CHAP. I. Of the Ancient Militia in General.

PEACE is the choicest of all Earthly Blessings: One Peace is better than innumerable Triumphs: It is that Blessing [...]ich carries all other external one [...] in its Bosome▪ with­out it no man can say he either enjoy [...] himself, or any thing he might call his own. The terrible Ware which our Passions raise within our Breasts against our Reason, make us cry to Heaven for that inward Peace, whereof neither Man nor De­vil can bereave us. Even so, those people, among whomPeace a choice Blessing. the seat of War is, send up their frequent Petitions to the God of Peace, to remove that dreadful Scourge from them; but the pity is, when their Prayers are heard, and that they have obtain'd (the so much desir'd and long'd for Peace, few or none of them study to preserve so inestimable a Jewel. [Page 2] Many Nations have, and do this day enjoy a quiet Peace, but seldome or never had the whole habitable World a general Cessation of Arms, but when Augustus shut the Temple of Janus: And it was fit that it should be so then, when the Prince of Peace was to descend from the Mansions of Peace, to enter the Womb of the Immaculate Virgin. But it is not my Work to descant of Peace, the Elogies whereof have been loudly enough proclaimed ma­ny Ages ago.

If Peace be so great▪ a Blessing, it will follow, that War must be a very heavy Curse, and so, no doubt, it is. It carries all evils, and all plagues in the Belly of it; it extirpates Families, destroys Nations, and drains Provinces of both Men and Money; it breaks up and dissolves Humane Societies, andWar a horri­ble Curse. it tramples on all Laws, both Divine and Humane, except that of the longest Sword; or it makes them run all after it like Lacqueys. I believe, if the Prophet Gad had spoke nothing of Pestilence, but given David his choice of War or Famine, the Psalmist had undoubtedly chosen the last, as the less Plague. For, though all the three be from God; (for there is no evil in the City which is not from the Lord) yet War is but mediately from God, and immediately from Man: And the King of Israel chose rather to fall into Gods hands than Mans. Besides, both Pestilence and Famine have been, and undoubtedly will be, in the World without War; but it is almost im­possible, that War can be of any continuance in a Land, but it will draw after it both Pestilence and Famine, as its inseparable concomitants. YetCompanions of War. this dreadful and devouring Plague of War is not only permitted, but com­manded by the Almighty, to dwell among the Sons of Men. Gods own cho­sen people were by his own appointment afflicted by it, and did also by that same authority afflict others with it.

Enmity and feud had its beginning in the World soon after its Creation, not only between the seed of the Woman and the Serpent, but between Man and Man, yea, Brother and Brother, Cain and Abel; neither doth itPrivate War. matter much, with what Weapon the one kill'd the other, since experience teacheth us, that man can be sent to his Grave a thousand ways without the help of a Sword. This was a Private War, which still continues, and will l [...]st till time be no more, between Man and Man, and sometimes, Fa­mily and Family. A Publick War is twofold, a Foreign and a Civil War.Publick War The Foreign is of one or more Nations against one or more Nations; if under­taken to encrease Dominion, conquer or enslave others, or yet to hinder the growth of a neighbour Potentate, it is unjust. Of the justifying causes of a Foreign War, Authors are to be consulted, that write purposely onForeign War that subject, particularly Hugo Grotius, De jure Belli & Pacis: let it be enough to say in this place with Augustin, that there can be no cause of a just War,When just. but an injury done, whether it be to Princes, Subjects or Embassadours, and that no satisfaction, after it is required, can be got. And indeed this War should be formally denounc'd, otherwise it derogates from the Justice of the cause. This to me seems clear from the definition the Civilians give of an Enemy, Hostes (say they) sunt qui nobis, aut quibus nos bellum decernimus; caeteri Indictio Belli. latrones, aut praedones sunt: Those are enemies, who either have denounc'd the War against us, or we against them; others are Thieves or Robbers. And Cicero in his Offices, Nullum Bellum est justum, nisi quod a [...]t rebus repetitis geratur, aut de­nunciatum ante sit, & indictum; No War is just, but what is made for restitution, or denounced or indicted before. Neither will the War that Joshua made against the seven Nations of the Canaanites, impugn what I have said of the just cause of a War; for though these Nations had, perhaps, done no wrong to the Israelites, yet Joshua had a particular Warrant from God for what heJoshua his Wars. did, which few or none but he can pretend to. It is true, neither he nor Moses were commanded to fight with the Amalekites, yet the Lord approved of it afterward.

The Grecians denounc'd their War by a Caduc [...]us: The Romans by their Feciales, whose custome was to stand on the Roman Territory, and throw a Spear or Javelin against the Land of those whom they declared Enemies. In these later times, besides the denunciation of the War, a Declaration (or­dinarily, called a Manifesto) is emitted by the Aggressor, whereby he either doth make the Justice of his War appear to the world, or at least endea­vours [Page 3] it. And though the persons of Embassadours were wronged and vio­lated against the Law of Nations, yet the War should be denounc'd by a Let­ter, or some such way, saith Grotius; yet we read not that David used any such previous civility to Hanun King of Ammon, after he had affronted his Em­bassadours.

A Civil War may be likewise two-fold, the one sort is of the great men ofCivil War twofold. a Free State, one against another, as that of Sylla against Marius, Father and Son, and Caesar against Pompey, Father and Son among the Romans; or in a Monarchy of those who are competitors for the Crown, as the War was between the Houses of York and Lancaster. The other is of Subjects against their Soveraigns, which can never be lawful, let the pretext be never so specious, I mean on the Subjects part; for I make no doubt, but a Sove­raign, whether Prince or State, not only may, but ought by the power of the Sword to reduce their Rebellious Subjects to their Duty, when by no other means they can prevail with them. Both these kinds of Intestin [...] Wars are called Civil, because they are inter Cives unius Reipublic [...]; Among the Citizens of one Common-wealth. It is the worst of all Wars, and that wherein there is not so much as the least shadow of Civility. This War arms Brother against Brother, for which we need not search History for Examples: In this War the Son thinks he doth a meritorious work if he betrays his own Father; and the Father conceives he super-erogates, if he sheaths his Sword in his Sons Bowels, because, saith he, he did not rise to fight the Lords Battels, evenIt is the worst of Wars. perhaps against the Lords anointed; for this War extinguisheth all natural affection among the nearest in Blood. This sort of War sends Coblers and other Mechanicks to the Pulpits, to torture their Audience with Non-sence. This converts Souldiers into Preachers, who by vertue of their double cal­lings, belch out Blasphemies against the great God of Heaven, and rebellious and opprobrious Speeches against his Vice-gerents on Earth. And on the other hand, this War metamorphoseth Preachers into Souldiers, and tells them, that a Corslet becomes them better than a Canonical Coat, and a broad Sword better than a long Gown: It whispers them in the ear, that Christ would not have bid those of his Disciples who had two Coats, sell one of them, and buy a Sword, if he had not intended to leave War as a Legacy to his followers, as well as Peace. It tells them, they ought in their Ser­mons to summon Subjects under the pain of eternal damnation, to rise in Arms against the Soveraign Power, because they are bidden Curse Meroz, who would not come out to help the Lord against the Mighty: Yet very few of them can tell you, whether Meroz was a Prince, a City, or a Countrey. But I dwell too long here.

Not long after the Flood we find numerous Armies raised by Nimrod and his ambitious Successors, to subject others of Noah's race to their lawless do­minion: And indeed, if the Stories of these very ancient times be true (as they are very much to be doubted) we read not of so great Armies (except some in Holy Writ) as those, which Ninus, and the famous Semiramis, and the Kings of India, whom she invaded, brought together. It is pity we should not know how they were armed, and in what order they fought: I suppose there were Wars in the World, before there was any to record them. The Egyptians wrote in Hieroglyphicks, and therefore, I believe, next to Moses, we are obliged to the Grecians, for giving us a glimpse of Antiqui­ty. And truly, even they wrote the occasions, the causes, the beginnings, the progress, and issues of Wars so confusedly, and fabulously, that we canAncient Hi­stories fabu­lous. build but little on their relations, till themselves became renown'd by the stout resistance they made against the Persian Monarchy; and yet even then, they give us but little light, how other Nations, besides themselves, ma­nag'd the War, what Art or Order they used in their Battels, or how their Combatants were Armed.

The Sacred Story mentions no Battel fought after the Flood, or before it, till that of Chaderlaomer, and other three Kings, against the five Kings of the Plain. But we may presume, there were many bloody bickerings before that, when Nimrod, Belus, Ninus and Semiramis (if Ninus was not Amraphel one of the four Kings, whereof I much doubt) impos'd the yoke of Slavery on so many Nations. In this Battel fought in the plain of Sodom and Gomorrha, [Page 4] the five Kings were beaten, but how either they or their Adversaries fought, withThe Battel of Sodom. what Arms, or in what Order, the History tells us nothing. The Conque­rours carry away a great booty, and many Prisoners, and among them Lot, and the endeavouring his rescue, made the War just on his Uncle Abrahams side: He follows, and overthrows the four Kings, and brings back all the Goods and Prisoners. Abraham had no particular Warrant for this War, but it was approved, for thereafter Melchizedec, the Priest of the most High God, blessed him; nor was it needful for the Father of the Faithful to de­nounce the War, because he look'd upon himself there, as an Ally, if not a Subject of some of the five Kings, particularly him of Sodom. The Text makes this action of Abraham a surprizal; for it is said, he smote them in the night. We find he Armed three hundred and eighteen of his own Ser­vants, but with what kind of Arms, either for Offence or Defence, we know not; and yet it would seem, his Servants had learned to handle their Arms, for some of our Translations have it, He armed his train'd Servants. By this place of Scripture, it appears that these Kings had fought together be­fore, because it is said, the five Kings rebell'd against Chaderlaomer, whom they had serv'd twelve years; now it is more than probable, they had fought at least once with him, before they offer'd to do homage to him, but Moses mentions not that, as not being to his purpose, his design there being only to give us the Story of Abraham.

Pharaoh follow'd the Israelites with six hundred chosen Chariots, saith Moses; and with two hundred thousand Foot, and fifty thousand Horse, saith Josephus: but how these Chariots, these Horse, and these Foot were arm'd, what order they kept in their pursuit, or what discipline they had, neither the one nor the other tells us. But we may suppose well enough that theEgyptians good Warri­ours. Egyptians were well armed, and knew the Art of War; and that Joshua and other Captains of the people of Israel, might have learned from them the contemplative part of their Military skill, which afterward they practis'd on those Nations they were ordain'd to root out. And if the Kings of Egypt had War with the Ethiopians while the Israelites were under them, I make no doubt, but many of them serv'd in these Wars. Xenophon commends very much both the valour and the skill of those Egyptians who were with Croe­sus, at that Battel which he fought with Cyrus: And it is very like that the Grecians themselves got the rudiments of their Art of War in Egypt, as well as of other liberal Sciences; and it is like, Lycurgus taught the Rules of theSo were the Spartans. Military Art to his Spartans, which he had learned from the Egyptians, as well as he did other civil constitutions. From the Lacedaemonians did the Thebans learn their discipline of War. The Theban Epaminondas and Pelopidas taught it to Philip of Macedon, and he to his Son, the Great Alexander, whose glo­rious acts obscured all the famous exploits of the rest of the Grecians. We need not doubt each of these added something of their own to what they hadFacil [...] est in­v [...]nti [...] add [...]re. learned, for by such means all Arts come to perfection.

CHAP. II. Of the Arms, and Order of War of the Ancients.

TO find out the Arms, or Art of War of these Ancient Nations, whether Jews or Gentiles, till the Grecians wrote their own actions, we have very little light. To begin with the Israelites. In the foregoing Chapter I obser­ved, that their great Patriarch Abraham, fought with four Kings and routed them; he was, no doubt, the first, but not the last of the race of Heber, who fought a Battel. I told you also, it is not known how he armed his servants and followers. That all or some of them had Swords, is no more but a probableSword [...]. conjecture, for we do not read of that Weapon in Scripture or any other Book, till Simeon and Levi (who were Abrahams great Grand-children) co­vering [Page 5] their cruel revenge with the cloak of Religion, (of so old a date is that mischievous practice) destroy'd the Sechemites with Swords; for it is said, Each man took his Sword.

That the Israelites had Arms, wherewith they fought against Sihon and Og, and other people, is not at all to be doubted: In the Wilderness they could not get them; and therefore, I think, that they brought them out of Egypt with them, should be no question; but how they came by them, to me is a very great question. For I think it not at all probable, that those Kings or those Pha­raohs, who so grievously oppress'd them, would suffer so many hundred thou­sands of them to be arm'd, no more, than afterwards the Philistines, when they had the upper hand, would suffer a Smith to dwell in Israel. For my part, I believe, at their coming out of Egypt, they borrow'd all manner of Arms from the Egyptians, as well as they did better movables, for they had alike right to all.

But what kind of Arms they used, when they fought with those Nations whom they extirpated, what Art or Order they used in their Marches and Battels, both before and after they came to the Land of Promise, we are yet to learn: yet we find mention'd, for the Offensive, Swords, Javelins, andArms of the Israelites. Spears; and for the Defensive, Targets and Shields (I suppose Head pieces could not be wanting) are recorded to have been in the Magazines of their several Kings; nor did they want their great Artillery of Balists, and Cata­pults, as shall be declared in its proper place. Yet, if all the Philistines, according to their several Statures, were proportionably arm'd as their Cham­pion Goliah was, and all the Israelites as well arm'd as their Neighbours the Philistines, we may safely conclude, they were as well arm'd every jot, as the Grecia [...]s or Macedonians were afterwards. We find likewise they had Chariots; but how many, or how arm'd or order'd, we know not. We may also probably conjecture, their Files were ten deep, when they mar­shall'd their Batallions, for I find they had Companies and Regiments muchTheir Order. about the number of those of our latest modern Wars: for we read of Captains of thousands, who were such as our Colonels; Captains of hundreds, who were Centurions, and like our private Captains; Captains of fifties, such as our Lieutenants. It is pity, Josephus (who was a great Captain himself) did not transmit the Military Art of his Countrey-men to posterity, it had been worth his labour.

As little, or indeed less light doth any Author afford us to know the Arms, Order, and Discipline of the Assyrians, to whom the first Monarchy is gi­ven,Assyrians. by the universal consent of History. But we find, that not only they, but the Persians, Indians, and other Nations used Elephants and Cha­riots.

The Elephant of India is said to be a far more couragious Beast than that of Africk: They are yet made use of in the Wars of that Countrey. Of old they carried wooden Towers on their backs, wherein were lodged armed men, who threw Darts and Javelins among the bands of the enemies, through which these dreadful Creatures were furiously driven, who of themselves were sufficiently able to break the strongest and best compos'd Squadrons of armed men: But when they were gall'd and wounded, and turned head, thenThe Ele­phants. they did that mischief to their Masters, that was intended for the Enemy. The Ro­mans, before their Wars in Greece, made no use of them; and though at first Pyrrhus terrified them with the sight of these, indeed, terrible Beasts; yet thereafter they found means to wound them, or by making lanes and streets for them, to render their fury so useless, that they got but little hurt by them. But for all this, I cannot have faith enough to believe what Livy reports, that an armed Souldier enter'd in­to combat with an Elephant, and that the Beast grapled him with his Trunk about the middle, and cast him up in the air, but that the Souldier falling with little or no hurt, wounded the Beast with his Sword. I should be of opinion, that such a hug as that might have crush'd both the Souldiers Corsset and his Bones, till the Marrow came out; for in his Trunk (which the La­tines call Proboscis) there is such strength, that therewith, as some write, he is able to fell Trees; or I think, the Elephant might have toss'd his Duellist so high in the air, that the very fall should have dash'd him in pieces. But Livy did no more see this Romantick combat, than he saw showers of Blood [Page 6] and Stones, which he writes rain'd frequently among the Territories of the Romans and their Allies.

Chariots in ancient times had sometimes Scythes on both sides of them, sometimes none. Xenophon writes that before Cyrus time, the Trojans and Assyrians, and thereafter the Cyrenians used Chariots drawn with four Horses, in every one whereof was only one Combatant, and a Driver or Coach­man.Chariots. This fashion seem'd to Cyrus, of no greater advantage than to skirmish a little, but did not at all help to beat an Enemy rang'd in Battel: There­fore he abolish'd it, and order'd his Chariots to be made with strong and broad Axle-trees, to both sides of which were fasten'd Brass or Iron Scythes; next he put armed men within the Chariots, who in the charge discharg'd lustily their missile Weapons, wherewith he took care that they should be well sto­red▪ and with these he did not only sometimes skirmish, but for most part charg'd furiously the Enemies strongest and closest Bodies and Batallions.

The Egyptians Arms for the Offensive, were great and massy Spears, saithEgyptian Arms. Xenophon, but how long they were, he doth not tell; and for the Defensive, they had Shields of Brass, of such a largeness, that therewith they cover'd both their Bodies and their Legs. They marshall'd their men one hundred in File, and when this was told to Cyrus, he made himself merry with it, and said, he wish'd all his Enemies would draw up a thousand deep, for so they should be the more easily surrounded, their flanks sooner attack'd, and conse­quently, said he, I should have the cheaper market of them. By what that same Author saith, it would seem, the Egyptians drew up constantly an hun­dred deep; for when Croesus desir'd them to change, they answered, TheyTheir Order. would not alter their Countrey fashion. Yet I conjecture, the Egyptian custome hath been to marshal their Batallions by the squa [...] root, for here I find their Body consisted of ten thousand men, and they perhaps being desi­rous to make a square of men, (which is to have as many in File as Rank) have embattell'd them, a hundred in each; for a hundred times a hundred produceth ten thousand. Of the Square Root I shall speak hereafter.

The Persians that serv'd on Foot in Cyrus's time carried for the Defensive,Arms of the ancient Persi­ans. a Head-piece, Corslet, and a little Target; and for the Offensive, a Sword and a Curtle-axe, besides their Darts and Stones. His Cuirassiers and Light­horse were arm'd as the Grecians were, whereof I shall speak in the next Chapter. In his time, the Sacans and Cardusians, a people dwelling near Persia, were excellent Bow-men on Horse-back, whose off-spring, in all proba­bility, were those Parthians, who by their valour and skill in that manner of fight, routed the Army of the Roman Consul Crassus, and kill'd himself; and put Mark Anthony to so shameful a retreat, and so near a danger of evident ruine, that oftner than once he offer'd to rid himself of that impending dis­grace by Self-Murther, as Plutarch in his Life relates. Cyrus, who was the first Persian Monarch, did not adhere to one constant number of Ranks; for sometimes he drew up his Batallions ten in File; and it is like, he observ'dTheir Order. that most, for he had Myriarchs, who had the command of ten thousand; Chiliarchs, who were Colonels of thousands; and Centeniers, who were Captains of hundreds; all which may infer ten deep. Yet in Xenophons se­cond Book, we find Cyrus his Persians to be twelve in File; and his Batal­lions, when he fought with Croesus, were four and twenty deep; and indeed that was deep enough: Perhaps in the marshalling his several Bodies, he hath sometimes made use of the Square Root: But the King of Lydia, in thatLydians. same Battel which he fought with Cyrus, made both his Horse and Foot thirty deep, except the Egyptians I spoke of, who were an hundred in File, as I told you formerly. What more I have to say of any point of War used by any other ancient Nation, either before, or in the time of either the Grecian or the Roman greatness, shall be interwoven in the discourses of the Militia of these two famous Nations.

CHAP. III. Of the Election, Levy, and Arms Offensive and Defensive, of the Grecians.

SInce we have found out but little of the true Militia of other Ancient Na­tions, let us take a survey of the Grecian Art of War, which hath been in many ages, and still is so much spoken of. And herein we must borrow all our help from Aelian, who, you will find, hath given it us very sparingly. For though we have the works of Homer, and that he is accounted the first Hea­then Author, who wrote any thing of formed Battels; yet we are not to ex­pect much light from so blind a Lanthorn. Polybius, though a Grecian, and a Captain, contributes nothing to our assistance, but what we are glad to glean from the scattered drops of his Pen. The rest of the Grecian Tacticks nam'dGrecian Ta­cticks lost. by Aelian in his Treatise, are lost, except some pieces of Aeneas, translated into Latine seventy years ago by Casaubon, which Sir Thomas Kellie thought were likewise perish'd. But truly we need not much regret that loss, if thatAnd no mat­ter. which Aelian (who perus'd them all) tells us, be true, that they wrote not, as if they intended to instruct those who were ignorant and desirous to learn; but as to those who were already Proficients, who understood the words and terms of Art, and who knew the practice of the Grecian War, as well as the Authors themselves.

All Armies and Forces were rais'd by a Levy called ordinarily in ancient times, and still very properly, an Election. And truly, I am sorry I should soAelians omis­sion. soon have occasion to expostulate with Aelian, who hath forgot to tell us that, of which he should have given us a particular information, and in the first place too; that is, how the levies of the Grecian Souldiers, either of Horse or Foot, were made, at what age they were enroll'd in the Militia, and how long they were obliged to serve. Of these particulars I shall tell my Reader, that Lipsius out of Demosthemes, saith, that none were elected till they were eighteen years old (this was a year later than the Romans chose theirs) and that they were bound to serve till the five and fortieth year of their age. But Ʋlpian saith, that the Athenians did indeed elect and enrol their SouldiersGrecian levy. when they were eighteen years old, but made them only do Military duties within their own territories (which was, upon the matter, to train them) till they were twenty. After that, they were bound to serve in foreign expediti­ons till they were forty, and then they were dismiss'd. I think it strange, they would dismiss men in the very strength of their age; I should rather think, they then only left it to the Souldiers choice, to serve longer or not, as they pleas'd, but did not by any publick act or ordinance disable or incapacitate them to serve longer in the War. I find also in Authors, that the Greeks had an especial care (as all Nations should) to chuse persons, who as members apt for several functions, were fit to compose the great Body of their Pha­lanx: For many can serve on Foot, who would make but bad Horse-men; and many are able enough to carry a piece of light Armour, and Offensive Weapons, who cannot bear the burthen of Head-piece, Corslet, Greeves, Taslets, and Targets. And this is shortly all I can say of the Grecians Election of their Souldiers.

The Ancient Greeks compos'd their Armies of Horse-men, Foot-men, Cha­riots, and Elephants. Of the two last I have spoken. We are now to see how the other two were armed.

The Foot-men were divided into those who carried heavy Arms, and those who were light arm'd; and so were the Horse; and both the heavy arm'd Foot and Horse were called Cataphracti, and the light arm'd Foot had the denomination of Velites. The heavy arm'd Foot had for the Defensive, aDefensive Arms for the heavy armed Foot. Head-piece, a Corslet, Greeves, and a Target; this last was round and hol­low in the middle, more than two Foot and a half in diameter; this the Souldier carried on his Back all the time of his march; but when he was to [Page 8] sight, by a wry of his Body he made it fall on his left shoulder, and present­ing his Pike with his left foot formost, his whole Body, till below the knee, was covered with his Target: All these Arms were of Brass, and so were their Boots, which defended their Legs; for Homer tells us often of his bene ocreati Archivi. I cannot tell whether both their Legs were Booted, it may be only the left, because most subject to danger. Instead of Brass Targets, the Great A­lexander gave Silver ones to those Veteran Phalangites, who had helped him well to obtain so many glorious Victories; and those who carried them were cal­led Argyraspides, or Silver Shields. Every man who carried a Shield had some Device on it, according to his own fancy; and I have read that one caused to be painted on his Shield a Fly, of as little a proportion as a living Fly is, and so scarce distinguishable on so great a Shield, for which his fellows and companions mock'd him, and said, He had done so, that his Device not be­ing discernable, he might not be pursued by an Enemy: but he answer'd, That his intention was to advance so near an Enemy, that any of them might see and perceive it was the picture of a Fly. The Offensive Weapon for theOffensive. heavy arm'd Foot, was a strong Pike, ordinarily eighteen foot long, but the Macedonian was of one and twenty, and was called Sarissa; these three foot of greater length gave a great advantage to those who carried them, for assuredly, the longer the Pike is, it is the better, so it be manageable, as shall be said hereafter: and therefore a Pike of four and twenty foot long, would have had the advantage of that of one and twenty. A good shearing Sword was also a Weapon for the Cataphracts, both Foot and Horse, though Aelian, in all the accounts he gives us of the Grecian Armies or Arms, speaksOmission of Aelian. not one word of a Sword. Perhaps he thought we were obliged to conceive, that all Souldiers were Sword-men.

The Grecian Velites, or light arm'd Foot, for most part had no DefensiveVelites how armed. Arms. Their Offensive Weapons were Swords, Javelins, Darts, Arrows, and Stones, which they threw, both out of their Hands, and out of Slings: Some of them had also a short Spear; and for Defence, a little Target, which the Macedonians called Pelta: But those who carried them needed not make a third species of the Infantry, as Aelian seems to insinuate; these Peltati being nothing but light armed Foot; for the best arm'd of them, werePeltati. not so well arm'd Defensively, as the worst arm'd of the Roman Velites; who notwithstanding were but reckon'd among the light arm'd Infantry. And in­deed I wonder, why any of the Grecians, at least of the Macedonians, should have wanted these Pelt [...], or little Targets, with which they ought like­wise to have had Head-pieces or Morrions, as most of the Roman Velites had.

The Grecian Cavalry was likewise divided into two sorts; the heavy arm'd, and light arm'd. The heavy arm'd were called Cataphracti, a word which both the Romans, and all other Nations, have borrowed from the Greeks; and though it be common to both Horse and Foot, yet they have appropriated it only to the heavy arm'd Horse-men. And here my Reader may observe, that these words Cataphracts, Gens d'Arms, Men of Arms, heavy arm'd Horse­men, and Cuirassiers, signifie all one thing. The Grecian Cataphracts for De­fence,Cataphracti how armed. had Head-pieces, Backs and Breasts, Greeves, Taslets, and Boots of Iron or Brass; and if I understand right, Targets; Their Horses were like­wise arm'd. If these Riders so armed, were mounted on strong and couragi­ous Horses, assuredly they were able, either to give or receive a very forcible and strong charge and impression. But being so heavy, were neither able to pursue an Enemy far, or run very speedily from him. In this place Aelian is much to blame (as in many other places) and is here inexcusable, for notAelian inex­cusable. telling us what Offensive Arms his Cataphracts carried, for he keeps up this as a secret; but till he or some Body for him, inform me better, I shall believe their Weapons were Lances, Swords, and Maces, which I suppose, I could make appear out of History. The light armed Horse-men were of two kinds,Light Horse how armed. Hastati, which I render Lancieers; some of these had no [...] Defensive Arms, and some had a Target. The second kind of light armed Horse-men Aelian calls Ferentarii, other Authors call them Acrobalists, and these were sub-divided into two sorts; some used Darts, and were called Tarentines; and some had Bows and Arrows, and were called Scythae, because the Scythians delighted much in the Bow.

If you will compare the Antient Grecian, and the Modern Armies used not half an age ago, in the point of Arms, you will not find any considerableGrecian and Modern Arms compared. difference. To the heavy arm'd Grecian Foot, answer our Pike-men, when they were, and still should be armed with Head-piece, Back and Breast, Greeves and Taslets, except in this, that ours want Targets, and walk not in Brazen Boots. To the light armed or Velites of the Greeks, do answer our Bow­men or Harquebusiers, when we had them, and now our Musquetiers. To the Grecian Cataphracti on Horse-back, correspond our Gens d'Arms, or Cuirassi­ers, armed with Lances, when they were in fashion, and now with Pistols and Carabines. To the light armed Horse-men called Sagittarii or Scyth [...], you may compare those whom the French call still Archers, armed formerly (even since Gun-powder was found out) with Bows and Arrows, and half Lances, and now with Pistols or Carabines. To the Tarentines answer gene­rally our Light Horse-men, armed Offensively now with Hand-guns and Swords, and some of them Defensively, with Back, Breast and Head-piece, but most without any of them.

CHAP. IV. Of their great Engines, and Machines, of their Training, and Exercising.

THe Ancients had their Artillery as well as we have. These were their Rams, Balists, and Catapults. They had also their Vineae, Plutei, Moscoli, and other Engines, whereby they made their approaches to the Walls of be­sieged Tow [...]s. I think it strange, that some attribute the invention of the moving or ambulatory Tower so much admired by Antiquity, to Demetrius the Son of Antigonus; for to me it is clear enough, that his Fathers Master the Great Alexander had one of them at the Siege of Gaza, which was ren­dred ineffectual by the deep Sand, through which it could not be brought soThe ambula­tory Tower. near the Walls, as was needful; for the Wheels, on which it was to move, sunk down. Neither do I think that Alexander himself was the inventor of it: Whether the Trojan Horse, whose Belly was stuffed with armed men, might be such a Machine as this, or whether it had only its existency in the Poets brain, is no great matter. But because the Romans used all these Warlike Engines at the expugnation and propugnation of Towns, I shall refer my Reader concerning them to the fourth Chapter of my Discourses of the Roman Mili­tia, where I shall also show him the substance of what Aeneas, an Ancient Grecian Tactick, saith on that subject. Here I shall only observe, that as the Grecians were very apt to usurp to themselves the invention of many Arts and Sciences, which they stole from others: So it will be found that many of these Machines were used in the World, before the Grecians were so much known, as afterwards they came to be. We read in the seventeenth Chapter of the second Book of the Chronicles, That Ozias King of Judah, by the invention of skilful Masters made and planted on the Towers and corners of the Walls of Jerusalem, Engines which shot Arrows, Darts, and great Stones. And these were no other than those Machines the Greeks called Catapults and Balists: And this was long before, the overthrows and defeats of the Persian MonarchsThese Ma­chines not in­vented by the Grecians. made Greece famous in the habitable World. Some think, Moses invented them, and I think, they may as well fansie he invented the moving Tower (of all which hereafter) whereof I spoke but just now. But the place al­ledged for this, which is the last verse of the twentieth Chapter of Deutero­nomy, will not justifie that; for it is said there (as the Italian Translation hath it) Thou shalt cut down those Trees, which bear no Fruits, and make Bulwarks (Bastioni) of them, against those Cities thou art to besiege. And though Lipsius and T [...]rduzzi think, that here are only meant Stakes and Pallisadoes for Ramparts and Sconces; yet I may without Heresie be­lieve, that the Vine [...] and Plutei, of which we read in Latin Histo­ries, [Page 10] may be meant in the Text; and the Ram also, wherewith, I suppose, Joshua may have battered the Walls of those Cities, which he had no autho­rity from the Almighty, to beat down with the sound of Rams horns, as he did the strong Walls of Jericho.

The Grecians were very exact in Training and drilling both their Horse and Foot; and without question, they taught their Souldiers very perfectly to handle and manage all the Arms they were appointed to carry, whether those were Javelins, Darts, Stones, Slings, Swords, Pikes, Lances, Maces, or Bows and Arrows. And as careful they were to teach them those moti­onsGrecian words of Exercise and evolutions, whereby their Bodies, whether small or great, changed their present posture into another, either by Facings, Doublings, Counter­marches, or Wheelings. And though the European Nations were forc'd to find out words of Command each in their own language, to teach the use and handling of the Pistol, Carabine, Harquebuss, Musquet, or any other Fire-gun, in regard none of those were known to any of the Autients; yet the handling of the Pike is the same in all its postures, that the Grecians had: And all our European words of Command for the motions and evolutions of Bodies, are borrowed from the Greek. By Example; That which they call'dAll one with ours. Declina in hastam, we call To the Right hand. That which with them was Declina in Scutum, with us is To the Left hand: Because they carried their Pike on their right Shoulder, and their Target on the left. Their Inflectio in hastam aut Scutum, was our Right or Left about. Jugare with them, is to my sense, (though I know others think not so) to Double Ranks. Their Inter­calatio, was our Doubling of Files. Reddere in arrectum, is As you were. It is needless to give you more, since most of our Modern words are the same with theirs, and are obvious in most languages. Yet here I shall take liberty to speak a little of both their, and our Counter-marches, that hereafter I need not trouble either my self or my Reader with that point of exercise, for which I have so small an esteem.

They called a Counter-march Evolutio per versum, and they had three kinds of it, which are yet retained in our Modern Exercises; and these were the Macedonian, the Lacedaemonian, and the Persian, which was also called the Choraean. The Macedonian is, when the Batallion is commanded to take up as much ground in the Van, as it possessed before, e're he who was Leader facedMacedonian Counter­march. to the Rear. It is done thus: He who is in the Rear marcheth through or be­tween two Files to the Van, and then without an alt so many foot beyond the File-leader, as the Body at their due distance possesseth; all the rest that were in the File before him, following him in order as they stood, till he making alt, they all take up their several distances behind him, till he who is File-leader turn himself about on that same ground he stood on, and then all turn likewise, so that all the File faceth to the Rear in that same order, that be­fore the Counter-march it fac'd to the Van; by this means the Body loseth ground in the Rear: and therefore our Modern Drillers, when they command the Macedonian counter-march, they say, By the Right or Left hand Counter­march, and lose ground in the Rear, or gain ground in the Van, which is all one thing.

The Laconian is, when the Batallion is commanded to take up as much ground in the Rear as it possess'd before, and is done thus. The File-leaderLacedemoni­an. turns just where he stands, and marcheth as many foot behind the Rear-man as the Body at its due distance should possess, all who follow him turn not about, till their Leaders go by them, and so the Bringer up doth only turn himself without any further motion. The Modern word of Command for this is, Counter-march to the Right and Left hand, and gain ground in the Rear.

The Persian is, when the Batallion keeps the same ground it had, but with this difference, that the Leader stands where the Bringer up was, and thePersian. Rear-man where the Leader stood. It is done thus: The Leader advanceth three steps, and then turns and marcheth to the Rear, and all who follow him turn not, till they come to that place to which he advanced, and then they face about, and take up the same ground they formerly possest. The word of Command for this is, Counter-march to the Right or Left hand and keep your ground. It is also called the Chor [...]an Counter-march, be­cause,O [...] Choraean. [Page 11] as the Chorus useth to sing and dance all together, so here all the Ranks move at once, and keeping that same measure and distance in turning, re­sembles a Dance: But indeed, all these Counter-marches, as most of all evo­lutions, are better, and sooner illustrated, nay, demonstrated by a Body of Souldiers in the Field, than they can be either by words, or figures on Paper.

Philip King of Macedon, Father of the Great Alexander, put down the first of these Counter-marches, which was his own Countrey one, and with good reason; for it hath a show of flying, at least of retiring, being a Body of sixteen deep (as the Macedonian Phalanx was) by that Counter-march lost in the Rear (where the Enemy is suppos'd to be) one hundred and twelve foot of ground, one foot being allowed for every Rank to stand on, and sixAll three of small use. foot of distance between the Ranks, at least it loseth one hundred and six foot. And truly, I think the hazard were small, if all the three several Counter-marches were for ever banish'd out of all Armies, except those of our Enemies. It is true, I never saw any of them used in sight of an Ene­my; for if they be practis'd then, I am confident, confusion would follow them, which is but too ready to appear in any Army, though never so well or­der'd, when it is unexpectedly attack'd by an Enemy in the Rear.

If the Grecians had been acquainted with our great Guns, nay, even with our Muskets, which kill at a greater distance by far, than Darts or Arrows, and against which their Defensive Arms would not have been proof; they would have found that an Enemy a good way from their Rear would have render'd their best Counter-marches both unfeasible and dangerous. All the good, I suppose, that is intended by a Counter-march, is to place the very same men and Ranks with their faces to the Rear in that very same order they were, with their faces to the Front. And truly, if Captains be careful to place their best men in the Front, their next best in the Rear, and make middle men of the third, and rank every man according to his worth and dignity, as they should do, (but too many of them are negli­gent in this) it will be needless to hazard a Counter-march, but with much ease, and with one word of Command, (and that is, By the Right or Left hand about) an Enemy may be fac'd in the Rear, without danger of any confusion or disorder.

I have seen some very punctual Officers and Drill-masters, who have taken much pains to teach new beginners all these three sorts of Counter-marches▪ and have made them practise their lessons very exactly; yet for all that, I could never in my own Judgement, have a better opinion of Counter-marches, than, they say, some Physicians have of Cucumbers, which they first order to be well corrected and prepar'd with Vinegar, Oyl, Pepper, and I know not what else, and then advise, to throw them out of doors, or over the Windows.

In exercising Bodies, the first care is to make Ranks and Files keep that distance, that is allowed by the Prince or General who commands the Ar­my, for he may do in that according to his pleasure. The Grecian Foot had a three-fold distance, the first was of six foot, and this Aelian will have to be in exercisings and marches between File and File, as well as Rank and Rank; but assuredly there▪ was not so good reason for the one as there was for the other, in regard all the heavy arm'd Foot cartying long Pikes▪ re­quired six foot in their march between Rank and Rank for the conveniency of their Pikes; but there was no need of so much between File and File, asDistances of the Foot. any man at first view, may easily comprehend. The second distance was of three foot between Rank and Rank, as also between File and File, and this was when they were drawn up▪ and stood in Battel with their Pikes order'd; and their posture at this distance was called Densatio. The third was of one foot and a half between both Files and Ranks, and that was, when they were either to give or receive a charge, and it was call'd Constipati [...]. In that posture having presented their Pikes with their left foot formost, their Targets touch'd one another, and so their Phalange look'd like a Brazen Wall, as Lucius Aemilius, the Roman Consul, spoke of that wherewith King Pers [...]s fac'd him at the Battel of Pidna, where they fought for the Soveraignty of the Kingdom of Macedon.

The Grecian Horse were marshall'd in several figures, and of their distance I can say nothing, nor doth Aelian help me in it at all. Of these several figures of Horse Troops, I shall speak in the next Chapter but one. And Of the Horse. then my Reader will perhaps believe with me, that the Square Battels proba­bly kept that distance that Troops have done since; and that both the Rhom­bus and the Wedge required a greater distance, when they were commanded by a motion either to the Right or Left hand, to change the posture or the place, wherein they stood; and I conceive, when either of them was to charge, the Horse men were obliged to [...]err together, as close as ever they could, otherwise they could not pierce so home, as was expected by those who cast them into those moulds. But this will be better understood af­terward.

Whether all those Grecians, who were fit to bear Arms, were Train'd or Exercis'd, or some only of them elected for that purpose; or whether those who were pick'd out and Train'd, enter'd in pay before they were put in Companies or Troops, or what that pay was, or whether some were bred and Train'd in Military Schools and Seminaries, as Alexander did with those 30000 Omissions of Aelian. Persians, whom he caus'd to learn the Macedonian Art of War, and as the Grand Signior doth with his Janizaries, we know nothing. We should have been much bound to Aelian, if he had vouchsafed to have given us any light in these particulars, but he is defective all along in many things, besides these.

The Grecians, and more especially the Romans, thought Training and Exercising so necessary a duty, that they never either neglected or omitted it, nay, not in the times of the calmest Peace. A Train'd and well Exercis'd Army hath the advantage of that which is not Train'd, though the first be compos'd of Novices and Tyrones, and the last of Veterans, whereof Polybius, a famous Historian, and a good Captain, gives us an observable example in his Fifth Book. Aniiochus King of Syria, presuming on the experience and Exercising a necessary du­ty. approved valour of his Army, and despising the Egyptians, with their King Ptolomy, (an unactive Prince) whom he had beat before, neglected to exer­cise and keep his Souldiers in discipline; mean time Sisibius, Ptolomy's great Minister of State, protracted time with feign'd Treaties with Antiochus, till he had levied great numbers both of Natives and Strangers, and had by Grecian Captains Train'd and Exercis'd them well in all Military duties; so that when the two Kings fought at Raphia, for the Kingdom of C [...] ­losyria, with Armies of near equal numbers, Ptolomy got the Victory.

CHAP. V. Of the Grecian Infantry.

WE are told by Aelian that the Grecian Foot were sometimes mar­shall'd sixteen deep, sometimes twelve, and sometimes eight. Observe here, that what he or other Authors call a Longitude we call a Rank, which the Latines called Frons, and Yug [...]; and what they call'd Altitude, we call a File, or the depth. The Germans after the Latine, call the deepness of a File the height of it. The Macedonians, as Aelian saith, marshall'd all their hea­vy Foot sixteen deep. armed foot sixteen deep; and this height or depth of a File, our Author esteems to be absolutely the best, because, saith he, it makes not too long a Front, but what if it make too short a one? But his reasons for sixteen deep, we shall hereafter examine.

Every one of those Files had a leader who commanded it, and was called Dicurio. Decurio. Observe here by the way, that Decurio is not always he who com­mands ten men, as many of my profession fansie. The File had likewise its Tergiductor, who was our Bringer up: But in Aelians account this Rear-man [Page 13] had no command, but was subject to the Middle-man, who under the Leader commanded the last half of the File. There were besides in every File, as Aelian saith, four Enomotarchs, each whereof, saith he, had the commandA File. of three men. But here assuredly our Author mistakes himself, for four men, and each of them the command of three, make compleatly sixteen, and so both File-leader and Middle-man were excluded. But certainly the De­curia or Leader had the three men next him immediately under his command, and the fifth man was an Enomotarch, who had three under him, then the Dimarite or Middle-man, (who commanded the last half of the File) had the inspection of the three men immediately following; and lastly, the fifth man from the Dimarite, and thirteenth from the Decurio, had the three last men of the File recommended to his care. By this means, there are but four petty Commanders in every File, whereas Aelian unadvisedly and unatten­tively made fix. Lochos with the Grecians was our File, two of these made a Dilochy, which consisted of thirty two men; its Commander was called Dilo­chita; We have no Officer to represent him but a Lance Spesate. Two Dilo­chiesEnnumerati­on of the se­veral Bodies of the Foot. or four Files made a Tetrarchy, whose number was sixty four; its Offi­cer was a Tetrarch, whom a Caporal in a Company of two hundred or three hundred men may resemble. Two Tetrarchies made a Taxiarchy, its Com­mander was called Taxiarcha, which Aelian's Translator renders Centurio; His command was of eight Files, which made one hundred twenty eight men. And here, I pray you observe, that Centurio was not always strictly taken for a Captain of one hundred. And we shall find hereafter in the Roman Militia, his ordinary command was of sixty, sometimes but of thirty, as it is here of one hundred twenty eight. A Sergeant in an old French or German Company represents this Grecian Taxiarch. Two Taxiarchies, which were sixteen Files, made a Syntagmatarchy of two hundred fifty six men; its Commander Syntagmatarcha was our private Captain. This Company was a square of men, sixteen in Rank and sixteen in File, and whatever way you turn'd it, still sixteen. And if with Aelian, you allow six foot of distance between Files as well as Ranks, it will be a Body equilateral, and a square of ground, as well as a square of men. But of these manner of Battels I shall speak particularly here­after.

Two Syntagmatarchies compos'd a Pentecosiarchy consisting of five hun­dred and twelve men; its Commander was called Pentecosiarcha, or, in La­tine, Tribunus minor, we call him our Lieutenant Colonel. Two Pentecosiarchies made a Chiliarchy of one thousand twenty four men, its Commander was Chiliarcha, or Tribunus major▪ to whom answers directly our Modern Colo­nel of one thousand men. Of two Chiliarchies was made up a MyriarchyCompar'd with our Mo­dern Bodies. of two thousand forty eight, its Commander was Myriarcha. About eighty years ago no Colonel in Germany had so few in his Regiment, but now we shall say that he was as our Brigadeer; Two Myriarchies made a Phalan­garchy or simple Phalange, consisting of four thousand ninety six men; its Commander was called Phalangiarcha, in Latine, Praeter; for whom suppose a modern Major General. Two Phalangarchies made a Diphalangarchy, com­pos'd of eight thousand one hundred ninety two men; its Commander was called a Diphalangiarcha, for whom we have none but a Lieutenant General. Two of these made a Phalange, over which commanded the General of the Infan­try. By this account we find in every Phalange two Diphalangarchies, four Phalangarchies, eight Myriarchies, sixteen Chiliarchies, two and thirty Pen­tecofiarchies, sixty four Syntagmatarchies: in all one thousand twenty four Files, which consisted of sixteen thousand three hundred eighty four men, at sixteen in every File.

Here you are to observe, that every Syntagmatarchy or private Company, consisting of two hundred fifty six men, had beside the Captain and others al­ready spoken of, five other Officers, whom Aelian calls supernumerary or ex­traordinary. These were the Ensign-bearer (for every Company or Syn­tagmatarchy had a Colours) a Servant or Assister, or if you please, you may call him an Adjutant, who carried the Captains Orders: The third was aExtraordina­ry or super­numerary Officers. Praeco, or a Cryer, who proclaim'd the Captains directions, even in the time of Battel. Men of strong voices were chosen for that office. The Romans used them, as it appears by Hannibal's causing them to be counterfeited when [Page 14] he storm'd and enter'd the Roman Camp at Capua. They are out of fashion now, the loud noise of Gun-powder having render'd them useless. The fourth was a Trumpeter, whose office is known. And the last was a Tergi­dux or Lieutenant, whose office was to stay constantly in the Rear. These five were superordinary; the rest were Ordinarii, and this word the Church hath borrowed from the Militia (and reason for it, since on earth she is a Militant Body) in giving the name of Ordinaries to her reverend Bi­shops.

But in this place Aelian is obscure, for I know not how he disposeth of the Serjeant, or of the Captain of the Company, nor how he disposeth of the Tribunes lesser or greater, Lieutenant Colonels and Colonels, Briga­diers and Major Generals, where he appoints them to march, or where to stand or officiate in time of action; or whether he reckons them in the number of the Phalange, which consisted of sixteen thousand three hundredA Question not answer'd. eighty four men, or not. His Decurions, Dimarites, Enomotarchs, Dilochites, and Tetrarchs, are all of them, no doubt, of that number; neither can I al­low them any other place to march or fight in, but Rank and File, for they were no other but File-leaders, Middle-men, Lance-spesats, and Caporals, all of whom carry Arms. But that all who commanded above them were in Rank and File, is a thing I cannot fansie. And if the Captain was constantly in the Van or Front of his Company, why was the Lieutenant, whose sta­tion was constantly in the Rear of it, call'd a superordinary Officer, more than the Captain? And being all these five were constantly Officers in the Syntagmatarchy or Company, why should they not be call'd ordinary Officers as well as the Taxiarch or Serjeant, or as the Syntagmatarch or Captain?

