his Friends, as forward and impru­dent; as well as all the hate and malice of his own and his Countries Enemies. He deserves a much fairer Commendation than here can be given him; but however, this was a just a Debt due to his Courage and Honesty, when he alone durst undertake what all the World else was afraid of: Durst still continue firm to Honour, and Con­science, and his first Resolution, in spite of Fines and Imprisonments, and has now outliv'd 'em all, to carry on his first Undertakings; whose Design therein, is no doubt just and generous, whatever the Event proves; And although so much Dust may have, since it happened, been purposely thrown on the Action, that it may be now more difficult, and perhaps unsuccessful to trace it, than 'twas before.

William Lord Russel.

THE next who fell under their Cruelty, and to whose Death Essex's was but the Prologue, was my Lord Russel, without all Dispute the finest Gentleman one of 'em that ever England bred, and whose pious Life and Virtue was as much Treason against the Court, by affronting 'em with what was so much hated there, as any thing else that was sworn against him. His Family was ancient, tho' not rais'd to the Honours it at present enjoys, till King Edward's time, when John Russel, a Dor­setshire Gentlemen, who had done many Services, and receiv'd many favours from the Crown, both in Henry the Seventh, and Henry the Eighth's time, being by the latter made Lord High Admiral, and at his Death Lord High Steward of England for the Solemnity of the Coronation; obtain'd such a Victory for his young Master against his Rebels, as was rewarded with the Title of The Earl of Bēd­ford. The Occasion of it thu—Idolatry and Su­perstition being now rooting out by the Publick Authority, and Images every where pulling down, the Loyal Papists mutined, and one of their Priests stabb'd a Commander of the Kings, who was o­beying his Orders, and ten thousand of the de­luded Rabble rise in the Defence of that barba­rous Action, and their old Mass and Holy-water. [Page 65] Against whom this fortunate Lord was sent with an Army, who routed 'em all, relieved Exeter which they had besieg'd, and took their Gods, Banners, Crucifixes, and all the rest of their Trumpery, wherein the deluded Creatures trusted for Victory. Thus the Family of the Russels were early Enemies to the Romish Superstition, tho' this brave Gentleman only paid the Scores of all his Ancestors. The Son and Heir of this John ▪ was Francis, second Earl of Bedford, who was as faith­ful to the Crown, as his Father, an Enemy and Terror to the French, and a Friend to the Prote­stant Religion, as may appear by the Learned Books of Wickliff, which he collected, and at his Death bequeath'd to a great Man, who he knew wou'd make good use of 'em. His eldest Son William Lord Russel, the present Earl of Bedford, is suffici­ently known to every true English-man, and his Person and Memory will be honoured by them as long as the World lasts. But 'tis necessary good men should not be immortal— if they were, we should almost lose their Examples, it looking so like Flattery. But to do 'em Justice while they are living, with more safety, and less censure, we may discourse of that Noble Gentleman, his Son and Name-sake William Lord Russel, who made so great a Figure in our Courts and Parliaments, be­fore he was sacrificed to the Cruelty and Revenge of his Popish Enemies. If we'd find his first Of­fence, which lay behind the Scene, and was indeed the Cause of his Death, though other Colours were necessary to amuse the Publick, we must look some years backward, as he himself does in his last Speech, wherein he tells the World, [He [Page 66] cannot but think his Earnestness in the matter of the Exclusion had no small influence on his pre­sent Sufferings.] Being chosen Knight of the Shire for Bedfordshire, where the evenness and sweetness of his Behaviour; and his virtuous Life made him so well-beloved, that he'll never be forgotten. He began sooner than most others to see into that danger we were in from Popery, and all those fatal consequences which have since happened; and described them as plainly as if he had more than the ordinary inspection of a prudent man into Futurities. Thus in his first Speech, on the Discovery of the Popish Plot in 78. He has these words, [I am of Opinion that the Life of our King, the Safety of our Country, and the Pro­testant Religion, are in great danger from Popery; and that either this Parliament must suppress the power and growth of Popery, or else that Popery will soon destroy not only Parliaments, but all that is near and dear to us.] And lower [I humbly move, that we may re­solve to take into our consideration in the first place, how to suppress Popery, and prevent a Popish Successor, without which all our endeavours about this matter will not signifie any thing.] And how much he was in the right as to all these Guesses, which then no doubt were nick-named Groundless and Factious Fears and Jealousies, all the World is now satis­fied. Nothing can be more handsom than what he says on this Subject in his last Speech, which gives the reasons of his acting at that time, and being so earnest for the Bill, in which indeed is as fair a State of that great Question as we shall any where find in so little a compass. [I cannot (says he) but give some touch about the Bill of Exclusion, and shew [Page 67] the reasons of my appearing in that business, which in short is this: That I thought the Nation was in such danger of Popery, and that the expectation of a Popish Successor (as I have said in Parliament) put the Kings Life also in such danger, that I saw no way so effectual to secure both, as such a Bill. As to the Limitations which were proposed, if they were sincerely offer'd, and had pass'd into a Law, the Duke then would have been excluded from the Power of a King, and the Government quite alter'd, and little more than the name of a King left: So I could not see either sin or fault in the one, when all People were willing to admit of the other: But thought it better to have a King with his Prerogative, and the Nation easie and safe under him, than a King without it, which must have bred perpetual Jealousies, and continual struggle.] Thus far that Noble Lord, with whom concurred at that time very many great and good Men, as true Lovers of the Regulated Monarchy of England, as of the Protestant Religion; and indeed all were at that time unanimous in the House of Commons, and other places, except some honest Men, who despaired of obtaining his Exclusion: Others who strained their Charity almost as far as Origen, who hoped well even of the Devil, and they came not far short, believing a Papist would be honest or grateful. Some who were indifferent—Their private Obligations to the Duke byassing their Judgments too much on his side. Others fearful that the contrary Tide ran so strong, they could have no safety but under his Protection— and per­haps more than all these others, who fairly bought and sold their Religion and Liberties— the Blood and Souls of themselves and honester [Page 68] men; whom 'tis not doubted but our Chronicles will mark as long as our Nation has any in't that can but write themselves, or read what others have written.

The Reader will pardon this little Digression, and go on with me to remark some strange Ex­pressions in another Speech of his. 'Twas on a Debate in the House for Mony to be given for the Relief of Tangier. [Doth not (says he) the Dukes Interest indanger the Kings Life? and are not our Lives and Fortunes in danger to be snatch'd up by his Power? —and shall we yet make him stronger by put­ting Mony into his hands?] And a little lower, [When his Majesty shall be pleased to free us from the danger of a Popish Successor, and remove from his Council, and Places of Trust all those who are for his Interest, because there can be no distinction made be­tween the Dukes Interest and the Popish—Then I shall conclude, that what Mony we shall give, will be dis­posed of according to his Majesties own Royal Pleasure, and for the true Protestant Interest, and I shall be rea­dy to give, even all that I have in the World, if his Majesty shall have occasion for it.] I have been the larger in this, to undeceive the World as to that clamouring against those Parliaments for not gi­ving the King Mony, the true reason of which we may here plainly perceive.

But there is one passage so very remarkable, and I know not how to call it less than Prophetical, in the beginning of this same Speech, that it must by no means be omitted; 'tis as follows. [If ever there should happen in this Nation any such Change, that I should not have Liberty to live a Protestant, I am resolv'd to die one.] And I think he was as good [Page 69] as his Word—For being mark't out, and among others, appointed for the Slaughter, he was taken up and imprisoned for that end and purpose in the Tower, and brought to his Tryal above all days in the year, on Essex's day, the 13th of July, 1683. He was brought to the Old Baily, arraigned, and the same morning tryed for High Treason. He earnestly desired he might have respite, and might not be tryed that day, since he had some Witnesses that could not be in Town till the Night; nay, they were in such post-hast, and so hot a scent for his Blood, that on his earnest desire, they would not stay so much as till the Afternoon, pretending 'twas against President, and they could not do it without the Attorney General's Consent; tho 'tis notorious, that both Plunket, the titular Irish Pri­mate, and Fitz-Harris before spoken of, were both of them try'd a whole Term after they were ar­raign'd; tho in both Cases the Attorney oppos [...]d it; and even here in the case of Treason, at the Old-Baily too, Whitebread's Tryal was put off to another Sessions. If 'tis pleaded, The Case is different, and that there was reason for the one, but not for the other: 'Twill be readily granted, —Tho my Lords Evidence were not ready, theirs was— They had concerted business better, and just at that time News was brought hot into the House, That my Lord of Essex had this Morning prevent­ed Justice, as has been before remarked in the Sto­ry of Essex; as also, That several of the Jury had said, They had never found Russel Guilty, had it not been for that Accident. And indeed, were that all in the Case, there would be still room for a great deal of Charity: For though that was [Page 70] no proper Evidence against the Prisoner, yet ve­ry few Persons in the World, perhaps, could have been found, whose Minds would have been so firm, and Reason so clear, as not to be, whe­ther they wou'd or no, hing'd and byass'd by such a sudden report as this brought in among 'em, when they had no time to consider calmly of the mat­ter; and this, no doubt, was very well known by those who order'd things in the manner before-noted. But I say, 'twere to be wished, for the Honour of the English Nation, that this had been all the foul play in the case, and that there had not been so many Thousand Guinea's imployed in this and other Tryals, as the great Agitators thereof have lately confess'd to have been. The Names of his Jury, as I find them in Print, are as follow:

• John Martayn
• William Rouse
• Jervas Seaton
• William Fashion
• Thomas Short
• George Toriano
• William Butler
• James Pickering
• Thomas Jeve
• Hugh Noden
• Robert Brough
• Thomas Omeby.

When he found he must expect neither Favour nor Justice, as to the delaying of his Tryal, he ex­cepted against the Fore-man of the Jury, because not a Freeholder; which for divers and sundry Reasons, almost, if not all the Judges, having the happiness to light on different ones, and scarce any two on the s [...]me, was over-ruled; and given against him; though that same practice since de­clared and acknowledged one of the great Griev­ances [Page 71] of the Nation. His Indictment ran in these words, [He did conspire and compass our Lord the King, his Supreme Lord, not onely of his Kingly State, Title, Power, and Government of this his Kingdom of England to deprive and throw down; but also our said Soveraign Lord the King to kill, and to Death to bring and put, and the ancient Government of this Kingdom of England to change, alter, and wholly subvert, and a miserable Slaughter among the Subjects of our said Lord the King, through his whole Kingdom of England to cause and procure, and Insurrection and Rebellion against our said Lord the King, to move, pro­cure, and stir up within this Kingdom of England.] And lower, [He and divers others did consult, agree, and conclude Insurrection and Rebellion against our Sovereign Lord the King, to move and stir up, and the Guards for the preservation of the Person of our said Soveraign Lord the King, to seize and destroy.]

Now that all this was not intended as matter of Form only, we may see by the Kings Councils opening the Evidence. The first says —[He was indicted for no less than conspiring the Death of the Kings Majesty; and that in order to the same, he and others did meet and conspire together, to bring our Sovereign Lord the King to Death, to raise War and Rebellion against him, and to Mas­sacre his Subjects—And in order to compass these wicked Designs, being assembled, did con­spire to seize the Kings Guards, and his Majesties Person: And this (he tells the Jury) is the charge against him.