The light armed Grecian Foot, according to Aelian, were half the number of the heavy armed, and by this account they were eight thousand one hundred ninety two. This he speaks of the Macedonian Foot, for the other Grecian Phalanges were not so strong. These light armed Foot were drawnGrecian Ve­lites. up, saith Aelian, eight deep. By this account they took up as much ground in Longitude, Rank, or Front, as the heavy armed Phalange did, and but half as much in File or depth.

CHAP. VI. Aelian's marshalling the Grecian Infantry examined.

TO hazard all at one cast hath ever been thought a piece of madness, ex­cept in very desperate cases, for in them necessity hath no Law. It is upon that ground that Leaders of Armies appoint Reserves, some one, some two, to sustain and second the first Batallions, in case they be worsted. But this great Body or Phalange of Aelian admitted of no reserve at all, and therefore the men that compos'd it, had need to have fought well; because first, there were none to second them, and next their heavy Armour render'd them uncapable to fly either fast or far.

That the Phalange might have had Reserves, is unquestionable, if those who compos'd it, had not made it so deep, as sixteen. But we shall the better know,Sixteen deep examin'd. whether it might not conveniently have been of a less altitude, when we exa­mine the Reasons that are given for so great a depth. For take it along with you, the more a Batallion is extended in length or Front, the more hands are brought to fight, and the less it is subject to be out-wing'd or surrounded; and therefore the deepness of this Phalange brings both those inconveniencies with it. Let us now hear the advantages it hath.

First, Aelian saith, if it be needful that the Files be doubled, the Phalange may be made two and thirty deep; and if the Ranks must be doubled, then [Page 15] the Files are made eight deep. I wonder to hear such language from soFirst reason for 16 deep. great a Master; for all this may be done in any Body of men of what depth soever, provided it be not of an odd number. If Aelian had made his Phalange but twelve deep, might he not, when he pleas'd, by doubling the Files, have made it twenty four deep, and by doubling the Ranks, have made it but six deep, and by the bargain he had made the Front of his Pha­lange a fourth part longer, that where at six foot distance between Files it took up in longitude but six thousand one hundred forty four foot, it would have taken up eight thousand one hundred ninety foot? But the mystery of the matter (if I understand Aelian right) is shortly this, Such an altitude or deepness of the File is most exact, whereby the Commander in chief may with few words bring his whole numbers by equal proportions to one man: As sixteen to eight, eight to four, four to two, and two to one. But this you cannot do with twelve; for twelve divided makes two sixes, six divided makes two threes; three men you cannot divide, unless you cut one man in two pieces. Now by sixteen deep, you may bring your whole Batallion of sixteen thousand three hundred eighty four men into one File, or into one Rank, and here, I suppose, lyes the knack of the business. These sixteen thousand three hundred eighty four men, at sixteen in File, make one thousand twenty four Files, which you can bring to one File, thus: Command your half Ranks to double their Files, and then you have but five hundred and twelve Files; the same word of Command being obeyed, you have but two hundred fifty six; give it once more, you have but one hundred twenty eight; let it be done over again, you shall see but sixty four Files; continue the same word of Command, your Files come to thirty two, next to sixteen, after that to eight, from that to four, then to two, and lastly to one. And so you have your whole Phalange in one File. If you will have your Phalange all in one Rank, command the Middle-men or half Files to double their Ranks, and then sixteen become eight; com­mand the same thing, they shall be but four, then two, and lastly one. But is it not very strange, that Aelian would not know, that all this might haveAnswered. been done with a Body of men four deep, or eight deep, which last many of the Grecians did not exceed: And certainly, till we hear some more solid rea­son than this aiery one, eight deep is for many considerations to be preferr'd to sixteen. Nor should this pretended reason hinder either Prince or State to appoint the depth of their Batallions to be twelve, ten, eight, or six deep, as they think fit, though by some of them, the Bodies cannot be subdivi­ded till they come to one File, or one Rank; for it was never seen, nor do I fansie it can be imagin'd, that ever such an emergency of War will fall out, that can move a General, (unless he be to File his Army along a very narrow Bridge, or a very narrow way) to marshal all his Foot either in one Rank, or one File. So I conceive the first reason is no reason at all.

A second Reason is, In time of Action an Enemy may charge theSecond rea­son for 16 deep. Rear, to rencounter whom, the Dimarit [...] or Middle-men are commanded with the Half-Files that follow them, to face about (but without counter­march) and sustain the charge. By the way observe, that in such an occasion the Bringer up or Rear-man hath the command of the Half-File, and conse­quently of the Dimarite or Middle-man himself, to whom Aelian gave it before. But to the reason it self I give two answers. First, a Reserve, which Aelians Phalange admits not, would prevent that danger. Secondly, I say; if they were but twelve in File, nay, but ten in File, they might with­standAnswered. the charge of an Enemy in both Van and Rear, as well as being six­teen deep, which I make appear out of Aelian himself, thus: The Grecian Pikes were all eighteen Foot long, except the Macedonians which were twenty one. We shall speak of the longest. Next, Aelian allows one foot and a half of distance between Ranks, when they fought, which distance he or his Interpreter calls Constipatio. Thirdly, the same Author allows three foot of the Pikes length for his hands who presents it. These grounds being laid, which are the Authors own, I say, that only four Ranks of the Grecian Pikes, and five of the Macedonian could do an Enemy any hurt; and but hard­ly so either, because between five Ranks, there are four distances, and for those you are to allow six foot, at Aelians account, of closest distance; next, you are by his rule likewise to allow fifteen foot of the Pikes of the fifth Rank [Page 16] to be abated from their length, which fifteen being added to six, make one and twenty; for three foot of the Pikes length of the first Rank being allow­ed for their hands who hold them, you must of necessity grant the like pro­portion for the rest. And so the Macedonian Sarissa did not much advance its point from the fifth Rank beyond the first Rank, and therefore the rest behind these five Ranks seem useless. But an Enemy attacks the Rear, to oppose whom, let five Ranks face about, and present; for if five be sufficient to resist the shock in the Van, certainly five may do the same in the Rear. And if you will consider it well, you will think the points of the Pikes of five Ranks sufficient to give or receive a charge, if all the Files be [...]err'd together as the Grecians were, and as all should be, that no interval be given an Enemy to enter between them. If then ten Ranks were enough to resist an Enemy in Front and Rear, I presume, the other six might have been dispos'd of two ways; first, they might have been bestow'd on the Front, and so have ex­tended it to a far greater length, which would have brought more hands to fight, and not only sav'd the Phalange from being out-wing'd, but have put it in a capacity to out-wing the Enemy: Secondly, these six Ranks might very advantagiously have compos'd a Body apart in the Rear, and that should have been a Reserve, and then no danger of an Enemy to have troubled the Battel behind.

But I am afraid you may think I am making up a Grecian Militia of my own, unknown to the famous Warriours of that renowned Nation. I shall tell you truly and ingenuously, my quarrel is only with Aelian, because he hath not told us so much as he knew, and so much as he was oblig'd to tell us, which in this particular is that I am now to tell you, and it consists in two things, one that Phalanges were not always sixteen deep, and secondly, that they wanted not always Reserves: To prove both, be pleased to take the following Instances. At De [...]s, when the Athenians fought with the The­bans and other Boeotians, the Phalanges were all of them eight d [...]p, and allPhalanges eight deep. of them had Reserves. At Leuctra, Epaminondas his Foot Batallions were all marshall'd in eight Ranks. At Siracusa, when the Athenian General Nicia [...] was to fight, he plac'd his Auxiliaries in the two Wings, his Athenians he divided into two great Bodies; the half whereof he marshall'd in the Battel between the two Wings, the other half he plac'd behind at a distance, withAnd had Re­serves. command, to succour either the Wings or the Battel, as they saw them, or any of them stand in need of their help, and this was a perfect Reserve: And observe, that his Wings, Battel and Reserve, were all marshall'd eight deep. Take Thucydides, a noble Historian, and a good Captain for my Author.

But you will say, these were not Macedonian Phalanges, true; but they were Grecian ones though, and the Commanders of them without all perad­venture, did well enough foresee, in what danger their Phalanges of eight deep might be by a sudden charge of an Enemy in the Rear, which, no que­stion, they would have oppos'd, by making the last four Ranks face about, if their Reserves serv'd not their turn, neither could the fourth Rank extend its Pikes (being three foot shorter than the Macedonian ones) much beyond the first Rank. But to take the Objection more fully, let us come nearer, and view the Great Alexanders Army at Arbela, and we shall see, he was not at all limited by Aelians rules of a Macedonian Phalange, though by it, they say, he conquer'd the Persian Monarchy. Sir Walter Raleigh saith right, that in this place Alexander drew up his Forces, so that they fac'd to Van, Rear, and both Flanks; but this is not to be understood so, that he made his heavy armed Phalange front four several ways: for then it should have been immovable, and only apt to resist, but not to advance, which had been both against the intentions of that brave Prince, and his actions of that day; for he charg'd the Persian Batallions both with his Horse and Foot. But the meaning must be, that he order'd some Horse and Foot at a distance from his main Battel to face to the Rear, for preventing any misfortune there, and the like he did on both his Flanks; but all these, when his main Battel mov'd, fac'd to the Van, and advanced with it, and when it stood, they took up their former di­stances, and fac'd as they were appointed: And all this was done, lest his Army (small in comparison of that with Darius) should be surrounded. If the Army [Page 17] he was afraid to be out-wing'd, as assuredly he was, it will easily be grantedAlexander at Arbela but eight deep; that the more ground he took up in Front, the less subject he was to that dan­ger. And this Curtius confirms, when he tells us, that the Commanders of the several Bodies had orders given them, to extend their Batallions▪ as far in length, as without eminent danger they might, lest, saith the same Au­thor, they should be environ'd. I conceive then, it cannot be doubted, but Alexander studying how to make as large a Front as feasibly he might, against so numerous an Enemy, he made his heavy arm'd Foot Phalange but eight deep, as that which suited best with his present affairs, and as he had seen other Grecian Captains do before him, for by that means he made himself master of twice as much ground, as he had when it was marshall'd sixteen in File. That he had Reserves, is most clear both from Curtius and others, for Nicanor follow'd the Phalange with the Argyraspides, or Silver Shields, and these were heavy armed, (observe it) and Cenos with a Band of men, which,And had Re­serves. saith Curtius, was appointed (note this) to be a Relief. Then Horestes, Lin­certa, Polycarpon, and Philagus, all with several Bodies follow'd the Phalanx. And that all these were Reserves, Aelian himself, nor any for him, will not be so impudent as to deny. But I shall speak more of the marshalling this Army in the Chapter following the next.

I come now to the third Reason, which is pretended for sixteen deep ofThird reason for 16 deep. the heavy armed Phalange. And it is this. Though the Pikes of all those Ranks, that stand behind the fifth, or if you will, the sixth, be useless; in regard they can reach but little or nothing beyond the File leader (and you will remember these Ranks are not fewer than ten, if not eleven) yet being at close order, with their Pikes advanc'd, they bear forward with the weight and force of their Bodies those five or six Ranks that are before them, and so make the Impression the greater and stronger, they take all occasion of flight from them, and impose a necessity on them to overcome or dye. I answer first, that this pretended advantage, if it was any at all, was very oft dearAnswered. bought. Secondly, I say, five Ranks having their Pikes presented to the Ene­my, three Ranks behind them might have serv'd sufficiently to bear forward the five before them; or if Aelian thought six Ranks might present all their Pikes with advantage, then let four Ranks be allowed behind them to bear them forward to the charge and hinder them to fly, and this will make in all but ten Ranks, and so still six Ranks might have been disposed of either to enlarge the Front, or make a Body in the Rear for a Reserve. And third­ly, I say, when Aelian's six formost Ranks were busie in fight, the ten be­hind them, who were to bear those six forward, were at their closest distance (which he calls constipation) and so not able to open very suddenly, and face about in so good order, and so soon as was requisite to receive, or beat back the charge of an unexpected Enemy: For certainly they must first have open'd backward, and then fac'd about; both which must have been done by the command of some of their Officers, probably the Lieutenant, and it is well enough known▪ how confusion and disorder (which seldome fails to at­tend such occasions) stops the ears, and dulls the judgement of Souldiers, that they can neither hear nor understand the words of Command aright. I will fetch two instances from History, and those, I believe, will prove all I have said, and clear this whole matter pretty well.

At the Battel of Cynocephalae, or Dogs heads, fought by Philip the last KingBattel of Cino­cephalae. of Macedon, except one, against Titus Flaminius, a Roman Consul, the half of Philips heavy armed Phalange on the right hand, bore down all before it, and trod over the Legions, gaining ground so far, that the Macedonian thought the day his own. But Flaminius having observ'd that the left Wing of the Phalange could not draw up in any close order, because of the unevenness and knottiness of the Mountain (whose little hillocks represented the heads of Dogs) sent a Tribune with a Legion and some Elephants up the Hill, to charge that Left Wing, which he smartly doing, easily routed it, and im­mediately fell on the Rear of the victorious Right wing, and without oppo­sition, cut it in pieces. Now, if the Left Wing of the Phalange, which had no convenient ground whereon to draw up, had plac'd it self on the top of the [Page 18] Hill at a distance behind the Right Wing, as a Reserve, the Romans durst ne­ver have hazarded to have come between them; or if the last ten Ranks of the Right Wing who serv'd for nothing but to bear forward the other six Ranks, had fac'd about (according to Aelians rule) they could not so easily have been broken. But the close posture or constipation of these last ten Ranks to bear forward the formost six Ranks, made them uncapable to do that quickly, which the present necessity required, or else the sudden charge of an unlook'd for Enemy did so appal them, that they knew not what they were doing, nor who commanded, or who obeyed, which, as I have said, frequently falls out in such cases. So this Phalanx cast in Aelian's Mace­donian mould, cost King Philip very dear, but another modell'd after the same fashion, cost his Son Perseus much dearer.

At Pidna, a Town of Macedon, King Perseus fought with Lucius Aemilius, Battei of Pi­dna. a Roman Consul, and the ground for his Phalange being as good as his own heart could wish, the Roman Legions were not able to resist its furious charge, but gave ground in several places, insomuch that the Consul seeing Fortune look with so grim a countenance upon him, began to despair of the Victory, and to tear his Coat of Arms, but being of a ready judgement, he quickly espied his advantage, for he saw the Phalange open its constipation, some small Bodies of it pursuing those who gave ground, and others fighting loosely with those of his Romans who made stouter opposition, and therefore order'd some of his Legionaries to fall into those void and empty places of the seve­ral Phalangarchies, and these getting entrance at those intervals, came upon the sides of the Macedonian Pike-men, and so without much trouble made most of them dye on the place. If but a third, nay, a fourth or fifth part of this Phalange had been standing at a convenient distance in Reserve, rea­dy to have charg'd the weary and disorder'd Legions, will any man doubt, but that in all humane probability, Perseus had been Master of the Field? But the want of that lost him, in the twinkling of an eye, his Wife and Children, his Kingdom, his Riches (which he lov'd too well) his Honour▪ and at last his Life.

The Defect then of the Macedonian Phalange, as Aelian describes it, wasDefects of Ae­lians Pha­lange. two-fold; First, by the exorbitant deepness of its File, it took not up ground enough in the Front, and next it admitted not of a Reserve. Both which in­conveniencies other Grecians shunn'd, and so did Alexander himself, the great­est Macedonian that ever was. But I am of opinion, that Aelian in his days, never saw any thing (except in figures) so like the other Grecian Pha­langarchies, as we may see very frequently in our Modern Wars, for he wrote his Tacticks to the Emperour Adrian, who liv'd some Centuries after the Gre­cian Phalange was forc'd to do homage to the Roman Legion.

Our Author tells us, that the Velites, or light armed foot were half theVelites. number of the heavy armed, but we shall see hereafter that this held but sel­dome. He will also have them to be eight deep, because the heavy arm'd were sixteen in File. By this rule, the other Grecians, who marshall'd their heavy arm'd eight in File, should have drawn up their Velites but four deep. Aelian doth also appoint them to be drawn up behind the Phalange, and In­deed he might make them stand, perhaps march, where he pleas'd; but the manner of their Fight being a la disbandad, we may believe, they kept but lit­tle good order in fighting with an Enemy, less in pursuing him, and least of all in flying from him.

CHAP. VII. Of the Grecian Cavalry, with some Observations upon it.

IT seems the Greeks did not tye themselves to any precise or certain num­ber of Horse in their Armies, as Aelian hath tyed them to a determinate number of Foot, some of, them using more, some fewer, as they conceiv'd needful for managing the present War they had in hand, augmenting, and diminishing the numbers of their Horse Troops, as also the number of the men of each Troop, as they found their occasions required. Aelian tells us, thatOfficers of a Horse Troop. every Troop of Horse had a Captain, whose place was in the Van; a Lieu­tenant, whose station was in the Rear; and a Cornet, who, he saith, stood with his Standard in the second Rank next him who was on the Right hand of the Troop. All these we have. He saith, it had likewise two Flank Commanders, who, if they rode in Rank, are represented by our Corpo­rals. He tells us nothing of a Quarter-master; perhaps one of these Flank-Officers was he, or officiated for him. But that wherein he is very forgetful, is, that he makes no mention of a Trumpeter; but assuredly, since every Foot Com­pany, called a Syntagmatarchy that had Colours, was allow'd a Trumpeter, every Troop of Horse having a Standard had likewise one, if not more. Nor speaks he of Horn-winders, though these were used by the Grecians, as other Authors tell us. Other Nations used them also, The Persians had them; for Xenophon in his first Book saith, that Cyrus had his Cornici [...]s, or Horn-blowers, as well as Tubicines, Trumpeters. The Romans had them also, whereof we shall speak hereafter.

Aelian in that Treatise of his De instr [...]ndi [...] Aci [...], gives us ma­ny figures of Troops of Horse, most of which do but represent the se­veral postures of a Body of Horse in doubling Files and Ranks, and Counter­marching. Some of these figures it will be found difficult to imitate, and perhaps our Author (as ingenious as he was) would himself have found it hard to have marshall'd them so in the Field, as he hath done in Pap [...]r, and they are indeed but those Schematismi, whereof L [...]psi [...] on another occa [...]ion speaks.Three odd fi­gures of Horse Troops. Particularly Aelian presents us with an Oval Figure of a Troop, another of a Lunar, or Crescent, and a third which he calls Phalanx In [...]rva, not un­like that form of Battel▪ after which the famous Hannibal is said to have drawn up his Mercenaries at Cannae, which Body could no sooner move, but presently i [...] lost its form, and therefore, I think it is probable, that he mar­shall'd his Auxiliaries in that fashion, to stand before his choice Carthaginians, to weary the Romans, that so his best Souldiers might have a cheaper Market of them▪ as the Great Turk is said to blunt the Sword [...] of his Enemies, with the Interposition of his Asapi, between them and his Janizaries. If any of the Grecian Troops of Horse were drawn up after any of these three forms that I have mention'd, I shall very boldly say, that they needed to have kept their ground very tenaciously, and to have receiv'd the Enemies charge very [...] ­fastly and couragiously; for to my sense, it was impossible for them either to march, or give the charge, without falling immediately into an irreco­verable disorder; and this may be obvious to any man that will have the cu­riosity to look upon them, and consider them right.

I find the Grecians used three kinds of Battels of Horse ordinarily, not toThree for [...] of Horse Ba­tallions. speak of extravagant ones. These were the Rhombus, the Wedge▪ and the Square. The Thessulians, who were thought to be the first and perfectest Horse-men in Europe, used the Rhombus: The invention of the Wedge is gi­ven to Philip of Macedon, Father of Alexander; and the Square was used by them both, as also by all the other Grecians; who sometimes made use likewise of the other two forms.

A Rhombus is a Geometrical Figure consisting of four acute Angles, andThe first is the Rhombus. four sides equilateral, or if you imagine two equilateral Triangles joyn'd back to back, and their Angles equidistant (for when two Triangles are joyn'd, both of them have but four corners) you conceive the figure of a Rhombus right enough. To explain the Rhombus Horse Battel, let us imagine a Troop to consist of sixty four Riders, which number Aelian gives to a Macedonian Troop. These sixty four were thus marshall'd. Next the Captain stood one Horse­man,Simple Rhombus. behind him two, next them three, behind them four, then five, then six, then seven, then eight: That Rank of eight made two Angles, where the two Flank Commanders stood; for behind that Rank the number decreas'd, as thus: Behind the eight stood seven, then six, then five, then four, then three, then two, and lastly one. Add all these together, you will find the aggregate to be sixty four. Behind the last one, to my sense, stood the Lieutenant, though Aelian in some of his Figures, seems to make the Captain and Lieutenant to be two of the number; and if the two Flank Commanders were so too, then the Troop consisted only of sixty, besides Officers, and not of sixty four.

There is another kind of Rhombus, which in some sense may be called aThe greater Rhombus. double one, and it is marshall'd by increasing the number of every Rank after the first by two, till you come to the eighth Rank, and after that, your number is to decrease by two in every Rank till you come to one, and then your Rhombus shall consist of one hundred and thirteen Riders, as thus: First one, behind him three, behind them five, behind them seven, then nine, then eleven, then thirteen, and in the eighth Rank place fifteen; from that Rank your number decreaseth, for next to fifteen you are to place thirteen, behind them eleven, then nine, then seven, then five, then three, and lastly one. This is also a Thessalian Rhombus of Horse, a Figure whereof Aelian bestows upon us. This Troop, I conceive, being at open order (for it was very requisite it should be so) could upon an occasion front any way without wheeling, to the Right or Left hand, by a half turn of their Horses, and to the Rear by two half turns, and immediately thereafter serr together, either to give or receive the charge. This Figure of the Rhombus is call'd by some the Diamond; but if so, the Diamond which it resembles, must be a four-corner'd one. Ob­serve here, that Aelians number of Horse represented in his Figure of the Simple Rhombus amounts but to forty nine; and this I attribute to his neglect, for he told us it should consist of sixty four.

The Wedge Battel, which the Latines called Cuneus or Rostrum, was a BodyThe second is the Wedge. of men, either on Foot or Horse-back, drawn up with a sharp point, and encreasing in its bigness, till it came to that greatness, which the maker of it design'd for it, and so represented a Wedge, from which it hath its deno­mination; or it is like a Dagger, sharp at the point, growing broader till it come to the haft. I told you, that Philip of Macedon invented it, choosing a Wedge to be the fittest pattern whereby to model his Macedonian Troops, by placing his choicest Men and Horses, both for strength of body and cou­rage of mind in the formost Ranks, the rest behind them serving to bear them forcibly forward. Take the description of it thus: First one, then three, then five, then seven, then nine, then eleven, then thirteen, and lastly fif­teen: These added together make up Aelian's Macedonian Troop of sixty four Horse-men. But in his description of it he oversees himself twice; first, inA twofold mistake. his words, for he saith the Wedge is just the half of the number of the great Rhombus, but that consists, as I just now told you, of one hundred and thir­teen, and the Wedge is of sixty four, much more than the half of one hundred and thirteen. Next in his Figure, which presents us only with thirty six Horse-men, twenty eight fewer than King Philips Troop. But if you would take a Wedge out of the Rhombus, you may do it easily, by causing that Rank wherein are fifteen Horse-men, with all the Ranks that are before it, to stand, and all that are behind it, to remove, and then you have a perfect Macedonian Wedge Troop, consisting of sixty four Riders.

But the manner of embatteling in form of a Wedge was not appropri­atedWedge Bat­tels of Foot. only to the Cavalry; The Infantry both of Grecians and Romans, and several other Nations used it in many occasions: Epaminondas, that famous Theban, at the Battel of Mantinea, seeing the Lacedaemonians stand stoutly to it, (after he had routed their Confederates the Athenians) chose out a par­cel of his gallantest Foot, cast them in a Wedge, and broke so forcibly in upon their Batallion, that he pierc'd it, and after brave resistance, forc'd them to quit the Field; but this prov'd his last action, for in it he receiv'd so many mortal wounds, that he dyed of them before the next day. I shall speak more of this Wedge Battel in my discourses of the Roman Mi­litia. Neither it nor the Rhombus have been heard of in the World in many ages since those antient times. It is probable, the Great Alexander permitted his Thessalians to make use of the Rhombus at Arbela, because al­most half of their Great Rhombus might face to the Rear, and so prevent surrounding by Darius his numerous forces. It is also like, that his Mace­donian Horse might have kept the form of a Wedge both at Issus and Arbela. And I find, that his great Captains (who after his death shar'd his vast Con­quests among themselves) used it frequently. But I believe likewise, that both he and they, and other Grecians and Asians too, made use of the Square Battel.

The Square form of embattelling was most commonly used by the Grecians The third is the Square. in marshalling their Infantry, and most of them us'd it in ordering their Ca­valry. I speak not of an equilateral Square, but an oblong one, such as we use in our modern Wars. Yet I do not deny, but the Antients several times used equilateral Square forms of their Batallions, as when they made their Ranks and Files consist of equal numbers of men, and this we call a Battel Square of men, or sometimes Square of ground, when the Front was of no greater extent of ground than the Flank, but of these I shall speak hereafter, when I come to discourse of the Square Root. Not only many of the Grecians, but the Persians and Sicilians used the Square Horse Battel, and many greatPreferr'd to the other two▪ Captains preferr'd it to both the Rhombus and the Wedge; first, because by it the Troops ▪could march with more celerity and convenience, and next, they could bring more hands to fight at one time. As for Example, in a Wedge Troop of sixty four, the first Rank consists but of one, the second of three, the third of five, and the fourth of seven: In these four Ranks there are but sixteen Riders. Oppose a Square Battell'd Troop of sixty, and marshal it in an oblong, fifteen in Rank and four in File, you may see that the sixteen Riders in the four first Ranks of the Wedge must fight with all the sixty of the Square Troop; this is a very great odds, and as much may be said of the Rhombus. But Aelian doth not at all tell us, how deep the Grecian Square Battels of Horse were.

This was a great neglect, for thereby we might have known how many ofAelian speak [...] nothing of the deepness of Horse Files. the Ranks could have reach'd an Enemy with their Lances, and whether the rest behind serv'd only to bear forward those before, as the ten last Ranks of Pikes did to the six formost. Yet as far as I can conjecture by some of his Figures, he seems to insinuate, that his Countrey-men order'd their Horse to be half as many in File, as they were in Rank. His Figure of that Phalanx, which he calls Quadrata, of fifty Horse, hath ten in Rank and five in File. This manner of Battel (whether it be of Horse or Foot) is called by the Square Root men a Doubled Batallion, of the fashion of which, and how it is done, I shall shew you in its proper place. But I dare not believe that all Grecian Troops were marshall'd so, neither indeed doth Aelian aver it. I know not then, why I may not imagine a Grecian Troop of Horse, consisting of sixty four, to be marshall'd three deep, as most of our Modern Troops now are, and so there should have been in it twenty one Files, for 21 multiplied by three produceth sixty three, and he who shall make the sixty fourth, shall be the Trumpeter, with whom we could not meet before in Aelian's enumeration of the Officers of a Troop.

What distances were kept between Ranks or Files, between several Troops, or yet between greater Bodies of the Horse, Aelian tells us not: Yet writing of the right ordering of Batallions, I think, he was obliged to speak of Distances, for who can marshal an Army, unless those be con­descendedNor of Di­stances. on? I conceive, that assuredly the Rhombus was oblig'd to keep a great Distance both between its Ranks and its Files, otherwise it could not turn to either Right or Left hand, or to the Rear, without Wheel­ing; and this, if I mistake not, was one of the advantages the Thessali­ans proposed to themselves, by that form of Horse Battel. But when either it or the Wedge was to charge, they were oblig'd to serr together as close as they could, otherwise they could not pierce so home, as was ex­pected by those who cast them in those moulds. It is probable, that the Square Bodies of the Grecian Horse were exercis'd, did march and fight at those distances used now in our Modern Militia.

Our Author makes the number of the Cavalry in a Macedonian Army, to be half the number of their Velites, or light armed Foot. I told you, those were eight thousand one hundred ninety two, therefore the Horse must be four thousand ninety six. The smaller Bodies, of which he com­poseth this Cavalry, are shortly these: Sixty four Horse-men made aDenominati­ons of the se­veral Bodies of the Hor [...]e. Troop, and were called an Elarchy, its Commander Elarchas, our Rit­master. Two Troops made an Epilarchy of one hundred twenty eight Horse-men, its Commander Epilarchas, for whom we have no Officer, un­less a Major; and I find no such man among the Macedonians. Four Troops made a Talentinarchy of two hundred fifty six Horse, its Commander Ta­lentinarch [...] is represented by our Lieutenant Colonel. Two Talentinarchies made one Hipparchy, of five hundred and twelve Horse, he was called Hip­parcha, our Colonel. Two Hipparchies made an Ephipparchy, its Com­mander Ephipparch [...] had under him one thousand twenty four Riders, our Brigadieer may resemble him. Two Ephipparchies made a Telos, which consisted of two thousand forty eight Horse, its Commander was called Telarcha, whom, if you please, our Major General of Horse shall represent. Two Telarchies made up an Epitagma, and this consisted of four thousand one hundred ninety six Horse-men, which compos'd the whole Phalange of the Macedonian Cavalry, its Commander was called Epitagmarcha, for him our Modern Militia furnisheth us with a Lieutenant General, or if you will, a General of the Horse. Now, though our Author hath given us the exact number of both the smaller and greater Bodies of the Macedonian Caval­ry,Inexcusable omission. yet he hath not at all told us, how many of them were heavy arm­ed, and how many light armed, for which he is inexcusably to blame.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Great Macedonian Phalanx, of its number, and how marshall'd; with some Observations on both.

APhalanx signifieth a number of men, great or small, Train'd and In­structedThe significa­tion of Pha­lanx. in Military Duties, and order'd in Ranks and Files. By this Definition any Foot Company, or Horse Troop is a Phalanx, as well as an Army; and a whole Army is a Phalanx, as well as a particular Company or Troop. It is true, in Authors, the word Phalanx is ordinarily taken for the great Body of sixteen thousand three hundred eighty four heavy armed Foot, which formerly I have out of Aelian described to you, of which I shall tell you thus much more, that he saith it had two Horns (for so the Translator renders the word K [...]ras) and those were the Right and Left hand Horn, which we either simply call the Right or Left hand, or the Right and Left Wing. But indeed I wonder why Aelian divides the whole Phalange of Foot into two Horns, Right and Left; and why so many of our Commanders in the Modern Wars imitate him, in dividing a whole Body into the Right or Left Wing; never considering, that naturally and really there is a Body between two Wings: and the same error is committed, in dividing a whole Batallion of armed men into two Flanks, very ordinarily done by some Drill-masters. And here, no doubt, Aelian forgot himself; for the Phalange of the heavy armed Foot was divided, as I [...]old you before, into four lesser Phalanges or Phalangarchies, two whereof made the two Wings, which he calls Horns; and the other two compos'd the Body. These four Phalangarchies made three Intervals, how great we know not, out ofPhalangar­chies. which, before the fight, issued the light armed; and if they prevail'd, they pursued their Victory, being followed by the Phalange; but if they were beaten, as for most part they were, they retired to the Rear the same way they came, and then the four Phalangarchies closed together, to give or re­ceive the charge, according as they were ordered by their Superiours.

But now I am to speak of the whole Macedonian Army, which was cal­ledThe great Macedonian Phalanx of both Horse and Foot. the Great Phalanx, consisting of heavy and light armed Foot and Horse, not reckoning their Chariots and Elephants. Their heavy armed Foot were sixteen thousand three hundred eighty four, the Velites were eight thou­sand one hundred ninety two, the Horse four thousand ninety six: Add all these together, you will find the Macedonian great Phalanx to consist of twenty eight thousand six hundred seventy two Combatants.

A Story goes, that either the Great Alexander, or Julius C [...]sar, or both, should have said, That they desired no more than thirty thousand men to con­quer the whole World: Certainly, if either of them, or both said so, they meant, that that number should still be kept compleat and full, for though they should have been constantly Victorious, and never have lost one man in Battel or Skirmish, yet sickness and toyl would have made all that number to have moulder'd away, before they could have march'd over the tenth part of the then habitable World. But I do not at all believe that either of them said so, for true Histories (if there be any truth in Histories) assure us, that both of them had Armies which far exceeded that number. At Arbel [...], Ale­xander had more than double the number of a Macedonian Army; and yetAelians num­bers did no [...] always hold at that same time, when he fear'd to be surrounded, I suppose, he wish'd his forces to be more numerous than they were. Neither do I believe, that his Father Philip, who was the framer of the Phalanx, did keep himself pre­cisely within that number, for at Cher [...]nea, where he routed the Confederated Greeks, he exceeded it far. His Son Alexander, when he cross'd the Helle­spont, [Page 24] to invade the Persian Monarchy, had thirty two thousand Foot, and fiveIn the Mace­donian Ar­mies; thousand Horse; above eight thousand more men, than in Aelian's Macedonian Phalange. At Issus he was stronger, and at Arbela he had forty thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse, all Grecians, besides very many Asians whom he had subdued. So we see that Aelians numbers of Horse or Foot, did not hold even in the Macedonian Armies.

Much less will his rule hold in other Grecian Phalanges, who drew up their heavy armed Foot but eight deep, and so by our Authors method, their light armed but four deep; for if you allow their heavy armed Phalange to be one thousand twenty four Files, these multiplied by eight, which is the number of the File, that Batallion consisted of eight thousand one hundred ninety two men: Their Velites being half of that number, they were four thousand nine­ty six: Give the half of that number to their Cavalry, they must have been two thousand forty eight. And thus by Aelians rule, their whole PhalangeNor in the o­ther Grecian Phalanges. of both heavy and light armed Foot and Horse should have amounted to nei­ther more nor less than fourteen thousand three hundred thirty six Comba­tants. But they neither observ'd that number, nor his rule in the division of that number. At Delos, the Thebans and Boeotians had an Army consisting of seven thousand heavy armed Foot, ten thousand light armed, and one thousand Horse. If they had been rul'd by Aelian, they should have had more than ten thousand heavy armed, five thousand and odd Velites, and all the rest should have been Horse in this P [...]lange of theirs. When the Athe­nians sent Alcibiades and Nicias to Sicily, they did not dream of any such exact numbers. At Mantinea, Epamin [...]das his Army consisted of thirty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse; a number exceeding the great Macedonian Phalange by four thousand three hundred twenty eight men. The Armies of the Laced [...]monians and Athenians that fought against him in that last Battel of his, were twenty two thousand Foot and Horse, and these were more by seven thousand six hundred sixty four, than a Grecian Phalange should have been by Aelians method, at four deep the light, and eight deep the heavy armed, and yet came short six thousand six hundred seventy two of the number of the great Macedonian Phalange. By this we see our Authors num­bers of Phalanges did not always hold; and it is a very great question to me, if ever they did exactly hold at all.

I have already told you, how he marshals his Phalange of heavy armed Foot, without Reserve, I have shown you that was not always done, and I have demonstrated and instanc'd the inconveniencies of it, when it was done; Let us now see where he placeth his Cavalry in time of action: To this he saith, it was marshall'd according to the Generals pleasure, sometimes on the Flanks of the heavy armed Foot, sometimes before them, and sometimes behind them. That they were drawn up according to the Generals pleasure, he needed not tell us, that was not the question, but it was where the Gene­rals pleasure was to place them. For marshalling the Horse on the Flanks of the Foot, there is reason enough for it; it was, and still is a common pra­ctice. To marshal them when they are to fight before the Foot, is not, inWhere Aeli­an marshall'd the Cavalry. my opinion, advisedly done; some to skirmish doth well, but if all the Horse fight in the Van of the Foot, and be beaten, they may readily rout their own Infantry, without the Enemies help, for something like that I have seen pra­ctis'd. And though the Macedonian Foot Phalange had, as I said before, three Intervals, through which, the Horse might perhaps (if worsted) have retir'd in good order, and drawn up in the Rear of the Foot, yet their Flight or Retreat would have infinitely discourag'd the Infantry, which was presently to enter into action; nor do I think such a manner of fight hath been oft practis'd. To draw up the Horse behind the Foot would be, in my judge­ment, yet of less use; but Aelian in his Figure of the whole Phalanx, mar­shals the heavy armed Foot formost, next them the Velites, and the Cavalry behind both. If he did not intend the Horse should fight in that place, why did he marshal them there; and if he conceiv'd they might fight there, why did he not tell us, how they could do it. It is true, it may be imagin'd, the Velites might bestow their Arrows and Stones cast out of Slings upon an [Page 25] Enemy, over the heads of the heavy arm'd Phalange: but what hurt Horse­men, heavily armed, could do an Enemy over the heads of both heavy and light arm'd Foot, drawn up in two distinct Bodies one behind the other, is not so easie to fansie. And with permission of Aelian, I doubt, it can hard­ly be made appear, that any General before his time, whether Macedonian, Grecian, or Barbarian, ever drew up an Army in that fashion, if they had ground to do it otherwise. Cyrus plac'd his Foot in the Battel, and his Horse in theOrdinarily Horse fought in the Wings. Wings, when he fought with the Assyrians, saith Xenophon. The Grecians at Delos, Leuctra, and Syracusa, put their Horse in the Wings mixed with light armed Foot, their heavy armed Phalange in the middle, and some of their Velites skirmishing before it, with Reserves behind. Alexander used that same custome in all his Battels, though at Issus, the Streights of the Moun­tains would not suffer him to put his Army in that order he had design'd, till he acquir'd a more spatious ground. At Arbela, where he totally overthrew Darius, he marshall'd his Army nothing after Aelians pattern; but so, that you may almost say, that our Modern Generals draw up their Armies now in imitation of him, and according to the Copy he cast them there▪ For his Right Wing consisted of Horse mix'd with light armed Foot, the Right hand whereof was commanded by Clitus, and the Left by Philotas. His Left Wing was likewise Horse mix'd with Velites, on the Right hand whereof stood Meleager, and on the Left, Philip with his Thessalian Cavalry. Between these two Wings was ranged his Phalange of heavy arm'd Foot, some Velites skirmishing before it, and behind all these, both Phalanae and Wings, were those Reserves, under Horestes, Lincerta, Polycarpon and Philagus; whereof I formerly told you.

The altering a Phalange from one form, posture, or site to another, gaveSeveral forms of a Phalange gave it several denominati­ons. occasion to the Grecians to give it some new denomination, though it was still that same Phalange, it was before the motion or evolution made the altera­tion, which perhaps hath given a rice to Aelian to present us with so ma­ny several Figures in his Treatise; nor would they be hard to be understood, if they were illustrated by either smaller or greater Bodies in the Field, as they are by him in Paper. When the Phalanx presented their Pikes by half Files to Front and Rear, the Greeks called it in that posture Amphisto­mus: When the General commanded the Wings of the Phalange to advance; and the Body to make a Bow or Crescent, and in that posture to receive the charge of a Wedge Battel, then it was called Antistomus: And when by fa­cing either by the Right or Left hand about, the Rear was made the Front, then the Phalange was called Peristomus: And so of others needless to re­hearse. It may be I mistake in the Greek names, as having indeed but very little knowledge in that Language.

CHAP. IX. Of the Grecian March, Baggage, Encamping, Guards, and of their Paean.

ALL these belong to the Art of War of any Nation and none will doubt, but the Grecians had set rules and orders for them all, and every one of them, which they did not alter, but according to the circumstances of things and emergency of affairs, on which depend most of Military actions. Aelian gives us little light, or indeed none at all, in any of these particulars,Most of them forgot by Aelian. but leaves us to glean what we can out of History, and thereon to build our own conjectures.

It had been convenient for us to have known the manner of their marching, where or how the Horse, the heavy and light armed, and how far every day all of them were obliged to march, as also whether the Chiliarchies (which were Regiments of Foot) and the Hipparchies (which were Regiments ofMarch. Horse) changed day about, or if they march'd constantly in one place ac­cording to their Antiquity or Precedency. For there is no doubt but their Ephipparchies (which were Brigades of Horse; and their Myriarchies (which were Brigades of Foot) might have chang'd Van and Rear every day by turns, as easily as our Brigades do. But since we are left by our leader Aelian in the dark, I shall be of the opinion, that being there were by Aeli­ans account four Ephipparchies in the Cavalry, and four Phalangarchies in the Phalange of the heavy armed Foot, they chang'd day about, and each of them had the Van every fourth day; as also, I think, it was most con­sentaneous to Reason, that there being four Chiliarchies in every Phalan­garchy, and four Talentinarchies in every Ephipparchy, they likewise daily changed; so that every Talentinarchy had the Van in the Ephipparchy every fourth day, as every Chiliarchy had in the Phalangarchy. I shall likewise believe, that the Cavalry march'd either before, behind, or on the Flanks of the Foot Phalange, according to the Enemies motions, and so did the light armed Foot. By these conjectures I do not offer to impose on any mans belief, but leave him that liberty that I have taken, to guess as pro­bably as he can. How far the heavy armed Phalange was bound to march in one day, as I can assert nothing, so I may only guess, that they could be bound to march but twenty or five and twenty miles, as the Roman Legio­naries were, and therefore I can hardly believe Polianus, who saith, Philip made his Phalange march in one day three hundred Stadia or Furlongs, which make thirty seven Italian miles and a half, you will think this the more incredible, when you hear immediately what Baggage they carried.

Concerning the Baggage of a Grecian Army, our Author gives us this ac­count; first, that it was necessary to appoint a judicious and active person to have the conduct of it, he saith well: Next he tells us, that sometimes the Baggage march'd in the Van of the Army, and so I think it should if theBaggage. Enemy were in the Rear. Sometimes, saith he, it march'd in the Rear, when the Army advanc'd towards an Enemy, and good reason it should be so. Sometimes, saith he, it march'd in the middle of the Army, and there may be strong enough Reasons for that too. But sometimes he saith, it was order'd to march in the Flanks of the Army, and so it might, provided it had good Guards on the Flanks of it. And lastly, he avers, the Grecians sent their Baggage sometimes before their Army, when they were to enter iuto a declared Enemies Countrey. And here, I profess, I do not at all understand the mystery of this Stratagem of War. But I wish Aelian had clear'd us in this, whether the Souldiers or Companies of Horse or Foot, [Page 27] had Waggons, Carts, Beasts of Carriage, Drudges and Slaves allow'd them to carry their Meat and Drink, and Fardles, or if they were obliged to carry all, themselves; for in my next Essay of the Roman Militia, I shall let you see a Legionary carry three Magazines on his Head, Back, and Shoul­ders, the first of Arms, Stakes or Pallisadoes; the second of Meat and Clothes; and the third of Utensils for a Kitchin. If of all these three, the Greek was only obliged to carry his Arms, he had a great advantage of the Roman in all marches and expeditions. Yet, I suppose, my Reader may hazard with me to believe, that before Philip of Macedons time, the Grecian Souldiers carried no other burthens than their Arms, but hadThe Grecian Souldiers car­ry'd no Bag­gage, either Carriage-Beasts or Drudges allow'd them, for carrying their Victu­als and other necessaries; and this conjecture I ground upon what I have read in Thucydides, who tells us, that at Syracusa, after the unfortunate Athenians had lost their Navy, in which were all or most of their provisi­ons, and that they were to march away by Land from the Siege of that po­tent City to seek new fortunes, their Souldiers were necessitated to car­ry their meat themselves; because, saith the Historian, they had most­ly lost their Slaves and Drudges who were accustom'd to carry it; and some few, whose Slaves had stay'd still with them, durst not trust them with so precious a thing as meat then was, lest in that sad disaster they should run away with it, and so starve them. If then their Slaves ran away fromTill Philip of Macedons time. them, then Slaves were allow'd them. And it seems King Philip abrogated this custome, for he caus'd all his Foot Souldiers to carry their Meat and Baggage themselves, allowing only one Soujat to carry a Hand-mill for the use of ten Souldiers, and a Drudge to every Horse-man; this caus'd the other Grecians to call the Philippians, Jumenta Philippi, Philips Beasts of Carri­age. But for all that, I have not Faith enough to believe Frontinus, who saith, that the same Philip caus'd his Foot to carry at one time Triginta die­rum farinam, meal for thirty days. And if his Son Alexander kept up that custome, as it is like he did, then his Phalangites needed not to have yield­ed to the Roman Legionaries for heavy burthens in both long and wearisome marches, which you will easily grant to be true, if you will consider the indefatigable expeditions of that magnanimous King through Persia and India.

It seems Aelian hath not thought Castrametation a subject pertinent to hisCastrametati­on. Treatise, for he speaks nothing of it, and yet it is a very considerable part of the Art of War. I find the Grecians did not put their Souldiers to so much fatigue, as to fortifie their Camp every night, as the Romans did. They chose their Castrametation to be in places of advantage, on Heights, Hills, or Rising grounds, or where they might have a River or Water as their Back, or one of their Flanks, and if they had these, or any of these, they used to cast up but a slight Retrenchment, unless they were to encamp some long time. Sometimes the Figure of the Grecian Camp was Oval, some­times equilateral Square, sometimes Oblong, and I have read that Lycurgus appointed his Spartan Camps to be round, if they could have none of those advantages I spoke of; the defect of that Figure is, that it wants Flanks, which should not be wanting in any Fortification; but it had the advantage of other Figures, that it could contain more than any of them, because, Ro­tunda est omnium Figurarum capacissima. If it be true, what some say, that the Romans learn'd their Art of Encamping from Pyrrhus King of Epirus, then we shall know what his or the Grecian manner was, when I come to speak of the Castrametation of the Romans, where we shall see, if he was their Master, he needed not be asham'd of such Scholars. This Pyrrhus was Bro­ther-in-law to Demetrius, Son to Antigonus, who was a great Captain un­der a far greater Captain, the famous Alexander; who, no question, under­stood the Art of Encamping very well. We read, that the very day he fought his last Battel with Darius at Arbela, upon sight of that numerousAlexanders Camp at Ar­bela. Army he had to deal with▪ he became doubtful how to carry himself in so great an exigent, and therefore withdrew his Army to an Hill, (which Ma­zeus the Persian had deserted) plac'd his Camp on it, and order'd it to be for­tified, which was immediately done; for we read in Curtius, that after he had caus'd to put up his Pavillion, review'd the Enemies Forces, and re­solv'd [Page 28] to give Battel, he commanded the Retrenchment to be cast down, that his Batallions might march out in Breast. All this being done in a very short time, shows that his Army was well acquainted with both Castrame­tation and Fortifidation.

To know how the Grecians kept their Watches and Guards, we must expect no light from Aelian, who speaks nothing at all of that affair. Per­haps he hath been of one opinion with that Anabaptist Minister, who preach­ing on that Text, Watch and Pray, told his Audience, He would not trouble them with the various Interpretations of the word Watch, for he would as­sure them, in few words, that Watch, was as much as to say Watch. But because I have not read of any essential differences between the Roman Guards and Watches, and those of the ancient Grecians, I shall refer my Reader to my discourse of both, in the twenty second Chapter of my Essays of the Roman Art of War, where I shall inform him of any observable thing concerning them, mention'd by Aeneas, in those fragments of his, which all-devouring time hath left us, and those are but few.

Before the Grecians began their Battels they sung their Paean, which wasPaean a Hymn to Apollo. a Hymn to Apollo; after which they had their shout or cry, which the Ro­mans, with a barbarous word, called Baritus. If they gain'd the Victory they sung another Paean or Hymn to that same Deity: Then they loudly cryed to the God Mars, Alala, Alala; doubling and re-doubling that wordAlal [...] [...]. cry to Mars. very often. Neither was this custome peculiar to the Greeks, for we read in the First Chapter of the Seventh Book of Xenophon, that Cyrus, the Persian, used the very same thing when he fought that great Battel with Croesus, wherein he was Victorious; for we read not of any Paean any of them sung, if they were beaten; thinking belike they were not oblig'd to thank their Gods for any misfortune that befel them.

By what I have said, you may easily perceive how little, I think, we have learn'd of the most essential points of the Ancient Grecian Militia, from this great, and so much talk'd of Master of the Art of War, Aelian. And if any say, he only undertook to acquaint the Emperour Adrian with the mar­shalling Grecian Battels, I shall say first, that he hath but very ill acquitted himself of that undertaking; and next, that he might have done that great Prince as great a favour to have inform'd hi [...]f all those points of War, which he hath neglected; as of the manner how to marshal a Phalange, and all the se­veral parts of it.

CHAP. X. One of our Modern Armies compared with the Macedonian Pha­lanx.

OUR Batallions of Pikes in the Modern Wars would resemble the Gre­cian heavy armed Phalange of Foot, if they were as well arm'd for the defensive as they should be, and as they were one hundred years ago. OurModern In­fantry resem­bles the Gre­cian one. Musquets, Harquebusses, Fire-locks and Fusees, give us an uncontroverted advantage over their light armed, or yet the Roman Velites, whatever Lipsi­us say to the contrary, as shall be shown in the last Chapter of my Essays of the Modern Art of War. A Swedish Company, as it was in the time of the Great Gustavus and since, being of one hundred twenty six men, resembled the Grecian Centuriate, which consisted of one hundred twenty eight men▪ And a Swedish Regiment wherein are one thousand and eight men, comes very near to the Grecian Chiliarchy, wherein, according to Aelian, there were one thousand twenty four men.

Since the time that the Switzer Cantons confederated so strongly, andSwitzers. fought with their Masters so fortunately, that they got themselves declar'd Free States, their great Batallions of ten, sometimes twelve, sometimes six­teen thousand (all arm'd for the Offensive, with long and strong Pikes) and having their Heads, Necks, Backs, Breasts, Bellies, and Arms and Thighs well defended with Iron and Steel, resembled perfectly a Macedoni­an Phalange of heavy armed Foot. And what great Victories they gain'd with those Batallions shall be spoke of hereafter en passant. But one hundred years ago, and before that, they came short of the Grecians for their Velites▪ for we read not, that then they made use of any Musque [...] or Harquebu [...]s, though other Nations did. But not long after that time they began to follow the custome of the Germans, who then, and long after, made up their Bodies of Foot of two thirds of Pikes, and one third of Fire-men. For to arm two parts of a Company of Foot with Musquets, and one part with Pikes, is a custome of a far later date. But of this more in another place. Upon the whole matter, I say, that our Infantry of Musqueteers and Pike-men, (if they be well arm'd for the Defensive) resembles the Grecian heavy and light armed Foot, and so do our Cuirassiers and Light Horse represent their Cataphracts and light armed Horse. I wonder why the Turks pretend that their Janizaries represent the Macedonian Foot Phalange of heavy armed; for carrying Guns, Half-Pikes, and Javelines, they come far short of the Pha­lange, in the strength whereof the Macedonians (as they had reason) put their greatest trust. But if these Infidels be not guilty of greater crimes than of vain ostentation, I think, as good Christians, we are bound to forgive them.

But since the time that Gun-powder made a loud noise in the world, I do not read of any Europ [...]an Army that so nearly resembled the great Macedonian Phalange consisting both of Horse and Foot, as that of Henry the Second, King of France, when he march'd into Germany to assist the two Protestant Ele­ctorsArmy of Hen­ry the second, King of France. of Saxony and Brandenburg, against the Emperour Charles the Fifth; and by the way took in M [...]tz, Thoul, and Verdun, with which Towns, his Succes­sors, the French Kings, have not yet parted. This Army of his is very particu­larly describ'd by a Noble Author, who, though he conceal his name, yet, as his writings speak him to be an excellent Historian, so they bewray him to have been a Commander in the Wars, both in that Kings time, and in the Reigns of all his three Sons. By the relation of it, we will see how both the French Infantry and Cavalry were mounted and armed, and how their Batalli­ons were marshall'd about one hundred and twenty years ago.

His Foot was marshall'd by his Great Constable Monmorancy, in three Batal­lions: One consisted of Germans, whose number was seven thousand, andHis Germans. therefore I conclude them to have been two Regiments, each consisting of twelve Companies, and each Company of three hundred men or thereabout, according to the custome observed then, and long after, by that Nation. They were arm'd Defensively as the French were; but for Offence, two partsHow arm'd; of them had Pikes, and the third part Harquebusses. They were commanded by the Rhinegrave, whom most of the French Historians call very vitiously, and almost ridiculously Count of Rhingrave, which is as much as Earl of Rhine­ [...]arl. Under the Rhingrave. These Germans were Mercenaries, or Auxiliaries at best, and therefore I shall not say they were properly of the French Army, which I am now to com­pare with the Macedonian great Phalanx, as Aelian describes it.

His French Infantry was divided into two great Batallions: The first con­sistedHis French Foot, of fifteen thousand fighting men, of these nine thousand were heavy armed, and six thousand were light armed. The nine thousand had for their Defensive Arms, Head pieces, Backs and Breasts, Gantlets, Sleeves and Taslets; for the Offensive, they had Swords, and long Bois, under which name you are to comprehend Pikes, Halberds, Partisans, and long Staves,How arm'd. banded and pointed with Iron, and most of them all had Pistols at their Gir­dles. The other six thousand of the first Batallion, who were light armed, had for Armour, rich Morrions, and Jacks and Sleeves of Mail, and for Weapons, they had Swords and Harquebusses for the most part, and some Musquets, all bright, clear, and fixed. The second French Batallion of Foot was composed of those who were brought out of the Southern Provinces of [Page 30] France, and it was ten thousand strong, whereof seven were heavy armed, and the other three thousand light armed, they were armed much as the first Batallion was.

His Cavalry was sub-divided into Gens d'Arms, Archers, Light Horse-men,His Cavalry. and Harquebusiers: His Cuirassiers or Gens d'Arms, consisting all of persons of noble Families, were about one thousand, admirably well mounted on French Coursers, Turkey Horses, or Spanish Gennets. They were strongly and hea­vily arm'd for the Defensive; for Offence, they had each a Lance, a Mace,Gens d'Arms. and a Sword, no word here of a Pistol. Their Horses were arm'd with Bards and Plates of Brass, richly caparison'd; and many other Horses they had, on which (beside their led Horses) their Servants, Pages, and Grooms rede. The Captains and other Officers of these Gens d'Arms were in rich Armour gilded and curiously wrought, mounted they were on couragiousHow mount­ed and arm­ed. Horses, who were arm'd and richly caparison'd, and their Harness cover'd with either Velvet or Cloath of Tissue, with Gold-smith work or Embroy­dery. Every one of these Gens d'Arms had an Archer, who followed him,Archers. by the French constitutions of War, who though then they used neither Bow nor Arrow (as formerly they did) yet did still retain the name of Archers. They rode on small, but very nimble Horses, who vaulted pleasantly; each of them carried a Lance, a Pistol, and a Sword, all of them well accoutred, striving who should appear finest. The Light Horse-men were mounted onLight Horse­men. good Nags, little, but very swift; for Armour, they had light Helmets, Corslets, and Sleeves; for Offensive Arms, each of them had a Cutlace, and either a half Lance, or a Pistol, which of them he pleas'd, but not both. Of these Light Horse there were about eighteen hundred. The Harquebusiers were mounted on as good Geldings as they could make themselves masters of;Harquebu­siers. they had Jacks, Morrions, and Sleeves of Mail for Defence; their Weapons were Swords, and Harquebusses of three foot long, hanging at the courches of their Saddles. He had about fifteen hundred of them.

Besides all these, there were about four hundred English Gentlemen, all Volunteers, under the command of an English Lord; they were mounted onEnglish Vo­lunteers. handsome and swift Geldings; they were provided with little Armour for Defence; their Weapons were Swords and Lances, like Half-Pikes, saith our Author. These were King Henry's Forces.

Setting the English aside, we have of French Cavalry, one thousand Gens d'Arms, one thousand Archers, eighteen hundred Light Horse, and fifteen hundred Harquebusiers: Add these together, the aggregate is five thousand three hundred. This exceeds the number of the Macedonian Horse▪ by one thousand one hundred and eight. In the next place, set the Rhingrave and his German Foot aside, the heavy arm'd French Foot were sixteen thousand, which wanted but three hundred eighty four of the Macedonian heavy armed Phalange. The French light armed Foot were about nine thousand, which was eight hundred and eight more than Aelian allows to the Macedonian Ve­lites. The French Foot and Horse amounted to thirty thousand three hundred Combatants, those of Aelians great Phalange to twenty eight thousand six hun­dred seventy two; the difference is sixteen hundred twenty eight. But if we reck­on the English and French Volunteers, the Kings own Guards of Scots, French, Number of the whole French Army. and Switzers, with the Rhingraves seven thousand Germans, this Army ex­ceeded the number of forty five thousand men; with which marched the Great Master or General of the Artillery of France, who had the conduct of forty four pieces of Ordnance, great and small, with Powder and Bullets suitable to so many Guns.

The Author tells us, that King Henry view'd this mighty Army of his near the City of Metz, where he saith it was drawn up in Battalia; but he forgotA great over­sight. to inform us here of two very considerable points; the one, of what alti­tude or depth both the Foot and Horse were; the second, what distances were kept, or order'd to be kept, between the several Files and Ranks both of Horse and Foot, and how great the Intervals were between the several Ba­tallions and Bodies, as well of the Cavalry as the Infantry; for thereby we should have been able not only to have made a probable conjecture, but de­terminately to have known, how much ground the whole Army took up in [Page 31] longitude, but there are others who are guilty of this neglect as well as this Author of ours, who hath fail'd in this.

With these, indeed formidable Forces, did the French King intend to defie, and fight within the Bowels of the German Empire. Charles the Fifth, a greater and braver Prince than whom (though he had not been elected Emperour of the Romans) either for propriety and large extent of Patrimonial Dominions, or for personal Courage and Prudence, the Western World had not seen since the time of Charles the Great. But whilest this Magnanimous King is viewing, and exceedingly pleasing him­selfHenry views his army, with the sight of his gallant Army, a beggarly and contemptible crew, of some Souldiers, some Soujats and Grooms, and some Countrey Clowns, in sight of this great Prince, his Nobility in splendid equipage, and of his whole Batallions, charg'd those who were appointed to guard the Baggage, and in spite of the King, then in his greatest strength, carried a rich and con­siderableAnd receives an affront. booty into Theonville, an Imperial Garrison not far from the place: Nor was this affront done so publickly to so powerful an Army at all reveng'd, only some Light Horse were sent before the Town, to vapour and brave the Imperialists, who fail'd not to sally out, and skirmish with the French, from which bickering neither party carried away any thing but blows. And at length Henry's great preparations came to nothing, for the two German Princes having (not without some stain to their Honour) made their Peace with the Emperour, without the French Kings privity, he was glad to return, and de­fend his own Territories against Charles, who was horribly incens'd against him, for offering to assist his Rebels (for so he call'd those Electors) against his Lawful Authority.

As this French Army, which, I think, so much represented the Phalange,Conclusion. vanish'd; so the Macedonian Phalanx it self (on which Aelian bestows the Titles and Epithets of Invincible, Inexpugnable, and Irresistable) after it had in Philips, and his Son Alexanders time, given the Law to the Eastern World, and after their deaths, had been kept up by Alexanders Successors and Great Captains the space of one hundred and sixty years, yielded to fate, and was brought to nothing in Perseus his time; and Macedon it self reduced to a Province by the Romans, of whose Legions, Art, and Order of War, we are in the next place to take a view.

CHAP. I. Of the Ancient Roman Government, and Militia in General.

THE hand of Heaven, which cast the Empire of the best part of the known World into the lap of the Romans, was the more visible▪ in that before they came to any great progress of Conquest, and after too, their State wasInward Dis­eases of the Roman State. obnoxious to those difficulties which might have ren­der'd it not only incapable to overcome its Enemies, but subject to be a prey to any of its Neighbours. And of these, any who have perus'd their Histories, may, if they please, with me observe them which follow.

First, Their frequent change of Government, as, from Kings to Consul [...],First. then to Consuls joyn'd with Tribunes of the People, from these to a Decem­virate, [Page 34] from that to Military Tribunes, invested with Consular Authority, from them to Consuls again, from these to a Triumvirate, and from that to Emperours.

Secondly, The almost continual [...]arrs and debates between the Senate andSecond. the People not only concerning the [...]ex [...], and division of Lands, but even about the Supreme Power of the Governament it self▪ in which the Commons ever gain'd ground, and at the long-run obtain'd the principal points and marks of the Soveraignty; those were, the [...] of Magi­strates, yea, of the Consuls, making and repeating Laws power of Life and Death, and the last Appeal.

Thirdly, The constantly Seditious Orations and Practices of the TribunesThird. of the People, whereby they publickly obstructed many times the Levies of Souldiers, and the pursuance of many Victories gain'd against their Neigh­bours: Whilest the State was yet in its Infancy, all those alterations and con­tentions proceeding from an inward disease of State, could not choose but exceedingly weaken it in the undertaking any great action abroad. But,

Fourthly, Their Cruelty and Ingratitude to their own Citizens and Cap­tains,Fourth. who had done them the best and greatest services, some whereof I shall instance in in another place; few of them all escaping a severe censure; enough to withdraw any generous Spirit from a desire to serve them.

Fifthly, Their frequent making Dictators, almost upon every sudden ap­prehensionFifth. of fear, or supposed danger; an Office so unlimited (having power to do and command what they pleas'd, without comptrol, appeal, or [...]ear to be question'd after their time expired) that it is a wonder none of them pre­vented Julius C [...]sar, in usurping the Soveraignty.

Sixthly, Their making two Consuls of equal authority, the very fuel of dis­cordSixth. at home, and of most dangerous consequence abroad, when a powerful Enemy necessitated them to joyn their Forces. Take some Instances: In one of the Wars against the Volscians, Lucius Furius was joyn'd in equal Command with Marcus Furius Camillus (that famous Roman, who freed his Countrey from the Invasion of the Gauls) in this War young Lucius would needs fight sore against old Camillus his advice; and well beaten [...]e was, and had been utter­ly routed, if the old man had not waited hi [...] opportunity, and come to his rescue with the Triari [...]. Fabius the Dictator (nick-nam'd the Cunctator) had Minutius joyn'd in equal command with him, who would needs with the half of the Army fight▪ Han [...]bal, whether the Dictator would or not▪ The Carthaginian beats him, and had made an end of him, and perhaps of the War too, if old Fabius had not parted the fray. But the Romans escap'd not so easily at Cannae; for there Terentius Varro, in spite of his Colleague Paulus Aemi­lius, fought with the same Hannibal, where both of them receiv'd such an overthrow, that if he who gave it them, had follow'd Maharbal's advice, and immediately marched, he might, in all probability, have din'd the fifth day after in the Capitol, and for ever have extirpated the City and name of the Romans. Here Rome was fav'd not at all by the Senates prudence, but by her Enemies negligence.

Seventhly, Their custome to recall their Consuls and Proconsuls atSeventh. the end of every year (unless by mighty favour or invincible necessity they were continued) which made their Generals either desperately hazard Bat­tel, or grant an advantagious and honourable Peace to their almost con­quered Enemies, lest their Successors should have the honour to finish the War. Take these instances: Sempronius, against all reason, would needs fight Hannibal at Trebia, before his Colleague Publ. Scipi [...] was recover'd of his wound, for fear new Consuls should come and rob him of the glory of the Victory: The like fear made Titus Flaminius grant an advantagious Peace to Nabis, the Ty­rant of Lacedaemon, when Titus was almost Master of all Greece. So did Sci­pio the African, to the vanquish'd Carthaginians, after he had beat Hannibal at Zama; publickly professing, that the ambitious desires of Claudius and Cornelius (who aspired to succeed him, and put an end to that long War) was the cause he did not finish it himself (wanting time) with the destruction of Carthage.

Eighthly, Their extraordinary superstition beyond all other Nations: TheyEighth. must sacrifice great and small Beasts, make Processions, Lectisterniums, and Supplications to all their Gods and Goddesses, (who were not a few) not only some days, but sometimes some weeks, before their Generals were per­mitted to march from the City, whereby time and occasion (not to be reco­vered in the matter of War) were very frequently lost. All this must be done to pease their angry Deities when any prodigies were seen or heard of, either within or without the City▪ for some whereof, natural reasons might have been given; some of them were palpable and ridiculous lyes, and not a few of them compos'd either by the State or the Priests to cheat the credulous vulgar, and yet with the relation of them Titus Livius even nau [...]eates his Reader; insomuch, that Boccalini tells us in one of his Raguagli, that when Dion was severely reprov'd in Parnassus, before Apollo, for writing such fabulous Mi­racles, Livius was observ'd to blush, as guilty of the same crime; yet Bocca­lini's own Tacitus, and Suetonius use us very [...]ittle better. Livy tells us of se­veral Oxen that spoke, particularly of one that said, Cave Tibi Roma. But I wonder why many more poor mens Oxen did not learn to speak, since this Oxe for his seasonable warning, (in bidding Rome beware of herself) was order'd to be fed on the publick charge. Suetonius tells us of a Crow, which to­wards the end of D [...]mitians Reign, told the Romans from the Capitol, That all should be well: If she had not lov'd her liberty better than her meat, she had not flown away, but stay'd still and been fed at the publick expence of the City, and perhaps been worshipp'd as Fatidick, for things did indeed grow well after that Monsters death; yet methinks she was a very ill▪ natur'd Bird, that would not tell so good news in the vulgar language, which was Latin (for you are to know she spoke in Greek) that the poor people of Rome (who were oppress'd by that bloody Tyrant) might have understood the comforta­ble Prophecy as well as the fabulous Priests. I pray you take the Story in Verse:

Nor must the Roman Generals go out of Rome, till they took their auspices right, nor must they fight, if the entrails of the Sacrificed Beasts did not ful­ly please the jugling Priests, or yet if the Sacred Pulle [...]s did not eat their meat well; and it was well enough known, how the Chicken▪ masters cou­zen'd the Consuls oft enough, with the eating or not eating of the Chicken, it being almost constantly in their power to make the Consuls give Battel, or abstain from it, when they pleas'd. Julius Caesar would not be so cheated, for though the Hostia which he was to Sacrifice, run away from him, which was thought to presage had fortune, yet went he on to Africk, and at his landing there his foot tripping he fell; this his Souldiers thought very omi­nous, but he gave it another interpretation, and said, He had taken posses­sion of the Countrey, Teneo te Africa. But contrary to what I have said ap­pear two famous Authors, Machiavelli and Polybius. The first, in his first Book of his Discourses on Titus Livius, makes the Romans tenacious ad [...]ering toMachiavelli. their superstition (which he calls Religion) to be one of the causes of their ag­grandizing their Empire, and commends them much for [...]uffering no Innova­tion to be introduc'd in their Holy Rites▪ yet all he doth upon the matter, is to shew that the Ancient Romans made a prudent use of their pretended Religion, and under the notion of it, govern'd their Common-wealth poli­tickly: But I say, first, that is but one of his own conjectures, and not­withstanding any thing he saith to the contrary, I suppose those Romans were as eally superstitious as they pretended to be, even the Senators themselves; and himself in the eleventh Chapter of that Book avers, that there was never [Page 36] greater fear of God for many ages, than in that ancient Republick; then by his own account, it was no pretended, but a real Religion. And is not this [...]ound Christian Doctrine, to aver, that the fear of God was, where Devils, under the notion of Deities were publickly ador'd and worshipp'd? Secondly, I say, if the Roman Senate was to be commended for not suffering any alteration to be made in that Religion which their second King Numa Pompilius had establish'd amongst them, then by Machiavell's rule, we must approve of all the persecutions of the Heathen Emperours against the Christians, for thereby they did but endeavour to banish all new Religions out of their Dominions. Truly I think, that not any one part of that Florentines Writings smells ranker of Atheism than this doth. But Polybius, an universally approv'd Author, speaks very nearPolybius. the same language in the sixth Book of his History, where he saith, that that which with other Nations was accounted a Vice, was made useful by the Ro­mans, for keeping their Subjects within the bounds of their duty; and that was, saith he, the superstitious veneration of their Gods in an extraordinary way; but withal he adds, that the Romans did well to restrain the fury and other passions of the Commons with unseen terrours, with feign'd and fear­ful bug-bears, and that both they, and other Ancient Nations had done pru­dently to induce in credulous minds the opinion of Deities, and of the tor­ments of Hell; and though these have no existency, yet the Doctrine of them, saith he, is not to be rashly condemn'd, since it over-awes the vulgar. Whether this Discourse will not prove Polybius (though he knew not the true God) to have been in that Idolatrous age, wherein he lived, as very an Atheist, as Machiavelli was, when he wrote his Discourses on Livy, and his Book Di Prencipe, I shall not determine, but leave those who accuse him of that crime, and his Translator Casaubon, who defends him from that im­putation, to debate the matter between them.

Ninthly, Their horrible and bloody Civil Wars, enough to have destroy'dNinth. ten other Nations, as that between Sylla and Marius, Father and Son; and that between Caesar and the Pompeys; and that of the Triumvirate: In all which, how much the Roman State was at a loss, may be conjectur'd by one review the Dictator Caesar made of the Roman Citizens, even before he had made an end of the War, wherein he found the number to be less by one hun­dred thousand men than when he began that one Civil War, which had con­tinued not full four years.

But there were other difficulties wherewith the Roman State had to wrestle, and those made up likewise an inward disease, which came unexpected and unlook'd for, and not being foreseen, could not well be prevented; and those difficulties are most proper for this discourse, because of a Military Subject; and those were the frequent and terrible Mutinies of the Roman Le­gionsMutinies in the Roman Armies. or Armies. Indeed these laid them open to the Attempts and Invasi­one of all their Enemies and maligning Neighbours, and have left beside, espe­cially when unpunish'd, an eternal blemish on their Discipline of War, so much cry'd up by all Nations, and in all Ages, the like of which Mutinies, either for number or danger, I do not read to have fallen out in any Army of the World, if you except those infamous ones made by the King of Spains Forces in the Netherlands, about twenty or thirty years, or more, after the beginning of the Intestine Wars of those Countreys, whereof John Petit, Strada, and Bentivoglio, with other Historians of those times, may give the curious Reader a full account. Of the Roman Mutinies, some whereof were punish'd, some never, I shall give you these following Instances.

When Caesar, the greatest Captain that ever was, made War in Spain againstAgainst Caesar. Pompeys Legates, because he would not fight when his Legions would, they Mutini'd, and told him, they would not fight when he desir'd them. He pa­cified them with good words, as knowing it was not time to use force. At Placentia his ninth Legion Mutini'd, and [...]efus'd to go to Africk with him, but desir'd to be dismiss'd, and he accordingly disbanded them. When Lucullus Against Lu­culius. had gain'd a Victory against Mithridates and Tigranes, he could not get it pursued for the Mut [...] of his Army, which would neither be entreated nor commanded to march, alledging they had serv'd out their time. The Le­ons which were lest at Corfiniuns by the Senate and Pompey, to whom [Page 37] they had sworn Fidelity, Mutini'd against their Governour Domitius, and de­liver'dAgainst Domi­tius, Against A [...] ­nus. both him and the Town to Caesar. Aulus Posthumius Albinus, a Le­gat and an Admiral, upon a false suspicion of Treachery, was barbarously murder'd by his own Army. Caius Fimbria, with the help of his Mutinous Souldiers murder'd the Consul Valerius Flaccus; and thereafter justly fearingAgainst [...]lac­cus. the same measure, entreated one of his own Slaves to do him the courtesie to kill him. The Consul Cinna, because he would have had his Legions to fightAgainst Ci [...]a. against Sylla (at that time a declar'd Enemy to the State) is murder'd by them. Lucius Scipio being to fight with the same Sylla, is deserted by his Mu­tinousAgainst Luci­ [...]s S [...]ipio. Souldiers, who went all over to the Enemy, nor were ever any of those Mutinies or Murders punish'd or look'd after. But because it may be said, most of all these were acted in time of Civil Wars, when Authority was [...]od under foot, and every man did that which seemed good in his own eyes, I will tell you of some Mutinies, and those of the deepest dye, that fell out, when the Ancient Roman Discipline was in its vigour, and was said to be executed with the greatest severity and strictness.

I shall not speak of the Commons leaving the City, and going to Mon's Sacer, or the Holy Hill, when they were brought back by the witty Parable of Menenius Agrippa; that being a Sedition or Secession of the people, ra­ther than a Mutiny of the Souldiers. But sure those Legions, who withoutAgainst the Senate. liberty given, came out of the Fields to the Apennine Hill, and made their demands to the Senate in Arms, was a Mutiny; but so far from being punish'd, that the Mutiniers got what they demanded. Consul C [...]so Fabius beat theAgainst C [...]s [...] Fabius. Aequians out of the Field with his Cavalry, but could not perswade his Le­gio [...]s to advance, or mend their pace, or make so much as a shew of pur­suit; but on the contrary, they march'd back to their Tents, and offer'd rather their Throats to be cut by the Enemy (if he had turn'd head) than obey their Consul; nor was ever this pernicious and dangerous Mutiny pu­nish'd. When Appius Claudius had marshall'd his Legions against the Volsci­ans, Against App [...] ­us Claudius. they Mutini'd, refus'd to fight, and fled back to their Camp; and though many of them were kill'd in the Rear, yet neither Honour, Duty, or which is more, Self-preservation, could move them to turn their faces to the Ene­my; their wickedness and obstinacy continued next day, when the Consul marching homewards, the Volscians again attack'd him, and made a carnage of the Rear of his men without any opposition, for none would fight, but all ran and fled, insomuch that the Enemy might have made the whole Roman Army his prey, if he could have made use of so favourable an opportunity. It is true, Appius found his time to punish the execrable Mutiniers; and did it to some purpose, by whipping first, and then beheading all the Centurions, as also all the Ensign-bearers that had lost their Colours, and the Souldiers that had cast away their Arms; all the rest [...]e decimated, and beheaded eve­ry tenth man, saith Livy; bastinadoed, saith Florus: What manner of death this bastinadoing was, shall be told you in the twenty fourth Chapter of these Discourses. A Legion of four thousand Romans was sent to Rhegium to keepAgainst the State. it for the State, they Mutiny, kill the principal Citizens, and keep the Town for themselves full ten years, at last being forc'd to yield, all that were taken alive, were well whip'd and beheaded in the great Market-place of Rome. Posthumius a Military Tribune, with Consular authority fought fortu­natelyAgainst Post­humius. with the Aequians, (observe in all these that the Roman Empire was but yet in its Cradle) is call'd back to the City, in his absence his Army Mutinies against his Treasurer, beats him and wounds him: The Tribune returns in haste (and indeed he made more haste than good speed) and en­deavouring to punish the Mutiniers, is himself ston'd to death by them; nor was this highest insolence and baseness ever punish'd, as both in Justice and Honour it should have been. Sulpitius, a Dictator, thinking to use the Fabian Against Sulp [...] ­tius. way, and protract the War against the Gauls, is forc'd by his Mutinous Ar­my to fight, nor did he ever punish any of the Mutiniers, perhaps because he was successful in beating the Enemy; yet did not this savour so much of that Roman severity, for which they desir'd to be so much cryed up. At Capua, be­fore Hannibal entred Italy, some Roman Legions hatched a dreadful and monstrous Mutiny, which portended no less than the ruine and dissolution of [Page 38] the State it self, they came to a head at Lentul [...], fortified their Camp, andAgainst the Common­wealth. took Titus Quintius (who had been a Military Tribune) out of his Countrey-House, and forced him to be their General: Neither was this most dangerous Mutiny appeased by the Authority of either the Senate, or the Dictator Va­lerius, but to the advantage of the Mutiniers; in so far, that the Horse-mens pay was diminished at the instance of the Mutiniers, who were all of the in­fantry; and all because the Horse had refused to joyn with the Foot in that de­testable design of ruining the Common-wealth. So you see the custome of punishing honest men, and rewarding knaves, is not of a new date. Great Scipio the African, a person of great authority (if ever Rome bred any) beingAgainst Scipio the African. in Spain, eight thousand of his Army lay at a place called Sucro, a great way from him, they Mutiny, chase away their Tribunes, and choose Captains of their own, before two of whom were carried Axes, and bundles of Rods, the badges of Soveraign power: Scipio by policy and good words making fair weather with them, brought them to the rest of the Army, and then suddenly laid hold upon thirty five of the Ring-leaders, these he whips and beheads, the rest he pardons. The same Scipio had a Legat, one Pleminius, who lay at L [...]ori in Italy, his Souldiers and those of some other Tribunes goAgainst Pl [...] ­minius. together by the ears, Pleminius composeth the matter, but because the Tri­bunes had not done their duty in parting the fray, he will have them whipp'd with Rods; their Souldiers Mutiny, beat Pleminius, and cut off his Nose. Scipio hearing of the disorder, hastens thither, acquits his Legat, as having done his duty; and for satisfaction to his Noseless face, orders the Tribunes to be sent in Fetters to Rome, there to receive their punishment, and so goes away. But when Pleminius put his hand to his Face and missed his Nose, he could not be satisfied with the Consuls arbitration, and therefore resolved to cut out his own Revenge, which he performed with a very bloody Knife, for he put all the Tribunes to death with most exquisite torments.

Let those Modern Writers who so much cry up the Ancient Roman Disci­plineNot so great disorders in the Modern Wars. of War (and which of them all doth it not?) and complain of the slack­ness of the Modern one, tell me of greater Insolencies, Mutinies, or Con­tempt of Authority, in any age, since the decadency of the Roman Empire, than these I have mentioned; all or most whereof fell out when the Military Laws of Rome were thought to be most strictly observed; nor can it be said, that the Ancient Discipline was worn out, for at the latest of these Mutinies at Locri the Romans were but young Lords, being Masters of little more than the half of Italy, in one of the best corners whereof, Han­nibal their sworn Enemy, made yet his abode, and would have done so lon­ger, if his unhappy Countrey-men had not first withdrawn their assistance from him, and at length called him home to Africk, to support their now decaying and tottering State.

Notwithstanding all these inward Maladies, enough to have consumed the vitals of any State, the Romans in time prevailed over all those, with whom they made either a just or an unjust War: for as the all-powerful God had pre-ordained them to be a mighty people, so he had qualified them with parts, abilities, and endowments, to attain to that greatness: These were, True Fortitude, Prudence, Abstinence, Temperance, Equity (either real orRoman Ver­tues. pretended) Patience, with an admirable Toleration of all manner of wants and difficulties, inuring their Souldiers to all manner of toyl and fatigue; and above all, with Magnanimity, as never succumbing, or yielding to adversity, but in their greatest affliction, and lowest condition, shewing greatest Cou­rage and Confidence; which those Senators well witness'd, who would needs dye in their Robes, with the Ensigns of Majesty, when the Gauls had taken and burnt their City. And after their total rout at Cannae, when Hannibal sent Embassadours with overtures of Peace to them, they sent out and dis­charg'd his Messengers to approach the City: And after that, when that Great Captain came (a little too late indeed) and sac'd their City with his Victorious Army, they sold that piece of ground on which his Pavilion was erected, publickly by the Drum, at an over-rate; and to shew him that this was not a rant, one of their Consuls offer'd him Battel two several days, but that great hazzard was hinder'd by fearful Temp [...]sts from Heaven. [Page 39] With these, and other abilities, were the famous Romans fitted for the per­formance of that which the Almighty had order'd for them, and that was, to over-master the most part of the then known World, and to govern and rule all other Nations with a Rod of Iron.

They who desire to know perfectly the Ancient Roman Ordinances and Con­stitutionsMost of the Roman Ta­cticks lost. of War, have reason to wish that those Authors mention'd by Ve­getius, were yet extant; which were, the Treatises of the Emperours Augu­stus, Adrian, and Trajan; but most of all, that of Marcus Porcius Cato, who was not only a great Senator, and an eloquent States-man, but an excellent Captain, whereof bear witness his prudent Conduct of Armies, his Victories, and his Triumphs, all yet on Record. And yet he professed, that he thought he had done the Roman Republick the greatest service, in preserving their Military Art from Oblivion, and transmitting it to posterity by his Writings. There is no question, but that Treatise of his, if it had not been lost, had clear'd us of many of those doubts and difficulties, which none that are ex­tant do or ever will do. All that is left to give us a glimpse of light in the Roman Art of War, are some fragments of Polybius, and a Book of Fla­vius Renatus Vegetius De re Militari: Both of them Noble Authors, and emi­nent persons in their several times. For the last, he is so much cry'd up by most, and thought to be understood by all, that, I do confess, it must be my dulness that makes me not understand him in many places, wherein I thinkVegetius his Defects, him so obscure, so wandering, and so little constant to himself, that I go away from him, and those who comment on him, as ignorant of some points of the Roman Militia, as when I met with either him or them. I am not guilty, nor shall be, of so great presumption, as to fix any blemish on a per­son whose name hath been held for so many ages in so much reputation, and therefore, I shall think, first, we have not all he wrote on that subject, thoughExcused. his Treatise seem to be full; and next, that when Printing first appeared in the world, some Papers of his have been too carelesly pieced together, and that perhaps put in several Chapters which should have been in one, (hence may come his frequent Tautologies) and a close made to a Paragraph, to which the Author perhaps intended an addition or interpretation, and thereby in some places he is made to speak that sense, which perhaps he never intend­ed. Nor dare I qualifie Vegetius, as Lipsius in the sixth Book of his Poliorketi­kon, Lipsius severe to Vegetius. very magisterially does, in these words, Bonus Vegetius hic & alibisolut [...]s & negligens, & parum ad Genium Antiquum; nec peccarem, sitalem Testem rejicerem, & contemnerem; Good Vegetius, saith he, here and elsewhere loose and negligent, who had little of the Genius of the Ancients; neither should I commit any sin, if I should reject or contemn such a Witness.

Though in the following Discourses I intend to speak of the Roman Mili­tary Art, in all its dimensions, yet it is not to be expected, that I either will or can explain all their Ordinances of War, which hath been done by none whose Writings are extant: I shall follow Vegetius in those points he speaks of, and wherein he is wanting (and he is that in many things) I shall take what help I can get from others; when I leave him, it shall be when I think him out of the way; nor shall I take upon me to tell my own opinion in any point, but where Reason, History, or other mens Authority, seems to impower me.

CHAP. II. Of the Military Election or Levy of the Roman Souldiers.

THE great Bulk or Body of the Roman State was divided into threeThree Orders in the Roman State. Principal Members; these were, the Patritian, the Equestral, and the Plebeian. Out of the first were chosen the Senators, Dictators, Consuls, Pro-Consuls, Praetors and Pro-Praetors; till the Commons, after long strife, wrong from the Patritians the priviledge to have a Plebeian Consul, and other Magistrates. Out of the Equestral Order were all their Horse-men levied, so that all of the Roman Cavalry were Gentlemen, which custome was followedRoman Horse­men all Gen­tlemen. by many Nations for many ages, but is now well near worn out. The Roman Horse-men were chosen by the Censors. Of the Plebeians or Commons were the Foot Souldiers elected. Vegetius saith, that the Countrey-fellows were rather chosen, than those bred in Cities; and in the persons who were to be elected, he doth not so much require bigness or talness of Body, (as Mari­us did) as the largeness of their Breasts, the vivacity of their Eyes, the brawni­ness of their Arms and Legs. He makes choice rather of Artificers and Trades­menFoot Souldi­ers Plebeians. than Merchants, but of these he rejects Fishers, Fowlers, Clothiers, Con­fectioners, and all such whose Trades are sedentary; and hereby he excludes Taylors and Shoomakers, (but I have known good Souldiers of both) for all these he esteems womanly: But he admits Hunters, Hawkers, Smiths, Carpenters, and such as they. This upon the matter is all Vegtius tells us of the Roman Levy.

Other Authors shew us the manner of their Levy, which was this: EveryManner of the Roman levy. year when the Consuls were elected, four Legions were levied, (unless some extraordinary occasion requir'd more) that was two for every Consul, which with as many from the Allies, made up two Consular Armies. At that time did all the Tribes appear, which in the flourishing condition of the Romans came to be thirty five. In the first place, twenty four Tribunes or Colonels were chosen, whereof fourteen were of the Equestral, and ten of the popular Or­der: Suppose still, that four Legions were to be rais'd, for if either more or less, the number of the Tribunes was augmented or diminish'd. Vegetius saith, that six Tribunes were constantly ordain'd for every Legion, whatever strength it was of▪ but by his favour, Livy tells us in his Ninth Book, that there were but four Tribunes in every Legion in the War against the Samnites: And at that time the Tribunes were chosen by the Tribes, and from thence they have their denomination; and I find likewise they were chosen by the Tribes in the time of the Second Punick War, but in the Macedonian the Con­suls had the election of them. Two years after that War was ended, Livy informs us, the Tribes resum'd their former liberty, and elected their Tri­bunes.

The manner in which the Tribunes or Colonels elected their Souldiers wasHow the Le­gions were elected. this: Every Tribe divided its men that were fit for service, by fours: Of the first four, the eldest Tribune of the first Legion chose one, the eldest Tribune of the second Legion chose the second; the eldest Tribune of the third Legi­on chose the third, and the fourth man fell to the lot of the eldest Tribune of the fourth Legion. Of the second four, the first Tribune of the second Legion chose the first. Of the third four, the first Tribune of the third Legion chose the first. And of the fourth four, the first Tribune of the fourth Legion chose the first; and so again alternatively, till the Legions were all compleat; and the election for all the four Legions as equally made as possi­bly it could be. Those who were elected, were not always Tirones or Novitiates, for many of them had serv'd in the Wars before, but were still oblig'd to be enroll'd at new levies (if elected) till they had serv'd out that time that [Page 41] was appointed, and what that was, shall be immediately told you. Those who were levied for the Foot service, were ordinarily divided into four Classes: In the first were the most experimented, and were call'd Triarii; in the second those of the strongest Bodies, and had the name of Principes; in the third were those who were in their youthful years, and had least experience, and were called Hastati; in the fourth Class were those who were ordain'd to be light armed, and had the name of Velites. Of all these, and every one of them, I shall speak particularly in the sixth Chapter.

The Tribunes had the power also to choose the Centurions, the Standard,How the Of­ficers were elected. Ensign, and Eagle-bearers, but not according to their own pleasure, but ac­cording to the time they had serv'd, the degrees they had attain'd to, the Do­natives they had got, and the services they had done; and if any of them conceiv'd he got wrong, he had power to appeal from the Tribune to the Consul. Observe here, that no man could be chosen to be an Offi­cer, but he who had serv'd out half his time, which was this: The Horse-men were oblig'd to serve ten years, and the Foot twenty, (sup­pose still, that they were not mutilated, or made unserviceable in the Wars) after that, they were Emeriti Milites, and were to get their Dimissi­ons;How long a Roman Souldi­er was bound to serve. and this sometimes occasion'd Mutinies, when the State could not con­veniently spare them. The members elected for the War, were not to be un­der seventeen years old, nor above forty seven. But it is strange, how Vegetius in the fourteenth Chapter of his First Book, against the current of all Writers, affirms, that those of fourteen years old should be brought to the election, if the ancient custome, saith he, were observ'd. But these Dimissions were sometimes dispenced with, when Reason of State required it: And Livy saith, that in the Macedonian War there was no Cessation from Arms, nor Dimissions granted, but to those who were past the fiftieth year of their age.

If any absented themselves from the time and place ordain'd for election, they were punish'd; but how, neither Polybius nor Vegetius tell us. But Lipsi­us, Absents from elections how punish'd. that great Investigator of Antiquity, out of History informs us, that some­times they were fin'd in Money, or Bestial; sometimes they had all or most of their goods taken from them; some of them were corporally punish'd by bonds and imprisonment, some of them had whipping with Rods, and some had their Fingers and Thumbs cut off, and many of them were sold for Slaves. He saith also, that some persons were appointed (whom he calls Conquisitores) to search out, and find such Delinquents. But in process of time, especially after the Roman State was converted into a Monarchy, this laudable and strict way of election wore out, and decay'd; and instead of free born, and of the lustiest and ablest Plebeians, Soujats, Slaves, Drudges, and the Servants of Vintners and Cooks were elected and enroll'd, to the disgrace of the Roman Militia, and subversion of the Empire; whereof Vegetius hath just reason to complain.

Two things my Reader must observe here; first, that besides this formalTumultuary levies. election, there was a sudden and tumultuary levy, which was made when the danger was great, the Enemy prevail'd, or other Emergencies, or Rea­sons of State required expedition. In these cases, no respect was had to Age or Dimissions, but all, young and old (provided they were fit for ser­vice) were enroll'd, and forc'd to take Arms in defence of the Common­wealth. The second thing to be observed, is, that though most Authors say, that so long as the Roman State kept up its Ancient and strict discipline, (this some will have to have been done till the time of the Emperours) all the Roman levies, whether formal or tumultuary, were all made of Free­men, notwithstanding, I say, this assertion, History tells us, that that no­ble Nation did not tye it self so strictly to that point of Honour; but both could, and did dispence with it, when the Senators thought fit. For after the defeat at Cannae, they bought eight thousand Slaves from their Ma­sters, and enroll'd and armed them, who thereafter for their good service done at Beneventum, were manumitted. Nor was this all, the Dictator Junius Bru­tus, by open Proclamation, invited all who were condemn'd for capitalA strange Proclamati­on. crimes, or who were banish'd and fled, and all who were imprison'd for debt, to come and take Arms, exempting the first from all punishment, and [Page 42] the last from all payment. An action which seems not to relish much of Justice, but Dura mater Necessita [...]: Necessity will be tyed by no Law. And the like was practis'd afterward in the times of most of their Civil Wars.

CHAP. III. Of their Arms, Offensive and Defensive, and their Military Oath.

NAture teacheth us to defend our selves, before we offend our Enemies▪ Defensive Armour most necessary. and indeed if we consider it right, all the offence we should intend is our own preservation, or reparation for injuries done. For this cause all the Ancients had an especial care to provide themselves with such Armour as might defend their Bodies from the stroaks, pushes, or thrusts of those with whom they were to fight; and there is no question, but the confidence and opinion a Souldier hath, that his Body is well guarded from danger, doth much animate and encourage him to attack his Enemy.

The Roman Horse-men (as V [...]g [...]ce hath it) carried for the Defensive, aRoman Horse­mens Defen­sive Armour. Corslet (call'd a Cataphract, and from this, both heavy armed Horse and Foot were called Cataphracti) a Head-piece, and a Target, which, he saith, was short and round. He speaks not of Greeves, B [...]lly-pieces or Taslets, perhaps he is defective here, for other Authors allow them. Nor doth he mention Boots, though there be reason to think, that every Horse-man should have had two Boots, since, as we shall see presently, one Boot was allow'd to eve­ry Foot-man. For the Roman Horse-mens Weapons, or Offensive Arms, we must consult Polybius, who gives them a Sword and a Lance, the Sword lon­ger than that a Foot Souldier carried: It is strange, that Veget [...]s speaks no­thing of this. Some Authors say, the Horse-men carried like wise some Darts,Offensive Weapons. which may be probable. Josephus informs us, that they carried Lances, Long Swords, and two or three Darts within their Shields, the points whereof, he saith, were as long as that of a Lance; and the Lance had two points, one at each end. It might be so in Josephus's time, but the Ancient Roman Horse-men made use of no Darts. How the light Horse-men were arm'd, I cannot tell you; many very probably say, that no light horse were made use of till the time of the Emperours, and but a few of them at first; and if this be true, Vegece might have told us, how they were arm'd, since he liv'd under an Emperour.