The Attorney General melts it a little lower, and tells 'em the meaning of all these Tragical Words, were A Consult about a Rising—about [Page 72] seizing the Guards, and receiving Messages from E. of Shaftsbury concerning an Insurrection.

Nor yet does the proof against him come up so high even as this, though all care was used for that purpose, and kind Questions put very fre­quently, to lead and drive the Evidence; but one of them Witnessing to any one Point.

The first of whom was Col. Rumsey, who swears, That he was sent with a Message from Shaftsbury, who lay concealed at Wapping, to meet Lord Russel, Ferguson, &c. at Shepherds's, to know of them what Resolution they were come to about the Rising design'd at Taunton— That when he came thither, the Answer was made, Mr. Trenchard had fail'd 'em, and no more would be done in that business at that time. That Mr. Ferguson spoke the most part of that Answer; but my Lord Russel was present, and that he did speak about the Rising of Taunton, and consented to it. That the Company was dis­coursing also of viewing the Guards, in order to sur­prize 'em, if the Rising had gone on; and that some undertook to view 'em; and that the Lord Russel was by when this was undertaken.] But this being the main Hinge of the business and this Witness not yet coming up to the purpose, they thought it con­venient to give him a Jog, to Refresh his Memo­ry, Asking him. [Whether he found my Lord Russel averse, or agreeing to it.] Who, no doubt, answer'd, Agreeing. But being afterwards in the Tryal ask'd, Whether he could Swear positive­ly that my Lord Russel heard the Message, and gave any Answer to it? All that he says is this, [That when he came in, they were at the Fire side, but they all came from the Fire-side, to hear what he said.]

[Page 73]All that Shepherd witnesses is, That my Lord Russel, &c. being at his house, there was a Dis­course of surprizing the Kings Guards; and Sir Thomas Armstrong having viewed them when he came thither another time, said, They were re­miss, and the thing was feizible, if there were Strength to do it, and that (upon his being que­stion'd too, as Rumsey before him) Whether my Lord Russel was there? He says, He was, at that time they discours'd of seizing the Guards.

The next Witness was the florid Lord Howard, who very artificially begins low, being, forsooth, so terribly surprized with my Lord of Essex's Death, that his Voice fail'd him, till the Lord Chief Justice told him, the Jury could not hear him; in which very moment his Voice returned again, and he told the reason why he spoke no louder. After a long Harangue of Tropes and fine Words, and dismal General Stories, by which, as my Lord complains, the Jury were prepossessed against him, he at last makes his Evidence bear di­rectly upon the point for which he came thither— And swears, [That after my Lord Shaftsbury went away] their Party resolved still to carry on the design of the Insurrection without him; for the better management whereof they erected a little Cabal among themselves, which did consist of Six Persons, whereof my Lord Russel and himself were two: That they met for this purpose at Mr. Hambden's house, and there adjusted the place and manner of the intended Insurrection: That about ten days after they had another meeting on the same business at my Lord Russel's, where they resolved to send some Persons to engage Argyle [Page 74] and the Scots in the design—and (being ask'd too) that he was sure my Lord Russel was there.] Being ask'd whether he said any thing, he an­swer'd, [That every one knew him to be a Per­son of great Judgment, and not very lavish of Discourse.] Being again goaded on by Jeffreys with a— But did he consent? [We did (says he) put it to the Vote, it went without contradiction, and I took it that all there gave their consent.]

West swears, That Ferguson and Col. Rumsey told him, That my Lord Russel intended to go down and take his Post in the West, when Mr. Trenchard had fail'd 'em. Whose hear-say-Evi­dence being not encouraged, Jeffreys ends very prettily, telling the Court, they would not use any thing of Garniture, but leave it as it was.

As for Rumsey the first Witness: As to his Per­son—My Lord Candish prov'd on the Trial, that my Lord Russel had a very ill opinion of him, and therefore 'twas not likely he would entrust him with such a Secret.

As to his Evidence, squeez'd out of him as it was, in both branches of the Design, seizing the Guards, and the Rising of Taunton, he says in gross and general, That he was agreeing to one, and spoke about and consented to the other. For his agreeing to the seizing the Guards, he might think as the Lord Howard does after, that Silence gives consent; for it appears not, nor does he swear, that my Lord spoke one word about it. But he himself, in his last Speech, which was not a Je­suit's, & which we have all the reason in the world to believe exactly true, since, as he himself says in it, [He always detested Lying, tho' never so much [Page 75] for his advantage; and hoped none would be so unjust, or uncharitable to think he'd venture on it in thee his last words, for which he was so soon going to give an account to the great God, the Searcher of Hearts, and Judge of all things.] In this last Speech he pro­tests, that this time of which Rumsey swears, there was no undertaking of securing and seizing the Guards, nor none appointed to view or examine them, only some discourse there was of the fea­zibleness of it: He had heard it mentioned as a thing might easily be done, but never consented to as a thing fit to be done. Now I'd ask any man of Sense and Honour, who did but know my Lord Russel, let 'em be never so much his Enemy (if there were any such) which of these two they really judge most worthy to be believed? There is but one against one. Rumsey, who either swore upon liking, for saving his Life, or was a Trapan, [That he was consenting to the seizing the Guards] or my Lord Russel on his Death and Salva­tion solemnly affirming, [That he was so far from consenting to any such thing, that there was not so much as any such Undertaking mention'd in the Company while he was with 'em.] Especially when 'tis observable, that Rumsey never instances in the terms in which he gave his Consent. The same is to be said of the other Branch of his Evidence as to the Message of the Insurrection, which he says he brought into the Room, found the Lord Russel and the rest by the Fire; whence they all came to him, and heard his Message, and the Lord Russel discoursed of the subject on't, and consented to't. To all which let's again oppose not only what he answer'd in his Trial, wherein [Page 76] he says, That he would swear he never heard, or knew of that Message which Rumsey says he brought to them; but also what he says in confir­mation thereof in his Speech, [I shall aver, that what I said of my not hearing Col. Rumsey deliver any Message from my Lord Shaftsbury, was true.]

And a little before, [When I came into the Room I saw Mr. Rumsey by the Chimney, tho' he swears he came in after.]

One thing more is observable, That when West came to give in his Garniture-Evidence, he runs in a Length further than Rumsey, and remembers Rumsey had told him, what it seems he himself had forgot, That on Mr. Trenchards failing 'em, my Lord Russel was to go in his place, and take up Posts along in the West. And indeed had not West miss'd his Cue, and by imitating my Lord Howard's Ex­ample, begun first with Hear-say, he had made as stabbing an Evidence as e're a one of the other— Or had they but let him run to the end of his third, and take things methodically, as his Lord­ship did before him.

For Shepherd, all must grant he says not a Syl­lable to the purpose, or any thing which affects my Lord. He can hardly tell whether he was there when there was the discourse of seizing the Guards, but speaks not a word of my Lord's hear­ing, or in the least-wise consenting thereunto.

As for my Lord Howard's Evidence, we may, without Scandalum Magnatum, affirm that every Lord is not fit to make a Privy-Co [...]nsellor; no, nor every witty Lord neither, especially in a Business of such a Concern. He does very well to say, the Council of six all chose themselves; for had not he [Page 77] given his own Vote for himself, hardly any body else wou'd have done it, since his Character is so notoriously different from that which he himself gives of my Lord Russel, [whom, he says, every one knew him to be a Person of great Judgment, and not very lavish of Discourse.] For his Evidence, he too is so happy to have a better Memory than Rum­sey, as well as West had; and says, That the Duke of Monmouth told him, Rumsey had convey'd my Lord Russel to Shaftsbury, on whose perswasion the Insurrection was put off about a Fornight longer. Of this Rumsey himself says not a Syllable.

He says further, That when they had enquir'd how Matters stood in the Countrey, and the Duke of Mon­mouth had found Trenchard and the West-Country fail'd them, on this 'twas put off again— and this about the 17th or 18th of October. Now this same Action Rumsey speaks of, but takes a larger Scope as to the Time, the end of October, or beginning of November, far enough from the 17th or 18th of the Month before. Rumsey says, On this Dis­appointment of the Taunton men and Trenchard, Shaftsbury resolv'd to be gone. Lord Howard,— That he was so far from it, that he and his Party re­solv'd to do it without the Lords, and had set one time and t'other, and at last the 17th of Novemb. which also not taking effect, then Shaftsbury went off. As to his Evidence, which was closer—the Story of the Council of Six, besides the former Impro­bability, that he among all the men in England shou'd be chosen one of 'em; 'tis remarkable, that in their former greater Consults at Shepherds, which he and Rumsey mention, the Lord Howard was never present, nor so much as touches on't in [Page 78] his Evidence; tho' here, if any where, the grand Affair of seizing the Guards, and the Answer to Shaftsbury about Taunton was concerted. All that appears of truth in the Matter, seems to be what my Lord Russel acknowledges,—That those Per­sons named met very often —that there was no form'd Design, but onely loose talk about those Con­ce [...]ns. That there was no Debate of any such thing as was sworn, nor putting any thing in a Method: but my Lord Howard being a Man of a Voluble Tongue, and one who talkt very well, they were all delighted to hear him.

Nor indeed does my Lord Howard positively Swear, even supposing this form'd Consult to be true, that my Lord Russel actually consented to it, or discoursed of it. Only—That he was there— and—that he took it, and that he did give his con­sent.

'Tis a very ill Cause that needs either a Lye or a Cheat to defend it. My Lord Russel himself be­ing so ingenuous to acknowledge whatever of Truth, any that knew him will believe to be in his part of the Design, 'twould be an Injury to his Memory to do any otherwise. It appears then from his own acknowledgment, that Howard, Armstrong, and such others, had sometimes dis­coursed of ill Designs and Matters in his Com­pany: And, as he says in his Speech, [What the Heats, Wickedness, Passions, and Vanities of other Men had occasion'd, he ought not to be answerable for, nor cou'd be repress 'em.] Nay more, he did suffi­ciently disapprove those things which he heard discours'd of with more Heat than Judgment. But for himself, declares solemnly again and a­gain. [Page 79] That he was never in any design against the King's Life, or any Man's whatsoever, nor ever in any Contrivance of altering the Government. If so, what then becomes of all the Story of the Council of Six? and is't not to be thrown among the same Lumber with the old famous Nagshead Ta­vern Business? 'Twill be still said he was an Ill Man, in being Guilty by this very Confession, of Misprision of Treason.—Supposing this true— That was not Death, and he dy'd, as he says, In­nocent of the Crime he stood condemned for. And be­sides, every Lord has not Brow hard enough, nor Tongue long enough, nor Soul little enough to make an Informer against others to save his own Life? [I hope, says he, no Body will imagin that so mean a thought could enter into me, as to go about to save my Life by accusing others. The part that some have acted lately of that kind, has not been such as to invite me to love Life at such a rate.

But all this does not depend on his naked word, since the Evidence who swore against him, being such as were neither credible, nor indeed so much as legal Witnesses, the Accusation of it self must fall to the ground. If legal, they were not credible, because, as my Lord Delamere observes in this Case, they had no Pardons, but hunted as the Cor­morant does, with strings about their Necks, which West, in his Answer to Walcot's Letter, ingenu­ously acknowledges; and says, ['Tis through God's and the King's Mercy he was not at the apparent point of Death.] That is, in a fair construction, was not just turning over, but was upon trial, to see whether he'd do Business, and deserve to scape hanging. Much such an honourable way of get­ting [Page 80] Pardon, as the Fellow who sav'd his own neck by turning Hangman, and doing the good Office to his own Father.

Nor indeed was the great Witness, the honoura­ble Lord, who cast this Noble Person, so much as a legal, any more than a credible Witness. No Man alive has any way to clear himself from the most perjur'd Villains Malice, if he swears against him Point-blank, but either by Circumstance of Time, or invalidating his very Evidence. Let any think of another way if they can. The first of these was precluded. 'Twas that which had before been made use of to sham off a truer Plot, and much more valid Evidence. But here Rum­sey and the rest came to no determinate Time, but only about such a time; about the end of Octo­ber, or beginning of November: and others cloud the precise time in so many words, that 'tis im­possible to find it. All then that could be done, was as to the Person. Now what thing can be invented, which can more invalidate the Evidence any person gives, than his solemn, repeated, vo­luntary Oath, indubitably prov'd against him, that such a Person is innocent of that very Crime of which he afterwards accuses him? If this be the Case or no here, let any one read the follow­ing Depositions▪ and make an indifferent Judg­ment. My Lord Anglesey witnesses, He was at the Earl of Bedford's, after his Son was imprisoned, where came in my Lord Howard, and began to comfort him, saying, He was happy in so wise a Son, and worthy a person; and who could never be in such a Plot as that. That he knew nothing against him, or any body else, of such a barbarous Design. But this was not [Page 81] upon Oath, and onely related to the Assassination, as he says for himself in his paring-distinction. Look then a little lower to Dr. Burnet, whom the Lord Howard was with the night after the Plot broke out, and then, as well as once before, with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven, did say, He knew nothing of ANY Plot, nor believ'd ANY. Here's the most solemn Oath, as he himself con­fesses voluntarily, nay unnecessarily, tho' perhaps in my Lord Bedford's Case, Good-nature might work upon him. Here's the paring of his Apple broke all to pieces. No shadow, no room left for his Distinction between the Insurrection and Assas­sination, but without any guard or mitigation at all, he solemnly swears, he knew not of ANY Plot, nor believed ANY.

But 'twas no great matter, for the Jury were resolv'd to know and believe it, whether he did or no.

There's but one little Subterfuge more, and the Case is clear. All this Perjury, all these solemn Asseverations he tells us were only to brazen out the Plot, and to out-face the Thing for himself and Party. This he fairly acknowledges; and let all the World be the Jury, whether they'd destroy one of the bravest Men in it, on the Evidence of such a Person? But there's yet a farther An­swer. His Cousin, Mr. Howard, who was my Lord's intimate Friend, who secur'd him in his House, to whom he might open his Soul, and to whom it seems he did, he having made Application to Ministers of State in his Name, that he was willing to serve the King, and give him Satisfaction;— To him, I say, with whom he had secret Negotia­tions, [Page 82] and that of such a Nature—will any believe that he wou'd out-face the Thing here too? That he wou'd Perjure himself for nothing, where no danger, no good came on't? No certainly, his Lordship had more Wit, and Conscience, and Ho­nour; he ought to be vindicated from such an Im­putation, even for the credit of his main Evi­dence; for my Lord Gray, he tells us, was left out of their Councils for his Immoralities; and had he himself been such a sort of a Man, those piercing Heads in the Council wou'd have certainly found him out before, and never admitted him among them. As for the very Thing, Mr. Howard tells it as gene­rously, and with as much honest Indignation as possible, in spite of the Checks the Court gave him. [He took it, says he, upon his Honour, his Faith, and as much as if he had taken an Oath before a Magi [...]rate, that he knew nothing of any Man con­cern'd in this Business— and particularly of the Lord Russel; of whom, he added, that he thought he did unjustly suffer.] So that if he had the same Soul on Monday, that he had on Sunday (the very day before) this cou'd not be true that he Swore a­gainst the Lord Russel. My Lord Russel's suffering, was Imprisonment, and that for the same matter on which he was try'd, the Insurrection, not the As­sassination. If my Lord Howard knew him Guil­ty of that for which he was committed, tho' not the other, How cou'd he then say, 'Twas unjustly done?

After all this, 'twoud be almost superfluous to go any further, or insert the Evidence given by Dr. Tillotson, Burnet, Cox, and others, not onely of his vertuous and honourable Behaviour, but espe­cially [Page 83] of his Judgment about any Stirs, or Popular Insurrections, —That he was absolutely against 'em,—that 'twas folly and madness till things came to be regulated in a Parliamentary way, and that he thought 'twould ruin the best Cause in the World to take any such ways to preserve it.

All this and more wou'd not do, Dye he must, the Duke order'd it, the Witnesses swore it, the Judges directed it, the Jury found it; and when the Sentence came to be pass'd, the Judge ask'd, as is usual, What he had to say why it should not be pronounc'd? He answer'd, That whereas he had been charg'd in the Indictment which was then read to him, with Conspiring the Death of the King, which he had not taken notice of before, he appeal'd to the Judge and Court whether he were Guilty within the Statute on which he was try'd, the Witnesses having sworn an Intention of levying War, but not of Kil­ling the King, of which there was no proof by any one Witness. The Recorder told him, That was an Exception proper, and as he thought, his Lordship did make it before the Verdict. Whether the Evidence did amount to prove the Charge, was to be observ'd by the Jury; for if the Evidence c [...]me short of the Indictment they cou'd not find it to be a true Charge; but when once they had found it, their Verdict did pass for Truth, and the Court was bound by it as well as his Lordship, and they were to go according to what the Jury had found, not their Evidence. Now I'd fain know, what's the reason of the Prisoners being ask'd that Question, What he has to say for himself? Is't only Formality, or Banter? He makes an Ex­ception, which the Judge himself confesses proper. But who was Counsel for the Prisoner, Is not the [Page 84] Bench? or, does it not pretend to be so? and why was not this observ'd by them in their Direction to the Jury? The Recorder seems to grant it fair­ly, that the Evidence did not prove the Charge, and says, the Court was to go, Not according to the Evidence. Well, Evidence, or none, the Truth is, was not the Question; for being found [...]uilty, Sentence past upon him—whence he was removed to Newgate. While he was there, the Importunity of his Friends, as he says handsomely in his Speech, lest they shou'd think him sullen or stubborn, prevail'd with him to sign Petitions, and make an Address for his Life, tho' 'twas not without difficulty that he did any thing that was begging to save it. But with how much Success, it may easily be guess'd by any who knew the Duke's temper; nor is it forgotten how barbarously his Lady and Children were repuls'd, and the King's good Nature not suffer'd to save one of the best men in his Kingdom. Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson were with him much of the time between his Sentence and Death; where to the last, he own'd that Doctrine, which other good men who were then of another Judgment, have since been forc'd into, namely, the lawfulness of Resistance against unlawful Violence, from whom­soever it be.

After the fruitless Applications for his Pardon; after a Farewel and last Adieu in this World, to one of the best of Women, who stood by him, and assisted him in his Trial, and left him not till now, he at last on Saturday the 21st of Octob. went into his own Coach about Nine a Clock, with Dr. Til­lotson and Dr. Burnet; whence he was carried to Great Lincolns-Inn-Field to the Scaffold prepar'd for [Page 85] him, where, among all the numerous Spectators, he was one of the most unconcern'd Persons there; and very few rejoyc'd at so doleful a Spectacle but the Papists, who indeed had sufficient reason; my Lord Powis's People expressing, as 'tis said, a great deal of Pleasure and Sati [...]faction. There, after he had again solemnly protested his Innocency, and that he was far from any Design against the King's Person, or of altering the Government: Nay, That he did upon the words of a dying man, profess, that he knew of no Plot against the Kings Life, or Govern­ment; And delivering one of the finest Speeches in the World to the Sheriff, he prayed by himself, and with Dr. Tillotson's assistance; and embracing him and Dr. Burnet, he submitted to the fatal strokes, for the Executioner took no less than three before he could fever his Head, which when 'twas held up, as usual, there was to far from being any shout, that a considerable Groan was heard round the Scaffold. His Body was gi­ven to his Friends, and convey'd to Cheneys in Buckinghamshire, where 'twas buried among his Ancestors. There was a great Storm, and many loud Claps of Thunder the day of his Martyrdom. An Elegy was made on him immediately after his Death, which seems by what we have of it, to be writ with some Spirit, and a great deal of Truth and Good-will; only this Fragment on't could be retriev'd, which yet may not be unwel­come to the Reader.

The rest are lost—But he has better Justice done him by this honourable Parliament; and if the World should possibly be so malicious and silly, in after Ages, as some are in this, and ask, What have they done since their Meeting? Had we not a Nati­on sav'd, Peace preserv'd, and many other almost Miracles to answer 'em; yet this one thing wou'd be sufficient, That in this Sessions, they had Re­versed the Judgment against this vertuous, pious, and honourable Lord.

For his Character, if we'll believe the best men, and those who knew him best, 'tis one of the most advantagious the Age, or indeed, our Nation has yielded. Those are great words which Mr. Levi­ston Gower speaks of him on his Trial, but yet not a Syllable too big for his Merit, tho' they are very expressive of it.—That he was one of the best Sons, the best Fathers, the best Husbands, the best Ma­sters, the best Friends, and the best Christians. By others, That he was a most vertuous, prudent, and pi­ous Gentleman.—A man of that vertue, that none who knew him could think him guilty of such a Conspi­racy.—A man of great Honour, and too prudent to be concern'd in so vile and desperate a design.—A Person of great Vertue and Integrity.—One, whom those he had long convers'd with, never heard utter so much as a word of Indecency against the King.] And [Page 87] others of the highest Quality, who had been of­ten in his Company, say, That they had never heard any thing from him, but what was honou­rable, just and loyal.

His Person was tall and proper; his Temper even and agreeable, and such as rendred his vertues even more lovely than they did him. His Piety and De­votion, as unaffected, and yet as remarkable as his Love to the Church of England. The true Church of England, as he himself calls it, not those Tumours and Wens that grow upon it, and pretended to be not only part but all of it in our late bad times; to whose Heighths and Extrava­gances he thinks it no shame in his Speech to con­fess he could never rise. He was of a noble Cou­rage, which he did not express by Quarrels or Duelling, but serving his Country at Sea in the most dangerous Wars, and at Land in the Parlia­ment, in more dangerous Councils and Debates. He was there a true Englishman—still the same; you knew where he would be, for he never mov'd. A strenuous Asserter and Defender of his Coun­try's Religion and Rights against all Opposers, and that in a Lawful and Parliamentary Method. He spoke little there, but always very home, and much to the purpose—And that was as true a Character of him formerly recited, as if it had come from a better man, That every one knew the Lord Russel to be a person of great Judgment, and not very lavish of Discourse. Lastly, which will give no small heightening to his Character, He had Mr. Johnson to his Chaplain.

Captain WALCOT, &c.