The Roman heavy armed Foot wore Head-pieces, Back, and Belly-pieces,Foot heavy armed. and Taslets, all these of Iron or Brass: They had likewise Iron Boots, but how many is a question. Polybius seems to allow them two, for he speaks of Boots in the plural number. Vegetius saith, they had each but one Boot,Their Defen­sive Armour. which he affirms, they wore on their Right Legs. His words are, Dex [...]ris cru­ribus, because, as some imagine, their Targets defended their Left Legs, when they came to the shock. Yet for all this, Livy in the Fourth Book of his first Decad, saith, The Samnites wore their Iron Boots on their Left Legs, perhaps so did the Romans their Neighbours; but we shall meet with greater uncertainties. I shall now speak particularly of some of these Arms and Weapons.

Though Vegei [...]s doth much commend the Ancient Roman Arms, and layeth the blame of the losses the Empire suffer'd by the Goths and Huns, on the want of these Arms, yet is he not at the pains to give us so perfect a description of them, as other Authors have done. He tells us of Shields, and that all the [Page 43] heavy armed Foot had Shields, but speaks not of their form nor bigness.A nice distinction. There be some, and among them Achilles Terduzzi, who make a difference between a Shield, and a Target; and it is this, the first was of a round figure, and the second of a long, angular, or oval. If so, we must conclude those used by the Romans to have been Targets and no Shields, in regard they were ordinarily four foot long, and two foot and a half broad. But not­withstanding this nice distinction, I shall use the word promiscuously, and call the Roman Target a Shield. If we consider, that there was an al­lowance of three foot of ground between the Roman Files, and that the breadth of their Shields covered two foot and a half of that ground, we must con­clude, there was but one half foot left for them, first to throw their Jave­lines or Darts, and then to present the points of their Swords against their Enemies; and their Shields being so near each other, and their Bodies so strongly defended by them and their other Armour, it is no wonder, they either gave or received a charge couragiously. For Vegetius saith well in the twentieth Chapter of his First Book, that those who are exposed naked to receive Wounds, must think more of flying than fighting: And in the end of that same Chapter he saith, that he who hath his Head and Breast well arm'd, is not afraid of Wounds, and therefore needs not fear to fight.

As first the Roman Shields were made of Timber, Bulls-hides, or other Lea­ther,The Roman Shield. artificially interwoven and wrought together, the Timber being ordinarily of the Fig or Willow-tree, cut in small pieces, and all well cover'd with the strong­est Leather: But Camillus having to do with the Gauls, who carried heavy slashing Swords, caused them to put a Margin or Border of Iron on the upper part of the Shield, thereby to resist the force of their furious blows; and after Camil­lus his time, there was a strong-pointed piece of Iron put to the lower part of the Shield, upon which they fix'd it in the ground, either when they stood Centinel, or when they stood in Battel aray, expecting an Enemy, as Ae [...]ilius his Legions did, when they were to fight with Perseus and his Macedonian Pha­lange; for at those times they lean'd and rested themselves on their Shields. They made also good use of those points, by pushing and thrusting with them at an Enemy, when they came to any close medley. Many, and almost all Nations, besides the Grecians and Romans, made use of Shields, especially the Gauls and Germans, who peradventure had the use of them before the Romans were a Nation.

Of Shields, either in Battel, or at the taking of Towns and Forts wasA Tortoise o [...] Shields. compos'd that Figure, which the Romans called Testudo, or Tortoise, because it resembled that Animal, which covers it self within its shell, and there were two kinds of it. The first was framed thus: The first Ranks cover'd theirFirst kind. faces with their Shields, and all the rest kept their Targets above their heads, thereby making such a Wall of Defence, that they were not only able, say Authors, to despise all Darts, Stones, and Arrows, but to resist a furious charge of either Horse or Foot. But I wonder why any Tactick will callNot Invinci­ble. this figure of Battel Invincible, even against missile Weapons, since the Romans themselves were oftner than once beaten by the Parthian Archers: And L [...] ­vius tells us in his Tenth Book, that in the great Battel fought by the Romans against the Samnites, Ʋmbrians, and Gauls, when both the Hastati and Prin­cipes were well near routed, some Tribunes coming with the Triarii to the rescue, found the Gauls serr'd together in a Testudo, covering themselves with their great Shields, in such a manner, that the Roman Triarii (who were hea­vy arm'd) durst not hazard on them, till first with Darts, Javelines, and other Missiles, they put them in disorder, and then they routed them. Li­vius Second kind of a Tortoise. tells us of the second kind of the Testudo, made of Shields, at the assault­ing of Towns, the manner this: So many Centuries, Maniples, or Cohorts, as the Consul or General pleas'd, stood near the Walls or Ports with their Shields over their heads, the first Rank stood streight, the second bowed a lit­tle, the third bowed a little more than the second, the fourth more than the third, so still declining, till the last Rank, (suppose the tenth) kneel'd. Up their Backs as up stairs, did those who were ordain'd to storm, run to the as­sault, and so either enter'd, or broke down places for others to enter. This, I believe, was practis'd often in their Plays on the Amphitheatres, and indeed [Page 44] it was more to be used in jest than in earnest, for great Stones thrown down by the Defendants, would easily have broken the Tortoise-shell, and then molten Lead, boyling Oyl, or scalding Water (all ordinarily practis'd on such occasions by the Ancients) would, to my sense, either soon have kill'd, or chac'd away the Tortoise it self.

It is my opinion, that, when the Romans march'd, and no Enemy in sight of them, they carried their Head-pieces at their girdles, and their Shields, within covers, on their Backs; my reason is, Caesar in the Second Book of the Gallick War, saith, that the Nervians gave him so brisk and sudden a a charge, that his Souldiers had not time enough to put on their Head-pieces, or pull their Shields out of their covers. And it was necessary they should have been covered, for the preservation of those Devices and Coats of Arms that were Painted on them, a custome used by several Nations before Romulus laid the foundation of Rome. But both before, and long after the Romans had over-master'd the habitable World, or most of it, men used toCoats of Arms. put on their Shields what fancies or devices they liked best, some Birds, some Beasts of several kinds, some the noble actions of their Ancestors, some the Sun, some the Moon, and some a lesser Star. This, I suppose, gave the rise to many of our Romance Writers, to give several denominations to all their Knights Errant, by the devices of their Shields, and to make them distinguishable thereby, when their faces were undiscernable with the Beavors of their Helmets. But in after ages, Princes thought fit to restrain men from the vanity of taking Coats of Arms as they pleas'd, till they were given them by authority. Hence have the Heraulds their rise, and if they were permitted to exercise their office strictly, it is to be thought, we should not see so many extravagant Coats in the World. I was acquainted long ago with a German (and there be many good Heraulds of that Nation) who had assum'd for his Coat the French Kings Arms; I ask'd him his reason for it, he told me, That his Christian name was Louis, as well as that of the Most Christian King, and since they had both one name, he knew not why they might not both have one Coat of Arms.

The Roman Head-pieces, as many think, were of Leather, till the time that the Gauls invaded their Seigneory; and then Camillus the Restorer of Rome, caus'd them to make them of Iron or Brass, and indeed they had need of such to resist the mighty stroaks of those strong-bodied Barbarians. I find, their Helmets were tyed under their chins with clasps of Leather, Iron or Brass; nor can I learn, that any other part of their face was either armed or covered, which, no doubt, mov'd Caesar at Pharsalia to bid his Souldiers strike at the saces of the Pompeyans, after they had cast their Javelines. Miles, feri faciem, were said to be his words. Upon their Helmets the Roman Souldiers had threeRoman Hel­mets. Feathers, either Red or Black, standing streight up, one foot and a half high, saith Polybius; and those seem'd to add, saith he, so much to their sta­ture,Crests. and made a fine shew. These Feathers were the common Souldi­ers Crests, but Commanders chose for their Crests such things as best pleas'd their fancy; and by these they were known, as by the Devices of their Shields. As Pyrrhus King of Epirus; was known by his Crest of Goate Horns.

Their Corslet, Cataphract, Cuiras, or Back and Breast, (for all these areRoman Cor­slets. one thing) was of Iron or Brass, such, say some Writers, that no Sword could pierce, much less a Dart or an Arrow: But this I will believe at full lei­sure, for the Great Alexander at the Siege of Gaza had his Body wounded with an Arrow, through his Corslet, which I may rationally suppose to have been as good as ever any Roman Legionary wore; but we shall have more of this stuff anon. Some instead of a Corslet had a Jack, made in that same fashion asJacks of Mail. Fronts, with Plates of Iron, and so artificially, that many wore them next their Shirts, with as much ease, say some, as we wear our Doublets. If I should inform my Reader of a Corslet made by a Cyprian, and presented to Deme­trius, which a Javeline shot out of a Catapult could not pierce; perhaps he would believe it as little as I do my self. It is writ of some who made JacksJacks of Silk. so well and so strong of Linnen and Silk, that they could defend mens Bodies from Darts and Arrows, whereof some have been undertaken to be made [Page 45] in our time Pistol proof. But here, let it be enough to know, that the Roman Corslets ordinarily were of Iron and Brass.

There is no question, but the Sword was the Weapon of Offence, in whichRoman Swords. the Valorous Romans put their greatest trust, as that whereby they gain'd their most glorious Victories. Plutarch affirms, that the Roman Sword was of so well temper'd metal, that no Head, Back or Breast-piece was able to with­stand its force, and their Helmets and Corslets so strong (as I told you be­fore)Romantick. that no Sword could pierce them. What shall I say then of all this, but that the Roman Souldier might be stout enough, since his Sword was irre­sistable, and his Armour impenetrable. When I read all this fine Story, I fan­sie them all to be Enchanted Knights, till I remember how the Gauls and Car­thaginians in many bloody bickerings open'd their Veins through the strougest Fortification of their Harness. Or if this should be deny'd me, yet, I hope, it will be granted, that Roman Swords could plerce Roman Corslets, in their Civil Wars, where so many thousands of them dyed by the edge of the Sword. Livy tells us, that after a scuffle between the Ro­mans and Macedonians, Pers [...]us King of Macedon, chose rather to leave his men unburied, than discourage his Souldiers by looking on those horrible, ghastly, and frightful Wounds, that were given by the Roman Swords, whereby Heads were cut in two pieces, notwithstanding the Macedonian Brazen Helmets, and Legs and Arms were cut away notwithstanding any Brazen Greeves or Boots, wherewith they were guarded. And yet, Vegetius saith, the Roman Swords were made for pricking and thrusting, as well as for cutting, slashing, or cleaving; the Souldier was taught to use his Sword both ways, yea, thrust­ing was more and oftner used than the other, as that which gave Death sooner than cutting did, and did not expose the Body of the Souldier to danger, so much as the other did. And it is certain enough, that at Pidna, Perse [...]s his Phalanx was disorder'd and routed by the Roman Sword-men, who getting within the long Pikes of the Macedonians, with thrusts pierc'd the most naked places of their Bodies. Vegetius seems to allow to every Souldier two Swords, one longer than the other, he calls them Spatha and Semispatha, Swords andSword and Dagger. Half-Swords; you may call them Swords and Daggers. They carried, he saith, their Swords on their right sides, and so saith Polybius too; but where they carried their Daggers, none of them tells. But Josephus says, they car­ried their longest Sword on their Left side, and the short one on the Right. Some Authors would perswade us, that the Gauls carried Swords as long asRomantick Swords. the Spears of other Nations, and that the points of their Spears were as long as other mens Swords. Livy says not so much, but he writes, that they had very terrible Darts.

Because the Roman Pilum was not properly a Dart, I shall English it, as Livius Roman Pilum. his Translator doth, Javeline. Vegetius in the fifteenth Chapter of his Second Book, makes two kinds of it, the longer and the shorter, the first was five foot long, and the second three foot long; the first was also called Hastile: the Iron of Both was Triangular, and to every heavy armed Souldier he al­lows two Javelines. But we need not believe him in any of these assertions. First, for the length of the Pilum, Polybius affirms, that the shaft or handle of it was four Inches of circumference, that the Timber was four foot and a half long, and the Iron as much; but near the half of the Iron was clasp'd to the Timber, that the one half only added to the length of the Javeline: And thus by Polybius his account, the Roman Pilum was near seven foot long, almostIts length. two foot longer than Vegetius his longest, and might with more reason be called Hastile▪ Some think, that only the Hastati and Principes carried these Javelines, and that the Triarii had a Weapon of eight foot long, like our Half-Pikes, which they manag'd with both their hands, till they came within stroak of Sword, and that in Marius his time the use of it wore out. As to what Vegeti [...] saith, that every Souldier had two Pila, History contradicts him, that allows in ancient times but one; whether they had two or none in his own time, he knew best; but the old Romans darted their [...]avelines, as they were advancing towards the Enemy, and were commanded by their Generals to make haste to come to dint of Sword, esteemed by them the Prince of Wea­pons. So Caesars Legionaries at Pharsalia, were order'd, after each man [Page 46] had cast his Javeline, to run to the shock, which accordingly they did. The manner of throwing their Pila, was, that the first Rank threw first, and im­mediatelyHow they were thrown. bowed down, that the second Rank might cast over their heads, so did the third, and fourth, and the rest, till all the Ranks had thrown. When they stood in order of Battel, they us'd to stick their Javelines in the ground, till the sign was given; so it seems they were sharp at both ends, and no doubt, in time of Battel they might have made a Pallisado of them against Horse, as Suedish Feathers have been used in our time, yet we read not in History, that any such use was ever made of the Roman Pilum.

Being now to speak of the Roman light armed foot, I shall desire my Reader once for all to take notice, that Vegetius was desir'd by the Emperour Valentinian to give him the Constitutions, Laws and Practice of the Ancient Roman Art of War, and not of any customs lately crept in: Notwithstanding which he reckons among the light armed Foot, Plumbati, whom he likewise calls Mar­tiobarbuli, and Fustubularii, whom I cannot English otherwise, than the first to be Lead-casters, and the second to be Slingers with Battoons: He reckons also Archers, but in Ancient History we do not read of any of those three, for the old Romans acknowledg'd no other light arm'd or Velites, but SlingersRoman Velites. and Darters. Both these were armed Defensively with Head-pieces of Raw-Hides, and a Target four handful long, and of an oval form. For Offence,How arm'd. the Darter had a Sword, and seven Darts; the Slinger had a Sling, a Sword, and a number of Stones. Some allow also to both of them a little Javeline of three or four foot long. The Spanish Darts being wing'd at the point, could hardly be pull'd out of a Shield, or the Body of a man; such Arrows are common, and are called Barbed. But the Sagumine Dart, which was called Falarica, de­servesThe Saguntine Falarica. to be taken notice of. Livius describes it thus in his twenty first Book▪ Falarica was a kind of Dart used by the Saguntines, when Hannibal besieg'd their City, (perhaps they invented it at that siege▪) it had a long shaft, round and even every where, except toward the end of it, and that was headed with Iron, three foot long, Tow being wrapp'd about it, smear'd with Pitch; this Tow they fired, when they were to lance the Dart, the violent motion increa­sed the fire, insomuch, as when it could not pierce the Body, it forc'd the Souldier to cast away his Shield or Corslet, and so expos'd him disarm'd to the Darts or Arrows which were shot afterward. The Timber of the Roman DartRoman Dar­ters. might be two foot long, and the bigness of a mans finger; the point of it of Iron, one foot long, sharp, small and subtile, that it might pierce, and in piercing bow, that so an Enemy might not make use of it, by throwing it back again, but this was the practice of other Nations as well as the Romans; yet I pray, observe what Livy saith in contradiction of this. In that Battel, which I mention'd but a little before, the Triarii gather'd up all the Darts (for they were allow'd to carry none of their own) which were strayed all over the field, and, no doubt, had been all cast before, and with these they dis­order'd the Gauls (who had made a Pent-house of their Shields) and so put them to flight. What shall we then believe? And is it not strange too, that these Darters would throw their Darts four hundred foot; for my part, I dare not believe it, and if it be true, certainly the blow could not be mortal.

The Roman Slingers used to cast Stones out of ordinary Slings, which theyRoman Slin­gers. wheel'd about their heads, and would hit at the distance of six hun­dred Foot; for no less (as Vegetius affirms) was allow'd them at their exercise. Other Slingers the Ancient Romans had not. The Inhabitants of the Balearick Islands, which now are called Majorca and Minorca, wereBalear [...]ans. esteemed both the best and the first exercisers of the Sling, the Mothers refus'd to give their children meat, till they had hit the mark was given them to throw at. Livy in his thirty eighth Book crys up the Aegean Slingers, of whom one hun­dred [...]ans▪ not only beat back the stout Samians, when they sallied out of their Town, but also never missing to [...]it them, when they appear'd on the Parapets of their Walls, forc'd them to render their City to Marcus F [...]lvius the Roman Consul. And yet it is more than probable, that neither the one nor the other were skil­ful [...]enjamites. or so ancient practicers of the Sling as the Israelites for there were 700 of one Tribe who could hit within an hair-breadth. With this Weapon did Da­vid obtain the Victory over Goliah, of which I shall speak in another place. [Page 47] Vegetius hath reason to prefer the Sling to the Bow, in this regard, that an Arrow cannot wound unless it pierce, but a Stone bruiseth though it pierce not, and if it be of any weight, it killeth, notwithstanding the resistance of any Head-piece or Corslet.

In the times of the Emperours, or a little before, came the Plumbati or Martio [...]arbuli in fashion with the Romans. Vegetius tells us, what great servicesLead-casters. they did in the reigns of Dioclesian and Maximian, but doth us not the favour to describe the thing it self. They threw Bullets of Lead of one pound weight. I do not remember whether Livy mentions any of them to have been among those Roman Slingers, who beat the Gallo-Greciant at Olymp [...]. The Fustiba­lus Battoon-Slingers. or Battoon-Sling was a Sling of Leather tyed to a Battoon of four foot long, which the Slinger manag'd with both his hands: and out of which, saith Vegetius, he threw Stones as out of an Onagra, with so great force, that nei­ther Target, Head-piece, or Corslet could resist it. But these expressions are ordinary with him. I am of the opinion there was no difference between the Plumbati or Lead-casters, and the Fustibalarii, or Battoon-Slingers, but that the first cast Lead, and the last great Stones; but how far, our Author tells us not.

Archers were not reckon'd among the Velites, till the second Punick War,Archers Au­xiliaries. and even then, they were rather Auxiliaries, than either Romans or Allies. They were however made good use of after Hannibal invaded Italy. Vegetius in the fifteenth Chapter of his First Book, affirms, (for which he hath no au­thority of History) that the fourth part of the youth of Rome was train'd to the use of the Bow, for we read of no such custome. Scipio Aemilian [...]s (who destroy'd Carthage) made much use of Bow-men against the Numantines, and without them, if you will believe Vegetius, he thought he could not over-ma­ster that Valorous Enemy. The Emperour Justinian made a singular good useA good pra­ctice. of some of his Archers, which was this: He caus'd them to put on such De­fensive Arms as his Legionaries wore, and mix'd them together; these Bow­men pour'd showers of Arrows on the Enemy, before their heavy armed could come within distance either to cast their Javelins, or draw their Swords; yea, the nearer they were, the more mischief they did, and when they came to a close medley, they quit the Bow, and took them to their Swords. How great use was made of Auxiliary Bow-men by the Romans, may be conjectur'd by this, that when some of P [...]mpeys Legions storm'd one of Caesars Castles at Dirrachium, and were beat off, thirty thousand Arrows were reckon'd to Cae­sar himself, all which had fallen in the Sconce: And one Scava a Centurion,Shields resist Arrows. shewed his Shield to his General, wherein were one hundred and thirty holes. Observe by the way, that Targets resisted the violence of Arrows. Some write, that Augustus caus'd them to levy Roman Citizens to be Archers, both on Foot and Horse-back; perhaps he had been taught to do so by the losses his Competitor Anthony, and before him Crassus, suffer'd by the Parthian Bow­men. The wicked Emperour Domitian was said to be so cunning an Archer, that Suetonius writes, he could direct his Arrows to the mark between the fin­gers of a Boy, stretched one from the other, without hitting any of them; of such we have heard in later times.

After the Roman Souldiers were levied and arm'd, they were marked in the Hand, or some other place of the Body, and an Oath of Fidelity taken of them, which Vegetius in the fifth Chapter of his Second Book describes to be this▪ as it was impos'd by the Emperour Constantine the Great: I Swear by Roman Milita­ry Oath. God, by Christ, and by the Holy Spirit, and by the Majesty of the Emperour, whom I worship, that I will do all things that he commands me, and that I shall never desert his service, nor refuse to dye for the Roman Common-wealth. Let us observe some things of this Oath: First, That in these times, Christian Souldiers thought it no sin to pay Civil Worship to their lawful Prince. Secondly, They took more liberty than they should have done, to swear by the Emperour; for this being an Oath taken with mature deliberation, and in Judgement, was a greater sin in them than it was in Joseph, to swear rashly (by a bad custome he had learnt among the Egyptians) by the Life of Pharaoh. Thirdly, Our Author hath forgot to tell us, what manner of Oath the Roman Souldiers swore before the Emperours were converted to the Faith, or what Military Oath was made [Page 48] to the State before the Heathen Emperours usurped it; though this should have been told us, who desire to know the Military constitutions of the Anci­ent Romans. I suppose, they swore by Jupiter, and all the rest of their Gods, to be faithful to the Senate, and People of Rome, to be obedient to their Commanders, and not to desert their Standards or Ensigns. This or the like Oath was exacted by the several Tribunes of every man under their Com­mand. But I must inform my Reader that this publick and judiciary Swearing Fidelity was not practis'd by the Romans till the Second PunickWhen first impos'd. War. For Livy witnesseth in his 22 Book that before that time no Oath was required of the publick Officers either of State or Militia, only the Foot Soul­diers in every Century, and the Horse-men in every Decurio, were accusto­med to promise and swear one to another, not to fly one from another, or to desert the service. But after Hannibal's Invasion, a formal and solemnIts rise. Oath was impos'd, which, I believe, had its first rise from the Oath which Publius Cornelius Scipio at that same time both swore himself, and forc'd other young Gentlemen (who, after the rout of Cannae, were preparing to leave Ita­ly) to Swear in these words: I Swear with all my Heart, that I shall not desert the Republick, nor suffer any other Roman to desert it: If willingly I fail in this, then may the Greatest and Best Jupiter inflict on Me, my House, Family, and Goods, the worst of evils. This Swearing and Marking were called the Military Sacra­ments,Sacrament. after which the Souldiers were enroll'd, and enter'd in pay; neither was it lawful for a Roman to fight with an Enemy till he had taken the Oath, and if he kill'd an Enemy before he swore Fidelity, he was to be punish'd as a Man-slayer. The word Sacrament, was by the Fathers in the Primitive times borrowed from the Militia, to signifie the Initiation, and Holy Mysteries of the Militant Church.

Polybius tells us likewise, that the Souldiers at the time of their enrolling, swore to obey all the Commands of the Consul, and of all Officers under him. He says likewise, that when they came to be encamped, another Oath wasAnother Oath. exacted, not only from the Souldiers, but all that followed or belong'd to the Camp, whether Bond or Free, Master or Servant, not to steal any thing out of the Leaguer, and that, if they found any thing by chance, they should bring it to one of the Tribunes.

Other Oaths were likewise sworn, sometimes voluntarily by the SouldiersRash Oaths. with mutual consent, sometimes impos'd by some of the Commanders, most whereof were rash or vain; particularly one, That they should not return from Battel without Victory, as Livy in his Second Book informs us. And Caesar in his Seventh Book of the Gallick War, says, that the Horse­men desir'd that it might be declar'd by a solemn Oath, that no man should return either to his Parents, Wife, or Children, who did not charge twice through the Enemy; which being agreed on, all were forc'd to swear. And in his Third Book of the Civil War, he tells us, how Labienus swore ne­ver to desert Pompey, but to share with him in all his Fortunes; the like didAn Oath ill kept. the rest of his Army. This Oath was sworn at Pharsalia, and was ill kept, for both Pompey deserted his Army, and was deserted by all those who had sworn to stand by him.

CHAP. IV. Of Sieges, and Defence of Towns and Forts, and of the great Engines and Machines used in them, by the Romans, and other Ancients.

THE several ways by which Towns, Castles, and Forts, in our Modern.The Ancients expugned Towns as we do. Art of War, (as they are described in the twenty fourth Chapter of my Discourses of the Modern Militia) are taken, were all used by the Ancients; for Gun-powder hath only augmented the violence and fury of the Battery, and furnish'd us with more fearful and mortal Darts, than the men of old were acquainted with. In ancient times, Towns were taken by Circumvalla­tion, and starving the Defendants out of them, they were taken by formal Sieges and approaches, they were taken by Assault, by Scalado, by Surprizal, and by Treachery; and they are still taken by some of these. If they con­ceiv'd the place, either for its Scituation, Fortification, or Defendants, so inconsiderable, that it did not deserve a formal Siege, or that they either could not, or would not spend time upon it, they storm'd it very soon after they came to it, with Ladders or Grapples, or with a Tortoise or Pent-house made of their Shields, whereof I spoke in the foregoing Chapter. And in doing this, they environed it with a Corona, as they called it, or a Crown;Corona. which is, they drew up their Armies round about the Town, in manner of a Crown, leaving no part free from being invested. But Grotius says, that the Hebrew Interpreters tell him, that when their Ancestors were to assault a Town, they left a part of it free unenviron'd, non cingebant Coronâ, that whoever came out at that place and submitted, should be pardon'd. I think this cu­stome had prudence in it as well as pity, and verified the saying, A Golden Bridge for a Flying Enemy. This Corona, or Crown, was sometimes a single Crown, sometimes a Double, and very often a Triple one, according to the quality or greatness of the place, or the number of those that were to attack it. If it were a Three-fold Crown, the first was compos'd of the heavy armed foot,The first Crown. who were to give the assault, and in it to defend themselves with their Targets, and other Defensive Arms: Behind them was the Second Crown,Second. of the Velites or light armed, whose business was, with Darts, Stones, and Arrows, to beat away the Defendants from the Parapets, that the heavy arm'd might storm with the less opposition. Behind these Velites, was the Third Crown, which consisted of the Cavalry; and these stood for two uses,Third. first, to hinder the Foot from flying, (a thing practis'd sometimes in the Modern Wars) secondly, to prevent any danger that might arise by the sudden arrival of an unexpected Enemy. If it was not thought fit to try this sudden way of Expugnation, or that it had been try'd without success, then approaches were made with the help of those Engines, which have been time out of mind laid aside, as altogether useless in our Modern Expugnation of Forts.

These Machines were of two kinds, Lesser and Greater. The Lesser wereLesser En­gines. the Moscles and all manner of Mantilets, which were indeed no other but Pent-houses and Shrowds, and under that name you may comprehend the Vi­nea, Plutei, Crates, and such like; under the shelter whereof the Ancient ap­proached to strong holds. The Greater Engines were the Tortoise, theThe greater ones. Ram, the Scorpion, the Onagra, the Balist, and the Catapult; for most of which, men have not yet found out proper words in the Modern Languages. Then there was that great Engine which excell'd them all for efficacy, and mat­ter of admiration, both to Antiquity it self, and to us too, who have seen and heard the Thundring Canon; and that was, the Moving or Ambulatory Tower.

To give a particular description of all these, and of the Mechanical Stru­cture of them, belongs properly to an Engineer, saith Terducchi, who was one himself. And Ste [...]echius says, there is much difficulty and obscurity in the explanations of their frames, which he who would curiously know, may, saithThe descri­ption of these difficile and obscure. he, consult Vitruvius, that great Master of Architecture. And when these Engines were in fashion, a General of such Artillery may, saith the same Au­thor, look on some places of Turnebus. I shall also tell my Reader that Au­thors differ much in the description of those Machines; but if any desire to see the Figures of them, I refer them to the same Steuechius, and if he do not satisfie their curiosity, perhaps Justus Lips [...]s in his Poliorcetikon, will do it fully. However, it is fit I speak a little of every one of them, and of their several uses.

The Romans were so far from challenging to themselves the Invention of these Machines, that it is certain, they had not the use of them from the be­ginning of their City, nay, nor of their Republick, after they had banish'd Kingship. It is true, Livy says, that one of their Kings, Servi [...]s T [...]lli [...]s, ap­pointed two Centuries of Trades-men, for making Warlike Engines, but these were of the lesser kind. At the Siege of V [...]i [...] (which lasted ten years) they had Aggeres, or Ramparts; Vinea, or Vines; and Towers, but not Ambulatory ones. The Vinea and Pluteus are very oft consounded by Authors,Vinea and Pluteus. and made to be one thing. Some make the difference between them to be, that the Pluteus was made to sloop but on one side, the Vinea descended, and sloop'd on both. But Vegetius makes them differ in this, that the Pluteus had Wheels, the Vinea non [...]. They were eight foot high, seven broad, and six long, some say, sixteen; for Authors do not agree. They were made of small Timber, and were rais'd on Legs, and being interwoven with Twig [...], sometimes of the Vine-tree, they represented Arbours, and from thence had the denomination of Vinea. Above they were covered with Hair-cloath and Raw-Hides, to save them from Wild-fire; as also with Hurdle [...] ▪ but below them with strong Boards, where great opposition was expected; they had within them Rasters, on which was a Gallery, wherein the Besieger [...] were shelter'd from Stones, Darts, and Arrows, when they made their approaches to the Ditch, and out of these they endeavour'd to chase the Defen­dants from their Walls and Parapets with all manner of missile Wea­pons.

The Agger was a Rampart of Earth and Hurdles, wherewith they en­viron'dAgger or Rampart. besieged Towns, and for their own Defence, against either the Enemy within the Town, or abroad; they fortified this Rampart both within and without, for ordinarily they had two of them, with Stakes or Pallisadoes. In some places of these Ramparts, at a convenient distance one from another, were Sconces built, which they called Castles and Towers. The use of these Agger [...]s was known in some places of the World before the name of Rome was heard of, or that any Grecian had put Pen to Paper, for it is of these Hurdles and Stakes, and other Timber for Ramparts, and it may be for the Vinea and the Ram too, that Moses is to be understood in his com­mand to the Israelites, not to cut down any Tree that bore fruit, mention'd in the twentieth Chapter of Deuter [...]n [...]my, of which I spoke before.

The Moscoli were also of the Lesser Engines, made of strong Boards cover­ed with raw Hides; they mov'd on Wheels: And under them men wereMoscles. shelter'd when they approach'd to the Walls and Ditches. Some very rati­onally say, that the proper use of the Musculus was to help to draw forward the great Moving Tower, to cleanse and clear its way, and give it the name from that Fish which Naturalists say, goes before the Whale to be its guide, and to discover Rocks and Shelves: And so Vegetius seems to describe it. But others, particularly Caesar (who deserves trust) makes it a lesser Testudo, or Tortoise, and describes it at length in his Second Book of the Civil War. Others write, it had a snout like a Mouse, wherewith it pick'd Stones out of a Wall, and was therefore called M [...]rusc [...]lus, and corruptly Musculus: And there be some who say, it batter'd a Wall as the Ram did. So far do Ancient Authors differ.

Besides the Tortoises compos'd of mens Shields, spoken of in the fore­goingTestudo or Tortoise. Chapter, there was an artificial Engine, which the Ancients cal­led a Testudo or Tortoise. This was made of such a bigness as it pleas'd the General of the Army, or General of the Artillery to appoint; with­in it was a great Beam, which sometimes had on the end of it an Iron Hook or Grapple, which they shut forth when they thought fit to draw Stones out of a Wall, or for other uses, and pull'd the Beam in again, when they pleas'd; and therefore they gave it the name of that Crea­ture, which can put it self out of its shell, and in again when it, pleaseth. And sometimes on the end of this Beam, saith Vegetius, was fasten'd a great Iron Head for Battery, and was called a Ram, either because the bulk of Iron was fashion'd in the form of a Rams Head, or because after every stroak, it was forcibly drawn back, that at its return it might batter more violently, as the custome of Rams is, when they fight. This is all Vegetius speaks of the Testudo or Aries, except that he makes the last to be put in the lowest Stage of the Ambulatory Tower.

But other Authors tell us, that the Aries, or Ram was of it self a formida­ble Machine. And as the manner of our War is now, to give the worse con­ditions to the besieged, when they hold out the Battery of Ordnance; so of old, those who did not yield before the Ram had touch'd the Wall, got the worse quarters. Caesar in his Seventh Book of the French War, says, he gave some of the Gauls their lives, because they render'd themselves before the Ram began to batter.

The description of this Engine, is thus given us by Achilles Terduzzi: A great Beam and of a great length, 200 foot and more, made like the Mast of a Ship,Aries or Ram. had an exceeding ponderous and great Head of Iron, which sometimes resembled that of a Ram, sometimes it had another shape. This Beam was supported by two other great ones, which made the base of the Engine, they meeting above in a sharp Angle, kept the Ram suspended in an Aequilibrie. It was manag'd by Soul­diers behind, and as many on both sides as could be conveniently lodged, in Tortoises, Moscles, or other Pent-houses, that were ordain'd to convey it. No solidity or strength of Walls was able to resist the continuated and reite­rated Verberations of this Engine, as Josephus in his Jewish War, and many other Authors witness. And yet we have seen Stone Walls of Towns, built by the Ancients, make a notable resistance against the Battery of Whole Cannon. It soon made such a breach in the Wall, that Miners could lodge in it, and en­large it as they pleas'd. In the time of its Battery, it was defended above with Hurdles, Baskets full of Earth, and Raw Hides, and on both sides with Moscles, Vines, and Tortoises, out of, or from under which the besiegers in­cessantly cast their missiles against the Defendants. And they, at the approach of the Ram to the Wall, beat it with huge great Stones, or heavy lumps andHow it was oppos'd. weights of Lead, tyed with strong Ropes or Chains of Iron to a Crane or Telenon: Those who were appointed to defend the Ram, endeavour'd to gripe those Ropes or Chains with long Hooks or Grapples; and on the other side the besieged essayed with long Scythes to cut the Cords, which govern'd and sustain'd the Ram. The Defendants also used to hang over the Walls, Beds, and great sacks fill'd with Straw, Feathers, or Wooll, which broke the sorce of the stroaks before they came to the Wall; and these are all of good use in any Retrenchment suddenly made up against the Battery of Canon, in our time. The Invention of a more dreadful Engine than the Ram, the Ord­nance, did not hinder this Engine to be made use of by D [...]valo, Marquess of Pescara, at Pavia, which when Francis King of France had besieg'd, and that the Imperial Army could not draw him out of the Park to Battel, Da­valo in the night time with three Rams broke down the Park-Wall (whichThe Ram made use of at Pavia by Davalo. Giovio saith, was of an admirable strength) not thinking it fit to do it with Cannon, for alarming the French, yet the violent stroaks of the Rams were heard, but not at all suspected; passage being made by these Ancient Ma­chines, some Horse and Foot enter'd, who soon took possession of the great House or Lodge of the Park, call'd Mirabell: This impos'd a necessity on the French King to fight, and though he did it well, yet was he beaten, and taken.

The Telenon was such another Engine, as that we draw Water with out ofThe Telenon. Wells, call'd a Sweepe, or like those Cranes, wherewith great burthens, packs, or weights are pull'd up and let down. It was a huge Beam of Tim­ber laid cross way, ballanc'd on another Beam fasten'd in the ground, the one end of the Cross-Beam mounting up, when the other was depressed. The besiegers made use of it, by making at one end of the Cross-Beam a little House of Boards or Osier Twigs, in which they might lodge three or four men, whom they might therewith set on any part of the highest Wall, to bring them Intelligence what the Defendants were doing. But the Besieged made better use of it, by tying▪ great Stones or Lumps of Lead to it, with which, as is said before, they might beat in pieces either the Ram or Tor­toise. And here I shall tell you, that the old Tactick Aeneas, adviseth a hole to be digg'd through the Wall by the Besieged themselves, and out of it, with a Ram of their own, batter the Besiegers Battering▪ Ram. The Defendants used also, to tye to the Talenon, Hands, Drags, Clasping Irons, and Grapples, wherewith to lay hold on the Rams Head, as also by them (fasten'd to Iron Chains) to pull up men, when they came to assault their Walls; yea, and some of the Lesser Engines also. Terduzzi is of the opin [...] on, that Archimedes his famous Machine, wherewith he drew up Ships into the Air, and let them fall with violence, was no other thing than this Telenon, but he gives not his Reasons for this opinion of his.

The Balist was a great Machine, out of which were shot, as some say,Balist. Darts, Lances, yea, Spears of thirty foot long, but others say, that it threw only great Weights and Stones. Vegetius gives it only power to throw Darts; nor doth he at all mention the Catapult, which, some Authors say, shotCatapult. very great Stones, and of it all other Ancient Writers take notice: And they are by them clearly distinguished the one from the other. Philip, the last King of Macedon, except one, at the Siege of Echinum had Ambulatory Towers, and upon them (saith Polybius in his Ninth Book) he had Catapults, and a platform besides for Balists: And in his Fourth Book he says, that the Sinopians being destitute of all necessaries, got abundance of rich gifts sent to them by several, and that particularly the Rhodians sent them, besides ma­ny other necessaries, four Catapults with Engineers to manage them; and more clearly in his fifth Book he says, that at the Siege of Pal [...], Philip had both Catapults and Balists. The diversity of Judgements of Authors concerning these two great Engines, was this: Vegetius saith, the Balist threw only Darts and Lances: Ammia­nus, who was Vegetius his Contemporary, and both a great Souldier, and a great Engineer, speaks only of Stones for that Engine. Valerius Maximus and Vitruvius (both of them great Architectors) affirm that Stones were the proper missiles ofDifference a­mong Authors concerning these two Ma­chines. Balists, and that Catapults threw Darts, Lances, and Spears. Polybius, a great Captain, in that cited place at Palae, says, Philips Balists and Catapults threw Stones, and so confoundeth them; yet in another place he distinguisheth; for he saith, In that Battel at Mantinea, which Mechanidas the Tyrant of Lace­d [...]mon, fought against Philopoemon the Ach [...]an, the first had Catapults, which he plac'd in the Van of his Army, and Waggons laden with Darts for them, therefore they shot no Stones. But this is downright against a greater Cap­tain than any I have yet mention'd, and that was Julius Caesar, (who besides his other perfections, was an excellent Engineer) he saith, in the First Book of his Civil War, that the Catapult threw great Stones. In such a diversity of opinions, I think, Achilles Terduzzi offers a fair expedient of agreement, which is, that it isAn expedient of reconcilia­tion. probable, in the times of the Emperours the names of Catapult and Balist were confounded, so that the one was taken for the other; or that by a new Invention, not heard of before, both the one and the other threw both Darts and Stones.

The Balist and the Catapult were made and fram'd according to the weight of the Stone, and the length of the Dart or other missiles which they were ordain'd to shoot; as our Ordnance are founded according to the weight of the Bullet intended for them; from whence many of them have their deno­mination, as a three, four, or six pounder. I made mention of Balists and Catapults▪ in the fourth Chapter of the Grecian Militia, the Invention of whichOf their In­vention. some would bestow upon Dionysius, one of the Tyrants of Syracusa, but I have prov'd in that Chapter from Holy Writ, that they were used many ages be­fore [Page 53] Syracusa was forc'd to submit to Tyranny. Lipsius seems to give it to the Syrians, which may be true; and though I told you, Oziah one of the Kings of Judah, had them on the Walls of Jerusalem, yet it was no such shame for the two Tribes to borrow the Invention of Military Machines from Hea­then Nations, as it was sin for the ten Tribes to borrow and follow the pattern of the Altar of Damascus from their Idolatrous Neighbours.

There were, if you will believe Authors, some of these Machines, which could shoot Stones of one hundred, some two hundred, and some of them three hundred and sixty pound; and those that cast one hundred pound, threw their Stones the length of two Stadia, or Furlongs, and these make the fourth part of an English Mile. It was a custome also to cast into Besieged Towns burn­ing Iron, Vessels with molten Lead, dead Horses, and Tubs and Barrels full of excrements, or any thing else, that could infest, annoy, or vex the Be­sieged. And some write, that out of a Catapult was shot a long Spear, orA strange sto­ry. Lance, from one Bank of the River Danubius (where it is broadest) over to the other. This I dare not believe, for, I suppose, that mighty River, before he dischargeth himself, may be more than two Italian Miles broad; and I will suppose likewise, that Gunners will confess, that no piece of Ordnance will shoot a Bullet so far point-blank, especially over a River.

Vegetius in the fourteenth Chapter of his Third Book, allows Carrobalists Carrobalist. to march with the Roman Army: Terduzzi thinks they were Arcobalists, they shot, as our Author saith, bot [...] Darts and Stones. Vegetius saith, they had many Conductors; but in the last Chapter of his Book, he says, every Cen­tury had a Carrobalist (this was a Balist mounted on a Carriage) and he al­lows Mules to draw it, and eleven Souldiers of the Century to manage it: Now observe, that in Vegetius his Legion there were five and fifty Centuries, and therefore fifty five Carrobalists; every one of which had eleven men to manage them. Multiply fifty five by eleven, the product is six hundred and five, and so many of every Legion Vegetius allows for these Engines. AndA File eleven deep. I pray you observe here in passing, that Vegetius expressly allows eleven Soul­diers for every Tent, or Contubernium, by which he doth not obscurely insi­nuate, that the Files of the Roman Foot were eleven deep. The greater these Carrobalists were, the further they carried their Darts; neither, saith our Au­thor, could any Cors [...]et resist their blow.

The Onager, saith Vegetius, shoots Stones like Thunder▪bolts, greater orOnager. lesser, according to the bigness or thickness of its Cords; so it is a kind of Catapult or Balist. It hath its name (as Steuechius says▪) from the Greek word, which signifieth a Wild Ass, for those Animals when they are hunted, fling Stones with their heels, at those who pursue them.

The Scorpion, saith Vegetius, shoots small and subtile Darts, whereby pre­sentScorpion. death was procur'd. But Animian makes the Onager and the Scorpion to be all one thing; and he avers the Onager to be a new word brought in the room of the old one, which was Scorpio; and in the description he gives of it▪ cited by Steuechius, he makes it only to cast great Stones, and no Darts; so great a difference there is between him and Vegetius, who liv'd both at one time. Yet several are of Vegetius his opinion, and say, the Scorpion threw Darts and Arrows, and poyson'd ones too, and that from thence that Engine had its name. But on the other hand, this seems not probable; if i [...] be true, as i [...] seems to be, that all or most Nations have with a tacite assent made it their constant practice and custome, and so to pass for Jus gentium, or theOf Poyson'd Arrows, Bul­lets, Darts, Waters, or Wells. Law of Nations, to abstain from all such malefices, as shooting poyson'd Darts, Arrows, or Bullets, or from poysoning of Victuals▪ Liquors, Waters and Wells, observ'd also in our Modern Wars. We read▪ it's true, of some exceptions from that general custome, and that Poyson hath been used in open, just, and declared Wars, but for these perhaps Invincible necessity may plead an excuse. The like we may say of Assassination of Princes, Generals, orOf Assassina­tion. eminent Commanders, whom a declared Enemy may lawfully kill▪ as E [...]d kill'd Eglon, or as Scaevol [...] intended to kill P [...]rs [...]nna; but it is not at all law­ful, but against the practice of a fair and declared War, to suborn, exhort, or hire any other, especially those who belong [...]o, or are under the jurisdiction of that Prince or General, to kill any of them. But for all this, I do not [Page 54] deny, but a Soveraign Prince or State, may▪ lawfully set▪ a price on the head of a powerful Rebel, against whom they cannot proceed by the ordinary way of Justice. This much I have taken occasion to say on this subject, that I may not trouble my Reader with it hereafter. But to our present purpose, I say that the Carrobalist, the Onager, and the Scorpio, are but several species and sorts of the Catapult and Balist.

And now I come to speak of the Moving or Ambulatory Tower, where­ofAmbulatory Tower. that which Vegetius writes is enough to astonish any Reader, who hath not heard of it before, but he who will read other Writers, will easily believe all Vegetius says on that subject: He tells us, they were built after the form of Houses, thirty, forty, or fifty foot broad, and so high as to equal the height of Towers on the Wall. The Tower which our Author describes, is three stories high: In the lowest he lodgeth a Ram, with men to manage it, and that, when the Tower came within convenient distance, batter'd the Wall. In the third and highest stage he placed the Velites, who afflicted the Defen­dants with Darts and Arrows, and pelted them with Stones out of their Bat­ton-Slings, to necessitate them to quit the defence of the Parapets: And in the middle Story he placeth a Bridge, one end whereof being laid upon the Wall, and the other remaining fix'd within the Tower, Bands of armed men pass'd safely over, and then, saith our Author, Illi [...]o capta est Ʋrbs, Immediately the Town was taken. But he is mistaken, for Towns have been defended, whenTurris Vegeti­ana three sto­ries high. all these things were done. This is the Moving Tower, which is called Tur­ris Vegetiana. If this Tower of his be wonderful enough, what shall we say of those Towers which were one hundred and twenty Cubits high, that is, one hundred and eighty foot, and sixty or seventy foot broad, in which mightTowers twen­ty stories high. be eighteen or twenty several stages or stories, and every one of these capable to contain Balists and Catapults, and men to manage them, besides arm'd Souldiers to handle their Weapons. Or what shall we think of that Tower whereof Livy speaks in his thirty second Book, which one of the Ro­man Consuls made of several stories, out of which (you must suppose by Bridges) he sent whole Cohorts of Legionaries, one to sustain and relieve another, against a Macedonian Phalange, that stood in Battel ready to receive them within the Walls; and we are to believe, that the Roman Cohorts at that time were about five hundred strong, and yet the Macedonians made the place good against them all. The same Author tells us of another Tower,A stupendious Tower. which Hannibal made at Saguntum, in which he had numbers of armed men, be­sider his great Machines. Steuechius tells us, that Vitruvius, Master of the Ma­chines, or General of the Artillery, writes of a Moving Tower, which weigh­ed three hundred and sixty thousand pounds, not reckoning the Men, Arms, and Engines that were within it: And that it could resist the force of Stones shot out of Balists of three hundred and fifty pound. But that which is more admirable than all I have yet said, is, what the same Vitruvius writes of an Engineer, who made a Counter-machine within a Besieged▪ Town, by whichAn Incredi­ble Engine. he drew one of the Besiegers Ambulatory Towers, within the Walls of the beleaguer'd Town. Let me say here with Ovid, Si sit credenda vetustas.