CAptain Walcot and his Fellow-sufferers, in order of time, should have gone first, he be­ing convicted before my Lord Russel, and executed the Friday, as he on Saturday. But my Lord Russel's Fate having so immediate a dependance on the Earl of Essex's, and all the Plot hanging on him; especially they two making the greatest Figure of any who suffer'd on this occasion; it look'd more proper and natural to begin with them, and reserve the other to this place. Captain Wal­cot was a Gentleman of a considerable Estate in Ireland, but more remarkable for the rare Happi­ness of having Eight Children all at once living, and most of all, for his Love to his Country, which cost him his Life. We can have but little dependance, as has been before hinted, on the publick Papers relating to these concerns; espe­cially in his Case, where Cartwright was engaged. What appears to us, and we may believe most reasonable, and what's agreed on of all hands, is—'That West, Rumsey, and I think one more of 'em, had frequent Discourses, at least, of killing the King and Duke — so horrid and barbarous a thing, and so like the Practice and Principles of those worst of men, the Papists; that as every true Englishman, and good Christian must needs con­ceive [Page 94] a detestation and horror at the very mention of it; so no doubt, it will be very acceptable to such to find when the thing is enquired closely in­to, which has partly been done before, and shall now be finished, to find no probability of any thing real in the bottom, none engaged in it, but two or three Knaves, and one Fool. No Person of Honour or Character, who had heard so much as any Discourse of it, but what immediately dis­approved, or detested it, as much as every good Man ought to do: Tho' some of 'em, if there were more than Walcot, might hear such mad Dis­course, as my Lord Russel says, the Wickedness, passions, and vanities of other men might have occasion'd; and yet not believing any thing in it more than words, nor think they were obliged to turn Informers and Hangmen; which because they did not do, they suffer'd themselves. And this any reasonable man will, I doubt not, upon a lit­tle free thinking, acknowledge to be Walcot's Case, and no further. The pretended Crime for which Walcot suffer'd, and which West and others wit­ness against him, was — Consulting the Death of the King, and charging the Guards, at his re­turn from New-market, while the dreadful Blun­derbuss was to be fired into the Coach by Rum­bold, or some others. His Privacy to Discourses about the Kings Death was but Misprision. For his acting in it, they could not have pitch'd on a more unlikely man to command a Party in so desperate an Attempt as charging the Guards, than one that was sick and Bed-rid of the Gout, as about this time, and often besides the Captain was. Nor seems West's pretence more likely— [Page 95] That he refused to be actual in the Assassination, be­cause of the baseness of it, but offer'd to charge the Guards, while others did it—much as wisely and tenderly, as if he had denied to cut a Man's Throat, but consented to hold his hands while others did it. This he denies with indignation in his Speech, and [Appeals to all that knew him, Whether they thought him such an Idiot, that he should not understand 'twas the same thing to en­gage the Kings Guards, whilst others kill'd him; or to kill him with his own hands?] Here then 'tis plain, lies the pinch of the matter; West and Rumsey, &c. had been frequently discoursing at that bloody villanous rate; West was most impatiently eager of having it done — He proposed the Lopping 'em at a Play, which he said would be [in their own calling.]

For some of those who are charged with this foul business, as Promoters, or so much as Appro­vers thereof, were the innocent or guilty as to that particular; I can assure the Reader I have the same thought of 'em, that Juvenal had of Sejanus, and can say as he does, Nunquam si quid mihi credis, amavi. But however one may add as he does, Sed quo accidit sub crimine? Quisnam Delator? Qui­bus indiciis? Quo teste? and almost resolve all these Questions to the same way, with a — Nil horum. Never was any Party without many ill men—This no doubt, had too many whose ill Lives both dis­credited, and in probability, ruined the best Cause in the World, as my Lord Russel intimated in his Speech. Some of these, not having the fear of God before their Eyes, might have such traiterous De­signs; nay, and by their own Confession, it ap­pears [Page 96] they had so—But let's not however be hur­ried away in a popular Stream, which generally runs very muddy, to condemn those, who, what­ever personal Faults they may have had, how tur­bulent their Nature, or bad their Morals, or ill their Character, yet seem to be no way concern­ed in so bloody and barbarous a Conspiracy, how home soever it might be charg'd upon 'em. West and Rumsey were the main Pillars, and almost on­ly Witnesses on which the Credit of that Action depended, who appear all through the great and almost sole Managers thereof, and who accuse o­thers for being concerned in it. What and how much their Credit weighs, we have already hint­ed, but shall yet confront it with further Testi­monies relating to this matter, and that of dying men, who could expect no pardons in this World, nor 'tother for a Falshood. Besides, Rum­bold's solemn Protestation; see Walcot's Speech and Paper, wherein he as deeply affirms as a man can do, [That West bought Arms for this Villanous Design (which can't be express'd with Detesta­tion enough) without any direction of his—nay, with­out any Direction, Knowledge, or Privity of his.] West says in his Answer to this, as well as in his Evidence, [That Walcot joyn'd in the direction a­bout the nature and size of those Arms; that he was very Intimate and Familiar with this Rumbold, who was to be the principal Actor in the Assassination.] But Rumbold's Death before recited, clears himself, and Walcot, and shews us what West is. In another place he affirms—That Walcot told him Ferguson had the chief management of the intended Assassination. Rumbold's hard-name, as has been said already, [Page 97] Ferguson's ill Name, and the absence of 'em both, brought 'em in all probability into the business; and Walcot's being past answering for himself or them, made it very advisable to charge so much on him. So in the same nature Ferguson was the Author of that Expression Walcot had from West, — Ferguson undertook for the Duke of Monmouth, — Ferguson proposed to see for an opportunity between Windsor and Hampton-Court.—The Men to commit the Assassination were all provided by Fer­guson, Rumbold, &c. And I remember another of 'em, or he himself talks of fifty men engag'd for the very Action. Now as meer Good Nature, and the Love I have to my Countreymen will never suffer me to believe there could be so many Englishmen found, and Protestants too, who would consent to kill their King; never any one having acknow­ledged such a design besides poor Hone, who was so stupid, he could not give one sensible Answer to what Cartwright ask'd him at his Death: So plain Testimony, and Dint of Fact and Reason, forces me to conclude these Persons here charged were not guilty. See what Rouse says of it—He was told, they did not intend to spill so much as one drop of blood. But most particularly Holloway, [He could not perceive Ferguson knew any thing of the New-Market design, but Rumsey and West were deep in't.] Again, [Holloway ask'd West who was to act the Assassination? To which he could give but a slender Answer, and could, or would name but Two Men, Rumbold and his Brother.] Just such probable stuff as Colledges seizing the King by himself at Oxford, [So that (he goes on) we found they had but few Men, if more than two, and no [Page 98] Horses, only a parcel of Arms he shew'd at a Gun­smith's.] And lower, at another time, [West only named Rumsey and Rich. Goodenough as concerned in the Assassination—West again proposed the Assassination, but none seconded him—Rumsey was for the old Strain of killing the King, to which not one consented—He could never find above five concerned in it—He heard Walcot speak against it—I knew Ferguson to be against any such Design.

Upon the whole, the World is left to its Li­berty to believe, at least Three Dying Mens As­severations, against those who so plainly swore others Necks into the Halter, to get their own out, that West himself is not ashamed to own in his forementioned Answer, That he was still in danger of Death, though not so eminent as it had been; not, at the apparent point of Death. And at the close of this Paper — If it shall please the King to spare my Life for my Confession, it is a great happiness, &c. Which part of his Evi­dence every body will easily believe.

From all which, here lies a fair Supposition of the Innocency of this Captain, and others, of what they were Accus'd, found Guilty, Sentenc'd, and Dy'd for; it being on West's Evidence, and such as his, that he and others were Arraign'd and Condemn'd; the Captains Defence being much the same with what he says in his Speech. 'Tis well known, that the Witnesses against Captain Walcot swore for their own lives with Halters a­bout their Necks; and it's as true that most of the Witnesses had talkt at a mad rate, in the hearing of some of those whom they destroyed; [Page 99] but see, what Captain Walcot in a most solemn manner declared with his last breath.

Algernon Sidney, Esq

THe next Victim to Popish Cruelty and Malice, was, Colonel Algernon Sidney, of the ancient and noble Name and Family of the Sidneys, deser­vedly famous to the utmost bounds of Europe; who, as the ingenious Mr. Hawles observes, was meer­ly talkt to death, under the notion of a Common­wealths Man, and found Guilty by a Jury who were not much more proper Judges of the Case, than they wou'd have been had he writ in Greek or A­rabick. He was arraign'd for a Branch of this Plot at Westminster the 17th of Novemb. 1683. where, tho' it cannot be said the Grand Jury knew not what they did, when they found the Bill against him, since no doubt they were well instructed what to do; yet it must, that they found it almost before they knew what 'twas. being so well resolv'd on the Case, and agreed on their Verdict, that had he been Indicted for breaking up an House, or robbing on the High-way, 'twas doom'd to have been Billa vera, as much as 'twas now. For tho' the Indictment was never presented to 'em before [Page 105] they came into the Hall, yet they immediately found it: The Substance whereof was, [For a Con­spiracy to Depose the King and stirring up Rebellion, and writing a Libel for that purpose.] The most part of the Evidence brought against him, was only Hearsay, as against my Lord Russel; nay, West whose Evidence was then refused, now was admit­ted to tell a long Story of what he had from one and t'other. Rumsey's was much of the same Nature. In the Reer came that never failing E­vidence the Lord Howard, who witnesses he was one of the Council of Six, and engaged one of the deepest in their Consults. And more than that, ex­ercises his own Faculty very handsomly, in an ac­count of two Speeches Mr. Hamden made on the Occasion, which indeed were such fine things, that some might think it worth the while to swear against a man, only to have the Reputation of reciting 'em; and whom they are most like, Mr. Hamden, or my Lord's own witty self, let any man Judge.

The next Evidence was a Paper, said to be of the Prisoners writing, which was found in his Study. The Substance of which was an Enqui­ry into the Forms of Government and Reasons of their Decays: The Rights of the People, and Bounds of Soveraignty, and Original of Power. In which were those heinous, treasonable Expressi­ons, [The King is subject to the Law of God as ae Man, to the People who made him such, as a King, &c.] And Examples of evil Kings and Tyrants, whom sometimes a Popular Fury had destroy'd; at others, the Ordines Regni either reduc'd, or set them aside, when their Government was a Curse [Page 106] instead of a Blessing to their People. VVell, what Treason to be found in all this, and a great deal more? Nothing but a Jesuits enchanted Telescope cou'd have found any in it. If there were any Mistakes, as he says in his Speech▪ they ought to have been confuted by Law, Reason, and Scrip­ture, not Scaffolds and Axes. First, 'Twas not proved to be his Writing, nor did he confess it; Treason and Life are critical things: one ought to be as fairly prov'd, as t'other to be cautiously proceeded against. Tho' he might write it, he had the Liberty of an English man, not to accuse him­self: the very same thing which was afterwards put in practice by those Reverend Persons, who, later than he, and cheaper too, defended their Countries Liberty with only the loss of their own. But owning he Writ it, How very few, if any things therein are not now generally and almost universally believ'd, and are the foundation of the practice, and satisfaction of the Conscience of every Man, tho' then confuted with the single Brand of Commonwealth Principles, being indeed such as all the World must, whether they will or no, be forc'd into the belief of, as soon as Oppression and Tyranny bears hard upon 'em, and becomes really unsupportable. But supposing they were now as wicked Principles as they were (call'd) then; yet what was that to the then present Go­vernours? He answer'd Filmer for his own satis­faction, or rather began to do it, many years be­fore the Makers of this Plot dreamt of that, or bringing him into it: Kept it private in his own Study, where it might have lain till Dooms-day, had not they fetch'd it out to make somewhat [Page 107] on't. 'Twas suggested▪ and Innuendo'd, that this Book was written to scatter among the people in or­der to dispose 'em to rebel, as 'tis in the Indict­ment. But how ridiculous that is, any one will see who considers the Bulk of it, which was such, that, as he says in his Speech, [The fiftie [...]h part of the Book was not produced; nor the Tenth of that read, tho' he desired it, and 'twas usual; and yet after all, as it had never been shewn to any man, so 'twas not finish'd, nor cou'd be in many years.] Now is this a business likely to be calculated for a Re­bellion; when it cou'd neither be finish'd till seve­ral years after 'twas over; and besides, if it had, the Bulk made if so improper to be disperst for that purpose for which 'twas pretendedly design'd? No, those who are to poison a Nation in that manner, know better things, and more likely ways. 'Tis to be done in little Pamphlets, and Papers easily read over, understood, and remem­bred, as the Declaration-Gentlemen t'other day, ve­ry well knew. But still here being not a Syllable, in these Papers of King Charles, any more than of the King of Bantam, or the Great Mogul, against whom they might as well have made it Treason; 'twas all supply'd by a fine knack, call'd an Innu­endo, that is, in English, such Interpretation as they'd please to affix on his words. Thus when he writes Tarquin, or Pepin, or Nero, they say, he meant King Charles; and so, scandalously of him, as well as wickedly of the Gentleman, make a Mon­ster and a Ravisher of their King, and then take a­way anothers Life for doing it. There was a Mi­nister I have somewhere read of, who was accu­sed for writing a Libel against Queen Elizabeth, [Page 108] and her Government; and the Fact there, 'tis true, lay, as this does, upon Innuendo's, though much more plain and pregnant.— But all the Punishment inflicted on him, tho' that thought severe enough, reached not his Head, the loss of his Hand being thought sufficient▪ while with that which was left, he pulled off his Hat, and Prayed God to bless the Queen. —But this was under a mild Reign, and truly Protestant Govern­ment.

As for my Lord Howard's Evidence, had the Jury been any but such as they were, and Sidney describes them, they would not have hang'd a Je­suit upon the credit on't; he having, one would think, that read the Tryals, taken a pride in damn­ing, himself deeper and deeper against every new appearance in publick, on purpose to try the skill and face of the Council in bringing him off a­gain.—To the Evidence brought against him in my Lord Russel's Case, he had taken care that these following should be added.

The E of Clare witnesses, that he said, after Sidney's Imprisonment, if question'd again, He would never plead —(Had it not been a plea­sant thing for my Lord Howard to have been Press'd to death for not speaking?) and that he thought Colonel Sidney as innocent as any Man breathing: Mr. Ducas says the same, so does my Lord Paget, and Mr. Edward, and Philip Howards, and Tracy, and Penwick, and Mr. Blake, that he said he had not his Pardon, and could not ascribe it to any Reason, but that he must not have it till the Drudgery of Swearing was over.

But though there was no reasonable Answer [Page 109] could be given to all this; tho Sidney pleaded the Obligations my Lord Howard had to him and the great Conveniency he might think there might be in his being hang'd, since he was some Hundreds of Pounds in his Debt, which would be the readi­est way of paying him; and had besides, as it ap­peared, a great mind to have the Collonel's Plate secured at his own House; tho never Man in the World certainly ever talk't stronger Sense, or better Reason, or more evidently batter'd the Judges, and left 'em nothing but Railing. —'Twas all a case with him, as well as the others; and the Petty Jury could as easily have found him Guilty, without hearing his Tryal, as the Grand Jury did as soon as e're they saw the Bill. Never was any thing more base and barbarous, than the sum­ming up the Evidence and Directions to the Ju­ry, who yet stood in no great need of 'em: Nor more uncivil and sawcy a Reflection on the Noble Family and Name of the Sidneys, than the Judges saying—That he was born a Traitor. Never any thing Braver, or more Manly, than his Remon­strance to the King for Justice, and another Trial: Nor lastly, more Roman, and yet truly Christian than his end. The brave old Man came up on a Scaf­fold, as unconcern'd as if he had been going to fight, and as lively as if he had been a Russel. In his last Speech he gives almost all the substance of all those Books which have been lately writ­ten in the Defence of the late Transactions, and no disgrace to 'em neither; since Truth and Rea­son are eternal, and one and the same from all Pens and Parties, and at all times, however there may be some times so bad, that they won't bear [Page 110] some Reason, any more than some Doctrine.—He there says as much in a little as ever Man did— [That Magistrates were set up for the Good of Nati­ons, not e contra] If that be Treason, K. Charles the First is guilty on't against himself, who says the same thing.) That the Power of Magistrates is what the Laws of the Country make it: That those Laws and Oaths have the force of a Contract, and if one part is broken, t'other ceases.] And other Max­ims of the same necessity and usefulness. — He besides this, gave a full Account of the De­sign of his Book, of his Tryal, and the Inju­stice done him therein; of the Jury's being packt, and important points of Law over-ruled; and ends with a most Compendious Prayer, in which he desires God would forgive his Ene­mies, but keep 'em from doing any more mis­chief— And then he laid down his Head, and went to Sleep.

Mr. James Holloway.

MR. Holloway was by Trade a Merchant; but his greatest dealing lay in Linnen Manu­facture, which, as appears from his Papers, he had brought to such a heighth here in England, as, had it met with suitable encouragement, would, as he made it appear, have imployed 80000 poor People, and 40000 Acres of Land, and be 200000 Pounds a year advantage to the Publick Revenues of the Kingdom. The Return of the Habeas Cor­pus Writ calls him, [Late of London Merchant] though he lived mostly at Bristol. He seems to be a Person of Sense, Courage, and Vivacity of Spirit, and a Man of Business.— All we can have [Page 121] of him is from that publick Print, call'd his Narra­tive, concerning which it must be remembred, as before, that we have no very firm Authority to assure us all therein contained was his own wri­ting; and perhaps it might be thought conveni­ent he should die, for fear he might contradict some things published in his Name. But on the other side, where he contradicts the other Wit­nesses his Evidence is strong, since be sure that was not the Interest of the Managers to invent of their own accords; tho' some Truth they might utter, tho' displeasing, to gain credit to the rest. Taking things however as we find 'em, 'twill be convenient for method's sake to take notice first of the Proceedings against him, then of some pretty plain footsteps of practice upon him, and shuffling dealing in his Case; and lastly, of seve­ral things considerable in his Narrative.

He was accused for the Plot, as one who was acquainted with West, Rumsey, and the rest; and having been really present at their Meetings, and Discourses on that Subject, absconded when the publick News concerning the Discovery came in­to the Country; tho' this, as he tells the King, more for fear that if he was taken up, his Cre­ditors would never let him come out of Gaol, than any thing else. After some time he got to Sea in a little Vessel, went over to France, and so to the West-Indies, among the Caribbe-Islands, where much of his Concerns lay: But writing to his Fa­ctor at Nevis, he was by him treacherously be­tray'd, and seiz'd by the Order of Sir William Stapleton, and thence brought Prisoner to Eng­land, where after Examination, and a Confession [Page 122] of at least all he knew, having been Outlawed in his Absence on an Indictment of Treason; he was on the 21th of April, 1684. brought to the Kings Bench, to shew cause why Execution should not be awarded against him, as is usual in that case: He opposed nothing against it, only saying, [If an ingenuous Confession of Truth could merit the King's Pardon, he hoped he had done it.] The At­torney being call'd for, order'd the Indictment to be read, and gave him the offer of a Trial, wa­ving the Outlawry, which he refused, and threw himself on the King's Mercy. On which Execu­tion was awarded, tho' the Attorney who had not so much Law even as Jeffreys, was for having Judgment first pass against him, which is never done in such cases, according to which he was executed at Tyburn the 30th of April.

It seem'd strange to all men, that a Man of so much Spirit as Mr. Holloway appear'd to be, should so tamely die without making any manner of De­fence, when that Liberty was granted him: It seem­ed as strange, or yet stranger, that any Protestant should have any thing [...]hat look'd like Mercy or Favour from the Persons then at the Helm, [That they should be so gracious to him, as 'tis there call'd, to admit him to a Trial, which look'd so generously, and was so cry'd up—the Attorney calling it [A Mercy and a Grace] and the Lord Chief Justice saying, He'd assure him 'twas a great Mercy, and that it was exceeding well. Now all this Blind or Mystery will be easily unriddled, by two or three Lines which Holloway speaks just af­ter, [My Lord, says he, I cannot undertake to de­fend my self, for I have confessed before His Majesty, [Page 123] that I am guilty of many things in that Indictment.] Which was immediately made use of as 'twas design'd—Good Mr. Justice Withens crying out full mouth'd, [I hope every body here will take notice of his open Confession, when he might try it if he would—Surely none but will believe this Conspiracy now, after what this man has owned.] So there's an end of all t [...]e Mercy—A Man who had before confessed in order to be hang'd, had gracious Liberty given him to confess it again in Publick, because they knew he had precluded all manner of De­fence before, and this publick Action would both get 'em the repute of Clemency, and confirm the belief of the Plot. Now that there had been practice used with him, and promises of pardon if he'd take this method, and own himself guilty without Pleading, is more than probable, both from other practices of the same nature used to­wards Greater Men, and from some Expressions of his which look exceeding fair that way. Thus in his Paper left behind him, [I had, he says, some other Reasons why I did not plead, which at present I conceal, as also why I did not speak what I intended.] Other Reasons, besides his Confession to His Majesty, and Reasons to be conceal'd. Now what should those be, but Threatnings and Pro­mises, to induce him to silence, and publick ac­knowledgment of all? Which appears yet plainer from another passage, [I am satisfied that all means which could be thought on have been used, to get as much out of me as possible.] If all means, then without straining, those be­fore mentioned.

But if he made so fair and large an acknow­ledgment, [Page 124] here's more Mystery still; Why wan't his Life spar'd? Let any read his Confession and Speech, or these Passages observed out of them, and he'll no longer wonder at it. He was a little squeasie Conscienc'd, and would not strain so far as others in accusing Men of those black Crimes whereof they were innocent; nay, as was before said, vindicating them from those Aspersions cast upon them, and for which some of them, parti­cularly my Lord Russel, suffer'd Death. He says, [The Assassination was carry'd on but by three or four, and could never hear so much as the Names of above Five for it—That he and others had declared their abhorrence of any such thing— That Ferguson was not in it.] And besides, speaks some things with the Liberty of an Englishman, shews the very Root of all those Heats which had been rais'd — Says what was true enough, [That the Protestant Gentry had a Notion of a Devilish Design of the Papists to cut off the Kings Friends, and stirring men in both last Parliaments; That they had long had Witnesses to swear them out of their Lives, but no Ju­ries to believe 'em; That now the point about the She­riffs was gain'd, that difficulty was over; That the King had bad Council about him, who kept all things from his Knowledge; That if things continued thus, the Protestant Gentry resolv'd to get the King from his Evil Council, and then he'd immediately be of their side, and suffer all Popish Offenders to be brought to Justice.] Hence 'twas plain, no Assassination, no Plot against the King or Government intend­ed; only Treason against the D. of York and the Papists, who were themselves Traytors by Law. But [...]et one bolder stroke than all this, [He prays the [Page 125] King's Eyes might be open'd, to see his Enemies from his Friends, whom he had cause to look for nearer home.] Was a Man to expect pardon after this— no certainly, which he soon himself grew sensible of, and prepared for Death, [the Council, as he says, taking it very heinously, that he should presume to write such things.]