These Moving Towers were composed of great Beams, Joysts, Rasters, and Boards, cover'd with Raw Hides, and some of them were fac'd with Iron. They mov'd on many Wheels, which were push'd forward below withHow the Tow­er mov'd. the strength of many men, assisted with Leavers; the Tower was open be­hind, that it might more conveniently be thrust forward by those numbers of men ordain'd for that purpose. Before it went many Mantlets, Vines, and Moscles, full of armed Souldiers, who were both to make way for it, and to defend it from those, who might sally out to burn or destroy it. It was some­times drawn by Beasts of Carriage, but these had Machines before and about them, to defend them from the Darts and Arrows of the Besieged▪ This last part being neglected by Ʋti [...] King of the Goths, when he besieged Rome, the famous Bellisarius, who was within the City, suffer'd the Tower to come pretty near the Walls, and then caused to be killed the Beasts with Darts and Arrows; this made the Tower stand still, and so render'd all its preparations (which were very costly) ineffectual, and the Fabrick it self contemptible and ridiculous to the Besieged.

Several means were used to frustrate the effects of this dreadful Machine;How it was opposed. these were, First, A Desperate Sally, by which the Besiegers guards being beaten from the Tower, it self became a prey, and was easily burnt. Second­ly, They used to undermine the ground, which the Tower was to traverse (and that was soon seen and perceiv'd) before it approach'd the Walls, and that indeed was a sure way, for the vast weight of it, not having ground to support it, would quickly make it sink, and stick fast. Thirdly, They used to make such a Tower within the Walls, and oppose it to that without. This was, no doubt, a good help, but a very costly one. And Lastly, They endeavoured to burn them with Wild Fire, or Fiery Arrows.

Sometimes these Ambulatory Towers were made with that Artifice, that when one of them approach'd the Wall, whose height the Tower seem'd notTurricul [...] ▪ to surmount, suddenly a smaller Tower (which was hidden within the greater one) of one or two stories high, was elevated with Scrues, to the great ter­rour and astonishment of the Besieged City.

I told you in the fourth Chapter of the Grecian Militia, that Demetrius could not be the first Inventer of the Moving Tower, (though it be veryThe Moving Tower of an▪ Ancient practice. probable, he hath added much to it) for his Fathers Master made use of one of them at Gaza, and Curti [...]s in his Second Book says, that Alexander had one of them at the Siege of Mazacus in India, which seem'd so wonderful to the Barbarians, that they thought some Deity, or more than humane strength did assist that Magnanimous Prince. One of these Towers which Julius Caesar erected against a Town of the Nervians, (if I mistake not) wrought a con­trary effect, for the Defendants laugh'd and flouted at it, as a thing made to no purpose, since it could not hurt them at such a distance, till they saw it begin to move towards their Walls, and then they began to have other thoughts.

All these Machines were ordinarily made in the place where they were to be used, but if the Generals conceiv'd that at the Towns they intended to be­siege, they could not be accommodated with things requisite for these Fa­bricks, then they carried all the materials along with them, on Camels, Mules, Horses, Carts, and Waggons; As the Great Turk carrieth his Metal with him, till he come where he intendeth to make use of Ordnance, and there he causeth them to be founded.

Besides all these ways spoken of for expugnation of Towns, the Ancients made frequent use of Mines; this the Romans call'd Cuniculos agere, because Mines resemble the digging of Rabbets; neither did the Besieged in thoseMines. times want the knowledge to find out Mines, and provide Counter-mines against them. The way of Mining they used, and we still do, is all one, except that they wanted the springing of Mines by Gun-powder, and there­fore the use they made of Mines produced a two-fold effect. First, The MineFirst effect of the Ancients Mine. being brought within the Town, without taking notice of the Walls, Souldiers suddenly issued out, and run to the Ports to open them, and so make way for the Besiegers to enter, and at that time ordinarily Alarms were given to all quarters, that the Besiegers might be diverted, and not suffer'd to observe the Sally of those who were enter'd the Town by the Mine: Such a Mine, and the effect of it, Hannibal had at Saguntum. Secondly, When they had made largeSecond effect. Chambers in the Walls, they under-propt them with logs of dry Timber, and having laid store of combustible matter beside them, so soon as the Ar­my was ready to storm, Fire was put to the Train, and the supporters being burnt, the Wall immediately fell, over the ruines whereof the Besiegers enter'd. And this effect had the Great Alexanders Mine at Gaza. Aeneas tells us of aMines how discovered. Shield of Brass used in his time to discover Mines, [...]or if it were plac'd directly above the place where the Miners were working, it would utter a sound; la­ter times have found a Drum and Dice upon it, or a Basin of Pease or Beans serve the turn as well.

The same Aeneas, an old Grecian Tactick, adviseth against all manner ofAeneas his Sails. the Ancient approaches to Besieged places, to hang up great Sails within the Walls, which he will have to serve for three uses. First, For Blinds, that what is done within, may not be seen by those without, a thing ordinarily [Page 56] practis'd in our Modern Wars. Secondly, That all the Darts and Arrows that are cast or shot, even from the Moving Towers, may be receiv'd in these Sails, where sticking all the day long, they can do no hurt, and at night may be taken out, and thrown or shot back to the Enemy. This would be useless against our Bullets. Thirdly▪ They were notable Defences a­gainst Fiery Arrows, shot ordinarily to fire Houses thatch'd with Straw or Reeds.

But indeed, there is no such solid or sure defence against all manner of Ap­proaches and Mines, against all Machines and Engines of the Ancients, and Batteries of Modern Artillery, as that which the same Author Aeneas speaks of, and that is, a Double Wall, and a Double Ditch. For the first, being long, and well defended, the second imposeth a necessity on the Besiegers to begin new Approaches, new Batteries, and new Mines. But if the place beCounter­mures or Re­trenchments. not doubly fortified, then he adviseth the Besieged to make a Counter-mure within that part of the Wall, against which the Assailants make their Battery. The same is done still, or should be done in all besieged places. It is that we call a Retrenchment, and the Germans an Absuerd. It was by this the Pla­taeans kept out the long Siege of their Town against the Lacedaemonians, till hunger made them yield to their merciless Enemy: And hereby did the Sa­mians frustrate all the means the Roman Consul used for the expugnation of their City, with Catapults, Rams, and Moving Towers, till Famine forc'd them to submit to his cruel pleasure. Concerning Mines, Countermures, or Retrenchments, you may see a little more in the twenty fourth Discourse of the Modern Art of War.

CHAP. V. Of the Military Exercises, Duties, Burthens, Marches, and Works of the Roman Souldiers.

THE Roman Souldiers being Levied, and Armed, and having sworn Fide­lity, we are in the fourth place to see how they were Train'd and Exercised. And First, We will take all the help Vegeti [...]s vouchsafeth to give us: And assuredly, you will think he speaks very fully of all manner of Exer­cise,The summ of what Vegetius saith of Exer­cise. when I tell you, that he hath bestow'd upon that affair alone eleven full Chapters of his First Book, to wit, the 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, and 19 Chapters, wherein oftener than once, he tells us one thing twice over▪ And, as if he had forgot that he spent so much Time and Ink on that subject in his First Book, he falls to it de novo in the twenty third Chapter of his Second Book, which he entitles De Exercitati [...]ne Militum. But for all this, he hath not done the third part of the work that might in reason have been expected from him; which you will believe to be true, when I have told you all he saith of that matter, and all I inform you of concerning it out of other Authors. That which Vegetius saith of the Roman Exercises in all those Chapters, is briefly this: That the Latine word Ex [...]rcitus, an Army, is deriv'd ab exer­cendo, from Exercising: That the Tyrones, or raw Souldiers were Train'd in the Campus Martius, Mars his Field, which lay near the Tiber, in which (when they were weary of their Land exercises) they wash'd themselves, and learn'd to Swim, a thing very incumbent for a Souldier to practise, because, saithSwimming. he, Armies have not always the conveniency of Bridges, and must, in that case, when they either follow or retire from an Enemy, swim Rivers. Before Vegetius go further, I must remember him of two things: First, that Campus Martius got but that name after the Tarq [...]nes were banish'd out of Rome, for it belong'd to them in propriety; and at the time of their leaving the City was a Corn-field, as Livy tells us. Now certainly the Romans had their Military Exercises the whole time of the Reigns of their seven Kings. Secondly, I say, as Swim­ming is fit to be learned by all young men, especially Souldiers; so I think an Army is in a desperate condition, when the men who compose it, are put to swim for their safety from a pursuing Enemy, for by that shift, hardly will the tenth man escape; nor needs a retiring Army fear much hurt from an Enemy who cannot overtake it but by Swimming over Lakes and Rivers. But our Author proceeds, and tells us, that an Army must be taught to march in Rank and File, that an Enemy may take no advantage by finding it in disorder. The Romans had two kinds of a March, the Ambulatory,Two kinds of March. and the Cursory. By the first, they were (if so required) to march twenty Italian miles in five hours, and by the second, twenty five in four hours, with their full Arms, Baggage, and Burthens. Thirdly, He informs us, that the Foot Souldier was Train'd at a Stake or Pallisado of Wood, six foot long,Exercises of the Foot. fixed fast in the ground; he had a Target of O [...]ers, and a Club or Battoon of Wood; both of them double the weight of the Shield and Sword he was to make use of in earnest: With these he was taught to strike a [...] the Pale or Stake, as if it had been an Enemy, to make sents and foyn [...] at several parts of it, as if it had had Head, Body, Legs and Arms; but more espe­cially the Roman Souldier was taught to thrust and stab with hi [...] Sword, for they found that by that manner of fence, they had the advantage of those Enemies who used [...]lashing and cutting Swords. And at the same stake they were to cast their Pil [...] or Javelines. But at other marks (namely, Sheaves of Corn or Grass) the Velites were taught to shoot and cast their missile▪ Weapons; whether these were Stones or Lead, out of Slings and Ba [...]oon-Slings, [Page 58] Arrows out of Bows, or Darts out of their Hands. Fourthly, The Foot were taught at these Exercises to carry burthens of sixty pound, that being habituated, they might thereafter more easily carry their own Arms, Provisions, Baggage, or what else they were commanded to bear. Fifthly, The Horse men were taught to mount Wooden Horses in the Fields, if itOf the Horse. was Summer; but in Winter, in Houses made purposely for that use, and thereafter to mount living Horses, at first, without Arms, but after they were expert, they were to get on Horse back with full Arms, either at the Right or Left side of the Horse, and as you will find hereafter, without Stirrups; and with drawn Swords or Maces in their hands. Thrice a month, saith Vegetius, by the constitutions of Augustus and Adrian, the Veteran Armies were to be Exercised, and to march ten miles out of their Camp, and back again that day. And he saith, that Souldiers were taught to run, leap Ditches, and to make Ditches and Ramparts. This is the substance of all that Veg [...]tius delivers to us in those mention'd eleven Chapters of his First Book. Now in the twenty third Chapter of his Second Book, he troubles himself and his Reader with the repetition of most of this, only he adds, that the young Souldiers▪ or Tyrones, were Exercised twice a day, morning and evening, the Veterans once a day; and this was done without intermission. So it seems what he speaks here, is meant of Training particular Souldiers or Companies once or twice a day, and what he said before, was of Exercising the whole Army once a month. Thus far, and no further, we have the help of Vegetius in the matter of Training, drilling, or Exercising.

Before I inform you further of the several kinds of the Roman Exercises, IBurthens. must see what Burthens the Roman Souldiers were obliged to carry in their Marches, whether those were Ambulatory, or Cursory. And first, I believe, that the weight of sixty pound, which Vegetius saith they were bound to carry, was meant only of their Arms, Defensive and Offensive. And I suppose, you may be of my opinion, if you consider their heavy Head, Back, and Breast­pieces, their Greeves, Taslets, Target, and an Iron Boot, a Javeline or two, and a Sword, and it may be, a Dagger too. And if these weighed sixty pound, what shall we say of their Fardles, their Provisions, the Stakes and Pallisadoes they were bound to carry, and of some utensils to make ready their meat? and these perhaps were carried alternatively by those that belong'd to one Contubernium; for if I conjecture right, Beasts of Carriage were on­ly allowed for carrying their Tents and Hand-mills. Quinti [...] Cincinnatus being chosen Dictator, to lead an Army against the Aequia [...]s, caus'd every Legionary of his Army, besides his Arms and Baggage, to carry fiveExceedingly▪ heavy. days meat, and twelve Pallisadoes. It is true, his march was but short, the Territory of Rome being then of no great extent. And yet, you will think the Romans have been but at that time raw Boys, if you observe what follows. Scipio Africanus the Younger (who destroy'd Carthage) caus'd every one of his Foot Souldiers to carry provisions for thirty days, and seven Stakes, where­with to Pallisado his Camp. C [...]sar saith, that Afranius, Po [...]p [...]ys Legat in Spain, caus'd his Souldiers to carry meat for twenty five days, besides Stakes. The Famous Consul Marius intending a Reformation of the Roman Discipline (in his time corrupted) thereby to make himself more able to overcome the Cimbrians and Teutones, who had invaded the Roman Empire with a Deluge of men, made his Souldiers march with such excessive Burthens, as if they had been Asses, and thereby got them the name of Marius his Mules, Muli M [...]ri [...] ­n [...]. To march at a running pace or trot twenty five miles in four hours so hea­vily loaded is truly admirable, and if you will consider what I have said in the Ninth Chapter of the Grecian Militia, what Burthens Philip's Macedonians carried, and how far they marched, and observe what I say here of the Ro­mans, you cannot but be ready to suspend your belief. And such marches under such heavy burthens not being now practis'd, I shall not blame you to think them well near incredible, as Louis d [...] Montgomery seem'd to do, whenLouis de Mont­gomery. he saith in his French Militia, that such Souldiers not being now to be found any where, he thinks (according to Pythagoras his Transmigration) they were converted into the Mules and Asses of A [...]v [...]rgne. And indeed our Modern Ar­mies (whose heavy arm'd are scarce so well arm'd for Defence as the Roman [Page 59] Velites were) do not march twenty Italian miles in one day, but with a very great loss in the Rear, whereas the Romans march'd further in five hours;Marches al­most incredi­ble. which was practis'd by C [...]sar, when he march'd after, and overtook the Edu­ans, who had deserted them: He march'd with all his Cavalry, and four Le­gions of his Foot. It is true, his Souldiers carried no Baggage with them, for that was left in the Camp with his Legate, who stay'd behind, with two Legions to maintain the Siege of Gargovia. It is written of Galba, (who was afterwards Emperour) that when he was Legate in France, he run on foot at the Emperour Caius his Chariot the whole time that his Army march'd their Cursion; which, as I have said, was twenty five miles in the space of four hours; Galba being then forty six years old. Vegetius saith, a Roman Ar­my marched ordinarily twenty Italian miles in one day, and this is verified by Caesar, who calls it, Ʋnius Di [...] justum Iter: The just march of one day.▪ ButThe just March of one day. if the ground were rocky, Woody, full of Marishes, or otherwise of ill pas­sage, then they were necessitated accordingly to take their measures, as well as other Nations were. In Thessaly, four thousand Romans, who were sent but as a fore-party (and were not troubled with Baggage) by the Consul Martius Philippus, had much ado to march fifteen miles in two days, saith Livy in his Forty fourth Book. But Souldiers were undoubtedly [...]as'd of those insup­portable burthens, when this very strict Discipline became neglected and cor­rupted; and that there were almost as many Soujats, Drudges, or Slaves in the Roman Armies, as there were Souldiers in them: As when (the afterward Emperour) Vespasian march'd with sixty thousand men against the Rebellious Jews.

Being perfectly wearied of those terrible Burthens, I return to the exercises of the Roman Souldiers, and these I find divided into three kinds. The first is, of those who were peculiarly and properly called Military Exercises; the se­cond, of those duties the Souldiers owed to their Superiour Officers; and the third, of their work and fatigue.

The Exercises properly called Military, were of seven sorts. First, To marchFirst kind of Military Ex­ercises. or run in full Arms twenty, or twenty five miles in four or five hours time. Se­condly, To leap over Ditches. Thirdly, To swim Rivers, at which Julius C [...]sar was excellent. Fourthly, to skirmish or fight with Sword and with Target, heavier than ordinary ones. Fifthly, To lance and throw Darts and Javelines. Sixthly, To throw Stones at a mark, either with the Hand, Sling, or Batton-Sling. Seventhly, To mount or dismount a Horse on any side, in full Arms, with Swords or Maces in their hands, and without a Stirrup: The last Ve­getius forgot, yet of all these sorts he hath made mention.

The Second kind of Exercises was of those Duties and Services the Souldi­ersSecond kind. owed and payed to their Officers and Commanders, beside the publick du­ties they owed to the State. These were to set up their Tents and Pavillions, to make convenient places for their Servants, Necessaries and Baggage, and sometimes to empale them round about, to keep all places about their Lodgings and the Streets likewise clean from mire, dirt, or dust, and (if they were to en­camp for any time) to lay the ground with Sand, and much more of this na­ture. These services all Souldiers were bound to perform, except such, who for some reasons, were exempted and freed from all publick duties, and were only bound to fight, and wait on the Consuls. Those who had no exempti­on were called Munifices, Duty-doers. There are some who say, that the Triarii were free from these duties, and particular services to Officers; and full well it might be so, since they were bound to look to the Horses of the Cavalry, and therefore in Encamping were constantly quarter'd beside them, as you will see in my discourse of their Castrametation. But from other pub­lick works they were not free, for they fortified the Camp; which both Paulus Aemilius and C [...]sar testified, when they made the Triarii fortifie with Spade and Mattock, while they fac'd the Enemy with the Hastati and Principes.

The third kind of a Roman Souldiers Exercise was work and labour, whichThird kind. in our Modern Armies is not so unusual, as Lipsius would make it, as shall be de­monstrated against him in its proper place. Indeed, there were not such creatures as Pioneers known in the old Roman Armies, all was wrought by the Souldiers [Page 60] themselves; yea, some write, that their Velites were not admitted to work, as un­worthy to be imployed in a service of so much reputation, and so it seems, it was a Maxime with them diametrically contrary to ours, which was, The greater Fa­tigue, the greater Honour. Of these publick works there were many kinds, these were, the Cutting, Carrying and Squaring Turf and Sods, Stakes and Pallisadoes for their Camps, Castles, Towns, Forts, and Sconces, the fortifying all of these, working and digging at the Approaches, and expugnation of Forts and Towns, the making and managing great Engines, Mining, Countermining, making Retrenchments or Countermures, cutting deep Ditches and Channels of a very great length, building Magazines, Amphitheatres, and other huge and vast Edifices, and all these with many more, not only in time of War, but of the calmest Peace, when no necessity could be pretended for them, and those not so much for the ornament of Countries and Provinces, (though that was likewise taken into consideration) as to inure the Souldiers to toil, and to keep them ha­bituated to it, that when they were necessitated to fatigue in earnest, they might find it easie, as that which was no new thing to them; and they found that this la­bour procur'd to the Souldiery both health and strength. Suetonius says, that Gal­ba, before he was Emperour, Veteranum & Tyronem militem assiduo [...]pere corrobora­vit; He strengthen'd both his old and raw Souldiers with daily work and labour. And Scipio the lesser, kept his Army constantly at hard work at the Siege ofGreat fatigue. Numantia, where he frequently told his Souldiers, That he who would bathe his hands in the blood of his Enemies, must first soil them with dirt and mire. It must be observ'd, that the Romans fortified their Camps with their Swords at their sides, as we read in Sacred History Nehemiah did, and made the Jews do, when they re-built the Walls of Jerusalem. We read, that Corbulo, a great Captain, and Reformer of decay'd discipline, put two of his Soul­diersSevere Disci­pline. to death, because he found them working at a Rampart, the one with­out either Sword or Dagger, the other with a Dagger, but without a Sword. The same Corbulo being commanded by his Tyrannical Master Nero, to make Peace with the Germans, lest his Army should languish with idleness, caus'd them to cut a Ditch three and twenty Italian miles long, between the Rivers of the Maes and the Rhine; for it was a rule with them, That labour hardens and corroborates, whereas idleness weakens and effeminates; the truth whereof is taught us by experience.

But truly, who will rightly consider the stupendous works of the Romans, made by a few men, and in a short time, may (as one observeth) say, they were those Gyants, who, as the Poets feign, cast one Mountain on another, so to climb up to Heaven. For not to speak of their building Temples, Theatres, Castles, Towers and Baths, their draining Marishes, cutting out Channels, Causeying ways, and Paving streets, all which are the works of Peace, Who can read without admiration, of their Works and Fortifications in the time of War, as particularly either Caesars Circumvallations at Alesia, Caesars Cir­cumvallati­ons. which he made both exceedingly broad and high, wonderfully strong with Towers and Castles, well Pallisadoed both before him and behind him, the first to besiege Vercengentorix within the Town, the second to defend himself against the united force of all the Gauls, who he knew were preparing to come and raise the Siege, a work of sixteen miles circumference; or those works of his at Dir­rachium, whereby he had almost besieg'd Pompey, both stronger, and better provided than himself. Spinola his Circumvallations at Breda in the yearsSpinola's. 1625 and 1626, gives us ground enough to believe those of Great Caesar to be true. But methinks the Nervians far surpass'd them all, who (as you have it in Caesars Fifth Book of the French War) having learned something of Fortifi­cation from some Prisoners or Fugitive Romans, besieg'd Cicero, one of Cae­sars Legates, in his Winter quarter, where they made a Circumvallation of fifteen miles circumference, the Rampart eleven foot high, and the Ditch fif­teen foot broad or deep, without the help of any Tools, except their Swords, (wherewith they cut the Turf and Sods) and their Head-pieces and Hands, wherewith they cast up the Earth, and all this in the space of three hours. An action so far beyond humane strength, that it would far surpass all possibi­lity of belief, if it were not warranted by the down-right relation and autho­rity of so renown'd an Author, and an eye-witness.

The Roman Novitiates or Tyrones were taught t their Military Exercises, pro­perly so called, by those who were nam'd Campi Doctores, as Vegetius calls them right, and not Campi Ductores, as Ste [...]echius (who comments on Vegetius) misnames them, for they who taught them their Exercises were indeed their Masters, so long as they stay'd with them, but were not their Officers and Commanders. They were as our Drill masters in Towns or Counties, andCampi Docto­res Drill-ma­sters. had twice as much Pay and Proviant as the common Souldier, which was in­deed as much as the Centurion had. After the Legions march'd from Rome, every File was Drill'd and Train'd by its Leader, who was called Decanus, and Caput contubernii, because a whole File was lodg'd in one Tent or Hut: AndDecanus, a File leader. this Decanus was also to have the inspection of their Arms, that they were kept bright, clear, and sharp; and of their clothes, that they were kept in good order; for all which he had some small allowance more than the Common Soul­dier. I shall conclude this Discourse of Exercises, with what Josephus says of them: The Roman Exercises in Arms are (saith he) Battels without Blood, and their Battels are Exercises with Blood.

Observe here, that Polybius speaks not one word of any of these three kinds of Exercises, and Vegetius nothing of the second kind.

CHAP. VI. Of the Roman Infantry, and all its several Bodies, and their Officers.

HOW the Ancient and Illustrious Romans divided their Foot into heavy and light, and how both were Arm'd, I have sufficiently inform'd you. But there are some who say, they had no light armed Foot, till Hannibal's time, I know no authority for this. It is true, Livius saith in his twenty sixth Book, that at the Siege of Capua, when it stood for Hannibal, was the first time that the Roman light armed Foot were mingled with the Horse; but this will not infer, that the Romans had no light armed Foot before that Siege of Capua. The truth of that affair was this: The Capuans at their Sallies ordinarily worstedVelites mixed with Horse. the Roman Horse, till one Navius, a Centurion, made a proposition, that in such Rencounters the Horse-men should take Darters on the croups of their Horses, which was done. Now when the Besieged Sallied, and came up to the Roman Horse, the Velites alighted, and run before the Horse-men, throw­ing their Darts, (whereof they were order'd to have seven) at the Enemy, and then retir'd to their own Horse, having done (as may be supposed) so much mischief to the Hannibalians, and brought them into such disorder, that the Roman Horse often had a cheap Market of them. Navius might well have been the first Roman that thought of this way of fight of Horse and Foot mix­ed together, but it was practis'd long before his time by the Great Alexander, and others. And Caesar bears witness, that long after Navius, Ari [...]vistus, King of the Germans used and practis'd it, who learn'd it not from Navius, or any other Roman in the world. Lipsius thinks, that in Caesars time, there were no Velites, and I am content to be of his opinion, for though it be certain enough, that when Caesar liv'd, there were in the Roman Armies, Slingers, Darters, and Archers, (all which were Velites) yet it may be said, these were but Auxiliaries; for after the Socii, or Allies, were made Burgesses of Rome, and that Rome it self was Mistress not only of all Italy, but many other places of the World, and so could for her Money get Mercenaries when she pleas'd, [Page 62] it is probable, the Romans made no election but of heavy arm'd or Legiona­ries. But the reason Lipsius gives for his opinion will not prove the thing; it is this: Caesar sometimes interlin'd his Cavalry with Antesignani, now these were heavy arm'd, therefore he had no Velites; but this will not follow; for why might not the heavy armed Foot fight among the Horse, as well as the Horse many times were brought to fight among the heavy arm'd Foot, for that depended on the Consuls pleasure, to bring some Foot from the Battel to the Wings, or some Horse from the Wings to the Battel, a thing fre­quently practis'd.

These Velites had their denomination a Velocitate, from Swiftness. In time of Service or Battel, they were sometimes imployed in the Rear, sometimesVelites where marshall'd. in the Flanks, but for most part in the Van; and when they were over-ma­ster'd, they retir'd to the intervals of the Legionaries. Some apprehend, that in their Retreat they divided themselves into three Bodies, the first be­hind the Hastati, the second behind the Principes, and the third behind the Triarii. But assuredly they are mistaken, for after the Velites had quitted the field, the heavy arm'd began the Combate, first the Hastati, and they being worsted, retir'd to the Principes, but this they could not do feasibly, if a Body of Velites stood between them and the Principes, nor could the Principes retire to the Triarii, if another Body of Velites stood between them: And there­fore I think I have reason to conclude, that when the Velites were beaten out of the field, they retir'd straight to the Rear of the Triarii, through the direct intervals of all the three Classes of the heavy armed, and there attended the Consuls further pleasure. Yet if you look on any Figure of a Legion, you shall ordinarily see the Velites drawn up in three distinct Bodies, behind the three several Batallions of the Legionaries, which might have been done when they were marshall'd, before the Fight began; but for the reason I have spoke of, could not be after they had fought, and retir'd. They fought a la disbandad, How they fought. keeping no Rank or File, nor had they peculiar Officers, as the Grecian light armed Foot had. Several fansie, nay positively affirm, they were to obey the commands of the Centurions of those heavy arm'd Maniples, behind whom they were order'd to stand, when the Army was marshall'd. It is not pity, that neither Polybius nor Vegetius would clear us of these doubts, considerable enough, since they concern so considerable a member of the Ancient Roman Ar­mies? And since Lipsius, Terduzzi, and the Lord Preissa [...], magisterially takeBy whom Commanded. upon them to marshal them in three distinct Bodies, and to be commanded by the Centurions that stood in the Van of the Maniples of these Legionaries drawn up before them; is it fair dealing in them, not to tell us who commanded these Velites, when they were skirmishing, and fighting in the Van of the Hasta­ti, and when all the Centurions of the heavy armed were obliged to stay behind, and attend their charges, in their several Maniples and Co­horts?

The Body of the heavy armed Infantry was compos'd of three several Classes, those were, the Hastati, the Principes, and the Triarii.

The first Class was of the Hastati, who were, as I told you before, theHastati. youngest in the election, and for most part Novitiates. I find no difference of their Arms from those of the Principes, and what those were, I have told you in the third Chapter, to which henceforward I constantly remit you, as to the matter of Arms. But I conceive they had their name of Hastati, ab Ha­stâ, that is, a Spear, which probably they have carried in the Reigns of some of their Kings; and though afterward they came to change their Weapon, yet they still retain'd their name. These Hastati made the first Batallion, whatever Vegetius say to the contrary, as shall be sufficiently demonstrated, when I come to examine his Legion. The second Class was of the Principes, Principes. who were the strongest and lustiest men, and had most of them serv'd former­ly, and were in the strength of their age, and had their denomination, per­adventure, because they were the principal men for strength and vigour; these made the second Batallion of the Legion. The third Class was of the Triarii: Lipsius thinks they were called so, quasi Tertiarii, because they made the thirdTriarii. Batallion. I think the Etymology is far fought, but it is fit I admit it, be­cause I cannot give a better. Yet it is certain that their more ancient name [Page 63] was Pilani, and their whole Body or Squadron was called Pilus, no doubt,Called Pilan; from Pilum the Javeline; and if so, then it is more than probable, that in older times, neither the Hastati, nor the Principes carried Javelines, because both of them in History are called Antepilani. In Polybius his time, the Triarii carried no Javeline at all, and yet even then they kept their old name of Pila­ni. All the difference of Arms that I find between them and the other two Classes, both before, and in Polybius's time, is, that the Triarii carried a short Spear, which they call'd Hastile, of nine foot long, and I have told you in theCarried short Spears. third Chapter, that the Pilum or Javeline, by Polybius his own description, was near seven foot long. Why these short Spears were given them instead of Javelines, Authors tell us not. Lipsius makes a conjecture, which in my opinion is a very sorry one. He saith, the Triarii being plac'd in the Rear of the other two Batallions, their Javelines could have done them no service against an Enemy at so great a distance. What a pitiful Reason is this? For the Triarii were not bound to fight with either Javeline, short Spear, or any other Weapon, till either the Principes and Hastati retir'd to them, or that they themselves were brought up to the Van; and in any of these two cases, Javelines would have serv'd them to as good purpose, as they did the two Ba­tallions marshall'd before them. And if these short Spears serv'd the Triarii better when they came to fight, than the Javelines, then they should likewise have serv'd the other two Classes better than the Javeline, and so the Pilum, or Javeline, should have been laid aside as useless. And therefore, I think, Lipsius here hath not hit the mark. To me, it would rather seem, that in aWhy they carried not Javelines. medley, when perchance an Enemy vigorously pursued the Principes, the Triarii could not, without wronging their Friends (who were retiring) cast their Ja­velines with so much advantage, as they could manage these short Spears. In the Countrey now called Lombardy, then Gallia Cisulyi [...], the Roman Consuls, Furius and Flaminius, met with a numerous Army of the Cisalpine Gauls, these carried terrible long and heavy Swords, to avoid the fury whereof, the Ro­mans thought it fit to take the short Spears from the Triarii, and give them to the Hastati, that either with them they might keep the Enemy at a distance, or while the Gauls were slashing at those short Spears, and that their Swords (for their weight not very manageable▪) were at the ground, the Hastati with their short Swords might get within them; and this suc­ceeding as it was projected, gain'd the Romans the Victory, as Polybius in his Second Book tells us. I would he had told us too, whether these Hastati made use both of their own Javelines, and the short Spears of the Triarii, which is not improbable; or if they exchang'd Weapons for that day. But here give me leave to ask Polybius, Vegetius, L [...]psius, Terduzzi, and all othersObservation. who tenaciously prefer the Roman Arms to all others of the World, Whether a long Grecian Spear of eighteen foot, would not have done better service against the Gauls, than either a Javeline or a short Spear? Or if a Mac [...]donian Phalange, strongly arm'd, carrying Pikes of one and twenty foot long, would have much valued or feared the long and heavy Swords of these Cisalpine Bar­barians.

These Triarii were the eldest and most experimented of the Roman Foot, and therefore were kept for the last Reserve, not at all fighting, if the other two Bodies beat the Enemy, but if those were beaten, or order'd to retire, (as sometimes they were) then they arose, and made a fresh and furious on­set, and if that prevail'd not, the safety of the Army depended either on their Flight; or on a fair and orderly Retreat. Hence in desperate cases they us'd to say, Ʋsque ad Triari [...]s perventum est▪ History tells us, that while others were fighting, the Triarii rested themselves, till the Consul or General gaveTriarii rest. them either an Order or a Sign to rise. But in what posture they rested, whe­ther they kneel'd or sate; or if they kneel'd, whether they did it on one knee or both; or if on one knee, whether on the Right or the Left, is not to me very clear. Vegetius, in the twentieth Chapter of his first Book, seems to say onBut how, is a question. both knees, genibus posu [...]s, are his words, and indeed this was the easiest way. In the sixteenth Chapter of his second Book, he makes them kneel but on one knee, and this, I believe, is the truest. But in the fourteenth Chapter of his third Book, to my thinking, he makes them fit, which, I suppose, could not [Page 64] be true at all, for at that posture they could not with any conveniency make a Pent-house of their Shields, which both he and Polybius say, and which Reason teacheth, they were bound to do, to save themselves from the Enemies missiles.

There is no doubt, the Triarii did often recover the honour of the day, when it was well near lost. When Lucius Furius was well beaten by the Vol­scians Ordinarily the Triarii kept for the last Reserve. at Satricum, Livy tells us in his sixth Book, that Furius [...]amillus advanc'd seasonably with his Triarii, charg'd gallantly, and obtain'd the Victory. The Latines after an obstinate fight at V [...]suvius, had fair hopes of Victory, when they had wholly defeated the Lest Wing of the Roman Army, and in it kill'd the Con [...]ul Decius, and forc'd both the Hasta [...] and Principes to give ground on the Right hand: But Manlius with his Triarii fell freshly upon them, and reco­ver'd the Battel. Polybius in his Second Book says, The Triarii were not only kept for the last Reserve on the Land, but at Sea likewise in their Naval Bat­tels. Yet were they not always left for the last, for at or near Capua, the Consul Petilius perceiving by the extent of the Samnites Army, that they in­tended to out-wing him, (a danger to which most of the Roman Armies were obnoxious) did not stay till the Hastati and Principes had fought, but presently call'd up both the Principes and Triarii to the Van, and of them making a largeBut not al­ways. Front, by a furions charge of all his three Bodies marshall'd in Breast, routed his Enemy. Neither do I make any doubt, but those six Cohorts which Caesar call'd up to the Front of his Army at Pharsalia, were Triarii, for he says, he call'd them ex ter [...]i [...] agmine, out of the third Batallion. He did it to assist his Horse against Pompey's Cavalry, which far surpass'd his in number, and to these Cohorts himself attributeth the Victory. And if he had nor call'd them up be­fore the fight begun, but delay'd (according to the ordinary custome) till his Hastati and Principes had retir'd, perhaps he should have made use of them too late; but he fore-saw the danger of that well enough, and prevent­ed it.

Since the Hastati, when over-power'd, were to retire to the Principes, and both of them, when over-master'd, to the Triarii; there is no question, but in each of these Bodies there were distances and intervals prepar'd, wherein to receive one another, whether by the Retreat of the first to the second, or of both first and second to the third, or by the advance of the second and the third to the first. That these Intervals were, is granted by all, but what measure or podisme of ground for any of them, is not at all punctually set down by any, for any thing I know; an inexcusable oversight t [...] but I shall speak of them all in my Discourse of Intervals. Here I shall only take notice of two things. First, That Machiavel errs, when he says in the Third Book of his A [...]t of War, that theError of Ma­chiavelli. Hastati had no Interval, but fought in one Body, Spossi & f [...]rmi, Thick and close. For, if so▪ the Principel could not advance to their assistance, or yet conveniently and feasibly receive them (when they retir'd) within their Inter­vals, if they had not been marsha [...]l'd in smaller Bodies. I suppose this fancy had its birth only in Machiavel's Brain, whose Head, no doubt, was full of more hurtful notions. The second thing I am to acqu [...]int you with in this place, is, that whatever distance was allow'd between the Maniples or Cohorts of the Principes, for receiving the Ha [...]ti, the double proportion of distance must have been given between the Maniples or Cohorts of the Triarii, in regard they were to receive both the Hastati and Principes Poly [...]s in his fifth Book avers, that though the number of the Hastati and Principes might vary, and be greater or lesser, according to the strength or weakness of the Legion, yet the number of the Triarii never alter'd, but they were constantly six hundred. Now in his time the number of the Principes was twelve h [...]ndred, and that of the Hastati as many. Achille [...] Ter [...]zzi, not adverting to what I have said ofA mistake of Terduzzi. distances, concludes first, that the two formost Batellions were marshall'd twelve deep, (which I will not grant him) and next, that the Triarii were drawn up but six deep, which I would not fail to deny him, though I had grant­ed him the first. His reason for the last assertion is, that the Triarii being but half the number of the other two Batallions, could not make an equal Front with the other two, unless they were drawn up but half their depth: But he doth not take heed, that if they had made an equal Front of men with the other two, they could not have receiv'd both the other two in their Inter­vals, [Page 65] but only one of them, and then they had not done that, for which purpose­ly they stood in the third Batallion: And if he had adverted, that the Intervals, between the Maniples of the Triarii, must have been double that which was allow'd to the other two Classes, that stood before them, he would have marshall'd six hundred as deep as he did twelve hundred, for the double distance between the several Bodies of six hundred, made six hundred of equal Front of ground with the twelve hundred before them: so you may easily consider that notwithstanding the disparity of their numbers, the difference of the several Intervals made the Front equal, (as to the ground) of all the three Batallions of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii.

The Reason, and the only Reason why we must believe, that the Triarii Triarii but 600 in every Legion. were constantly six hundred, is because Polybius said it was so; but I shall suppose, it was neither so before his time, nor yet after his time, nor doth he offer to give any reason why it was so in his time. Lipsius (who is very ready for such things) offers to give two Reasons for it, the first whereof is stark naught, and it is this, That the Principes came back to their assistance; but by this argument they needed not have been so many as six hundred, because both the Hastati and Principes came back to their assistance, and by this Reason the Principes should have been but six hundred, because the Hastati came back to their help, before they were obliged to fight. But his second Reason speaksAnd why. better sense, which is, That the Consul (who ordinarily stood near the Triarii) came with the Evocati of the Romans, and the Extraordinarii of the Socii or Allies, and joyn'd with the Triarii. What these Extraordinarii were, shall be told you in my Discourse of the Allies, and what the Evocati were, I shall tell you just now.

If you will believe Lipsius, the Evocati were only of the Roman Nation, but,Evocati what. I think, I am obliged rather to believe Caesar, who saith, he had his Evocat [...] out of Gaule, and at that time of his Civil War, the Gauls were either Enemies, or Auxiliaries at best. Those of the Evocat [...] who were Romans, were such as had serv'd out their time, and by the Laws of their Militia, were not bound to follow the War; yet upon the Intreaty or Letters of the Consul, Pro-Consul, or General, came without constraint, to wait upon him or them in that expedition. Some of them sery'd on Horse, some on Foot, and were put in Troops and Companies, and had their Officers and Pay, but were exempted from all manner of Military duties, except fighting, and attending on him who commanded in chief. A great many of them went with Scipio to Africk, three thousand of them went to Macedon with Titus Flaminius, two thousand went with Pompey against Caesar. And Augustus in one expedition had ten thousand of them. Besides these Evocati, there were Volunteers,Roman Volun­teers. who having serv'd out their time, were not ordinary Souldiers, and not be­ing call'd out by the Consul, were not properly Evocati; neither had they any pay, but went to the War meerly of their own motion and free-will, either to do their Countrey service, or to acquire Riches or Honour to themselves and families, or for all these three respects together.

Now, there were, besides all these Foot, which I have mention'd, some ofProletar [...]i what. the poorer sort called Proletarii, and Capite censi, that were not admitted by Servius Tullius, King of Rome, to be enrolled for the War, but were left to serve at Sea, which at that time was esteem'd dishonourable, in comparison of the Land service. Yet in time of danger they were bound to take Arms (which were given them out of the publick Magazines) for the defence of the Walls of the City. But in process of time, they came to be enrolled in Legions, particularly with Marius against the T [...]ut [...]n [...]s and the Cimbrians.

Livius in his eighth Book, writing of that War which the Romans had withRorarii and Accensi. the Latines, mentions Rorarii and Accensi, in two several Bodies, and he places them behind the Triarii▪ they were call'd from the Rear, according as the Consul or General had use for them: They were the light armed Foot, and had those names till the Romans besieged Capua, in Hannibal's time; then and there, it seems, they got the name of Velites, and that they kept. They were called Accensi, because they were the meanest in the Cense, and Rorarii, à rore, from Dew, because in skirmishing they scatter'd themselves, as Dew doth on Grass. I shall tell you more of them in my Discourses of a Roman Legion.

Each of these three Classes of the heavy armed Foot was divided into Centuries. Two Centuries made a Maniple, three Maniples made a Cohort, and ten Cohorts made up a Legion. A Roman Legion was of greater or les­serLegion. number, according to the pleasure of the King, Senate, People or Empe­rour, who was invested with the Soveraignty, or as the exigency of the pre­sent condition of affairs seem'd to require. Romulus ordain'd it to consist of three thousand men, one thousand of each Tribe, whereof there were but three in his time, though afterward they came to be thirty five. Whether the Kings who succeeded Romulus kept the Legion at three thousand Foot, I know not; but after Monarchy was banish'd the City, Legions came to be four thousand strong, sometimes five thousand, and twice, (if I mistake not) six thousand and two hundred.

Let us now speak of the several Bodies of a Legion, and first of a Century.A Centuriate and Centuri­on. At the first constitution, I doubt not, but a Centuriate consisted of one hun­dred men, and its Commander was called Centurion, both the words being de­riv'd from Centum, a hundred. But thereafter that band of men called a Cen­turiate, in Legions of four thousand, or four thousand two hundred (which was most, ordinary) came to consist but of sixty men in the two Classes of the Hastati and Principes, and but of thirty, in the third Class of the Triarii. In the Class of the Hastati there were twenty Centuriates, at sixty men each of them, and those were twelve hundred. Just as many Centuriates, and of that same number, for the Principes made twelve hundred more. In the Class of the Triarii there were likewise twenty Centuriates, but each of these con­sisted but of thirty men, which made six hundred, in all three thousand heavy armed. The other thousand or twelve hundred were Velites. But though each of those Bands were but sixty or thirty strong, yet they, and their principal Commander kept their ancient denom [...]nations of Centuriate and Centurion. There were sixty Centuriates in a Legion, though Vegetius speaks of but fifty five, which shall hereafter be examin'd. The Centurion was chosen by the Tribune (as I formerly told you) and he had liberty to chuse his own Sub-Centurion,A Sub-Cen­turion. whose station was in the Rear, and was indeed nothing but ou [...] Bringer up. Polybius his Interpreter calls the Centurions, Ordinum D [...]ctores, Lea­ders of Files, or of Centuriates, if Ordo be taken for a Centuriate, as perhaps it was; the Sub-Centurion he calls Agminis Coactorem, and that is di­rectly our Rear-man. This will not make a Centurion and Sub-Centurion to be our Captain and Lieutenant, (as some would have them to be) and if you will be pleas'd to consider that a Roman Centurion commanded but sixty, some of them but thirty men, and was himself no otherwise arm'd than the rest of the Centuriate, only distinguished by his Crest, and that he stood in Rank and File with the rest, either on the Right or Left hand of the Front of the Maniple: I suppose, you will think with me, that the Roman Centurions, for the matter of either Power or Honour, were no other than our Corporals,Centurions our Corpo­rals. and their Sub-Centurions such as Lancespesats, especially where Foot Compa­nies are (as in our own time they were in several places of Europe) three hun­dred strong, and consequently every Corporalship sixty men. The Centuri­ons badge was a Branch, Rod, or Twig of a Vine, wherewith he had power to beat or whip those of his Centuriate as they deserv'd. It is not half an age since a Corporal used to carry a Musket-rest in his hand, wherewith he might beat those of his Corporalship according to their Misdemeanors. Nei­ther will the matter of Profit or Pay make any difference between them, the Roman Centurion having but double allowance of either Wages, Proviant, or Donatives of what the common Souldier had, and so have our Corporals in all or most of our Modern Armies. Polybius informs us, that the Centu­rion might nominate his Sub-Centurion, that in case he should dye in Battel, the other should succed him; and by this it should seem, that so long as the Centurion liv'd, the Sub-Centurion had no command at all. But we do notSub-Centuri­on his rise. at all read of Sub-Centurion till before that great Battel was fought between the Romans and the Latines, that a Roman Centurion, who was of a weak Body, knowing he was to encounter with a Latine Centurion who was strong, desir'd to have one joyn'd to him as his helper or Sub-Centurion, to assist him, as Livy at great length relates the story in his eighth Book; and this, it may be, gave [Page 67] the rise to that despicable Office of a Sub-Centurion, who is called an Option by Vegetius; a word, I do not remember to have read in any other Author, except once in Polybius. The Tribunes very often used their Centurions as we do our Marshals and Proforces of Companies, and worse, in causing them to lead the Malefactors out of the Camp, and there either see them put to death, or do it themselves. After Julius Caesar had usurp'd the State, hisCenturions sometimes Hang-men. Successors, the Emperours, used their Centurions directly as their Hang-men, in causing them to put to death with their own hands, such as they in their Arbitrary Government had ordain'd to dye. So one of them with his own hand kill'd the Empress M [...]ssalina, not by the Emperour Claudius his command, but by the direction of his freed Bond-slave Narcissus. Another of them as­sisted at the horrid murther of the Empress Agrippina, after he had basely struck her over the head with a Battoon. Every Centuriate had a Banner or Colours, and the Ensign-bearer was chosen by the Centurion; nor can I find, that this Ensign-bearer was any distinct Officer, but only some one of the com­mon Souldiers, whom for his Courage and Strength the Centurion entrusted with the Ensign; for his Command was none at all, and his profit as little, being no otherwise paid than as other Souldiers were, only he was a step nearer preferment than they.