As for what Sheriff Daniel urges, That what he says about the King were but Glossy Pretences; He answers him very well, That 'twas far other­wise. Here was plain matter of Fact: The King­dom in eminent danger; the Fitt just coming on, which has since so near shaken to pieces all the frame of Church and State, which has so many years been rising to this Compleatness: Ordinary ways and usual Remedies could not prevail; these Protestants were forced to betake themselves to extraordinary, in defence of the Government and Laws, and not against 'em, any more than 'twould have been to have taken Arms and rescu'd the King from a Troop of Banditti, who had got pos­session of his Person; the Papists who had him, being as visibly and notoriously obnoxious to the Government, and as dead Men in Law, most of 'em, as publick Thieves and Robbers. Thus much of Mr. Holloway, the Popish tender Mercy towards him, his Confession and Execution.

Mr. Holloway declared, that Mr. West propo­sed the Assassination, but none seconded him—That he could not perceive that Mr. Ferguson knew any thing of it; and Holloway said, It was our design to shed no Blood; He being interrogated, by Mr. Ferguson's Friend, Mr. Sheriff Daniel, whe­ther he knew Ferguson; He answer'd, That he did [Page 126] know him, but knew him to be against any design of killing the King.

Sir Thomas Armstrong.

BUt the next had not so fair play, because they knew he'd make better use on't. They had this Lion in the Toils, and did not intend to let him loose again to make sport, lest the Hunters themselves should come off ill by it. He had been all his Life a firm Servant and Friend to the Roy­al Family, in their Exile and afterwards: He had been in Prison for 'em under Cromwel, and in danger both of Execution and Starving; for all which they now rewarded him. He had a par­ticular Honour and Devotion for the Duke of Monmouth, and pusht on his Interest on all occasi­ons, being a Man of as undaunted English Cou­rage, as ever our Country produced. He was with the Duke formerly in his Actions in Flan­ders, and shar'd there in his Danger and Honour. His Accusation was, his being concern'd in the General Plot, and that too of Killing the King; but he was indeed hang'd for running away, and troubling 'em to send so far after him. The par­ticulars pretended against him, were what the Lord Howard witnessed in Russels Trial, [Of his going to kill the King when their first design fail'd.] But this was there onely a Supposal, tho' advanc'd into a form'd Accusation, and aggravated by the At­turney, [Page 127] as the Reason why he had a Trial denied him, when Holloway had one offered, both of 'em being alike Outlawed On which Outlawry Sir Thomas was Kidnapt in Holland, and brought over hither in Chains, and rob'd by the way into the bargain. Being brought up, and askt what he had to say, that Sentence shou'd not pass upon him, he pleaded the 6th of Edw. 6. wherein 'tis provided, [That if a Person outlawed render himself in a year after the Outlawry pronounc'd, and traverse his In­dictment, and shall be acquitted on his Trial, he shall be discharged of the Outlawry.] On which he ac­cordingly then and there made a formal Surren­der of himself to the Lord Chief Justice, and ask'd the benefit of the Statute, and a fair Trial for his Life, the Year not being yet expired. If ever any thing cou'd appear plain to common Sense, 'twas his Case. The Statute allows a years time, the year was not out, he surrender'd him­self, demands the benefit of it; and all the An­swer he could get, or Reason to the contrary, was the positive Lord Chief Justice's, [We don't think so, and we are of another Opinion.] Nay, cou'd not have so much Justice as to have Counsel al­low'd to plead it, tho' the Point sufficiently de­serv'd it, and here was the Life of an old Servant of the King's concern'd in it. When he still pleaded. That a little while before, one, meaning Holloway, had the benefit of a Trial offered him, if he'd accept it, and that was all he now desired.

The Lord Chief Justice answers. That was onely the Grace and Mercy of the King. The Atturney adds, The King did indulge Holloway so far as to offer him a Trial, and his Majesty perhaps might [Page 128] have some Reason for it: The very self-same some Reason, no doubt on't, which Holloway says he had for not pleading. But Sir Thomas (the Atturney goes on) deserv'd no favour, because he was one of the Persons that actually engaged to go, on the King's ha­sty coming from Newmarket, and destroy him by the way as he came to Town; and that this appeared up­on as full and clear Evidence, and as positively testi­fied as any thing could be, and this in the Evidence given in of the late horrid Conspiracy.] Now Id fain know who gives this clear and full Evidence in the Discovery of the Conspiracy. Howard's is meer Supposition, and he's all who so much as mentions a syllable on't that ever cou'd be found on search of all the Papers and Trials relating to that Affair. To this Sir Thomas answers in his Speech, [That had he come 'to his Trial, he cou'd have prov'd my Lord Howard's base Reflections on him to be a notorious falshood, there being at least ten Gentlemen, besides all the Servants in the House, cou'd testifie where he Dined that very day.]

Still Sir Thomas demanded the Benefit of the Law, and no more: To which Jeffreys answer'd, with one of his usual barbarous Insults over the Miserable, [That he shou'd have it by the Grace of God; ordering, That Execution be done on Friday next according to Law. And added, That he shou'd have the full Benefit of the Law:] repeating the Jest lest it should be lost, as good as three times in one Sentence. Tho' had not his Lordship slipt out of the World so slily, he had had as much benefit the same way, and much more just­ly than this Gentleman.

[Page 129]Then the Chief Justice proceeds, and tells him, We are satisfied that according to Law, we must Award Execution upon this Outlawry: Thereupon Mrs. Matthews, Sir Thomas's Daugh­ter, said, My Lord, I hope you will not Murder my Father: For which, being Brow-beaten and Checkt, She added, God Almighty's Judg­ments Light upon YOV.

The Friday after he was brought to the place of Execution, Dr. Tennison being with him, and on his desire, after he had given what he had to leave, in a Paper, to the Sheriff, Prayed a little while with him. He then Prayed by himself; and after having thanked the Doctor for his great Care and Pains with him, submitted to the Sentence, and died more composedly, and full as resolutely as he had lived. 'Tis observable, that more cru­elty was exercised on him than any who went before him, not onely in the manner of his Death, but the exposing his Limbs and Body: A fair warning what particular Gratitude a Pro­testant is to expect for having oblig'd a true Papist.

Another thing worth remembring, in all other Cases as well as this tho occasion is here taken to do it, is, That whereas in Holloway's Case, Jef­freys's observ'd, [That not one of all concern'd in this Conspiracy had dared to deny it; and lower, to deny the Truth of the fact absolutely.] Tis so far from being true, that every one who suffer'd, did it as absolutely as possible. They were Try'd or Sentenc'd for [Conspiring against the King and Go­vernment] that was their Plot; but this they all deny, and absolutely too; and safely might do it: [Page 130] for they consulted for it, not conspired against it, resolving not to touch the King's Person; nay, if possible, not to shed one drop of Blood of any o­ther, as Holloway and others say. For the King's Life, Sir Thomas says as the Lord Russel, [Never had any Man the impudence to propose so base and bar­barous a thing to him.] Russel, and almost all be­sides, say, They had never any design against the Government. Sir Thomas here says the same; [As he never had any Design against the King's Life, nor the Life of any Man, so he never had any Design to alter the Monarchy.]

As he liv'd, he says he dy'd a sincere Prote­stant, and in the Communion of the Church of England, tho' he heartily wish'd he had more strictly liv'd up to the Religion he believed. And tho' he had but a short time, he found him­self prepared for Death; and indeed, as all his Life shew'd him a Man of Courage, so his Death, and all the rest of his Behaviour, did, a Peni­tent Man, a Man of good Sense, and a good Christian.

At the place of Execution Sir Thomas Arm­strong deported himself with Courage, becoming a great Man, and with the Seriousness and Piety suitable to a very good Christian.

Sheriff Daniel told him, that he had leave to say what he pleased, and should not be interrup­ted, unless he upbraided the Government; Sir Tho­mas thereupon told him, that he should not say any thing by way of Speech; but delivered him a Paper, which he said contained his mind, he then called for Dr. Tennison who prayed with him, and then he prayed himself.

[Page 131]In his Paper he thus expressed himself, That he thanked. Almighty God, he found himself prepa­red for Death, his thoughts set upon another World, and [...]eaned from this; yet he could not but give so much of his little time as to answer some Calumnies, and particularly what Mr. Attorney accused him of at the Bar.

That he prayed to be allowed a Tryal for his Life according to the Laws of the Land, and urged the Statute of Edward 6. which was expresly for it; but it signified nothing, and he was with an extraordi­nary Roughness condemned and made a precedent; tho' Holloway had it offered him, and he could not but think all the world would conclude his case very different, else why refused to him?

That Mr. Attorney charged him for being one of those that was to kill the King; He took God to witness, that he never had a thought to take away the King's Life, and that no man ever had the Im­pudence to propose so barbarous and base a thing to him; and that he never was in any design to alter the Government.

That if he had been tryed, he could have proved the Lord Howard's base Reflections upon him, to be notoriously false —He concluded, that he had liv­ed and now dyed of the Reformed Religion, a Prote­stant in the Communion of the Church of England, and he heartily wished he had lived more strictly up to the Religion he believed: That he had found the great comfort of the Love and Mercy of God, in and through his blessed Redeemer, in whom he on­ly trusted, and verily hoped that he was going to partake of that fulness of Joy which is in his pre­sence, the hopes whereof infinitely pleased him. [Page 132] He thanked God he had no repining, but chear­fully submitted to the punishment of his Sins; He freely forgave all the World, even those con­cerned in taking away his Life, tho' he could not but think his Sentence very hard, he being denied the Laws of the Land.

Alderman Cornish.

TO make an end of this Plot altogether, 'twill be necessary once more to invert the Order in which things happened, and tho' Mr. Cornish suffer'd not till after the Judges returned from the West, as well as Bateman after him, yet we shall here treat of 'em both▪ and so conclude this Matter.

Mr. Cornish was seiz'd in Octob. 1685. and the Monday after his Commitment, which was on [Page 133] Tuesday or Friday, Arraigned for High Treason, having no Notice given him till Saturday noon. His Charge was for Conspiring to Kill the King, and promising to assist the Duke of Monmouth, &c. in their Treasonable Enterprises. He desired his Trial might be deferred, because of his short time for Prepa­ration; and that he had a considerable Witness an hundred and forty miles off, and that the King had left it to the Judges, whether it should be put off or no. But 'twas denied him; the Att [...]rney telling him, He had not deserved so well of the Go­vernment as to have his Trial delayed. That was in English, because he had been a Protestant Sheriff, he should not have Justice.

The Evidences against him were Rumsey and Goodenough. Rumsey swears, [That when he was at the famous Meeting at Mr. Shepherds, Mr. Shep­herd being call'd down, brought up Mr. Cornish; and when he was come in, Ferguson opened his Bosom, and under his Stomacher pull [...]d out a Paper in the Nature of a Declaration of Grievances, which Fer­guson read, and Shepherd held the Candle while 'twas reading; that Mr. Cornish lik [...]d it, and what Interest he had, said, would joyn with it; and that out of Compassion he had not accus'd Mr. Cornish be­fore.]

Goodenough swears, That he talkt with Cornish of the Design of Seizing the Tower. Mr. Cornish said, He would do what good he could, or to that pur­pose.

To Goodenough's Evidence was opposed by Mr. Gosprights, who testified Mr. Cornish opposed his being▪ Under-Sheriff saying, That he was an ill Man, obnoxious to the Government, and he'd not [Page 134] trust an hair of his Head with him. And is it then probable that he'd have such Discourses with him as woul [...] endanger Head and all? Mr. Love, Jekil, and Sir William Turner witness to the same purpose.

As to Rumsey's Evidence, the Perjury lies so full and staring, that 'tis impossible to look into the Trial with half an eye, without meeting it. Com­pare what he says on Russel's Trial, and here, and this will be as visible as the Sun. Being askt there Whether there was any Discourse about a Decla­ration, and how long he staid; he says, [He was there about a quarter of an hour, and that he was not certain whether he heard something about a De­claration there, or whether he had heard Ferguson report afterwards that they had then debated it.] Now turn to Cornish's Trial. He is there strange­ly recovered in his Memory, and having had the advantage, either of Recollection, or better In­struction, remembers that distinctly in Octob. 1685. which he could not in July 1683. [He had been the [...]e a quarter of an hour] the time he states in the Lord Russel's Trial, but lengthens it out, and improves it now, to so long time as Mr. Shepherds going down, bringing Cornish up, Ferguson's pul­li [...] [...]ut the Declaration, and reading it, and that, as Shepherd said in Russel's Trial, a long one too, as certainly it must be, if, as 'twas sworn, it con­tained all the Grievances of the Nation, and yet all this still in a quarter of an hour; thus contra­dicti [...]g himself both to Time and Matter.

But he is of such villanous Credit, that his Evi­dence is scarce fit to be taken even against him­self. Let's see then how Shepherd does point-blank [Page 135] contradict, and absolutely overthrow it in every Particular, as expresly as 'tis possible to ruin any Evidence. He says [At one Meeting on­ly Mr. Cornish was at his House to speak with one of the Persons there; that then he himself came up stairs, and went out again with Mr. Cornish. That there was not one word read, nor any Paper seen while Mr. Cornish was there, and this he was positive of, for Mr. Cornish was not one of their Company.]

Now who should know best, Rumsey what Shep­herd did, or he what he did himself? Could a man hold the Candle while a Declaration was read, as Rumsey swears Shepherd did, and yet know no­thing of it; nay, protest the quite contrary? What sizes the Consciences of his Jury were, let any Christian, Turk, or Jew be Judge; and Pro­vidence has already visibly done it on the Fore­man of it, who came to an untimely end, being beaten to pieces by the Fall of some Timber at a Fire in Thames-street.

All that is pretended to bolster Rumsey's Evi­dence, and hinder Shepherd's from saving the Pri­soner, was, That Shepherd strengthened Rumsey, and proved Cornish guilty of a lie. But if we enquire into the matter, we shall find one just as true as the other.

Cornish on his Trial is said to have denied his being at the Meeting, and discoursing with the D. of Monmouth: Which they'd have us believe Shep­herd swears he was, tho' not a syllable of it ap­pears. [He had been there several times, Shepherd says, but was not of their Consult, knew nothing of their Business, nor can he be positive whether 'twas th [...] Duke of Monmouth he came to speak with that Even­ing.] [Page 136] But supposing in two or three years time, and on so little Recollection. Cornish's Memory had slipt in that Circumstance, what's that to Shepherd's Evidence against the very Root of Rum­sey's which hang'd the prisoner?

In spight of all he was found Guilty, and Con­demn'd, and even that Christian serenity of Mind and Countenance wherewith twas visible he bore his Sentence, turn'd to his Reproach by the Bench.

He continued in the same exc [...]llent Temper whilst in Newgate, and gave the World a glaring Instance of the Happiness of such Persons as live a pious Life, when they come to make an end on't, let the way thereof be never so violent. His carriage and behaviour at his leaving Newgate was as follows.

Mr. Charles Bateman ▪

THE next and last was Mr. Bateman the Chy­ [...]u [...]geon, a Man of good Sense, good Cou­rage, and good Company, and a very large and generous▪ Temper, of considerable Repute and Practice in his Calling: A great Lover and Vin­dicator of the Liberties of the City and Kingdom, and of more interest than most of his Station. He was swore against by Rouse's Lee, and Richard Goodenough, upon the old Stories of seizing the Tower, City, and Savoy We had had a better De­fence, had he himself been able to have made it: But being kep [...] close Prisoner in Newgate, the Windows and Rooms all dark, and little or no Company, he being a free jolly Man, and us'd formerly to Conversation and Diversion, soon grew deeply melancholy; and when he came on his Tryal, appeared little less than perfectly di­stracted; on which the Court very kindly gave his Son liberty to make his Defence—The first Instance to be sure of that Nature; since he him­self might probably, had he been in his Senses, have remembred and pleaded many things more, which would have invalidated their Evidence a­gainst him. But had not the mistaken Piety of his Son undertook his Defence, certainly they could never have been such Cannibals to have try'd [Page 142] one in his Condition.—Yet could but what he brought for him, been allowed its Weight and Justice, he had escaped well enough. For as for Lee, one Baker Witness'd, [He had been practic'd up­on by him in the year 83. and would have had him in­sinuate into Bateman's Company, and discourse about State-Affairs to trepan him, by which means he should be made a Great Man] 'Twas urged besides, that there was three Years between the Fact pretended, and Lee's Prosecution of him, which, tho' they had but one Witness could have brought him to punishment, which would have been judged suf­ficient by any, but those who would be content with nothing but Blood. For Goodenough, he was but one Witness, and pardon'd only so far, as to qualifie him to do mischief. However he was found Guilty; and just before his Execution, ve­ry much recovered himself, dying as much like a Christian, and with as great a presence of Mind as most of the others.

Dr. Oats, Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Dangerfield.

WE are now obliged, by the thrid of our Hi­story, to resume a Subject, which, 'tis not doubted will be ungrateful enough to some Persons; and that is, — the Popish Plot; the belief of which, by the indefatigable Industry of that Party, and the weekly pains of their Ob­servator, [Page 143] and especially this last pretended Plot against the Government, was now almost entire­ly obliterated out of the minds of the less think­ing part of the Nation. To accomplish which more fully, 'twas thought necessary by the Man­agers, either quite to take off, or expose to Mi­series and Disgraces worse than Death, all those few Persons who remain'd honest and firm to their first Evidence; the generality of the World judging by outward appearance, and thinking it impossible but that one who stood in the Pillory, and was whipt at the Carts-Arse, must be a per­jur'd Rogue without more ado. Mr. Bedloe was dead, and his Testimony therefore would be easier forgotten: tho' at his last Breath after the Sacrament, he Solemnly and Juridically confirmed every word of it before one of the Judges, who was happily in Bristol at the time of his Death. Most of the Under-Evidences in the Plot were threatned, or promised, or brought off from what they had witness'd, or forc'd to leave the Land for the securing their Persons. None re­main now besides Oats and Dangerfield, with whom all means possible, fair and foul, had been used, to make 'em turn Villains, and deny their Evidence; but to their eternal Praise, they still continued firm to their first Testimony, to the Rage and Confusion of their Enemies. They therefore went first to work with the Doctor; and 'twill be worth the while to consider the Rea­son of his first Prosecution, by which men that are not very much prejudiced may see the Reason and Justice of those which follow, and 'twas [For scandalizing the Duke of York with that notorious [Page 144] Truth—That he was reconciled to the Church of Rome, adding, What every one knows, that 'twas High Treason so to be.] Would but the Doctor's greatest and most passionate Enemies reflect on this beginning of his Sorrows; as well as calmly examine all that's to come, they must form a ju [...]ter Judgment of his Person and Actions, than what seems too deeply fixed in 'em, ever to be rooted out; for which he was adjudged to pay that rea­sonable little Fine of a 100000 Pounds, which, till he paid, tho' there was no great haste for his doing it, he was committed to [...]he Bench.

Having him thus in Limbo, they resolved to strike at the root with him, and therefore after new fruitless attempts to make him qu [...]t and re­voke his Evidence, they made the last Effort on his Constancy and Honesty; and indeed Life it self, Indicting him on the 8th and 9th of May, 1685. for Perjury in some branches of his Evi­dence, given in some of it, almost Seven Years before. His first Accusation wa [...], [For-Swearing in Ireland's Tryal, he himself was here in London, whereas twas pretended he was at that very time at St. Omers] The Second, That Ireland was at that time in Town, when they would have it believed he was in Staffordshire.

The Evidence for the first were all Lads of St. Omers, who, though they blunder'd ill-favour'd­ly in former Attempts the same way, and were accordingly told so by the Court in other Tryals, were now grown expert in the Busi­ness, being all of a Religion that makes Perjury meritorious; all Youths and Boys, and under such a Discipline as oblige them to obey their Superi­ors, [Page 145] without any reserve, or questioning the Reason or Justice of the thing; all, or most of 'em afterwards, rewarded with Places of Trust and Profit under King James, as no doubt promi­sed 'em before for their good Service. They all swore point blank, That Oats was at St. Omers, when he swears he was here at the Consult. Not one of these Witnesses who had not been bred at St. Omers, and but one who pretended to be a Prote­stant. For the second Indictment— Of Irelands not being in Town in August, as Oats had sworn him: They brought several Witnesses to prove it, and that he was at that time in Staf­fordshire; most, if not all of which were great Papists.

In answer to which, let's first be persuaded fair­ly to consider what may be said in his Defence, and most part of his Vindication is over: And first—These were most, or all of 'em, the self-same Witnesses, who in the successive Tryals, White­breads, Harcourts, &c. and Mr. Langhorns, could not find Credit; and who had several Witnesses who swore point-blank contrary to what they affirmed, some of whom were dead before this last Tryal. Let's then consider what Defence Oats made for himself, which in spite of his own and Jeffreys passions, seems strenuous and unanswerable.

He had in the former Tryals produced no less than Eight Persons who swore positively to his being in Town at that very time, when the Jesuits and their Younkers would so fain had him been out of it, whose Names were Mr. Walker, an an­cient Minister of the Church of England, Sarah Ives, Mrs. Mayo, Sir Richard Barker, Mr. Page, [Page 146] Mr. Butler, William Smith, and Mr. Clay, a Ro­mish Priest, four of which, Mayo, Butler, Page and Walker he now produced again at his Tryal; the two first of whom positively swore the same they did before; the Minister was too old to re­member, and the last too fearful positively to af­firm what they had before done.

As to the 2d Indictment, a Crowd of Witnesses, such as they were, came to testifie Ireland was in Staffordshire when Oats swore him to be in London.

To this same Objection he had formerly an­swerd, and prov'd by the Oaths of Mr. Bedloe, Sarah [...]ain, and afterwards of Mr. Jennison, That Ireland was in Town, when others witness he was in the Country. But now, at his Tryal, Bedlo and Pain being dead, and Jennison fled into Holland, he was absolutely incapacitated of making any Defence that way; and so was found Guilty of both Indictments.