Two Centuriates made a Maniple, so called from a wisp or handful of Hay, tyedA Maniple. to a long Pole, which perhaps was the first Ensign that ever Romulus carried. The Maniple had no particular Commander, the oldest Centurion commanded the Right hand Centuriate, and the youngest the Left hand one. The Maniple had two Ensigns, one for each Centuriate. And this Lipsius (convinc'd by History) acknow­ledgeth in the first Dialogue of his fourth Book of his Commentary on Polybius, yet in the third Dialogue of that same Book, he seems to allow but one Ensign to the Maniple. But he doth worse, for in the third Dialogue of his second Book (speaking of that passage in Livy's eighth Book, where he makes three Ensigns to be in one Maniple, made up of Triarii, Rorarii, and Accensi) Lipsius saith it might be so; for, saith he, there may be Colours where there is no Commander, whereof the Rorarii and Accensi had none. This is strange Doctrine, Colours without Com­manders. But observe more, that notwithstanding the Authority of Livius, Poly­bius and Vegetius, who give an Ensign to every Centuriate, Lipsius in the eighth Dialogue of his second Book, declares his opinion to be, that a Maniple con­sisting of two Centuriates, had but one Ensign. In what Roman Authors heLipsius will allow but one Ensign for a Maniple. His Reasons examined, and answer­ed. First. hath read this I know not, but I am confident he saw neither of the two practis'd in his own Countrey, during the whole Wars between the King of Spain, and the Estates of the Netherlands, which began a little before he be­gan to write. But it is fit we hear and answer the Reasons, wherewith he endeavours to confirm his opinion: First, He cites Varro, who mentions but one Signum, or Banner, in one Maniple. It is answer'd, That Varro in that place intended not to inform us, whether there were two Ensigns or one, in the Maniple, that not being the subject or matter of his discourse; and there­fore when he spoke of one, he did not deny but there might be two. Secondly,Second. saith Lipsius, Since there was but one Eagle in the Legion, there should be but one Banner in the Maniple. Truly, he might as well have said but one Banner in the Cohort, the Analogy would have held as well, if not better. It was the Romans plreasure to have but one Eagle in every Legion, and one Colours in every Centuriate, and the question is de re gestâ, of the thing done, and not of the causes and reasons of the deed it self. Thirdly, he saith, Polybius speaks ofThird. two Signiferi, or Ensign-bearers, but not of two Ensigns. Neither doth that which Lipsius adds, help him, that he thinks, the one Ensign-bearer was to relieve the other when he was wearied. To the first part of this Reason, I say it is of no force; for when Polybius said, there were two Ensign-bearers, he said in these words, There were likewise two Ensignes. For if Lipsius should say, In one Brigade there are two Colonels, would not any man in­fer, That there were two Regiments in that Brigade. To the second part, That the one Ensign-bearer serv'd to relieve and ease the other; it is but a conjecture of Lipsius, and he guesseth not always right. For why should there be two Ensign-bearers for one Ensign, since there was but one Eagle bearer for one Eagle, which was much heavier, and of more consequence than an [Page 68] ordinary banner. Fourthly, he tells us that when Casar beat Pompey at Phar­salia, [...]ourth. he took nine Eagles, that is, saith he, one for every Legion, but he took only one hundred and eighty Ensigns; now, saith Lipsius, if there had been two Colours in every Maniple, he should have taken five hundred and forty of them. I wonder why so grave a Man as Lipsius, would propose so ridiculous an argument; for first Casar got not all Pompey's Eagles, for himself writes, that Pompey had one hundred and ten Cohorts, these made up eleven complete Legions, but Casar got but nine Eagles, and so he wanted the two belonging to the other two Legions; and if he had got all the Ensigns that be­longed to those nine Eagles, (reckoning two Ensigns to every Maniple) he had got no fewer than five hundred and forty, or yet (according to Lipsius his own account, reckoning but one Banner to every Maniple) if he had got all, he should have got just two hundred and seventy, yet Casar declares he got no more than one hundred and eighty. What will follow upon all this, but that all the rest of the Ensigns escaped, as well as the two Eagles, or that they were torn or destroyed by the Bearers, as is usual in our own times for Ensigns to do. But he concludes, that whatever the Maniples▪ of the Principes and the Hastati had, yet each Century of the Triarii had but one Colour, because of their small number, but his conjecture is ill grounded, as not agreeable to ancient story; for it being agreed on, that thirty Men of the Triarii should make a Century, that Century ought to have had an Ensign as well as a Century of ei­ther the Hastati or Principes, which, according to Polybius, consisted of sixty Men, and according to Vegetius, of one hundred Men. And we see the likeAll Centuri­a [...]es had Co­lours. practice in our Modern Companies of Foot, which are ordained to be but of one hundred a piece, they have Colours as well as Companies of one hundred twenty six, or one hundred forty eight Men, or others of full three hundred Men.

I hope, if I question the truth of some things, which Lipsius avers either here, or afterward, it shall not be esteemed arrogance in me, for I reverence the memory of that great and learned Man, but it will, I suppose, be grantedApology of the Author. me, that he might easily erre in things that belonged not properly to his pro­fession, though I believe, no one Man hath given greater light, to the Roman History, than he hath done. In the fifth Dialogue of the fifth Book of his Commentary, he himself gives free liberty to all Military Persons to examine all he writes on a Military subject, provided, they be not omnium literarum & artium rudes, that is not altogether rude, and wholly ignorant of all Learning and Arts.

A Cohort consisted of three Maniples, but neither were these three Mani­plesA Cohort. all of one classe, nor was the Cohort marshall'd in one equal Batallion or Front, but it was order'd thus: A Maniple of the Hastati, a Maniple of the Principes, and a Maniple of the Triarii made a Cohort, and these were mar­shall'd so, that the Maniple of the Principes stood at a distance just behind the Interval that was (I pray you observe it) between two Maniples of the Hasta­ti, and not directly behind one of the Maniples of the first classe, and the third Maniple of the Cohort, which was of the Triarii, stood directly behind theHow Mar­shalled. Interval that was between two Maniples of the Principes. And to speak it once for all, this was ever the Roman custome, of marshalling these three clas­ses of Hastati, Principes and Triarii; except once at Zama, where Scipio drew them up in a direct and straight line, one just behind another, leaving one Interval directly opposite to that, which was before it, to give way to the fury of Hannibal's numerous Elephants, saith Livius; of both his Elephants and Horse, saith Polybius: I shall neither busie my Reader, nor my self with the etymology of the word Coh [...]rs, which may be a Greek word, that signifi­eth a close or inclosure; but I shall say, that though the centuriate was some­times stronger, sometimes weaker of Men, according as the Legion was ap­pointed to be, yet still a Maniple was the same, that is, a Band of Men consist­ing of two Centuriates joyn'd together, and a Cohort was still the same, that is, a Body compos'd of three Maniples, though not joyn'd together, till ne­cessity forced either the retreat or advance of some of them. And being a Legion consisted of ten Cohorts, and the strongest Legion we read of (as to its number of Foot) was six thousand two hundred, I admire, why in the de­scription of the Ancient Roman Legion, Vegetius makes his first Cohort to con­sist [Page 69] of one thousand Men and more, and all the other nine of five hundred andVegetius his Cohorts. fifty apiece, whereas according to the number of his Legion, (which was six thousand and one hundred) each Cohort should have consisted of six hundred and sixteen Men, or thereabouts. Neither doth his Commentator Steuechius defend him well, by telling us, that there were Millenariae Cohortes, Cohorts of thousands, for these were not Legionary Cohorts, but Bands, Batallions, or Bodies of such Companies, Centuriates or Maniples, as the Praetor, Consul, Imperator, or General chused and appointed to attend him in the time of War, and were called Cohortes Pr [...]torian [...], or Pretorian Guards, and were strongerPretorian Co­horts. or weaker, more or less numerous, according to the power, or the pleasure of the Commander in chief, and afterwards they were the Guards of the Em­perors, in time both of Peace and War. The first we read of that had one of them was Posthumius the Dictator mentioned by Livy in his second Book. The great Scipio gathered a choice number of his friends and Dependers together, to attend him in his Carthaginian Voyage, eased them of all Duties, but fight­ing, and allowed them a third more of pay, than others had. Julius Casar had none of them. Augustus had nine thousand of them, whom he calledEmperour's Guards. firmamentum Imperii, the firmament, and establishers of the Empire, but in time they came to be the Electors of the Empire, the Murtherers of the Emperors, and the bane of the Commonwealth: some of them served on Horseback, and yet still retained the name of Cohorts.

I believe Lipsius conjectures right enough, that in the time of the civil Wars, where Armies were made up of many Legions, and these made weak by long and continuated Marches, frequent Sieges and Battels, then I say, it is pro­bable, Cohorts were modell'd in one Body, and used, as Maniples used to beCohorts mar­shalled as Maniples. in more ancient times; yet for all that, I will not grant to Lipsius, that the Co­hort consisted of less than six Centuries, though they might be very weak, nor yet will I grant, that every one of those six Centuries had not its own Centu­rion, and Ensign: for as in our Modern Regiments, a Captain is still Captain, though his Company be not twenty strong, and hath Colours always, till the Regiment is broken; so among the Romans every Century or Ordo had its Centurion and Ensign, till the Legion was dismiss'd and disbanded, which was frequently enough done.

In every Legion there were ten Cohorts, neither had a Cohort any parti­cularHow many Cohorts in a Legion. Commander over it, more than the Maniple had, so as yet, the Centu­rion was the highest Officer, yea the only Officer in a Legion, except the Tri­bunes, whereof for the most part there were six in a Legion, be the Legion of what strength it would, yet the Legion was not divided among the Tribunes, nor had any one of them a particular command of any part of it, but all of them, and every one of them had the command of the whole Legion; but to shun both confusion and contention, they commanded about a month by turns, for Polybius in his fifth Book informs us, that two Tribunes had the command for one month alternatively; his meaning certainly was, two Tribunes in a Con­sular Army, in which there were two Legions of Romans, besides Allies, andMilitary Tri­bunes. that is still one Tribune for every Legion, and so the Tribunes had their turns, if it be true what Polybius supposes, that the Army staid in the Field but six Months, and ordinarily they staid no longer, and sometimes not so long▪ yet we find that sometimes they staid abroad all the Winter over, the first pra­ctice whereof was at the Siege of V [...]ii, and then, no doubt, the Tribunes took their turns of command, as they did in the Summer time. Here now, you see, we have six Tribunes in a Legion, and but one Tribune in a Legion. The other five had that same respect, service, and obedience paid them, with him who commanded, and sate in the Council of War with the Consul, as well as he.

The power and authority of the Tribunes was great enough, they judged of all causes, Civil, Criminal, and Military, but the last appeal was reserved for the Consul, or General. They might impose pecuniary mulcta and fines, andTheir Power. punish by defalcation of Pay, or Proviant, and by whipping likewise; yea Po­lybius says, they might pass a sentence of Death, others say, not without the Council. They received the Tessera, or Watchword from the Consul, where­of I shall give you a more perfect account in another place. They wentTheir Duties. [Page 70] before to see the Camp measured out, according to the form of the Roman Castrametation, whereof hereafter.

But where these Tribunes had their Stations in the time of Battel (for sure the other five were not idle then) neither Polybius nor Vegetius tells us oneTheir station in Battel. word; Doubtless they are to blame, for concealing that, and many other considerable points of the Roman art of War. And here again, I am forced to engage with Lipsius, who very frankly offers his conjecture, which is this; That all the six Tribunes stood beside or near the Consul, and that was, saith he, beside the Eagle on the right hand of the Triarii; but if he had remembred of some things, that no question he knew, he would not have vented this opinion of his: For, first, the Consul could not be beside two Eagles, andLipsius erres in his con­jecture; therefore the Tribunes of both Legions could not be beside him. Secondly, The Consul, as all History witnesseth, was so far from being constantly at the Eagle, that he was but very seldom beside any of the Eagles, except when he was to lead the Triarii up to the assistance of the other two Classes, and many times he did this by a sign, and not in Person. Thirdly, it had been great shame for a knot of Colonels to have stood all of them beside the Triarii, when the other two Batallions of Hastati and Principes were at hot work with an Enemy. Now, the reason, which Lipsius gives for this guess of his, is as extravagant as the conjecture it self, and I pray you, hear it. Because, saith he, the Tribunes in the Roman Camp quarter'd all very near the Praetorium, orAnd in the reason of it. Consuls Pavilion: and therefore, that in time of Battel, they should all be beside or near the Consul, is an Inference not worthy the youngest Novitiate in Logick: for, if this reason were valid, then all the Horsemen should have been embattell'd in the rear beside the Triarii, because in the Camp they quar­ter'd all beside them, as you shall hear afterwards. But since guessing is in fashion, why may not I guess too? yes, by Lipsius his permission, I think I may. I shall lose but little. My conjecture then shall be grounded on two undeniable truths, the first is, that the Tribunes had the command of theThe Authors conjecture. Horse, as well as of the Foot: The second, that the Roman Horse were al­most constantly marshall'd in one Wing, and for the most part, in the right Wing, the left one being ordain'd for the Cavalry of the Allies, add a third truth to the other two, that the Horse had no Officers to command them, but Decurions, and these were Independent one of another: Let us then allow one of the six Tribunes to command the Horse. In the next place let us or­der two experimented Tribunes to stay with the Triarii, and the other two to command the Principes, and the sixth with my consent, shall fight with the Hastati. If this conjecture of mine please the Reader, as little as that of Lip­sius pleaseth me, I shall not break my heart for the matter, for I have met with greater disappointments.

As to any other Officer of the Infantry, in the old Roman Militia, I find none. Vegetius tells us in the seventh Chapter of his second Book, of some mean Office▪ bearers, who perhaps in his time had some small allowance of pay more than ordinary: But in Polybius's time, and before it, they were nothing but Gregarii Milites, common Souldiers; and we are now speaking of the ancient constitutions of the Roman Militia. But with Vegetius I shall speak a word of these meaner Office-beaters. Tesserarii, who received the word from theTesserarii, what. Metatores, what. Mensores, what. Clerks. Tribunes. Metatores went before with the Tribune to measure out the Camp▪ Mensores, who in the Field gave the Souldiers ground for their Huts and Tents, and their several Lodgings in Towns and Villages, as our Quarter­masters and Fouriers do. Librarii were petty Clerks and Scriveners, who kept the accounts of Pay, proviant, and donatives; all these in ancient times were appointed and chosen by the Centurions, remaining still common Soul­diers, and changed at their pleasure. In that same Chapter Vegetius speaks of Ordinarii, Qui in pralio primos ordines ducunt, who in Battel, saith he, led the first orders. But here, to me he is very obscure, for Ordines may signifie Esta­tes, Ordinares, what. which is not meant in this place; Ordines signifies Centuriates, and so Ca­saubon in his translation of Polybius useth it, and Ordines is very often taken for both Ranks and Files. If Vegetius had used Ordines here for Centuriates, then assuredly he would have said the Ordinarii were the Principes, or of them, for [Page 71] according to his account, the Principes made the first Batallion, and so were Primi ordines, that is, the first Centuriates. But if by Ordines he meant Ranks, as all along he seems to do, then his Primi ordines, or first ranks, were no­thing but File-leaders, whereof, indeed the Centurion himself was one, and the Dignity he had, was, that he marched and fought either on the right or left hand of his own Centuriate, as when two were joyned in a Maniple, the oldest Centurion stood on the right hand of the Maniple, and the youngest on the left. It is there also, where the same Author tells us, of some who were called Augustales, that were joyned to these Ordinarii, but he makes it notAugustals, what. clear to us, what duty they did, nor could they at all belong to the Ancient Roman Militia, having been but ordain'd by Augustus, from whom they had their Denomination. The Flaviales, he saith, were, tanquam secundi Augu­stales, Flavials, what. the second Augustals, being Instituted by the Emperour Flavius Vespasian, from whom they had their name. What shall I say of these Augustals and Fla­vials, but that these two Emperours, have bestow'd, it may be, a little more allowance of Pay or Bread upon some common Souldiers, than upon others, and as a mark of their favour, have perhaps, appointed the second or third Rank to be next in honour to the Front, or the Rear, and those who march'd in them, to be call'd by their names, Augustals and Flavials. Vegetius his Tor­quati, Torquati, what. Simplares, and Duplares, were such as had received gold Chains, or Bracelets, single or double, as rewards of their Valour, Vertue and good ser­vice, who besides had many times given them a double allowance of Bread, Flesh, and Wine: All these were nothing but common Souldiers, who enjoy'd such benefits as these we have spoke of; and perhaps were not priviledgedAll of them common Souldiers. from the Duties of those Souldiers, who were called Munifices, whereof I spoke formerly. As to Vegetius his Trumpeters and Horn-winders, whereof he speaks in that same place, I shall have a Discourse of them in a Chapter apart.

It is there likewise, where Vegetius speaks of the Creation of Tribunes,Tribunes. who, he saith, were chosen by the Emperors, after they were vested with the Soveraign Power, and had their authority given them per Epistolam sacram, which I may english by an Imperial Patent, or Commission. But in my Dis­course of Election, I have shown you, who used to chuse the Tribunes after the Ancient Roman way. And in the same Chapter it is, that our Author qua­lifies those (whom Livy calls Subcenturiones, and Casaubon out of Polybius, Agmi­nis Coactores) with the name of Optiones, they signifie all one thing, and I think,Options, what. Bringers up: yet among these Rear-men there was one, who was chosen by the Centurion to assist him, and this was the Sub-Centurion, our Lancespesate, if he was so much. But I pray you, take notice how Vegetius describes these Persons: Optiones ab optando appellati, quod antecedentibus agritudine prapeditis, Vegetius his description of them. tanquam adoptati eorum, atque Vicarii solent universa curare, Options, saith he, they were called from wishing, or adopting, because those who marched be­fore them, being hindred by sickness, they as their adopted and Vicars used to have a care of all things. By this description, they were nothing but Bring­ers up, and all Bringers up could not be Sub-centurions. And at best, the Sub-Centurion had all his power from his Centurion, and was, as his adopted Child to succeed him in his charge after his death, whether that happen'd by a natu­ral or a violent way. But so far as I can yet perceive, this Sub-Centurion, this Agminis Coactor, this Optio, this adopted Child, signified nothing, nor could officiate any way, till his Father the Centurion dyed, or at least, till he either fell sick, or chanced to be wounded, and then this Adopted Son of his might supply his place, as his Deputy.

I find in some Authors, that every Legion had a Physician, but whether eve­ryPhysicians & Chirurgions. Centuriate, Maniple or Cohort, had a Chirurgion, I know not, for I find nothing of it in any Author I have read. But since nothing is more certain, than that the Roman Souldiers and Officers were frequently wounded, and that we read of Consuls and Dictators, who have made it a part of their work (as indeed it was) to visit, comfort, and cherish the sick and hurt, in their Tents, and Hutts, I think, we need not doubt, but their Armies were well provided of these Artists, without whose help, the comfortable words of a General, nay of a Prince, to a heavily diseased Person, could signifie but little.

The Eagle was the Ensign or Banner of every Legion, it being the ArmsThe Eagle. of the Roman State, as it continues to be to the German Roman Emperours to this day. It was carried on the top of a long Pole or Spear, and was en­trusted to the care and keeping of the first Centurion of the Legion, and that was he who commanded on the Right hand of the Triarii, but whether he carried it himself, or had only the inspection of it, and was to answerBy whom carried. for the loss of it, I have read no Author who clears me, nor doth Lipsius offer me any help. And therefore I shall be of the opinion, that the Centurion who had the Command of the Legion next to the Tribunes, ought not to have been hinder'd in the exercise of his function, (especially when he was both to fight himself, and teach others how to fight) with so great a burthen, as was the Eagle, with its long Pole; and till I get better information, I shall think that he had some other strong lusty fellow to bear it, for the defence where­of, many Centurions at several occasions, lost their lives. I told you be­fore, that in ancient times the whole Batallion of the Triarii was called Pi­lus, and themselves Pilani; hence it is, that the first Centurion of that Class (to whom the Eagle was recommended) was called Primipilus, andPrimipilus, and his privi­ledges▪ was the first of the whole Legion, to which degree of honour (as being then capable to be a Tribune) he ascended by many steps, as having been a Centurion of, and in all the other two Classes before: He had some privi­ledges, more than other Centurions had; one whereof was, that he might sit in Council with the Consul, Legates, and Tribunes. He who carried the Eagle was called Aquilifer, or Eagle-bearer; who still, I think, could not be the Primipilus, of whom Vegetius in the eighth Chapter of his second Book, says only Aquilae praecrat, He had the care of the Eagle.

The other Ensigns or Banners, of which I said every Centuriate had one,Ensigns. and consequently every Maniple two, were called Signa, Signs or Ensigns; for anciently Vexillum belong'd properly to the Horse, and was that which we now call a Standard, though some Authors in later times have confounded Vexillum and Signum, and make them both signifie one thing. In these En­signs of old, were drawn the Pictures of their Heathenish Gods, as likewise of some Beasts and Birds, as of a Lion, a Tyger, or a Dragon, to stir them up to courage, fury, revenge, and bloodshed; particularly, the Wolf was not forgot in their Colours, to denote, I think, that the founder of their City was nursed by one of them. After the State was changed into a Mo­narchy, ordinarily they had in their Banners, the Pictures and Images of their Emperours: And Vegetius speaking of them in the seventh Chapter ofImages. his second Book, calls them that carry'd them, Imaginiferi, qui Imagines Im­peratorum portare solebant: Image-bearers, who used to carry the Images of the Emperours. The Images of those proud and ambitious Princes had a reve­rend kind of Worship paid to them. So we read in Cornelius Tacitus, that Tiridates, a Parthian Prince, when he had left his own, and came to Corbulo's Army, ador'd Nero's Image. There was a great Banner, not heard of inLabarum the Imperial Standard. ancient times, that they called Labarum, which was never carried into the Field, but when the Emperour was personally with the Army; this resembled our Royal Standard.

But here is a question. Since all the Centuries in all the three Classes hadAntesignani. Colours, why the Hastati in several Histories are called Antesignani, as those who march'd before the Colours; and the Principes, Subsignani, as those whichAnd Postsigna­ni. march'd under the Colours; and the Triarii, Postsignani, as those who march'd after the Colours: which seems to import that none of them had Ensigns but the Principes? To which is answer'd: The Colours of the Hastati and Prin­cipes▪ Subsignani. being before the Triarii, and their own Colours in the first Ranks, the Triarii were properly enough called Postsignani. The Principes were Subsignani, because with them, say some, were the principal Colours, and by this sameWhy so cal­led. Reason they will have the Hastati to be Antesignani, because (though they had Ensigns of their own) yet they march'd before the Principal Colours. Indeed we must be satisfied with this Reason, for lack of a better, and truly it is better than that of some, who say, the Hastati were call'd Antesignani, be­cause in time of fight, they sent back their Ensigns to the Principes. This cannot hold, if it be true what we read very often in History, that in time [Page 73] of Battel or Assault, the Ensigns, sometimes the Eagle it self, was cast into the Batallion or Camp of the Enemy, to animate the Souldiers to advance and charge with greater courage and fury to recover their Banners. This differ'd far from sending them back to the next Class of heavy armed.

Vegetius speaks of a Praefectus Legionis, the Colonel, Brigadeer, or MajorA Comman­der of the whole Legi­on. General of the whole Legion, who had the command over the Tribunes; but though it be undeniable, that such an Officer should have been, yet since neither Polybius, or any Ancient History mentions him, we must conclude, he hath come in request long after the Emperours had possess'd themselves of the Soveraignty of Rome. If any think, the Legates were these Pr [...]fecti, I will tell them it was not so from the beginning, as I shall shew in my Discourse of a Consular Army.

Upon the whole matter, I cannot find that in the Ancient Roman Militia, there were any other Officers in a Legion, but the Tribunes and Centurions;No Foot Offi­cers but Tri­bunes and Centurions. I still except the Decurions of Horse, whereof I shall speak in the next Chap­ter. All others were but Temporary Deputies, without Office or Pay, or else priviledged Souldiers, made free from some duties, or beneficed with some Do­natives, for some particular pieces of good service performed by them, which did not at all make them Officers; and to aver, they were Officers without Pay, is something ridiculous. Now that none▪ had Pay as Officers, but only Tribunes and Centurions (I speak still of the Foot) and that all others had Pay and Donatives only as Common Souldiers, shall be, I hope, clear'd by me, in my Discourse of the Roman Pay. That which, indeed, stumbles me most is, that the Ensign-bearers were not reckon'd to be Officers, and I conceive this hath been a neglect in both Vegetius and Polybius, that they have not gi­ven us right information of that matter. For I cannot but suppose, the Ro­mans did assuredly give to their Ensigns some more than ordinary allowance for carrying the Colours▪ especially, since the third part of the Souldiers Pay and Booty, and of their Largesses and Donatives too, was deposited in the En­signs hands, or at the Colours, till the time of the Souldiers Dismission; of which hereafter.

Yet on the other hand, to my best understanding, Casar doth not acknow­ledge any Foot Officer or Commander in a Legion, or in the Army, but Tri­bunes and Centurions. Hear himself in two several places: The first is, in his first Book of the Civil War, where he says, The Chieftain swore first, af­ter him the Tribunes, after them the Centurions; and then, saith he, the Souldiers by Centuries. Not [...]ne word here of Sub-Centurions, Options, En­sign-bearers, Tesseraries, Measurers, Clerks, and the rest of that crew, who indeed were all of them but Souldiers in these Centuries. The second place is in his third Book of the Civil War, there he tells us, how an Oath was sworn not to desert Pompey (very ill kept) first, says he, Labi [...]nus, as Chief, swore, then the Legates▪ (whereof Labienus himself was one), then the Tribunes, next them the Centurions, and then the whole Army.

CHAP. VII. Of the Roman Cavalry, and all its Officers.

WE have but a slender account given us of the Roman Horse by Vegetius. The sum of what Vegetius saith of the Horse. All he saith on that Subject amounts to this: In the fourteenth Chap­ter of his Second Book, he says, As a Band of Foot is called a Century or a Maniple, so a Company of Horse is called a Turma, that is, a Troop: That every one of these Troops consisted of thirty two Riders, whereof the Com­mander was called a Decurion, and he describes him to have been a person not only well Arm'd and Hors'd, and active and expert in all feats of Horse­manship, but able to teach his Troopers to be so likewise, and to keep their Arms bright and clean, and their Horses in good case. In the twenty third Chapter of his third Book, he informs us, that the Cataphract Horse-men, or Cuirassiers, arm'd at all pieces, are free from Wounds (how could this be, when their Faces were not covered?) but were not able, saith he, to▪ do great matters, because of the heaviness of their Armour, yet good at close fight, either before the Foot, or mixed with them, to beat a Batallion of an Enemy. This is all. So we remain ignorant (till he come to marshal his Legion) ofOmissions of Vegetius. the strength of the Cavalry, and even then, for him, we know not how the Horse-men were levied o [...] elected, how they were paid, how they watched, or what other duties they were bound to do, how deep they were marshall'd, when and where they marched, or fought, what distances were between their Ranks and Files; and what Intervals between their Turmes, or Troops. Let us see how Polybius will help us in all, or in any of these.

In his sixth Book he says, In old times two hundred Horse were assign'd for every Legion, and these were elected, after the Foot were levied; but in hisElection of the Horse­men. own time, and long before it, three hundred Horse were appointed for every Legion, and were elected before the Foot; and elected they were not by the Consuls or Tribunes, as the Foot were, but by the Censor. This is all Poly­bius saith of their election. Out of History we find that the Roman Horse-men were all of the Equestral Dignity, that is, Gentlemen; yet in ancient times they serv'd on Horses bought at the publick charges, and when any of them committed gross faults, their Horses were taken from them, which was justly accounted an ignominy. Thereafter when they came to serve on their own Horses, (yet on the publick wages) there was a lustration, or muster of them▪ when the Censors pleas'd, but ordinarily it was once in five years, of all those of that Rank, who were able, both for their Persons and their Purses, to serve on Horse-back, and then they rode in State on the best Horses, and in the best equipage they were able to procure, and past by the place where the Censors sate as Judges. All those who could be accus'd of no Misdemeanour, rode on without interruption, but such as the Censors could charge with enor­mous crimes, were stopp'd, and commanded to sell their Horses, which was no small disgrace to them. And this Muster, or Show, was called Trans­vectio. Transvectio.

Of the Duties of their Horse-men, their Guards and Watches, and of their Pay, Polybius speaks not much, I shall say something of each of them in their proper places. He speaks a little of the Distance between Troops, of which I shall treat in my Discourse of Intervals.

The same Polybius avers, That the three hundred Horse, levied or electedFirst diffe­rence be­tween Polybi­us and Vegeti­us. for each Legion, were divided into ten Troops, every one whereof consisted of thirty Riders, which made up compleatly three hundred Horse. Here Po­lybius and Vegetius differ, the last allowing thirty two Horse-men to a Troop, and the first but thirty; for certainly in Companies of so small a number, two [Page 75] made a considerable difference. Out of these thirty Riders, says Polybius, three Prafecti were chosen, by whom he tells not, but lets us suppose by the Consul, or some of the Tribunes. He on the Right Hand had the command of the Troop: In his absence, he on the Left Hand had it; and he not being present, the third did officiate. These three chose three others, to be Agminis, or Tur­mae Coactores, for so Casaubon renders it in Latin. The first Elected Praefectus, was called Turmae Ductor, the Leader of the Troop; the other two were called Decuriones, and I suppose one of them carried the Vexillum or Banner, though Polybius tells us nothing of it: And yet it should not have been omitted, since every Troop had a Standard. Now by this reckoning of Polybius, so weak a Troop was but a Caporalship, and he who commanded it but a Caporal: The two other Decurions but Leaders of Files, and the three Agminis Coactores but Bringers up. For we do not find that any one of them was supernumerary, but the contrary, that all of them were members of the Troop, and elected out of the number of the thirty; so that without those six, Polybius his Turmae were but twenty four strong: Nor shall you find that any greater Pay was allowed to any of these six, than to the other four and twenty. And this difference is also to be observed between Polybius and Vegetius, that the first speaks of three Decurions, and as many Sub-Decurions, the last only of one Decurion. NorSecond diffe­rence. indeed do I find at all any warrant in History, for Vegetius his thirty two Riders, since all agree, that for most part three hundred Horse were levied with each Legion, and these three hundred divided into ten Turmas, which made thirty for each Troop. But we shall examine how he disposeth of these two supernume­ry Riders, when we come to speak of his Legion.

How deep, or how many in File these Troops were, none of our TacticksDeepness of the Roman Horse not told us. directly write; no more than they do of the depth or the heighth of the Foot. An inexcusable oversight: For without the knowledge of that, we can neither know nor guess what ground a Maniple, Cohort, Troop, or Legion, could or might take up. Vegetius gives us some ground to conjecture, that in his opinion the Foot were eleven in File: For in the last Chapter of his second Book, (as I observed before) he saith, for every Carrobalist, Mules were appointed to draw it, and to manage and have a care of it, a Contubernium of Soldiers, that is, saith he, eleven men. This will not positively make eleven in File, yet it gives a strong presumption, that Vegetius thought so, which if he did, and that it was so indeed, all Masters of the Military Art have taken up their measures wrong, in appointing Foot Files to be of even and equal numbers, as sixteen, twelve, ten, eight, and six. As to the Roman Horse, some may have mistaken Polybius, who think he insinuates, they were marshall'd eight in File: For who will consider right what he writes, will find that in that place he spoke not at all of the Roman Cavalry. The passage is in the twelfth Book of his History; where he puts himself to much trouble, to demonstrate the vanity and absurdity ofPolybius a­gainst Calis­thenes. Calisthenes, his Relation of that great Battel fought in Cilicia, between Darius and Alexander, where that Historian saith, that the Persian King marched with thirty thousand Horse in Battel, and called up his mercenaries to him, who were as many: All this in a ground not above fourteen Stadia or Furlongs in Latitude, which makes but one Italian mile and three quarters: As also that Alexander marched in Battel with his whole Foot forty Stadia, five Italian miles, in an uneven, woody, and broken ground. The impossibility of both which, Polybius, as an experienced Captain, undertakes to demonstrate. And this he could not do, unless he had first considered how deep the Horse were mar­shall'd; otherwise he could not know of what Longitude the front of thirty thousand Horsemen would be, whether they would require more ground than the fourteen Furlongs allowed by Calisthenes, as no doubt they did. And there­fore he agrees on eight deep; his words are these: In just Battels, saith he, the Horse Battalion is▪ so ordered for most part, that its deepness consisted of eight Riders. Now first he saith, for most part, Ʋt plurimum, not always; for indeed I doubt not but he knew well enough, it was not always so. Se­condly, he speaks there of Persian and Gracian Armies, and what he says of the deepness of their Horse Squadrons, cannot be appropriated to the Roman Ca­valry. But he concludes at eight deep, eight hundred Horse would take up inPersian Horse eight deep. front one hundred and twenty five Paces, which is one Furlong; and conse­quently [Page 76] eight thousand Horse needed to have for their Front twelve hundred and fifty paces, that is ten Furlongs: And therefore Darius his thirty thousand Horse being eight deep, would in Front have possess'd of ground four thou­sand six hundred eighty six paces, more than thirty seven Stadia or Furlongs, and these will make more than four Italian miles and a half; and as much ground Calisthenes must have allowed to his Mercenaries. Observe here, that Polybius allows for one hundred Horse in Front one hundred twenty five paces, which is more than six foot for a Horse-man to stand on, and for distance be­tween him and his side-man.

But if Polybius his meaning be, that the Roman Horse were marshall'd eightWe know not how deep the Roman Horse were. deep, then Vegetius his thirty two Riders will do better than Polybius his thirty in a Troop, because thirty two will make four Files compleatly, whereas thirty makes but three Files of eight, and a broken one of six. In such a mist do these two great Masters of the Roman Art of War leave us, out of which neither accurate Lipsius, or any other of my reading hath offer'd to guide us. I conceive, according to thirty in a Troop, ten deep might hav [...] done well, and who can tell but Polybius meant so, when he appoints three Decurions to be File-leaders, and three Agminis or Turma Coactores, to be Bringers up. But that was indeed too many, it making the Longitude or Front so small, as render'd it very easie to be environ'd or surrounded.

In these very ancient times, many Nations fought on Horses, neitherUnbridled & Unsaddled Horses. Bridled nor Saddled, and some had Saddles, but no Bridles; hence we read, that the Africans, especially the Numidians, divided their Cavalry in Fraenatos, & Infranatos equos, into Bridled, and Unbridled Horses: And it is a wonder, to read in Livy with what dexterity and agility these unbridled Horses were rul'd and manag'd by the Hand, the Foot, or Rod of a Rider. Some again had Bridles for their Horses, but no Saddles; so had the Germans, who laugh'd at the Romans, as soft and effeminate, for riding on Saddles; and yet these very Saddles which the Romans used, were nothing but a covering made of some piece of Cloath or Stuff, rich or mean, according to the quality of the Rider, or at best, of some bundle ty'd together for the ease of the Horse-man, with­out either Iron or Timber in it, as our Saddles have; neither had any of themSaddles not ancient. any Stirrups, to ease the Riders Legs, for these came first in fashion in Nero's time, if Lipsius his observation holds. Any thing of that nature that was used before, was but a Ladder of Cords, Wood, or Iron, to help the Horse-man to mount his Horse, if he were aged, indisposed, sick or lame; and so soon as he was on Horse-back the Ladder was remov'd; perhaps not unlike to those Iron Ladders of two or three steps high, used over all the Netherlands for Pas­sengers to get up to their Waggons. History tells us, that Masinissa, King of Numidia, when he was fourscore years old, or near that age, could mount his Horse, without the help of any Stirrup or Ladder. And certainly, not on­ly the Romans, but all other Nations were taught to get on Horse-back with­out any of them, as now youths are taught in Academies, and did ride (in­ur'd to it by custome) with as much ease without Stirrups, as we do now with them.

The Romans sometimes caus'd their Cavalry to unbridle their Horses toTo charge with Unbri­dled Horses. make a furious charge, which often succeeded well. Livy in his eighth Book says, it was practis'd against the Volscians with success: And in his fortieth Book, he gives us the relation of a Battel the Celtiberians fought in Spain against the Roman Praetor Fulvius, wherein the Romans were very near worsted, the Enemy having cast himself in a Wedge (at which manner of fight he was thought almost invincible) bore down all before him, till the Praetor told his Horse-men, that charging desperately on unbridled Horses might recover the Victory; for, said he, formerly such a practice hath produced good effects. The Cavalry obey'd his order, and by a furious charge with Lances, routed the Celtiberians. Such a command in our time would be accounted both un­practicable and ridiculous; yet we may believe, that Horses were so taught and manag'd then, that they would obey their Masters without Bridles; and this we may suppose not to be impossible, the Rider making use of his hands; but truly, I think it something strange to read, that Julius Caesar could ride greatJulius Caesar an expert Horse-man. Horses, without a Bridle at the full gallop, with his hands clasped together be­hind his back.

Sometimes the Roman Generals, when they saw an Enemy prevailing, have brought their Cavalry, or a part of it, to the place of danger, and caus'd them to alight from their Horses, and fight afoot with their Swords. This both re­inforced the Battel, and mightily encourag'd the Foot, by seeing that those who might have sav'd themselves by flight, resolv'd to live and dye with them. Authors do not inform us how they dispos'd of their Horses when they came to the Foot Combate; but I shall imagine they did not let them go whither they pleas'd, but either appointed their servants (if they had any) or some of their own number to look after them; and I suppose also, they alighted before they came to the place where they were to fight, for shunning confusion, and putting their own Foot in disorder. Caesar, before he began his Battel with the Switzers, made all his Horse-men dismount, and appointed them theirHorse-men fight on Foo [...]. stations, where they were to fight afoot; and to shew them a good example, he alighted first himself, and sent away all the Horses a good way from his Army, thereby to encourage his Legionary Foot, and make his Horse-men know that their safety depended only on their own valour. But I believe he gave order that the Horses should be brought back so soon as the Enemy was perceiv'd to fly; for we find he and his Cavalry were soon remounted, and follow'd the chace very far: And I know no reason why it may not be be­liev'd also, that he kept some on Horse-back by him, to carry all the Directi­ons he gave, to the several Bodies of his Army in time of the Battel, which himself fighting on foot, could not perform. Gracchus (betrayed by his Host) being environ'd by an ambush of Hannibalians, alighted, and fought well for his life, though he lost it: But I think, he should rather have hazarded to break through on Horse-back to get to his own party, which was not far off, since death would still have been the worst of it. This story you may read in Livy's twenty fifth Book. Though this practice succeeded well sometimes, yet was it unfortunately attempted by the Consul Aemilius, at the Battel of Cannae; for after Asdrubal had routed him and his Horse on the Right Wing, he made his Horse-men alight, and fight on foot among the Legionaries, as Livy tells us in that twenty fifth Book. And it would seem that Hannibal, that great Captain, did not approve this custome; for the same Author says, when it was told him what the Roman Consul had done, he should have smil'd, and said, He might as well have deliver'd them to me bound hand and foot.

I know not, if in our Modern Militia, this could be advantageously pra­ctis'd, being the Arms of our Horse and Foot differ very much, whereas those of the Romans were almost all one. I have indeed seen at the assaults of Towns, Horse-men commanded to alight, and storm with the Foot: And this hath rea­son for it, in regard that with their Pistols, Carabines, and Swords, they were as able for that service as the Infantry. Yet Machiavelli (who will needsMachiavelli reform the Modern Militia, and cast it in his own Mould) gives us an in­stance that it was practis'd in the Field, a very little before his own time, and long after that Gun-powder had mightily alter'd the face of War. In the second Book of his Art of War, The Count of Carmignola, General for the Duke of Milan, had six thousand Men of Arms, and but a few Foot; with these he fought a Battel against the Switzers, arm'd with long and strong Pikes, and is by them worsted, and forced to quit the Field. The Earl finding what ad­vantage a Pike had against Horse, presented them once more Battel, but coming near, he order'd his Cuirassiers to alight (in imitation belike of Ju­lius Caesar, fighting against the same Nation) and fighting on foot, then, saith he, the Switzers [...]es not being able to pierce the Corslets of the men of Arms, they were totally routed by Carmignola. Was it not well, that the strong Pikes of the Switzers, push'd by their robust Arms and Bodies, did not overthrow the Earls Cuirassiers, though the points of them could not pierce their Armour.

Philip de Comines tells us, that at the confus'd Battel of Montleberry, between Lewis the Eleventh, King of France, and Charles the Warlike, Duke of Burgundy: The said Charles commanded many of his Gentlemen, who were Men at Arms, to alight from their Horses, and joyn in fight with his Archers of Foot. Which action (says the Author) was honourable, and encourag'd others; and this [Page 78] custome (says the same Philip) the Burgundians had learn'd from the English, when both of them, being Confederates, waged War together against France for the space of thirty two years, without any truce.

The custome, which the Romans had to mix Foot with Horse, begun at theHorse and Foot mix'd together Siege of Capua, was so frequent afterward, that I need not give many instances of it. Caesar seldome fail'd to do it. When Vercingentorix had rais'd all Gaule about his ears, he sent for German Horse and Foot, who were accustom'd to fight one in company of the other, as he tells us in the seventh Book of his Gallick War. In Thessaly, finding himself far inferiour in Horse to Pompey, he constantly mixed some of his Antesignani (who were Legionaries, and heavypractis'd by Caesar, armed, and of the youngest sort, and so more able to march and run) with his Horse; who became so expert in that manner of fight, that, as himself witnesseth in his third Book of the Civil War, two hundred of his Horse joyn'd with the like number of these Foot, were not afraid to buckle with thou­sands of his Enemies Cavalry. And it was with that manner of fight, that he made that honourable retreat of his from Dirrachium, in spite of Pompey's whole Army that pursu'd him. And it was with the assistance of six Cohorts of his Triarian Foot, that his Horse beat his Competitors Cavalry at Pharsa­lia, and got him the Victory, as himself both confess'd and foretold. At Ʋzita in Africk, when he offer'd to fight against Scipio, Pompey's Father-in-law, he drew up all his Cavalry on his Left Wing, and with them mixed all his light armed Foot, who, it seems, were Auxiliaries. The German Horse-menAnd by the ancient Ger­mans. used every one of them to chuse a Foot-man, whom they knew to be stout, strong, and swift: These Foot-men either skirmish'd before the Horse, as the Romans did at Capua; or fought in company with them; or stood at a distance behind them, that the Horse might retire to them; and if both were forc'd to quit the Field, then the Foot-men laid hold on the Manes of the Horses, and with that help run as fast as the Horse gallopp'd, till both came to their main Body; of all which Caesar informs us in the first Book of the Gallick War. And this manner of fight was practis'd by Ariovistus, King of Germany, and by Vercingentorix.

We find in History, that when the Romans were to give Battel, assisted byRoman Caval­ry how mar­shall'd. their Allies, for most part their Cavalry was marshall'd on the Right Wing of their Army, and the Allies on the Left: So at Cannae, Paulus Aemilius stood on the Right Wing with the Roman Horse, and the Consul Varro on the Left, with the Horse of the Allies. Once Scipio at Zama gave the Right Wing to Ma­sanissa, King of the Numidians, and appointed Lelius to command the Left Wing, compos'd of Roman Horse. But when they fought without Allies, then their Horse were drawn up on both Wings; and sometimes, as I have said, interlin'd with Foot; but scarce, or rather never, did I read in any anci­ent History, that they were marshall'd by Troops among the Legionary Foot, whereof I shall tell you more hereafter, when I come to speak of Vegetius his Legion. And how the same Vegetius contradicts Polybius in the matter of the Roman Horse-mens Guards, shall be spoke of in my Discourse of Guards, and Rounds.

CHAP. VIII. Of their Trumpeters, Horn-winders, and of the Classicum.

SInce we have now spoke of both Foot and Horse, it is fit we know to what Martial Instrument or Sound both should hearken. I find Tubicines, these were Trumpeters; Cornicines, these were Horn-winders; and Buccinatores, who, I think, used the Horns of Cows and Oxen; and the Classicu [...]. All these were common to both Horse and Foot, neither had the one any title to pretend to either of these, more than the other had; nor were any of them peculiar to the one more than to the other, though now the Horse Troops ap­propriate the Trumpet to themselves, as the Foot do the Drum.

The Trumpet is an ancient Instrument of War; at first, and I believe, forTrumpeters▪ many ages, made of Brass; hence the Poet, Aere ciere Vir [...]s, though the luxu­ry of after-ages made their composition of Silver. We find they were com­mon to almost all Nations not long after the deluge, and frequently used by a very ancient people; and which is more, by a people chosen and beloved of him, who promulgated his Law to them by sound of Trumpet, as well as by the dreadful noise of his Ae [...]hereal Cannon. But as it was used in the Tem­ple to sound the praises of the Highest, by the Priests, who all, or most of them, had the skill of a Trumpet: So was it used in the time of War with their malignant neighbours; but which was worse, too much made use of by them for Sedition and Rebellion. To your Tents, O' Israel: Words, which with the preceding ones, have sounded loud enough in our own ears, and in our own days.

The Grecians learned the use of the Trumpet from the Tirenians, and these having their name and original from the Tirians, had their Trumpets also from them. The Tirians being near neighbours to the Jews, learned many things of them, and probably the Trumpet likewise. The Greeks had the use of the Trumpet in Homer's time, for he speaks of it in his Poems: Yet it seems they knew nothing of it at the Siege of Troy, else that Great Poet would have made mention of it in his Verses. This famous War of Troy fell out to be in the days of Jephte, Judge of Israel; and who knows but the fable of Agamemnon's unwilling attempt to sacrifice his Daughter Iphigenia to Diana, in whose room came a Hart to be a voluntary offering, was borrowed by Anti­quity from the true Story of Jephte's vowing to sacrifice the first thing met him without the doors of his house; which chanc'd to be his only Daughter. But be that as it will, certain enough it is, that the Israelites made use of Trum­pets three hundred years before either Jephte fought with the Ammonites, or the Grecians besieg'd Troy.

The use of the Trumpet is still retain'd, and in probability will, till the last Trumpet summon proud man to arise from the dust, and give an account to his great Creator, why he made so much use of that Martial Instrument for the destruction of his fellow Creatures. Vegetius says in the twenty second Chap­ter of his second Book, that the Trumpet was sounded by the Romans, when they went out to War, and when they were commanded to retire; as also when the Souldiers were called out to any work or labour imposed upon them, whether it were to fortifie themselves by Ditch or Rampart, or to make their marches either Ambulatory or Cursory. Briefly, The Trumpet required the Souldiers to move, but not the Ensigns, Standards, or Baggage.

The Cornicines, or Horn-winders, were those who sounded on InstrumentsHorn-wind­ers. made in the fashion of Horns, and, I doubt not, but in the Infancy of that Empire, they were no other but real Horns, such, perhaps, nay, without all peradventure, such as Swine-herds sound to gather together their herds. Yet [Page 80] these Horns, we must confess, gather'd these men together, who overcame Armies, subdued Nations, subverted Kingdomes, and destroyed Cities; but the honour over all Horns was given to that of the Ram, by the miraculous sound whereof the Walls of Jericho were laid equal with the ground. At the sound of these Horn-winders the Ensigns, Colours, and Standards moved. But in time of Battel both Trumpeters and Horn▪winders sounded: Pariter canunt, says Vegetius in that same place; he might have said the Buccinatores too▪ if he had pleased. But what difference was between the Cornicines andBuccinatores. these Buccinatores I know not, for both sounded on Instruments of loud Wind-Musick, bowed like Horns, unless that in the beginning of the Cities increase, they were distinguished by the real Horns of several Animals. But Vegetius in the eighth Chapter of his third Book, says that all the Roman guards were set by the sound of Trumpet, and were relieved by the sound of the Horn In­strument. His words are, A Tubicine omnes Vigiliae committuntur, & finitis ho­ris à Cornicine revocantur. Now what is this, but that both the Trumpet sounded, and the Horn blew at the relief of the Guards? The Trumpet, when four Souldiers went to the Post where they were to keep Sentinel a whole Watch, (that was three hours) and the Horn when those that were reliev'd came from their Post.

I should in the next place tell you what the Classicum was; and should beClassicum▪ what it was. glad if any Body would tell me what it was. I know Classicum commonly is taken for a Trumpet sounding a charge, Classicum canere; and this hath its rise from the custome the Roman Consuls had; when they were to begin the Battel they caus'd the Classicum to sound, which immediately was followed by all the Trumpets and Horn Instruments of the Army. But for all this, I doubt still whether the Classicum was an Instrument, or the sound of an Instrument, and to speak according to our words of Art, a Point of War; or if it was the noise of many Warlike Instruments all sounding one thing at one time: Let us hear Vegetius, and I am afraid he will make the matter more obscure.Vegetius his description of it. He describes it thus: Classicum appellatur, quod Buccinatores per cornu dicunt, hoc insigne videtur Imperii, quia Classicum canitur Imperatore praesente, aut cum in Mi­litem capitaliter animadvertitur. That, saith he, is called the Classicum, which the Horn-winders speak by the Horn. And this, says he, seems to be an En­sign of Soveraign command, because the Classicum sounds when the Commander in chief is present, or when a Souldier is to be capitally punished. What shall we make of all this? If we understand not now what the Classicum is, Vegetius will say he is not to be blam'd; but for all that, I am, for him, still in the dark. That which the Horn-winders speak by a Horn, is to me very dark language; and yet that language of a Horn must be an Ensign of Impe­rial power; and withal, if a Souldier be to be hang'd, he must have the ho­nour of that Ensign of Imperial power. Lipsius, who seldome fails to guess,Lipsius his conjecture of it. and sometimes hits right, thinks the Classicum was not one Instrument, or yet the sound of one Instrument, but the noise of many, whether these were Trumpets or Horns, or both, which was one of the badges of Supreme Power; for where there was but one Consul, there was but one of them; and where two Consuls were together, there were two of them; and besides other duties, they sounded when the Consuls were at Supper: for this reason the famous Car­thaginian Asdrubal, when he began to suspect that he had to do with two Roman Consuls, bid his Guards, Foragers and Waterers of Horses, take heed▪ and acquaint him, if they heard two Classicums; and having learn'd it was so, he con­cluded, that the Consul (who he thought was diverted by his Brother Hannibal) was joyn'd with the other, with whom alone he conceiv'd his work to be. For my part, I incline to believe, that in History it is promiscuously taken for the sound, and sometimes for the Instrument▪ one or many, either Trumpets or Horns. They were made use of in all Banks and Proclamations. The Classi­cum was an Ensign of Supreme▪ Command, for by it all the emergent and occasionary orders of the General were promulgated; and by it both Officers and Souldiers were call'd together to hear the Commander in chief's pleasure made known to them: And hence it is like, it had its derivation, because by it the three Classes of Hastati, Princip [...]s and Triarii, were call'd together toWhence [...] [...]d [...]ts name. hear those Harangues and Orations, which frequently the Consuls uttered in [Page 81] their Tribunals or Pulpits; whether they were for admonition, encourage­ment, or punishment; and upon the account of this last, Vegetius is to be un­derstood of his capital animadversion.

Lest I forget to do it hereafter, I shall in this place take occasion to tell you,Badges of So­veraign pow­er. that besides this Classicum, there were two other badges of Imperial power, these were the Praetori [...]m, and the Bundles of Rods and Axes. The Praetorium was a fair, and a large high Pavilion, wherein the Consul lodged, and kept his Councils of War. The Rods and Axes signified he had power to scourge and behead; these were carried by Lictors or Sergeants, whereof a Consul had twelve, a Proconsul six, a Legate as many, a Praetor had I know not how many, for it makes but little to our purpose. When Scipio, Pompey's Father­in-law, came with his Legions out of Asia, and joyn'd with him in Thessaly, Pompey order'd a Praetorium to be erected for him, and that he should have a Classicum; I suppose, a knitchel of Rod and Axes too; though Caesar doth not mention the last in his Commentary.

As the Trumpet was of Brass, so in process of time the Cornu and Buccina were made of Brass too, and all the three who sounded, or winded them, were called Aeneatores. Every Troop of Horse, and every Maniple, if notAeneatores. every Century of Foot had one, either a Trumpet, or a Horn, or both. I find not that these Trumpeters and Horn-blowers had any greater allowance of Wages, Proviant, or Fodder, for either themselves or Horses, than other Horse-men and Foot-men had (for with the first they rode on Horse-back, and with the second they marched on Foot) at any time; perhaps having spent much of their breath in sounding and blowing, they were eased from other works of toil and labour, and those were not a few. Whether the Buc­cina was sounded, or rather winded, at the relief of every guard, as Polybius says it was, shall be spoke of in my Discourse of Guards and Rounds.

CHAP. IX. Of the Roman Pay, Proviant, and Donatives.

IT is reported of that brave Athenian Themistocles, that he affirm'd, whoever would shape or form the great Monster of War rightly, must begin with his Belly; and therefore before we joyn our Horse and Foot together, we must see how they shall be maintain'd. The Romans were a frugal people, till their successful Wars made their City the Treasure-house of the Worlds riches. The Pay they they allow'd their Souldiers was sparing enough, but Vegetius tells us not what it was. I find that three hundred years after the foundation of Rome, the Horse-men serv'd on their own charges; they might do it the better, for though their atchievements were often honourable enough, yet their expeditions were but short, for either upon a Victory or a Rout, they ha­sten'd back to the City. But after the Senate began to look far beyond their ancient limits, wages were allow'd out of the publick Treasury for both Horse and Foot. Polybius in his sixth Book informs us, that a Foot SouldierRoman Wages and Proviant. had the allowance of two Oboli a day, both which (if I mistake not) make but one English Penny; and a small measure of Wh [...]at: A Centurion had a double allowance, and a Horse-man the triple of a Foot Souldiers Proviant and Wages, and a measure of Barley every month for his Horse. They al­low'd to the Socii, or Allies, as much Wheat and Barley as they did to their own Souldiers, but they were oblig'd to maintain themselves with their own [Page 82] Monies. But he tells us also, that what Proviant, Clothes, yea, what Arms were given to the Roman Souldiers, had rates set upon them, and were defal­cated from their wages. Truly, I should think their pay, at two half-pennies a day, could hardly furnish them with Meat, much less Clothes and Arms;Severe usage. or if in that cheap world they could be furnish'd with all three at that rate, they could not have much Money to seek, at least very little to deposite at their Colours; for this defalcation would indeed make their Pay very incon­siderable, and very unproportionable to the great duty and services exacted from them. But Lipsius will mend the matter presently, by telling us, that many times the State quit the Souldiers freely what they owed for either Arms, Proviant, or Clothes; or if any thing was taken, it was so insignifi­cant, that the Souldier parted with it pleasantly, and without grumbling. I do not care much to be of Lipsius his opinion, though he hath not told us who were his Informers; for Polybius is positively of another judgement, in that place which I have cited: Nor do I remember, that in any other place of his History, he speaks any thing of the Roman Wages.

Here you may observe, what I told you before, that in the Roman Infan­try there were no other Officers, properly so called, but Centurions and Tribunes, because all others had but the allowance of common Souldiers, both in Wages and Proviant. A Tribune had the quadruple of a Souldiers Pay. Nor can I find that the Praefecti, or Decurions of the Horse, had any more allowance of either Meat or Money than other Troopers had. The Grecian Pay, as to the proportion of it, was like the Roman, a Centurion ha­ving a Souldiers double allowance, a Horse-man triple, and a Chiliarch quadruple.

But the Roman Souldiers had a greater encouragement to endure their hardPillage. fatigue than Pay, and that was the Plunder and Pillage of a Countrey, a besie­ged Town, Castle, or an Enemies Camp. This was not due to them, and many times they got no share of it, in regard, for most part, it was brought all to the Quaestor, or Treasurers quarters, and sold; and out of the Monies made by that sale, the Army was paid their wages, and the overplus was sent in to the Treasury of Rome. But the Consul, or General, having the disposing of it all in his power, very often gave it as a largess to the Army, either for some good service done, or to encourage them to undergo some difficult and hard piece of work to be done. Neither had any man liberty to take what he could catch, but all was brought to a publick heap, and sold by the Treasurer, and then proportionably divided among all, according to everyA good order. mans quality; a Centurion receiving double that which a Souldier got, a Horse-man triple, and a Tribune quadruple: So that they who fought in the Field, and they who stay'd for the defence of the Camp, they who storm'd a Town, and they who stood in Reserve, shared all alike in the Booty.

The Romans gave all their Proviant to their Armies in Corn, and did not trouble themselves to make it either into Meal or Bread; and in their strict dis­cipline, Bakers were all banish'd from their Camps, and the Souldiers order'd to grind their Corn themselves, (Hand mills or Querns being allow'd them for that use) and thereafter to bake their own Bread. Many times they took not the pains to do either the one nor the other, but boil'd their Wheat with a little Salt, and so eat it up for Pottage. They used to carry with themTheir ordina­ry Meat, And Drink. Lard or Bacon, or some other fat, wherewith they smear'd their Bread. A little Bottle with Vinegar they bore also about with them, with a very small quantity whereof they gave a rellish to their Water, which was their ordina­ry drink, though Wine was not forbidden them; for Mahomet had then not intoxicated the World with his Doctrine, nor discharged the use of the juice of the Grape, which cherisheth the heart of God and Man. The Ro­man Souldiers then drank Wine, for it was allow'd them, when conveni­ently it could be got; though Drunkenness was a crime seldome heard of among them. There were also sometimes Oxen, Sheep, and Beeves divi­ded among them, for preparing and making ready whereof, in the strictest time of their Discipline, the Souldiers were permitted to carry a Brass Pot, a Spit, and a Drinking Cup; but I suppose, one of every kind of these uten­sils were not allowed to every one of the Souldiers, but to a Contubernium, Utensils. [Page 83] or Tent-full of them, whether that consisted of ten, eleven, or twelve. It was not permitted to them to dine or sup when they pleased; but it being known by the Classicum when the Consul went to Table, the Tribunes went to theirs, and so both Centurions and common Souldiers went to dinner with sound of Trumpet. May not a man say, that here was a great deal of more state, than good fare. Those Generals who exercis'd strict disci­pline, appointed their Souldiers to take their dinner standing; marry,They D [...]n'd standing, and Supp'd sitting. they permitted them to sit at Supper; and I conceive, this was but a very so­ber courtesie, to suffer a man who was weary with toil the whole day, to sit down to his Supper at night.

Besides all this, the Roman Souldiery had reason to expect a Donative fromDonatives at Triumphs. their Victorious Generals, when they enter'd the Imperial City in Triumph. This custome was very commendable; for the Largess given to them, in­cited others to carry themselves gallantly against an Enemy, since they saw that in some measure, they would be sharers with the chief Commander, both in Honour and Profit. What was given at that time to the com­mon Souldier, was a rule to the Officer, for a Centurion got double, a Horse-man triple, and a Tribune quadruple. Scipio the African, at his magnificent entry into Rome, gave four hundred Asses to every Souldier, some say but forty: if the first, it was noble enough, and no more neither; (for it would have amounted but to twenty five shillings Sterling) if the last, it was contemptible, for it signified but half a Crown. Lucius Aemilius, who subverted the Macedonian Monarchy, gave at his Triumph to every Souldier one hundred Sesterces, (which might be about fifteen or sixteen shillings Sterling) and proportionably to the Centurions, Horse-men, and Tribunes. But besides the evil effects which many of the Consuls avarice produc'd, their ambition to bring in great summs of Gold and Silver to the Treasu­ry, and their vanity to give their Armies Donatives at their Triumphs, set them on to the committing many Insolencies, perfidious, unjust and dis­avowable Plunders and Cruelties, which makes the names of some of the bravest of them infamous to posterity. Take one instance, instar omnium, of that same Aemilius I just now spake of: The desire he had to bring the vast Treasure of King Perseus, and all he had scrap'd together in Macedon, into the Roman Treasury; and withal, to give a Donative to his Army atA detestable action. his Triumph, tempted him (and the temptation prevail'd with him) to plunder the whole Towns of Epirus, the people whereof were no Ene­mies, nor ever had wrong'd the Roman State: And this execrable act he did under trust, the Inhabitants imagining no such usage; nor was plunder­ing all the mischief he did them, for he sold their persons, to the number of one hundred and fifty thousand of both Sexes for Slaves; and with the Money of that sale he gave the Donative we spake of, to his Army. An action so full of baseness, inhumanity, persidy, and injustice, that Sir Wal­ter Raleigh saith, If any History spoke but one word to the contrary, no man would believe it could be true. You may read the story of it in the last Book of Titus Livius.

The half of the Donatives were ordinarily deposited at the StandardsHalf of Dona­tives depo­sited. and Ensigns, to be kept there for the use of the Souldiers till their dismis­sion, lest they should idly or vainly spend it. This reason was sufficient and strong enough; but there was another, and it was this, that the Souldi­ers knowing a part of their stock and substance to be beside the Colours, they should never desert them, but manfully fight for the defence of that, in the preservation whereof they were so deeply concern'd. Though this was certainly a very prudent order, yet I cannot consent to what Vegetius saith of it in the twentieth Chapter of his second Book, that it was ab An­tiquis divinitus institutum: For he should have remember'd, that he wrote of the Heathen Romans, and himself having the knowledge of the true God, he knew likewise, that the best of their Ordinances were but of Humane, and not Divine Institution.

In that same Chapter Vegetius says, that every Legion had ten bags, for the keeping this moyety of the Donatives; that is, a bag for every Co­hort; [Page 84] and an eleventh bag there was, in which every Souldier cast some­thing once a month, and that was reserv'd for the Burial of those Souldi­ers, who were able to leave nothing for their Interment. A very laudable custome, for the Burial of the Dead was ever in all Nations in high request.Burial of the Dead. Truce for some days or hours to Inter the slain, was seldome or never re­fus'd by the most imbitter'd Enemy. Hannibal bestow'd Burial on his Enemy Marcellus: And his Brother Asdrubal, at the desire of Scipio, buried those Roman Tribunes whom he had kill'd in Battel. And Justin in his sixth Book tells us, that when the Grecians desir'd liberty to bury their dead, it was a tacite ac­knowledgement that they were overcome. But Vegetius will have these Bags to be kept by the Signiferi, the Ensign-bearers, whom therefore he will have not only to be faithful and trusty men, but learned, that they might perfectly keep the accounts of all that was consign'd in their hands. And here indeed he is (as Lipsius in another place calls him) solutus & negligens; having forgot that in the seventh Chapter of his second Book he told us, that the Romans had Librarii, Notaries or Scriveners, who kept the account of all that belong'd to the Souldiery; therefore not the Signiferi, or Ensigns, whose imployment was to attend their Colours.

Julius Caesar, after all his Victories, doubled the wages of the Roman Souldi­ersRoman Pay augmented. for ever: The succeeding Emperours, according as they stood in need of the help of the Sword-men, especially of the Praetorian Cohorts, augmented their Pay, and some of them for their bounty, were degraded and murther'd by those very same Souldiers.

CHAP. X. Of a Roman Legion, Marshall'd according to Titus Livius, with Lipsius his amendments.

THe word Legi [...] hath its name ab [...]ligendo, from electing: It was a great Body of men, divided not only into several small Bands, but into three di­stinct Classes, Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, embattell'd one behind another; as I have shown you in my discourse of the Roman Infantry. A Legion was not always of a like strength, for sometimes it consisted of three thousand, some­times four thousand, or four thousand two hundred, sometimes five thousand, or five thousand two hundred; and twice I find it was of six thousand, or six thousand two hundred, once with Scipio in Africk▪ and the second time with Aemilius in the Macedonian War.

Titus Livius, that famous Historian, in his eighth Book giving a particularLivy his vici­ous descripti­on of a Legi­on. account of the great Battel fought between the Romans, and their old Allies the Latines, marshals the Roman Legion in such a confused way, that he is not at all intelligible; and hath given just reason to both Learned and Military men, to think that place is corrupt, and a sense made of it, never intended by the Author. To avoid prolixity, and that I be not at the trouble to give you Livy's words, first in Latine and then in English, I shall give you the story as it is translated by Philemon Holland, (except where he mistakes) and then shew the errours of that description of a Legion.

In former times, saith Livy, the Roman Batallions stood thick, and close to­gether like the Macedonian Phalanx, but afterwards they were ranged into Bands more distinctly, and last of all they were divided into thinner Squadrons, each of them containing threescore Souldiers, two Centurions, and one Port­ensign. [Page 85] The Van-guard were Hastati, Javelineers, in fifteen Maniples distant a little way from one another; such a Squadron had twenty light armed, who carried a light Javeline, and some Darts to cast afar; all the rest were Tar­geteers. This first front contained the flower of the youth, who grew up as Apprentices in War-service. Then follow'd after them of men of stronger and riper years as many Maniples, and these were called Principes▪ These were follow'd (not hard at heels, as the Translator adds) by all the Targe­teers in gallant Armour. That Batallion of thirty Maniples was called Ante­pilani, because the other fifteen Orders were placed under the Ensigns (not hard before them, as Philemon very viciously translates it) and of these, every Order consisted of three parts, and every one of them was called Primum Pilum: It consisted of three Ensigns, and every one of these had one hundred eighty six men. The first Colours had with it the Triarii, old Souldiers, and of approved valour: The second had the R [...]r [...]rii, men of less experience, and younger years: The third was of the Accensi, of whom they had least confi­dence, and therefore cast them in the Rear. Thus far Livius, and Mr. Hol­land, who put him in English. And indeed we have enough, and too much of this stuff. Let us now observe the errors of this discourse.

First, It is questionable, if ever the Romans used the Macedonian Phalange,The errors of [...]t. a Body compos'd purely of Pike-men; it is spoke of by none: and that this great Body in after times was cast in Maniples, to me is fabulous; for cer­tainly Maniples were used by Romulus; and though this were true, we must not for all that grant, that every Maniple had but sixty men (that being only true of the Triarii) or if that were granted too, sure we will not acknowledge that every band of sixty (except still the Triarii) had two Centurions, and one Ensign. Secondly, That every Class of the Hastati, Principes and Triarii, had fiftten Maniples, is against all Antiquity, and the current of most, if not all Authors, who allow no more Maniples to a Legion but thirty, nor Cen­turiates but threescore, except Vegetius, who reduceth the number of the Cen­turies to fifty five. Now Livy's description of a Legion makes it contain forty five Maniples, and ninety Centuriates, and all this is point blank against himself in other places. Thirdly, We are told▪ that each of the fifteen last Orders was divided into three parts, and every part was called Primum Pilum. Is there any thing more ridiculous, than to call that first, which was but second or third? And if these forty five parts (for so many, if multiplied by three, it extends to▪) be all first, which of the forty five shall be last? Fourthly, Every one of these parts had its Colours; and so in the third Class there were forty five Ensigns, and but fifteen in each of the other two, a thing nothing probable. Fifthly, Every one of these Ensigns had one hundred eighty six men. Assured­ly this is so extravagant, that it cannot plead for any shew of truth; for mul­tiply one hundred eighty six by forty five, the product will be eight thousand three hundred and seventy; and so strong by this account, must the Triarii have been, joyn'd with the Rorarii and Accensi; a thing so notoriously and pal­pably false, that it deserves no refutation.

This passage of Titus Livius hath been, no doubt, observ'd by many of hisAll occasion'd by the first Printers. Readers, long before Justus Lipsius was born; yet for any thing I know, he is the first man that offer'd him help; and indeed he hath done gallantly, to vin­dicate so renowned an Author from these injuries the first Printers of his Decads have done him: For Lipsius saith, that assuredly this rhapsody of nonsence proceeded from the little understanding they had of the true Text. And Steuechius on another subject says, that Printers in the printing old Manuscripts have committed such gross faults, that he knows not whether that admirable Art of Printing hath done more hurt or good to the Common-wealth of Learning. But to our purpose.

Lipsius helps the matter thus: Where we read, Prima acies hastat [...]rum Mani­puli Lipsius mends the errors. quindec [...]; We should read, Manipulique decem: And so there were always ten Maniples of H [...]stati, but not fifteen. For, Triginta Manipul [...]r [...]m agmen (which is meant of both H [...]stati and Principes) read Vigi [...]ti, and so there were but twenty Maniples of both these Classes. And where the vulgar De­cads bear, Quia sub signis alii quinde [...]im ordines locabantur, we ought to read, Alii decem ordine (not ordines) locabantur. Alii Decem, of what? Of Ma­ples; [Page 86] and so being ten Maniples of the Triarii, as there were twenty of the other two Classes, we have no more but our just number of thirty Maniples in the whole Legion. Fourthly, Where you find it written, Earum unamquam­que (scilicet partem) primum pilum vocabant: Lipsius desires you to read, Earum unamquamque primam, primum pilum vocabant. Lipsius tells us all this by piece­meal, as I have told it you; Terduzzi summs it up together in Latine, and then translates it into his Italian language. I shall give it you in English thus: Every Ordo (that is Centuriate) had sixty two Souldiers, one Centurion, and one Colours: The first Acies or Batallion was of Hastati, in it were ten Ma­niples, distant a little one from another; these were the flower of the youth: As many Maniples of a more robust age follow'd, who were called Principes: Those who follow'd them were all Targeteers, in brave Armour. That Body of twenty Maniples was called Antepilani, because under the Ensigns other ten were placed in order, every first whereof was called Primum Pilum. Assuredly Lipsius hath very rationally corrected this corrupted place of Livy, and hath render'd it obvious to sense; whereas before it was totally unintelligible: And I wish that this place of Lipsius's amendment, were always inserted when Livy is Reprinted.

But I wish also, that Lipsius had mended another escape, which immediatelyBut not all. follows; for in that same corrupted place of Livius, we read that every ordo Triariorum tribus ex vexillis constabat; that is, Every Maniple of them had three Ensigns; this impression Lipsius retains, and that brings him to the necessityAnd errs himself. (whereof I told you in my Discourse of the Infantry) to say, that Ensigns or Banners might be without Captains or Leaders; the matter stands thus: Livi­us in this Battel marshals the Rorarii behind the Triarii, and the Accensi behind them: Which at that time was politickly done by the Consul Manlius; for ha­ving to do with the Latines, who were perfectly well acquainted with the man­ner of the Roman Embattelling, and who marshall'd their Army in that same fashion; he put those raw blades of the Rorarii and Accensi behind his experi­mented Triarii; and when the Latines prevail'd over the Roman Hastati and Principes, the Consul subtilly caused the Rorarii and Accensi to arise, whom the Latines conceiving to be the Roman Triarii, caused their Triarii to come to the shock with these Rorarii, and after some fight put them to flight; then did Manlius advance with the true and fresh Roman Triarii, who easily overthrew the weary, and something disorder'd Latines, over whom he gain'd a glorious Victory. Now observe, that the Rorarii and Accensi were Velites, and so had neither Officer nor Colours; and that every Maniple of the Triarii had two Centurions, and two Ensigns; call them Signa or Vexilla, as you will: And therefore I admire, neither can I wonder enough, why Lipsius for ex tribus Vexillis, will not desire us to read ex [...]uobus Vexillis; being every Triarian Ma­niple had two Ensigns, and the Rorarii and Accensi none. Surely he might have changed three into two, as easily as thirty Maniples into twenty, and fifteen into te [...]; and by the bargain have sav'd himself from a Paradox, of Colours without a Captain, and a Captain without Colours.

Neither can I pass, how the same Lipsius in that same place, thinks that Livy Lipsius mista­ken. should be mended, for saying that the Roman Legions in that same War with the Latines were five thousand strong; for Lipsius is of the opinion, it should be read four thousand; and all this, I think, to cast all Roman Legions in Po­lybius his Mould of four thousand, or of four thousand two hundred. The reason he gives for his judgement is, I think, exceedingly weak: Because, saith he, Livy in that same eighth Book of his History confesseth that ten years be­fore that War, the Legion was no stronger but four thousand Foot. An ill con­sequence: For it might very well be true, that ten years before, the Legion was but four thousand, and yet it might have been thought very fitting to add one thousand to them in the time of that dangerous War with the Latines. The year before Scipio carried the War out of Italy over to Africk, the Legi­ons were but five thousand apiece, yet he made some of them six thousand▪ The year before Lucius Aemilius went to Macedon, the Legions were but five thou­sand, yet in that expedition of his, they were made up to six thousand. If one year brought forth such alterations, ten years might have produced greater.

CHAP. XI. Of a Legion, Marshall'd according to Vegetius.

I May with much reason, desire that from my Reader, which Vegetius desires from his; and that is, that what is writ by him on this subject, may be attentively read, and read over again; because, saith he, the description I am to give is difficult and obscure. Indeed, what others who have perused him have found, I know not; but I am sure I find his description of a Legi­on both difficult and obscure, as he hath made it. This he Prefaceth in the fourth Chapter of his second Book, and in the sixth Chapter of that same Book he gives us the ordering of a Legion, and the Marshalling it, in this manner:

You must know, saith he, that in every Legion there are ten Cohorts,The first Ba­tallion of Ve­getius his Le­gion. but the first excells the rest both in number and dignity: It consists of the choice men, and with it is the Eagle, which is the prime Banner in every Le­gion. This Cohort hath in it one thousand one hundred and five Souldiers of Foot, and one hundred thirty two heavy armed Horse-men: It is called the Milliary or Millenary Cohort, and is the head of the Legion; for from it, when they are to fight, the rest of the first Batallion is marshall'd. The se­cond Cohort consists of five hundred fifty five Foot, and sixty six Horse, and is called the Cohort of five hundred. The third Cohort hath the like num­ber of Horse and Foot, but in it, saith he, there must be the ablest men, because it stands in the middle of the Batallion. The fourth Cohort hath five hundred fifty five foot and sixty six Horse. The fifth hath just as many, but it hath need, says he, to be composed of very stout Souldiers, because, as the first Cohort is to stand on the Right Wing of the Batallion, so the fifth is to stand on the Left hand. These five Cohorts make up the first Acies, or Batallion. Our Author proceeds, and tells us, The sixth CohortThe second Batallion. consists of five hundred fifty five Foot, and sixty six Horse; in it must be those of the younger years (he means the Hastati) because the sixth Cohort hath its station behind the Eagle, and the Ensigns. The seventh Cohort hath in it five hundred fifty five Foot, and sixty six Horse. The eighth hath as many, but they must be couragious men, because they keep the middle of the second Batallion. The ninth consists of five hundred fifty five Foot, and sixty Horse: And so doth the tenth, but the Souldiers must be good War­riours, because they stand on the Left hand of the second Batallion. Now you see the first Batallion consists of three thousand three hundred twenty five Foot, and three hundred ninety six Horse. And the second Batallion of two thousand seven hundred seventy five Foot, and three hundred and thirty Horse: Add these together, the aggregate will be six thousand one hundred Foot, and seven hundred twenty six Horse. And so the Legion is compleatly divided into these two Batallions, without Reserve for a third Body; which, I pray you observe. And he avers there should not be a lesser number (mark it) of armed men in every Legion, a greater some­times hath been. And for a Corollary to this division of a Legion, he saith, in the eighth Chapter of that same Book, that there were in every Legion fifty five Centurions. If any man be not satisfied with what he hath said already, he may read him in the fifteenth Chapter of that same Book, and there he shall be sure to hear him speak that same language, with very little difference.

Our Author says, By the example of one Legion he will declare how theThe same thing over a­gain. Field should be marshall'd, when a Battel is to be fought. The Horse, saith he, are to be plac'd in the Wings; let us remember this. The Body [Page 88] of the Foot, saith he, begins to be order'd on the Right hand, where the first Cohort is plac'd: To this is joyn'n the second Cohort; the third stands in the middle of the Batallion: To it joyns the fourth, and the fifth stands on the Left hand. All, says he, that fought in this first Batallion, were called Principes; and there he describes their Offensive and Defensive Arms, needless here to be spoken of. The second Battel, says he, was of the Hastati, arm'd as the Principes. After these were the light armed, with Plumbatae, Swords, Bows and Arrows; Slingers there were likewise, who cast Stones out of Slings, and Batton-slings; also Darters, who, he saith, shot Arrows out of Manubalists and Arcubalists. Thereafter he tells us, (forgetting what he said but seven or eight lines before) that the second Batallion (O Memory, where art thou) consisted of Hastati: And, saith he, (not remembring he had told us the same words in the sixth Chapter) In the second Batallion, on the Right hand, was plac'd the sixth Cohort; to which was joyn'd the seventh: The eighth kept the middle Battel, accompanied with the ninth; and the tenth Cohort kept constantly the Left hand of the second Batallion: And so our Author ends that Chapter. Thus we have twice in two several Chapters the description of a full Legion divided into ten Cohorts, and these ten marshall'd in two Batallions or Classes of the Principes and Hastati, without any mentionTriar [...]i forgot. of the Triarii, or leaving room for them.

But in the sixteenth Chapter of that same Book, as if some body had awa­ken'd him out of his dream, he says, after all these Batallions, the Triarii were placed, arm'd with Cataphracts, Head-pieces, Swords, Daggers (Semispathis) two Darts, and Lead-Bullets (Weapons given to that Class by none but him­self.) These Triarii, says he, kneeling on one knee rested, till, the first Bat­telAt length re­membred. chancing to be beaten, they might renew the fight. If any man think he hath done well to remember the Triarii at last, who were the Romans greatest strength, I shall be content he enjoy his opinion, provided he let me keep mine; which is, that he needed not now have mention'd them at all, since he hath already marshall'd his Legion; all the ten Cohorts of it, and all the full number of six thousand one hundred Foot, compleatly without them; where­of I shall tell you more in the next Chapter.

In the seventeenth Chapter of his second Book he informs us, that in the be­ginningVelites. of the fight the Principes and Hastati stood still, and mov'd not; and the Triarii kneel'd or sate (for he speaks of both postures) till the light arm­ed had skirmished, and were beat in to the Legionaries; and after the Victo­ry, the heavy arm'd kept their ground, and stood like a Wall, leaving the pur­suit of the routed Enemy to the Horse, and the Velites.

But I cannot find in my heart to part with Vegetius, till I see how he willLegion once more mar­shall'd. yet be pleased to dispose of the Triarii: And I find him in the fourteenth Chap­ter of his third Book begin de novo to marshal the Foot, as if he had never spoke one word of it before. It is, saith he, the Law of embattelling, to place the old and experienced Souldiers in the first order (here he confounds Ordo and Acies) and these were called Principes. In the second were the Hastati, and then he speaks of Distances between the Orders, whereof I shall tell you in my discourse of Intervals. The third Order or Body was of the swiftest Velites, as Darters, and the youngest Archers. The fourth was of the youngest Archers, (Good Lord, again youngest Archers) and these, saith he, whoStrange repe­titions. were called Lanciers, and were also called Martiobarboli, and were Lead-ca­sters: If these beat the Enemy, saith he, they pursued him too; but if they were beaten, they were receiv'd by the first and second Batallion; suppose of heavy armed: You see how Vegetius loves to refresh his Readers memory. Well then, the third and fourth Batallions fought before the first and second, or any of them came to the shock. In the fifth Batallion our Author places Carrobalists, Slingers and Batton-Slingers. But I must propose a question or two by the way. First, Did the third and fourth Batallions, both which, as you see,Two questi­ons. he makes to consist of the Velites, after they had fought with, and were repelled by an Enemy, retire only to the Rear of the Hastati, or to the Rear of the Army? I suppose the last, though Vegetius through inadvertency, saith only to the Rear of the two first Batallions; for if so, they [...]ad undoubtedly obstructed very much the advance of the Triarii, or the Retreat of both Principes and Hastati; my [Page 89] next Query is, why Vegetius doth not appoint the Slingers, and Batton slingers to skirmish in the Van, as well as the Velites of the third and fourth Batalli­ons, since they were all light armed: and if it be said the Slingers could cast their stones over the heads of the two Batallions of heavy armed, I answer first, their stones would do less hurt at that distance. Secondly, the Archers in the third and fourth rank could have done as much. Thirdly, the keeping their station and place in the fifth Batallion hinder'd the Triarii to advance. Now if these of Vegetius his third and fourth Batallions were obliged to go to the Van, and fight or skirmish there, why did he not appoint the light armed of his fifth Batallion to do so too, since they were all lyable to one Duty. But I hinder him to Marshall his sixth Batallion. The sixth order or body, saith he, consisted of (and now welcome Triarii) Warriors furnisht with all manner ofTriarii. Arms and Weapons, whom the Ancients called Triarii. These, saith he, used to sit (then they kneeled not) behind all the other Batallions, that being whole and sound, and in breath, they might with more vigour attack the enemy; for if any thing fell out otherwise than well with the Batallions that stood before them, all hopes of recovery depended on them. Now if our Author hath spo­ken well of the ancient Roman Legion, I am sure he hath spoken enough of it. He hath been at much pains to make up that Legion, but that you may the bet­ter see the defects of it, I shall be at the trouble to take it down in pieces in the ensuing Chapter.

CHAP. XII. Vegetius his Legion reviewed and examined.

WHoever hath read, or shall be pleased to read Vegetius his Treatise De re Militari, will believe with me, that he intended nothing less than to write the Military constitutions and customs of Levies, Arms, Exercising, Mar­shalling, Embattelling, Marching, or other Laws and Points of the Art of War used in his own days; but in the contrary, the Roman way and method of War of the ancient times. And this he professeth all along, not only in his Prologues to his Master the Emperour Valentinian, but almost in every Book of his Trea­tise. In the Prologue of his second Book, he says, the Emperour had com­manded him to set down the Antiqua, the ancient customs. In the Prologue toVegetius obli­geth himself to write of the old Roman Militia; his third Book, he avers, that the Emperour had commanded him to abbre­viate in one Piece all the ancient Military Customs and Constitutions which were dispersed and scattered in several Books and Authors. And in one word he Entitles his Epitome, Institutions of Military matters out of the Commen­taries of Cato, Celsus, Trajan, Adrian, and Frontinus. Now, none of these wrote, or could write of any Military Customs practised in Vegetius his time, as having liv'd several ages before him, and he acknowledgeth himself that the Art of War of his days was but a shadow, and scarce that of the ancient one. But by the way I must tell you, that Steuechius thinks Adrian wrote no Military Constitutions, since at his desire Aelian had composed that Piece de Instruendi [...] Aciebus, whereof we have spoken. But his reason is exceedingly weak, for Adrian might very well have written the Roman Military Art, and yet have de­desired Aelian to write the Grecian one. But to return, Vegetius in the twentieth Chapter of his first Book having given us an account of the ancient Roman Not that of his own time. Arms, acknowledgeth that they were wholly worn out, and that in comparison of them, the Foot of his time were naked, which had given so great an advan­tage to the Barbarous Nations of the Goths, Huns and Allans. To the Eighth Chapter of his second Book, he gives this title, Of those who were leaders of the [Page 90] ancient Centuries and Files. And the Seventh Chapter of that Book he begins with these words, Having expounded, saith he, the ancient ordering of a Le­gion. And in many other places he witnesseth, that it is the ancient Roman Mi­litia, that he is to open to us, and no new one which had deviated from that old one.

This being premised by me to anticipate objections, I make bold to charge Vegetius with seven gross Errours in the description of his Legion, yet all sevenSeven Errors in the Descri­tion of his Legion. will not amount to one mortal sin, (which, they say, be likewise seven) nay, nor to one capital crime. But if he be guilty of all these, or any of these, then I say, he is not so good as his word in the fourth Chapter of his Second Book, where he promiseth Ordinationem Legionis antiquae, secundum norman Militaris Ju­ris exponore: To expound to us the right ordering of an ancient Legion according to the Rule of Military Law. But I shall endeavour to justifie my charge in this following order.

First, I question the number of his Legionary Foot, which he makes to beFirst Error. six thousand one hundred, and all heavy armed; mark that I read once of six thousand, and once more of six thousand and two hundred, (and in that num­ber were comprehended the Velites) but never of six thousand and one hun­hundred. The truth is, Romulus made his Legion three thousand, after him it was augmented and diminished according to the King, Senate, or peoples plea­sure, or the necessities of the State to 4000, to 4200, to 5000, to 5200, and sometimes (but very seldom) to 6000, or 6200, as Regiments are now made stronger and weaker in our modern Levies, according to the pleasure of the Prince or State who makes them; but for most part the ancient Roman Legion was 4000, or 4200. Livy in his Sixth Book says, four Legions were levied against the Gauls, each of 4000 Foot. In his Seventh Book, he says, that in the Consulship of young Camillus, four Legions were raised, each of 4200 Foot. In his Eighth Book he tells us, that in the War against the Latins, every Legion consisted of 5000 Foot. In his Ninth Book he makes the Legion to be 4000 Foot, in the War against the Samnites. In his 21 Book he speaks of six Legions, each of them 4000 Foot. And not to spend more time in Instances, the same Historian (out of whom and Polybius, I suppose Vegetius borrowed his greatest light of History) says in his 22 Book, that every Roman Legion was 5000 Foot in the time of their dangerous War with their redoubted enemy Hannibal; but after that was ended, they were reduced to 4000 till the Mace­donian War, except that some of them were made 6200 by Scipio. Unless then once in Africk, and once in Greece, we never find a Legion 6000 strong, but never at all to be 6100, as Vegetius would have it to be constantly. He would have done himself much right, and his Reader a great favour to have told who levied these Legions of 6100. if it was so in his own time, or yet in the deca­dency of both the Roman Empire and Militia, that makes, nothing to his pur­pose, it is the ancient customs we require of him, for it is these he promised to us. But if we take in all these three Bodies of light armed Foot which he so frequently mentions in the number of the Legion, as Rolybius doth the Velites in his Legion, and proportion 400 light arm'd for every 1000 heavy arm'd, as the same Polybius doth; then Vegetius his Legion shall exceed 8500, of which we read in no story. Now if all these Instances I have given out of Livius, and in another place shall give out of Polybius be true, then Vegetius his assertion, that a Legion should have no fewer than 6100 heavy arm'd Foot, can have no truth at all in it, and that also which he subjoins in that same sixth Chapter of his Second Book must be false.

Secondly, I cannot believe him that either every Troop consisted of 32 Horse,Second Error. or that 726 Riders belong'd to every Legion. If I trust either the one or the other, I must give the lye to two more ancient Writers than himself, that is Polybius and Livius. The last whereof in his Seventh Book saith, four Legions were elected, and for every one of them 300 Horse. In the dangerous War a­gainst Hannibal, no more but 300 Horse for a Legion. Livy in his Ninth Book speaks but of 300 Horse for every Legion in the War with the Samnites. In the great battel of Cannae they were but 300, as that Historian witnesseth in his 22 Book. In his 29 Book he saith, Scipio had no more in Africk but 300 Horse for every Legion, the Foot whereof were 6200. And his brother Lucius Scipio [Page 91] had no more in Asia but 300 for every Legion of 5400 Foot. Neither had the Consul Aemilius more Horse for a Legion in Macedon than 300, though the Foot were 6000. Once I read in Livy, it is in his 40 Book, and if I remember right, it was against the Ligurians, that 400 Horse were ordained for each Legion; otherwise according to Livius, the number was constantly 300. Polybius all a­long in his History allots no more Horse to a Legion but 300, except once, (and I pray you observe it) it is in his Second Book, where he saith, the Senate sent two Legions to Sicily, each consisting of 4000 Foot, and 200 Horse; and as this is the least number I read of, so that of Livy's 400 Horse against the Ligurians is the greatest number of Horse for one Legion. In the Wars against both the Gauls and Carthaginians, Polybius gives but 300 Horse to every Legion. In the dividing his 726 Riders, Vegetius errs twice, first for allowing 22 Turms or Troops to the Cavalry, Ten being the ordinary number; next for allowing 32 Riders to each Troop, whereas there were but 30: Both which assertions of mine are grounded on History, and are likewise taken out of Polybius his Sixth Book, as I have made it appear in my Discourse of the Roman Cavalry. Besides, our Authors error in calculo may be charged on him as a Peccadillo, for though we should admit 22 Troops in every Legion, and thirty two Riders in every Troop, the number will not amount to 726, for multiply 32 by 22, the aggre­gate will be but 704. But in steps Steuechius, and lends Vegetius his hand, and says the Decurions must be added, who being 22 in number, (one for every Troop) makes Vegetius his number 726 compleat. But this shall not help him, for Decurions, Standard-bearers, Trumpeters, or Horn-winders, (if Troops had any of the last) were all of the number of the 30, and none of them Supernumeraries, as I have made it appear out of Polybius in my Discourse of Cavalries, and therefore they must be of the number of the 32 likewise. And if I should permit Steuechius to make the Decurions supernumeraries, he will be obliged to give me leave to reckon the Cornets and Trumpeters not to be of the number of the 32, and these being 44 in number would increase the horse of every Legion to 770, and if he please he may reckon the Turmae, Coactores, or Bringers up, who by Polybius his account were three for every Turme, and consequently 66 in 22 Troops, and then an addition being made of all, we shall find the aggregate of the Horse for Vegetius his Legion to be 836.

The third complaint I make is that Vegetius Marshals two Troops of HorseThird Error with every Cohort and four Troops with the first Cohort. Observe that here it is not the question whether this way of Marshalling be good or not, nor is it the question, whether it be not good, that Foot & Horse should be near one another when they fight, but the question is, whether the ancient Romans used this way, or not, or if this be the right way of ordering or Marshalling an old Legion, which Vegetius promised to give us. I aver it is not; and I know no old Author will contradict my assertion. It will be lost labour to instance these Battels de­scribed by ancient Historians, who mention nothing like this manner of Embat­telling. In my Discourses of both Infantry and Cavalry, I have shown how Horse­men have fought on foot, how they have fought with horses unbridled; and how Foot and Horse have been mingled together in Skirmishes, and Battels; but I read not in any Author of this method of Marshalling, that Vegetius speaks of; nay the current of History evinceth the contrary for most part, the Horse were drawn up in the wings, and the Foot in the Battel. So it was at Cannae, where the Consul Aemilius fought on the right hand with the Roman Cavalry, and Terentius Varo on the left with the Horse of the Allies. The like was done at the Battel of Metaurus against Asdrubal. In the two Battels which Scipio fought in Africk, the very same was practised. Sometimes all the Horse were Marshalled in one of the wings as Caesar drew up all his in the right wing of the army; and Pompey most of his Cavalry on the left hand of his ar­my at that great Battel of Pharsalia, where these two brave Romans fought for no less wager than the Empire of the World. At Ʋzita the same Caesar being to offer Battel to Scipio, Pompey's Father-in-law, drew up all his Horsemen on the left-wing of his army, and mixed Foot with them. Polybius in his 14 Book in­forms us that the Great Scipio being to fight against Syphax, Marshalled his Roman Horse in one wing, and his Auxiliaries in the other. And which is very observa­ble against Vegetius, he says in that same place, that in doing so, Romana Militia [Page 92] consuetudinem simpliciter servavit. He simply and purely observed the custom of the Roman Militia.

Nor will it be one full step out of my way to tell you, that I think Horse do not at all belong to a Legion, it being as I suppose wholly composed of Foot;Horse belong­ed not pro­perly to Legi­ous; for though most Historians tell us, that when Legions were levied, Horse were also raised, and punctually for every Legion 300 Horse, yet must not that be so understood as that these 300 horse were to be reckoned to be a member or part of that Legion; nay, most Authors disjoin them, and say, so many Legions, and so many Horse were raised. Let Caesar an Author beyond all exception be Judg. In the Seventh Book of the French War, he says, he gave to his Legate▪ Labienus (the same who afterward deserted him) four Legions, and kept six with himself; and that you may be sure he meant only Foot, he subjoins that he or­dered him to take a part of the Cavalry with him, how many he tells not; but if every Legion was to have a set number of horses, that great Captain (who loseth no words in his Commentaries) needed not have mentioned Horse; forProved from Caesar, when he said, he sent four Legions, we should have known that 2004 horse were sent according to Vegetius his account of 726 Horse, for every Legion, or 1200 according to the true account of 300 for every Legion.