The Judgment against him was just as merciful as could be expected from Papists, acting by a Jeffreys, part of which was, [To be whipt from Algate to Newgate on Wednesday, and on the Friday following from Newgate to Tyburn, and stand on the Pillory five times a year, and be Prisoner during Life.] Which he bore with a great deal of Strength and Courage; tho had not Providence provided him a Body and Soul, made, one would think, on purpose for it, 'twould have kill'd him, if he'd had the strength of twenty Men. He had in all above two thousand Lashes, as some that were by reckon'd em up—Such a thing as was never in­flicted by any Jew, Turk, or Heathen, but Jeffreys; nay, the merciful Jews thought one less than God [Page 147] Almighty had appointed sufficient, and never gave but 39 at a time; all St. Paul's 3 times not coming near the third part of the Doctors. Had they hang'd him, they had been merciful; had they flead him alive, 'tis a question whether it had been so much torture. How good and merciful those Persons, who will vindicate this worse than barbarous and inhumane Action, are, let the World and fu­ture Ages be Judges; in the mean while we'll safely defy all History to shew one Parallel of it either on man or Dog, from the Creation of the World to the year 1685.

But there needs no more aggravation of it, or urging what is plain enough, that the thus dealing with him, even supposing his Crime as great as they'd have it was yet the highest affront and indignity even to Humanity it self. 'Twill besides this be an unanswerable Observation,— That it had been impossible for a Man to have held out the Second Whipping after the first was over, while the Wounds were fresh about him, and every new stroke more than a double torment, either to have undergone this without Confession, or dropping down Dead with extremity of pain, had he not both had truth on his side, and also a more than common support and assist­ance from him who saw his Innocency. This Whip­ping of his being the greatest Confirmation to his Evidence that was possible to be given.

After his return, to Prison, after all this U­sage, yet if possible, more barbarous, tearing off the Plaisters from his Wounds, crushing him with Irons, thrusting him into Holes and Dun­geons, and endeavouring to render him as infa­mous to the Nation, and all the World, as Cain [Page 148] or Judas; he bore up against a [...]l this, and more, with so strange and almost mir [...]culous a Pati­ence, that during his four y [...]a [...]s Imprisonment, he was never once heard to sigh, or maniifest any impatience under his Condition. He refused all the Offers of the Jesuits, who even after this had the Impudence to pro [...]ose to him his re­canting his Evidence. He had still a strong Be­lief that he s [...]ould see better [...]imes, and get his freedom again▪ which he had in that General Goal-delivery, gra [...]ted all England by the then Prince of Orange's Heroick Undertaking. Since that he has presented his Case and Petition to the Parliament; to the House of Commons, as well as the House of Lords: And tho the Honourable House of Lords were offended at what they judged a slight of their Jurisdiction, in his Ad­dressing to the House of Commons, while his Cause lay before them, and exprest their resent­ments thereof accordingly; The Commons have since that taken his Case into Consideration, and, as well as four succeeding Parliaments before 'em, own'd his Cause, and censur'd the Proceedings of Jeff [...]eys against him; and 'tis not doubted but will appoint him Rewards suitable to his Suffer­ings and Merit.

Mr. Johnson.

MUch about the same time, the pious, reve­rend, and learned Mr. Johnson met with, much the same Usage. His great Crimes were, [Page 150] —Being my Lord Russel's Chaplain, Writing the fa­mous Julian the Apostate, and endeavouring to per­swade the Nation, not to let themselves be made Slaves and Papists, when so many others were doing their parts to bring 'em to it. And 'tis a question whe­ther any Man in the World, besides his Friend the Reverend Dr. Burnet, did more Service with his Pen, or more conduc'd to our great and happy Revolution, both among the Army, and in o­ther places. For some of these Good S [...]rvices he was Accused, Imprisoned, Tryed and Condemn­ed to be divested of his Canonical Habit, and be whipt as far as Oats was before him; which was perform'd, and which he underwent, as he did, with Courage and Constancy above a Man, and like a Christian and a Martyr. He remain'd e­ver since in the Kings Bench, till the Prince's coming deliver'd him.

The following Paper was Published by Mr. Samuel Johnson, in the year 1686. For which he was Sentenced by the Court of King's-Bench, (Sir Edward Herbert being Lord Chief Justice) to stand three times on the Pillory, and to be Whipp'd from Newgate to Tyburn: which Bar­barous Sentence was Executed.

Mr. Dangerfield.

HIs Father was a Gentleman, who lived in good fashion at Waltham-Abby, or therea­bouts— had been a great Sufferer for K. Charles I. and charged this his Son on his Death-bed, after his Discovery of the Plot, never to have any hand in any thing against the Government; which he promis'd, and faithfully observ'd. He was a Man of Business and Courage, and therefore employ­ed by the Papists, while among 'em, in their des­perate and most dangerous Concerns. He was then of a Religion that excused and encouraged the worst things he or any other Man could be guilty of. The great thing which brought him on the Stage, was Mrs. Celiers business, called the Meal-Tub-Plot. The Papists had design'd to kill two Birds with one Stone— Divert the Laws and People from themselves, and ruine their E­nemies; for which end they had among 'em made a Plot to bring in the best Men, and Patriots of the Kingdom into a pretended Design against the K. and Government, by a kind of an Association, like that which afterwards took better effect. And [Page 154] for this Transaction, Mr. Dangerfield was made choice of, a List of their Names, with the De­sign being by him, according to Order, conveyed into one Colonel Mansel's Chamber—But he was discover'd and seiz'd in the Design, and acknow­ledg [...]d all the Intreagues, giving so clear an ac­count of it; that they had never to this very day, the Impudence to pretend any Contradiction, or Trip in his Evidence, nor any other way but flat denial But there was somewhat yet deeper in the Case which he afterwards revealed in his Depositions before the Parliament, That he was employed by the same Party to kill the King, and en­courag'd and promis'd Impunity and Reward, and part of it given him by a Great Person for that end.

When the Stream ran violently for Popery, he went over, for Security, into Flanders, but conti­nued not long there; and returning back he was some time after seized, and carried before the Council, where, before the King himself, persist­ing to a Tittle, in all his former Evidence, he was committed to Newgate; and after having lain there some time, petition'd for a Trial, which they could not do upon any account but Scandalum Magnatum and that in a Matter which lay only before the Parliament, to whom he had reveal'd it. Yet for that he was Tried, and found Guil­ty, as Wi. Williams the Speaker afterwards for Li­censing his Narrative, by order of Parliament. He was to undergo the same Whipping Oats and John­son did. Before he went out he had strong bodings of his Death, and chose a Text for his Funeral Sermon in the ...of Job, There the wicked cease [Page 155] from troubling, and there the weary are at rest. Say­ing, He was confident they had such a particular Ma­lice against him, he should ne're return alive: Confirm'd the truth of all his former Evidence, and took a last farewel of his friends. After the Sentence was exe­cuted on him, in his return home, one Francis stab'd him into the Eye with a sort of a Tuck in the end of his Cane, which touching his Brain, h [...] was hardly ever sensible after, but dy'd of the Wound in a few Hours, not without great suspi­cion of Poison, his Body being swoln and black, and full of great Blains all over. The Murderer [...]led, but was pursu'd by the Rabble, who had torn him to pieces, had not the Officers rescu'd him. He defended and justified the Fact while in Newgate, saying, He had the greatest Men in the Kingdom to stand by him; to whom after his Trial, and being found Guilty upon clear Evidence, great Appli­cations were made, which had been successful for his Pardon, had not Jeffreys himself gone to White­hall, and told the King He must die, for the Rabble were now throughly heated. Attempts were made to bribe Mr. Dangerfield's Wife, that she might consent to the Pardon of her Husbands Murder­er; but she too well deserv'd to be related to him, to sell his Blood; and had an Appeal ready against him, had he been Pardon'd. So the poor State-Martyr was hang'd, as Coleman was before him. Mr. Dangerfield's Body was conveyed to Wal­tham-Abby, with several Coaches attending it, and there handsomly buried. He has left one Daughter behind him, who, if she lives, will be the true Child of her Father.

Mr. NOISE.

AMong those who suffer'd innocently for Lea's Plot, this poor young Gentleman was one, tho' omitted in due place, who tho' he lost not his Life immediately by it, was yet put to such Extremities, as both injur'd his Reason, and ruin'd his Fortunes. He was born of a good Family not far from Reading in Barkshire; and being a younger Son, was bound Apprentice to a Linnen-Draper in London. In which capacity he was a great Promoter of the Apprentices Address, in­tended to be presented to the King for redress of Grievances, and further Prosecution of the Po­pish Plot. A Crime, which those concern'd, cou'd never pardon, and which was now lookt on, both by himself, and all his Friends, as the Cause of these his Troubles.

Lea swore against him that he was concern'd in this Plot, which he absolutely denying, tho' no other Witness came in against him, and he was ne're brought to a Trial, he underwent a long and severe Imprisonment, loaded with Irons, and kept from his Friends, so long till his Trade was ruin'd before he was set free, and he him­self then rendred so unfit for business, that he was forc'd entirely to leave it off, and betake himself to Travel: where, never quite recover­ing himself, he in a little time after fell sick and dy'd.

[Page 169]And here 'twill not be improper to remind my Readers, that about this time things running very high for Popery and Arbitrary Power, the consideration thereof was very afflicting to Mr. Noise: Yet notwithstanding all this, he was si­lent a long while, and minded onely the proper business of his Calling, resolving not to concern himself with State-affairs, as deeming them a­bove his Sphere and Condition; which Silence and Resolution he had still kept, notwithstand­ing the great and ineffable Evils he saw impend­ing over us (which were much the more appa­rent upon the Prorogations and Dissolutions of so many Parliaments, in so dangerous and so cri­tical a Juncture;) but that casually reading one of the VVeekly Intelligences, he happen'd there­in to meet with something, Entituled, An Ad­dress from the Loyal Young Men Apprentices of the City of London, To His Majesty: The Title (he thought) concern'd him, as being a Loyal Ap­prentice of the same City, and therefore he de­liberately read it over. At first it seem'd to bear a fair aspect, as it was a Tender of Thanks to His Majesty for His most Gracious Declarati­on; but considering that this Declaration con­tain'd in it, several severe Reflections on the Pro­ceedings of the late Parliaments, terming them Arbitrary, Illegal and Unwarrantable; Mr. Noise dreaded the co [...]sequence of such Reflecti­ons, as believing, that [...] stood not with Modesty, for Apprentices to charge the Great Senate of the Nation with Arbitrary, Illegal and Unwar­rantable Proceedings; and resolv'd what in him [Page 170] lay, to Vindicate himself and Fellow-Apprenti­ces (which is thought to have been the cause of all his Sufferings before-related) and to satis­fie the whole World, that the far greater part of the Apprentices of London, have too great a Ve­neration for Parliaments (which under His Ma­jesty are the Bulwarks of our Lives, Liberties and Properties) for to be concern'd in any thing tending to Reproach, or Reflect upon them; he advis [...]d with several sober Persons about it, who did not disapprove of his Design, but Advice therein they would not give: Wherefore Mr. N [...]ise thinking to Petition the Lord Mayor would be the most modest and proper way to demon­strate a dislike of, and detestation to all such actions, he caused the following Petition to be drawn up and Presented, viz.