In his Third Book of the Civil War, he sent Cassius Longinus to Thessaly with one Legion, and two hundred Horse, not with [...]26, nor yet with 300. He sen [...] Calvisi [...]s Sabinus to Aetolia with five Cohorts, and a few Horse, He sent C [...]eias Domitius to Macedon with three Legions and 500 Horse. Hear him speak once more, for he deserves to be heard, he tells us in that same Book, that S [...]ipio, Pompey's Father-in-law, brought out of Syria to Greece, Omnes Legiones, Equites­que: All the Legions and the Horsemen. If Horse belonged properly to Legions, why did he distinguish them, who knew [...]he Military Art, and the words of the Art best of any? But Vegetius shall be invincible for me, unless he beat himself, which he will presently do. For notwithstanding all he hath said in the sixth Chapter of his Second Book, yet in the 15 Chapter of that same Book he con­fesseth that Equites locantur in cornibus: Horsemen are placed in the wings. And in the 17 Chapter he says, Equites ponuniur in cornibus, it a ui lorica [...] amnes juncti sint peditibus: The Horsemen are placed in the wings, so that all the heavy arm'd horse join with the Foot: What means that, join with the Foot? It is that one part of them joined with the Foot on the right hand, and the other on the left; and so himself clears it in that very Chapter, where he saith, If Horsemen be too weak, according to the custom of the Ancients, Footmen whoAnd out of Vegetius him­self. are swift, arm'd with light Targets, and exercised in that manner of fight, are to be mixed with them; for Foot mixed with the Horse, and Horse joined to the Foot, are two several things. And in the first Chapter of the same Book he saith the Horse are called the wings, because they protect the foot, ad similitudi­nem alarnm, to the similitude of wings: Let now any man reconcile Vegetius to himself, and he and I shall be very soon good friends.

But the Hastati make a terrible clamour, and cry they have wrong done themFourth Error. by Vegetius in Marshalling the Principes before them. They say that being the youngest and least experienced, it was some honour done to them to place them in the first Battalion, for thereby they were exposed to the first fury of an ene­my, which many times they valian [...]ly repell'd; if not, they served at least (as the Great Turk's Asapi) to blunt both the Enemies Courage and Swords. The Prin­cipes cry as loud, that Vegetius hath rob'd them of the dignity, they always had to stand in the middle between the Hastati and the Triarii, and to be look'd on as the restorers of the Battel, when the Hastati were worsted. But neither of them hath so good reason to complain as the Triarii, whom we shall hear a­non. And assuredly to me it seems very strange, that not only in the mentioned places, but all along in his whole Treatise, our Author Marshals the Principes before the Hastati, against the universal consent of all History. Livy in his Se­venth Book tells how Lenus the Consul drew up his Hastati in the Van, the Principes in the middle, and the Triarii in the Reer, against the Gauls; and then was the Roman Discipline strictly observed. So were the Hastati in the Van, when Marcellus fought at Canusium with Hannibal, Liv. lib. 27. And in his 37 Book he informs us that Scipio Asia [...]icus in the battel he fought with Anti­ochus, ordered his Hastati in the Van, the Principes in the middle, and the [Page 93] Triarii in the Reer. And that I may not weary my Reader with instances, I be­lieve, and upon good grounds, that in all Livies Decads that are extant, Vege­tius nor any for him shall not read, that the Hastati were placed behind the Principes, except once that it is written (I suppose not by himself) in his Thir­tieth Book, that Scipi [...] in his battel against Sip [...] Asarubal Marshall'd the Principes before the Hastati. And Lipsius hath good reason to think that this place is falsified, since Polybius (out of whom it is like Livy hath the story) writes the very contrary, that is, that Scipio Marshall'd the Principes behind the Ha­stati; and if this place were not corrupted, then Livius should contradict him­self, for in his Eighth Book he says once for all, Hastati omnium primi pugnam inibant: The Javelineers, saith he, first of all began the battel. And sure the same Scipio at the battel of Zama against Hannibal, placed the Hastati in the Van, by a good token; for they were so mixed with the enemy, that he was glad to found a Retreat for them, that he might have ground to bring his Prin­cipes up to the Medley, which the same Livy reports to us.

In the fifth place Polybius complains that Vegetius hath murther'd five of hisFifth Error▪ Centurions, for he in his Sixth Book appointeth sixty for every Legion, where­of Vegetius in the eighth Chapter of his Second Book produceth but five and fifty yet he needs not be afraid to be brought to any juridical trial for this assas­sination. Truly it seems strange to me that Polybius his Legion consisting but of 3000 heavy armed, should have sixty Centurions, and that of Vegetius, which was a hundred more than twice as strong, should have but 55, for all his 6100 were heavy arm'd, as he describes them in that same Chapter. I can fancy no reason for this, but that it was his fancy to write so: I confess indeed it is more than probable that at the first institution by Romulus, that band of men which was called a Century, consisted of one hundred men; and so the Centurions were no more but thirty, and in process of time in a Legion of that same strength might be sixty▪ for as I told you in my Discourse of the Infanteries, though the particular bands of a Legion came to consist but of sixty men, and those of the Triarii perhaps but of thirty men, yet still the denominations of Century and Centurio remained as before. But never was a Centurio heard of that commanded more men than one hundred, except in Vegetius his Legion, in the first Cohort whereof (consisting of 110 [...] men) every Centurion commanded 184 men; if there were but six Centuriats in that Cohort, as is to be supposed; for if you divide 1105 by six, the Quotient will be 184 with the fraction of, one; but till Vegetius his number of 55 Centurions be made more clear to us, than yet it is, we may safely believe with Polybius, that in one Legion though not so strong as that of Vegetius, there were no fewer than sixty Centurions, to which Titus Livius doth give his consent in his Eighth Book, as the place is amended and corrected by Lipsius, according to the true and genuine sense of the Author.

Sixthly, to my sense it is undeniable, since the Roman Militia was reformed,Sixth Error▪ and indeed almost instituted by Tullus Hostilius, that there were ten Cohorts in every Legion, even when it consisted but of 3000; three Centuries at that time making a Cohort, and afterwards three Maniples, every one whereof was composed of two Centuriats. If the Centuries consisted of full hundreds, then each Maniple contained two hundred, and consequently the Cohort consisted of six hundred. And so we may suppose Scipio and Aemilius their Cohorts to have been, when their Legions were six thousand a [...]e. And this Cohort of 600 men is the strongest we read of; for in my Discourse o [...] [...]oman Infantery, I have distinguisht the Pretorian Cohorts from the Legionary ones. But a Cohort of 1105 men, as Vegetius will have his first Cohort to be, is not to pass muster, and as little warrant he had to make every one of his other nine Cohorts to consist of 555 heavy armed. Sure he might with more ease to himself have gi­ven to his right-hand Cohort 700 men, and to every one of the other nine, 600; and this had compleated his [...]egion of 6100, and by the bargain he had kept sixty Centurions in it, by giving to the six Centurions of the first Cohort, 116, or 117 men a piece, and to every Centurion of the other nine Cohorts, 100. Or if he had made his Legion compleatly 6000 and no more, he might have given equally to every Centurion of sixty, one hundred men, and this had been the fairest and impartialest dealing. But how the whimsie of his fractions of fives [Page 94] flew in his head I cannot tell, unless to trouble both himself and his Reader.

But seventhly, Room, room, cry the Triarii, they can have no longer pati­enceSeventh Error. either to kneel or sit, they are all on foot, Conclamant arma, they expect neither Principes, nor Hastati to retire to them, but advance in full arms, threatning they will be members of the Legion, and the principal members too; and in the Legion they will be, though it were over Vegetius his belly. They are very angry that in the sixth and 15 Chapters of his Second Book, he should have muster'd a compleat Legion without them, their clamour is so loud, that to pacifie them, Vegetius in the 14 Chapter of his Third Book, assigns them place behind three bodies of light armed, and ordains them to be the sixth Ba­tallion, and to give them some ease after the wrong he had done them, he al­lows them to sit, whereas before he had order'd them to kneel, sometimes on one, sometimes on both knees. But indeed they have no reason to be satisfied with such favours, since he hath wholly exterminated them out of the Legion, in both his descriptions of it; for he divides the whole Legion, and all the ten Cohorts of it, and every man of these ten Cohorts into two Acies, or Batalli­ons; in the first whereof he placeth the Principes consisting of five Cohorts, in which are 3325 men. In the second he rangeth the Hastati in five Cohorts, in which he musters 2775 men, which make compleatly up his full number of 6100 heavy armed. So you see in both these places there is no room left, nor mention made of the Triarii. And though in his Third Book he appoints them to be in the Reer, yet the Legion being made up of the Principes and Hastati without them, it must follow that in Vegetius his account the Triarii were no Legionaries. Besides all this, they accuse him of either theft or robbery, because in the be­ginning of the 6th Chapter of his Second Book, he hath either stoln or violently taken from them the Eagle, and given it to the first Cohort of the Principes; for they aver that it, being the prime Ensign of the Legion, was recommended to their care, and the keeping of it to their Primipilus, or first Centurion. How Vegetius will answer to all these accusations, I know not, but those who will de­fend him had best do it out of his own Books; for I have consulted his Com­mentator Steuechius, and find he pleads nothing at all for him, nay, nor seems not to take notice, that he stands in need of his help, for Commenting on that same Chapter I last spoke of: all he tells us is that there was but one Eagle in aSteuechius▪ taxed. Legion, wherewith he saith he thought fit to acquaint Novitiates (a great secret) and that there were many Ensigns, and is pleased to give us the figures of those Images Vegetius speaks of, this is all. And indeed to tell it once for all, Steuechi­us is large and prolix enough to explain things where no difficulty appears, but where matters are debatable, I find in him nothing but a profound silence.

I shall not need to tell my Reader how Vegetius repeats things over and overVegetius his Tautalogies. again, nor how his Tautologies are obvious, Ʋsque ad nauseam, nor yet what brave men, experienced Soldiers, and expert Warriors, he will have to be pla­ced in the Cohorts that stand on the right and left hands, and in the middle of both his Batallions, of which he composeth his Legion. But I dare presume to say that if any of the ancient Roman Dictators or Consuls, who Triumphed gloriously over their enemies, had liv'd in the Emperour Valentinians time, they would rather have chused to have submitted the fortune of their battels to the doubtful Die of War once more, than to have Marshall'd their Legions after Vegetius his Model.

CHAP. XIII. Of a Roman Legion, Marshall'd according to Polybius.

I Speak so often of Polybius, that I think it will not be amiss to tell you what he was. His Father Licortas was a famous Citizen of Megalopolis, who by his Valour and Vertue came to be the Supreme Magistrate (whom they call'd Praetor) of all the Achaeans. This Praetor by his charge presided in their Coun­cils, and was their Chieftain in their Wars. Licortas succeeded to the renown­ed Captain Philopaemon, who was cruelly forced by the Messenians (after he was their Prisoner) to drink a full draught of deadly Poison. Polybius What Polybius was. was a Souldier in Greece, and as himself witnesseth in his eleventh Book, was a Commander in the Achaean Army, under Philopamon, at the Battel of Mantinea, against Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedaem [...]n, who was there over­thrown and kill'd. He was long after that a great favourite, yea, a Coun­sellour of that Scipio who was sometimes called Africanus Minor, and some­times Numantinus; because he ended the Carthaginian and Numantine War, with the destruction of both Cities. There were some reasons why Scipio should be kind to Polybius, because his Natural Father Lucius Aemilius, (for this Scipio was but the adopted Grand-child of the great Africanus) was the Au­thor of carrying many hundred Achaeans Prisoners to Rome, (for no reason but suspicion) among whom Polybius was one, who lay full seventeen years Pri­soner there, where he had leisure enough to learn both the Roman language and customes. Scipio was a very great Captain, a strict reformer of the old Roman Militia, and a severe Disciplinarian, from whom Polybius could not but know all the mysteries of the Roman Art of War, being a person of so great abilities, as those parcels of his History, yet extant, speak him ta have been; and truly we have reason to be sorry that we are robb'd of those Books of his, of which all-devouring time hath deprived us. Let us hear how he marshals a Roman Legion.

A Legion in that Scipio Minor's time, consisted of four thousand two hun­dred men, as many times it did both before and after him; whereof six hun­dred were Triarii, and made the third Batallion, obliged to kneel on their Right knee, till either the other two Classes retir'd to them, or that the General com­manded them to rise and advance. These, he saith, were never more than six hundred, though the Legion chanc'd to be four thousand two hundred, as many times it did. And for this we must take his word. Before the Triarii stood the Principes, men in the flower of their age; and before them, the Hastati in the Van; they were the youngest and rawest of all the heavy arm­ed; each of these two Batallions consisted of twelve hundred; and all the three were alike arm'd, except that the Triarii, instead of Pila, carry'd short Spears; of all which I have spoken sufficiently already. So you see all Po­lybius The Polyb [...] Legion. his heavy armed amounted to three thousand: The rest, which were twelve hundred, were, saith he, Velites; and these, he says, were levied of the poorest and most inconsiderable sort of the people. Nor do I find, that he divides these twelve hundred Velites, into three Squadrons; one whereof should stand behind every one of the Classes of the heavy armed, of all which I have already spoke, in my discourse of the Infantry; and yet Ter­duzzi, and the Sieur de Preissack would father this upon Polybius: But indeed, in my judgement, he leaves the light armed to be disposed of in the Flanks, Van or Rear, as the General conceiv'd they might be most useful. He ap­points his Legion to be divided into thirty Maniples (suppose still the heavy armed) each Maniple to consist of two Centuriates; to every Century he allows an Ensign and a Centurion, whom he permits to chuse his Sub-Centurion; [Page 96] of all which I have already spoke. The numbers of the Hastati, Principes, and Velites, might alter, according to the strength of the Legion, but not the Triarii. He tells us, that three hundred Horse were levied with every Legion; but says not, that they made a part of every Legion. These three hundred Horse he divides into ten Turms or Troops, and Officers them, as I have shown you in my Discourse of the Cavalry. He leaves them to be marshall'd, where the Commander in chief thought they might do best service. And now we have the Polybian Legion.

No word here for all this, how deep, that is, how many in File, either of Horse or Foot; or what, or how much ground was allowed for distance between Files or Ranks; or yet how great the Intervals were between the several Maniples of every one of the Classes, or what between the Classes themselves, or between the several Troops of Horse. A great over-sight, for of all these we are forc'd to hear other mens conjectures, and make use of our own, as we shall offer to do in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XIV. Of Distances, and Intervals of the several Bodies and Batallions of the Foot and Horse.

BEfore we proceed to our conjectures, it will be fit, first to know what this word Interval properly signifies, and how it is taken. In both Ancient and Modern Fortifications, Towns, Castles, and Camps were defended not only with Ramparts of Earth, and Walls of Stone, but also with great Logs or Stakes of Timber, which we call Palli [...]adoes, these the Romans in their language called Valli, and, I suppose, thereafter the Rampart it self got theVallus and Vallum. name of Vallus and Vallum; hence perhaps our Wall. These Stakes were, and are of two kinds, longer and shorter; the first stood straight up from the ground, the second had the one end of them fixed in the Rampart, and the other lying on it, to hinder an approach to it; distinguished by the Germans by several names, for they call the long▪ Stakes Palli [...]adoes, and the short ones Stockadoes, both the one and the other sharp-pointed at both ends. The Ground, Earth, or part of the Rampart, between two Pallisadoes or Stocka­does, is properly called an Interval; but it is borrow'd, and appropriated toInterval what. any distance between Bodies greater and smaller; yea, to the space that is be­tween one time and another, an Interval of time is now language proper enough, and Physicians borrow it, and call an Intermitting Ague, Febris Intervallata, an Intervalled Feavor.

What distance or Intervals there were between Roman Ranks, and betweenDeepness of the File not told Files between several Bodies of either their Horse or Foot, no ancient Au­thor hath clear'd to us, but left us to grope in the dark. Nor can we well guess at them, till we condescend how many in File both Horse and Foot were marshall'd. I told you before, that Vegetius in the twenty fifth Chap­terBy Vegetius. of his second Book, seems to make the Foot eleven deep, because, as I told you, he orders a Contubernium of Souldiers to manage a Carrobalist, and that, he saith, consisted of eleven men. But this doth not prove that Ve­getius his File was precisely eleven, no more than what he saith in the fifteenth Chapter of his third Book (that ten thousand men drawn up in six Ranks, will take up so much ground in Front) will prove, that the Roman Foot were drawn up six deep. And so for Vegetius, we know not the deepness of either the Roman Foot or Horse. Nor will we be one jot the wiser for Po­lybius [Page 97] for the discourse he hath in his twelfth Book, where he speaks of HorseNor by Poly­bius. eight in File, doth not concern the Roman Militia, for he speaks there of Macedonian and Persian Warriours, and is confuting Calisthenes his History of the Battel of Issus, between Alexander and Da [...]ius, as I noted before. Achilles Terduzzi imagines the Roman Foot to have been twelve in File, but that was to make good his conjecture of the quantity of ground a Consular Army took up, whereof I may chance to speak hereafter. But the common opinion car­ries me along with it, that both the Roman Horse and Foot ordinarily wereRoman Horse and Foot te [...] deep. marshall'd ten in File, but upon emergencies, Generals might alter it; though, I confess, the strong reason for it to me seems very weak, which is, that the Leader of the Horse was called Decurio, and he of the File of Foot Dec [...]nus; for this last is appropriated to other Offices; and the first by Aelian's Tran­slator is given to the Leader of a Macedonian File, which consisted of sixteen. But this supposition, as probable, we must make the basis or ground, on which to build our most probable conjectures of the Intervals of several Bodies and Classes, in which both our Authors give us small assistance, yet I shall give you all I can pick out of them, or others, on that Subject.

When Polybius in his twelfth Book told us, that for most part Horse-men were ranged eight deep (meaning, I think, the Persian Horse) he subjoins, that there must be an Interval between several Troops; but what that Inter­val was, he forgot to tell us: It is pity, he who knew things so well, should needlessly have kept them up from us as secrets; the reason he gives for an Interval between two Troops doth not weigh much, because, saith he, theyIntervals be­tween Troops must have ground for conversion; that is, to face to either Right or Left hand, or by any of them to the Rear. If any of these be needful, whole Squa­drons of four, six or eight Troops joyn'd together, may do it as easily and conveniently as single Troops, which consist of three or four Files at most. But conversions on that same ground are seldome necessary, never conveni­ent. But being left to guess, how many foot of Interval, Troops ten deepConjectured required one from another, I conjecture, eight Foot; which I ground on that, the same Polybius saith in that same twelfth Book, which is, that a Stadium, or Furlong, contain'd eight hundred Horse drawn up in Battel. Then I say, First, a Stadium, is the eighth part of an Italian mile, one hundred twenty five paces, six hundred twenty five Foot. Secondly, eight hundred Horse, being at our Authors rate eight in File, are one hundred in Front. Thirdly, For every Horse-man to stand on Horse▪ back, and room to handle his Arms; I allow, with others, four foot of ground, and so for one hundred Horses, four hundred Foot. Fourthly, According to Polybius, and, I suppose, theOut of Polybi­us. Roman rule, the eight hundred Horse must be divided into several Troops, and in each of them but thirty Riders; so there will be twenty [...]x compleat Troops, and twenty Horse-men for the twenty seventh Troop. Fifthly, Twenty seven Troops require twenty six Intervals. Now allow with Polybi­us, a Stadi [...]m for eight hundred Horse-men; that is, for one hundred in Front, and for these hundred allow with me four hundred Foot for the Horse­men to stand on, you will have of six hundred twenty five foot of ground for your twenty six Intervals, two hundred and seventeen foot; and that will be eight foot, and near one half, for every Interval. So my opinion is, (if I understand Polybius right) that the Interval between two single Troops was about eight foot.

But let us fancy the Roman Horse to have been ten in File, and so every Troop only three in Front, for so I probably think they were▪ and let u [...] remember, that in every Consular Army there were twenty Roman Troops, and forty of the Allies; in all sixty. Fancy those sixty Troops drawn up in one Field, up­on one of the Wings of the Army (as several times all the Cavalry was marshall'd on one Wing) they must have fifty nine Intervals. Next, remem­ber that sixty Troops, at thirty in a Troop, were compos'd of eighteen hun­dredToo many In­tervals. Riders; these drawn up, ten in File, made one hundred and eighty Lead­ders; allow to every one of these four foot, that will amount to seven hun­dred and twenty foot; then for fifty nine Intervals (which, according to Polybius, sixty Troops must have) you are to allow four hundred seventy two foot (at eight foot for each Interval) I suppose still that which I can scarcely believe, of so many Intervals; but add four hundred seventy two foot, to seven hundred [Page 98] and twenty, the aggregate will be eleven hundred ninety two foot. How these sixty Troops, marshall'd so thin, so few in Front, with so many Inter­vals, could stand out the brisk and furious charge of a numerous and couragi­ous Enemy, is beyond my fancy▪ unless they have been interlin'd with well­armed Foot.

As to the Distances between Bodies of Foot, Polybius in the twel [...]th BookOver [...]ight in Polybius. so often cited, allows expresly six foot between Files, but he is to be under­stood in that place of the Macedonian Phalanx, conf [...]ting the impertinent re­lation of Calisthenes; but he speaks not there or elsewhere o [...] distance between Roman Files: And yet here is an inadvertency in that great man, as we shall see another immediately in Vegetius of the same nature. Polybius allows six thou­sand foot of ground for the Front or Longitude of sixteen thousand men six­teen deep, and so we have one thousand Files; between every one of the Files he allow [...] six foot of distance, so the distances do compleatly take up his six thousand Foot, and so no ground is allow'd to stand on; to which, if he had adverted, he would have allow'd one foot to each man whereon to stand, and consequently seven thousand foot for one thousand Files in Front. But I shall not question the six foot of distance between Files, being I have told you in the Grecian Militia that much was necessary for their Pike-men between Ranks on their march, though not between Files; and that in standing in Battel, they used Densatio, three foot▪ of distance, and in fight, Constipa [...], one foot and a half. Vegetius is more inexcusable than Polybius, for he allows for the Ranks one footTwo in Vege­tius. of ground to stand on, in these words, Singuli Bellat [...]res stantes singulos obtinent pedes, Every Combatant, says he, takes up one foot of ground. But that he allows none for them to stand on, when he speaks of Files, I prove thus: In the fourteenth Chapter of his third Book, he allows three foot of distance between Files; and in the next place saith, that ten thousand men, marshall'dThe first in distance of Files. six deep, made a Front of sixteen hundred sixty six: and so it doth with a fracti­on only of four; hitherto he is very right, but concludes very ill, that these sixteen hundred sixty six Files took no more ground up in Front but one thousand paces, that is five thousand foot. A thing purely impossible, for three foot of Distance is allowed by himself between File and File; and next, sixteen hun­dred sixty six Files require sixteen hundred sixty five distances; multiply sixteen hundred sixty five by three, the product is four thousand nine hundred ninety five; these want but 5 foot of Vegetius his one thousand paces. Where shall then the sixteen hundred sixty six Combatants stand, certainly they had sixteen hun­dred sixty six foot of ground to stand on; add sixteen hundred sixty six to four thousand nine hundred ninety five, the aggregate is six thousand six hundred sixty one foot; a third more than Vegetius allow'd to sixteen hundred sixty six Files: In imitation of him, Terduzzi commits the very same errour in his fifth and sixth Chapters. In the next place, Vegetius allows six foot of distance betweenThe second of Ranks. Ranks, because men must run▪ when they throw their Darts and Javelines, for so they cast them with greater [...]orce; Vehementius, saith he, I think he speaks reason, but not at all sense; when he avers, that six Ranks of men (having one foot of ground allow'd for every Rank to stand on, and six foot between one Rank and another) took up forty two foot of ground, from the Van to the Rear; that is, as I think, from the toes of the Leaders to the heels of the Bringers up; for by his own account and allowance, six Ranks can take up no more from Van to the Rear than thirty six foot; as thus, six foot for the six Ranks to stand on, and thirty foot for the five distances▪ The error seems to have proceeded from a fancy he hath had, that six Ranks must have six In­tervals, which is not only false, but ridiculously childish: In regard, in six Ranks, there is one distance between the first and second Rank; the second between the second Rank and the third; the third between the third and fourth Rank; the fourth between the fourth and fifth rank; and the fifth di­stance between the fifth and sixth Rank. And for his first error, that sixteen hundred sixty six Files take no more ground in Front than five thousand foot, it will be a folly to defend him by [...]aying, three Foot were but allowed both for Files to stand on, and distance between them, for a distance (as Lieutenant-Colonel El­t [...]n, Definition of a Distance. in his compleat Body of the Military Art discribes (it well) is a place or Inter­val of ground between every particular File and File, and Rank and Rank, and therefore no part of that ground on which the Files o [...] Ranks stand. When [Page 91] I look'd upon these places of Vegetius, and consider'd them, I could not but ap­prove of Lips [...]s for qualifying him (but on another account) with the Titles of Solutus & negligens.

The same Lipsius, in the fourth Book of his Commentary, quarrels with Polybius, for not informing us what distances the several Maniples kept one from another, nor what Intervals were kept between the three great Classes; and if that piece of Polybius be not lost with others of his works, assuredly it was an inexcusable oversight. I dare not accuse Vegetius of this neglect, though Lipsius seems to do it; for I am apt to believe, that what he speaks ofVegetius [...] to be under­stood. the distances between Ranks (as I have understood him, it is in the fourteenth and fifteenth Chapters of his third Book) he may have meant Intervals be­tween the greater Bodies; for in these places he useth the words Ord [...] and Acies indifferently, and though Ordo be sometimes taken for a Rank, some­times for a Band or Company, yet Acies is ever taken for a Battel, or Batal­lion. And to me it is clear enough that in the ment [...]n'd places he takes Ordo for Batallion, and makes six of them, the first of Principes, the second of Ha­stati, the third, [...]ourth and fifth of light armed, the sixth of Triarii. Now it is palpable, these great Bodies were not Ranks (for every one of them, if I mi­stake not, consisted of ten Ranks) but were all several Batallions, where­of, as I told you before, he composed his Legion. But whether he meant Ranks or Batallions, the error I mention'd was still the same, in making six seve­ral Bodies (be they Ranks, Files, Squadrons or Batallions) to have six distances, for they cannot possibly have more than five. But if in these places he allow'd but six foot of Interval between these Classes, and great Bodies; it speaks him to have been almost out of his wits when he wrote it, as the Reader may collect from the insuing Discourse.

But being neither Polybius nor Vegetius help us much in the matter of Intervals, Lipsius in his fourth Book comforts us, and tells us, he will not suffer so profitableLipsius under­takes much, a business as is the knowledge of Intervals to remain in darkness; In finibus noctis, are his words, In the Borders of Night; and therefore promiseth out of the plen­tiful Magazine of his own reading, to clear the whole matter to us. But I am afraid he will not be a man of his word, for the greatest undertakers, are sel­dome the best performers: However it is fit we hear him, for he deserves it.

First, He tells us, that he conceives, that the Interval between the Hastati But perform [...] [...]ttle. and the Principes was fifty foot, and between the Principes and the Triarii one hundred. Next, concerning the Intervals between the Maniples of any of the three Classes (which the Romans call'd Via Directa) he saith, if the Velites were to stand in them, the Interval might be of twenty or thirty foot; if not, ten foot was enough. This is briefly all he says on the matter. But assuredly, if this learned man could convenlently have left the University of Louvaine, and followed the Spanish Armies but one Summer, or, as we call it, one Cam­pagne; he would have seen, under the conduct of the famous Dukes of Alva and Parma, (the greatest Captains of that age) who liv'd at the time that he was writing his Books, how pitifully simple that School-speculation of his was. I must confirm my opinion with Reason, for authority of Writers I have no more than he, and that is none at all.

Each of the two Classes of the Hastati and Principes consisted of twelve hun­dred men, which being marshall'd ten deep, made one hundred and twenty Files; Vegetius allows three foot distance between Files, these make three hun­dred and sixty foot in Front, add one hundred and twenty foot for the Files to stand on; the ground that either of these Batallions stood on, was four hun­dred and eighty foot in Longitude▪ but to shun debate, I shall be content to al­low but one foot for every File to stand on, and two foot of Interval between Files, and so the Front of the Hastati, (though they had been all marshall'd in one Body, as they were in several Maniples) took up three hundred and sixty foot. A less space of ground cannot rationally be given for an Interval between them and the Principes, than the three hundred and sixty foot they took up in Front; for when they either fled or retir'd to the second Batallion, they must have had sufficient ground to cast themselves in some good order, by Mani­ples to take up their places in the Intervals of the Principes. Now three hundredInterval be­tween Hastati and Principes▪ and sixty foot is but seventy two paces, which certainly are soon traced by [Page 100] men either flying or retiring hastily. For to imagine that the Romans punctu­ally kept Rank and File, when they were necessitated to a speedy Retreat, is a vain speculation. If this be allowed me, then it cannot be denied me, that the Interval between the Principes and the Triarii must have been twice as great, that is seven hundred and twenty Foot, because the third Batallion was in time of need to receive both the other two. Here then were two great Intervals, one between the Hastati and Principes, and the other between the Principes and theBetween Principes and Triarii. Triarii, both of them called by the Romans, Via transversa. This conjecture of mine may seem rational enough to those who have observed in our modern Ar­mies, the Intervals between the Brigades Marshall'd in the Battel, and these of the reserve, for less ground for them than what a Brigade takes up in front, is not usually given.

But to support my own opinion, and convince Lipsius of the vanity of his, ISupported out of Poly­bius; shall pick something out of the 15 Book of Polybius, where he tells us that Han­nibal marshal'd his third Batallion more than one Stadium behind his second one, and in doing so, says he, he followed the Roman custom; observe this. Now a Stadium is six hundred and twenty five foot, and this wants but ninety five foot of my allowance of seven hundred and twenty for an Interval between the Prin­cipes and the Triarii; and for that remember that he said more than a Stadium, and you may believe without heresie, it was the fourth part of another Stadium; and if so, Hannibals Interval between his second and third Batallion was seven hundred and eighty one foot, that will be sixty one foot more than I required between the second and third Roman Batallions.

But Lipsius would maintain his conjecture with two Instances out of Caesar, but when they are examined, they may happily make more against him, than for him. The first is, when Afranius was to fight with Caesar in Spain, the ground between the two Camps where the two Armies were ranged was but two thou­sand foot, whereof saith Caesar, every Army took up a third, the third Third being left for the Charge. Will Lipsius infer from this, that the Interval betweenLipsius his first Instance consuted. the first and second Batallion was but of fifty foot, and that between the se­cond and the third only of one hundred? No such matter, for where the ground was so scarce, three foot between ranks was enough; and I doubt if ever more was allowed to the heavy armed, nay nor so much, after their Pila were cast; a third part of two thousand foot will be six hundred sixty-six. Draw up all the three Batallions one behind another, make each of them ten deep, they will make in all thirty Ranks, for which allow twenty nine distances, each of three foot, will make eighty-seven foot, and thirty foot being allowed for the thirty ranks to stand on, will amount to one hundred and seventeen foot, on which ground all the thirty ranks could conveniently enough stand. Now we have five hundred forty nine foot for the Transverse Intervals, which were two. Of the five hundred forty nine foot, allow two hundred to the Interval between the first and second Batallion, and three hundred forty nine for the Interval between the second and the third. But here you will say, the two Transverse Intervals had not so great a space of ground as I required for them; I grant it you, and what then; I did not oblige Roman Generals to allow so much ground when they had it not, but to give as much when conveniently they could. And even here I have demonstrated, that though Caesar and Afranius were pinched for want of ground, yet both of them might have allowed more by fifty foot to the least of the Transverse Intervals, than Lipsius doth to both the Intervals.

The second Instance is, when Caesar says, Pompey drew up his army in Thessa­ly, so near his Camp, that darts could have been cast out of his fortifications over the heads of all his three Batallions, and therefore he concludes the Inter­vals between them must have been of a very small extent. To this I give a two­foldHis second Instance con­futed. answer: First, I suppose these Darts were to be cast out of Scorpions, Onagers, and Catapults, and if these, or any of them could shoot Spears (as it is written of them) over the Danube, where it is broadest, then I believe (though I never saw that River) they could throw Darts more than four Stadi­ums, or Furlongs, which will be two thousand five hundred foot, and all the ground I require for a Roman Army Marshall'd in three Batallions one behind an­ther, allowing six foot between Ranks, and three hundred and sixty between the first and the second Batallion, and seven hundred and twenty between the [Page 101] second and the third, amounts to no more but twelve hundred and seventy two foot.

My second answer is, that at that time Pompey had no mind to fight, and therefore drew up near his Camp, that he might fall back to it, when he plea­sed, (as he then did) and so in Marshalling needed not keep the ordinary custom of Intervals.

But the Intervals Lipsius gives between one Maniple and another in all the three Roman Classes of Foot which were called the direct ways or streets, not these Transverse ones whereof I have spoken, are yet more irrational, and hisLipsius his direct Inter­vals examin­ed. conjecture of them less obvious to sense, as of the other. He saith if the Velites be to stand in these Intervals, they may be of twenty or thirty foot, if not of ten. But I say first, if the Velites stand there, they are no Intervals at all. Next, if they be ordered to stand between the Maniples of the heavy armed, as much of ground must be allowed them, as wherein they can conveniently stand and fight; now that cannot be certain, but according to their number, as suppose them twelve in front, (whether ten, six or four deep, it matters not) Lipsius must allow them twelve foot for their twelve Files to stand on, and thirty three foot for eleven distances between Files, and that is forty five foot: Where are then Lipsius his twenty or thirty foot. But Lipsius knew well enough that the Velites were not to stand in the intervals of the heavy armed, but only either to ad­vance to the Van, or retire to the Reer through them; and he knew too that the intervals between Maniples were principally for the Maniples of the first Class to fall in the intervals of the second Class, and the Intervals of the third Batal­lion for the Maniples of the other two to full back to them: and therefore to allow but ten foot for every one of these Intervals is an inexcusable error in him, and a conjecture which hath no coherence with sense, nor can ever be justified by reason. That General never breath'd that could draw up a band of men con­sisting of twelve Files in ten foot of ground. Now every Maniple of the P [...]ci­pes and Hastati, according to Polybius whom Lipsius follows, consisted of one hundred and twenty men, and these being ten deep, constituted twelve Files, these have eleven Intervals, every one of which being three foot, make thirty three foot; add twelve to that for the twelve Files to stand on, the aggregateTrue Inter­vals between] Maniples. is forty five foot, and if you allow but two foot for every Interval between Files, the Interval between two Maniples must be thirty four foot, for it is not possible you can allow less ground for an Interval than that which a Body posses­seth, that is ordain'd to stand in that Interval. Hence I think it is obvious to common sense, that all the Intervals between the Maniples of the Hastati and Principes, were of forty five foot, or thirty four at least. And those of the Triarii of ninety foot, or sixty eight at least, in regard they were to receive the Maniples of both the Hastati and Principes.

In the clearing this point of Distances I have been perhaps too prolix, and have used repetitions, which I condemn in others; but being it is almost im­possible to have so much as a general notion of a Roman Army, how it was Mar­shall'd, (or of any other Army) unless you know the Intervals, I have not thought it amiss to spend a little paper on that Subject. And indeed we are left as in many other Points (necessary to be known) so in this, to grope in the dark. Nor have I been so severe to the learned Lipsius for his extravagant conjectures of Ro­man Intervals, but I shall be ready to accept (and desire others to do so too) of his own excuse, which I shall give you in his own words, as I find them in the fourth Book of his Commentary. H [...] [...] as me as, [...] rer [...] veter [...], quas Lipsius excu­sed. revera per leves conjecturas, & fallacia vestigia [...]. Ah, says he, my dark­ness, or that of ancient things, which indeed we must hunt after with uncer­tain conjectures, and through fallacious footsteps.

CHAP. XV. Of the Roman Allies, and Auxiliaries, and the mistakes of some Authors concerning them.

YOU may read very frequently in Roman story of Socii, Allies, and Con­federates, who were obliged by Covenant and Stipulation to send out such an assistance of men for the City of Rome as the Senate or the Consul required, till a little before Julius Caesar's time; after that you shall read no more of them, for then they were all made Citizens of Rome, and reckon'd to be of one In­corporation. The difference between Allies and Auxiliaries was, the first could only be Italians, the second were of any other Nation. Hence it is that though we read of no Allies that join'd with Lucull [...], Sylla, Pomp [...]y, Caesar, Anthony, Vespasian, and his Son Titus, yet we find their Armies mightily streng­thened by Auxiliaries. But indeed the Romans did but fool some of the Italian Towns and Republicks with the goodly show of Alliance, and the honourable title of Socii, whereas truly they used them no better than Vassals, obligingRoman Allies ill used. them to follow them in the pursuance of their ambitious designs, with as many Forces of Horse and Foot, as the Senate pleased to impose on them, and to serve at their own charges, except a little Proviant, which with the help of these same Allies they took from an enemy. Hence came these many grievances of the Confederated Towns, mentioned in the Roman Histories, and once a total rupture of the Latins from them, till after much blood-shed they were reduced to their former condition.

Till the Romans had over-mastered Hannibal, Philip of Macedon, and the great King of Syria, Antiochus, we shall seldom read of any of their Armies that were not puissantly assisted by their Allies; the number either as to Foot or Horse,Number of the Allies, of which that assistance consisted, may be collected from the several times of their conjunction; but that they were determinately and constantly stinted to such a number, can never be prov'd out of ancient story; yet I find Vegetius very positive in it, and in the first Chapter of his Third Book, he offers to as­sureMistaken by Vegetius, his Reader that neither Allies nor Auxiliaries were ever in one army stron­ger than the Romans. Take his own words, Illa tamen ratio servata est ne unquam ampli [...]r multitudo Sociorum Auxiliaxiumve [...]sset in Castris, quam Civium Romanorum: That care, saith he, was taken that no greater number of Allies or Auxiliaries, should be in the Camp, than of Roman Citizens. And Machiavelli in the ThirdMistaken by Machiavelli; Book of his Art of War, says that every Consular Army consisted of two Le­gions, which were eleven thousand Foot, and two Legions of Allies, which made also eleven thousand Foot. I shall first speak a word to both of them together, and then severally to each of them. Both of them had read Livy, and till they had produced a more Authentick Historian, none of them should have given him the lye so broadly. This Author in his Twenty first Book tells us, that after Hannibal came to Italy, Cor. Scipio, and Sempronius levied six Legi­ons of Romans each of four thousand Foot, and for every one of them three hundred Horse, and in that same place he casts up the total of them to be twen­ty four thousand Foot, and eighteen hundred Horse, and of Allies saith he, forty four thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse. This wanted but four thou­sand of the double number of the Roman Foot, and four hundred more than double the number of the Roman Horse. In his Thirty fifth Book he informs us that in the War against Antiochus the Consul Quintius raised two Legions, each of five thousand Foot, in all ten thousand, and six hundred Horse; and of the Allies, saith he, twenty thousand foot, and eight hundred Horse. The number of the Foot was double the Roman Infantry, and the Horse exceededProv'd out of Livius. the Roman by two hundred. In the Istrian War, a little before that of Macedon, [Page 103] Livy in his forty first Book says, ten thousand Roman Foot, and three hundred Horse were levied, and of the Allies twelve thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse. And to make short, hear him once for all in the Third Book of his Hi­story. It was agreed and concluded, saith he, that the Army should consist of two parts Confederates, (these then were the Latins and the Hernicks) and one third part Citizens. If these Instances evince not the rashness of that assertion, that the Allies were never stronger than the Romans, then Livy hath basely co­zen'd us. But Vegetius will perhaps bring Polybius to support him, who in his Sixth Book says, The Allies Foot were for most part equal with the Roman Foot, but their Horse were double the number of the Roman Cavalry. To this I an­swer first, that by this account the Allies were stronger than the Romans, their Horse being double the number of the other, and therefore they were not of equal strength. Secondly, what if Polybius had said that both Vegetius andPolybius de­fended. Machiavelli aver, Quandoque bonus dormit [...] Homerus; and indeed if he had said so much, he had nodded to the heighth of a perfect sleep, and might have been said to have dream'd. Thirdly, he says not that the Foot were always of equal numbers, but ut plurimum, for the most part, and I question the truth of that too. And lastly, if he had meant they were always of a like strength, he had foully contradicted himself; for in his Second Book he hath these words: Be­fore Hannibal, says he, invaded Italy, the Romans levied against the Gauls four Legions, each consisting of five thousand two hundred Foot, which were twen­ty thousand eight hundred Foot, and for every Legion three hundred Horse, which were twelve hundred; and of the Allies, saith he, were raised thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. And in that same Book he saith, that the Roman preparations (I suppose against Hannibal) amounted to seven hun­dred thousand Foot, and twenty thousand Horse, a third part whereof (consi­dering the sense of that time) could not be Romans; and yet (saith this Histo­rian) Hannibal invaded them with few more than twenty thousand men.

To Vegetius I shall say particularly, that when he avers the Romans sufferedVegetius wrong in the number of Auxiliaries; not their Auxiliaries to exceed their own strength, he did not remember what Livy told him in his Twenty fifth Book, how Ch [...]i [...] Scipi [...] trusting to the aid of thirty thousand Celtiberian Auxiliaries, was betray'd by them when he was to fight with Asarubal, for they left him every man, and join'd with the Carthagi­nian. A Caveat (saith the Historian) for the Romans, and all other States and Princes, to take no more Auxiliary strangers in their Camps than they c [...]ld well overmaster. In the next place I shall make [...]old to ask Machiavelli, what he meant in the Third Book of his Art of War, where he says, though the Con­federates Foot never exceeded the Roman Foot (the contrary whereof I have prov'd) yet their Horse, says he, were permitted to be some more. Say you,And Machia­velli of the Allies. some more, yes indeed, some more, if it be true, what your self said a little before▪ that the Roman Horse of a Consular Army were but six hundred, and these of the Allies one thousand four hundred: This is a some more indeed. But it is probable I may meet with him upon this very same subject in the next Chapter.

But we shall not be able to make an estimate of the marshalling, marching, or encamping of a Roman Consular Army, till we condescend on the number of the Allies, without whom few or none of them in ancient times went, to the fields. Let us therefore without further contest follow the authority of the famous Hi­storianWe must fol­low Polybius for the num­ber of the Allies. and Captain Polybius, who (as I have cited his words already) says, the Allies for most part were equal in Infantry with the Romans, and double the number of their Cavalry. Then it will be clear, that not only in our Authors time, but often both before and after it, every Legion of the Allies consisted of four thousand two hundred Foot, and their Horse for every Legion were six hundred, because we may conjecture probably out of Livy, the Roman Legion was of that strength, and that the Horse were three hundred.

Out of the number of the Allies, by the Consuls appointment, were taken those whom the Roman Historians call Extraordinaries, and these were not a few, for they were the fifth part of the Foot, and the third of the Horse; as suppose out of two Legions, consisting of eight thousand four hundred Foot, one thou­sandThe Extra­ordinaries of the Allies. six hundred and eighty were taken, which was the fifth part, and out of twelve hundred Horse, four hundred were taken, which was the third, and [Page 104] these were the gallantest, best arm'd, best mounted, and of the greatest re­pute. There be some such as Lipsius and Terduzzi, (who would gladly make us believe they have conversed with the Ghosts of the old Roman Politicians, and so know their Arcana and secrets) who say this was done under the mask of anAn idle con­jecture. honourable employment, to keep them at a distance from their friends, that they might not combine to the prejudice of the Roman State; and they say that upon this same account the rest of the Socii and Allies were in March, Camp and Battel, kept asunder by the interposition of the whole Roman Infantry: I may believe it was so, because I never heard any ancient Roman say any thing to the contrary. But if these Confederates had intended to have betrayed at any time their Imperious Allies, the Romans, they might easily have contriv'd the matter either in Camp or Battel, to have joined with an Enemy to the evident destruction of as many Romans as were then in the Fields: For in Battel the left-hand Legion of the Allies, and all their Cavalry be­ing marshall'd together, might without any stop have stept over to an enemy, as in the discourse of a Consular Army will appear. And in a Camp the two sides of it were recommended to the care of the Allies, (as you will see in their Castrametation) and soon may a man be deceived who trusts the Aphorism, Disce diffidere, Learn to distrust. If all this might have been true, where Roman and Allies Legions were of equal strength, sure in Armies where the Allies were far more numerous than the Romans, they might if they had in­tended it, have done mischief enough.

Out of these Extraordinaries were some chosen both of Horse and Foot, and these were called Selecti, as Polybius his Interpreter renders it, or Ablecti, asSelecti of the Allies. Lipsius will have it to be. These, says Polybius, did not only lodge in the Camp be­hind the Tribunes, and near the General, but also in Battel, and on other occasi­ons they used to attend the Consul, and the Questor, but of what number these Selecti, were, neither Polybius, or for any thing I know any for him, doth in­form us.

These Legions and Horse-Troops of Allies were Officer'd, Marshall'd, En­camped, and Disciplin'd according to the Roman custom, only with this differ­ence, that those who commanded Roman Legions were called Tribunes, but those who commanded the Legions of the Allies were called Prafecti. I conceive the reason of the difference of the title was this, the Tribune was elected for most part by the Tribes, whence he had his name Tribunus; but those of theRoman Con­suls power over the Allies. Allies were nominated by the Roman Consuls (for the Allies had no power to appoint or Commissionate their own Praefecti; that had intrencht too much upon the Lordly power the Romans still kept in their own hands) and were bound most strongly to obey that Consul with whom they join'd. So we see how little difference the haughty Romans made between their Confederated friends and their vassals, which I hinted in the beginning of this Chapter; and in this point the Consuls had more power over the Allies than over the Romans them­selves; for the Roman people for most part chose the Roman Tribunes, and not the Consuls.

CHAP. XVI. Of a Roman Consular army, and some Mistakes concerning it.

I Know not from whence this denomination of a Consular Army is come, unless it be that Polybius in his Sixth Book saith, that ordinarily every year four Legions were levied for the States service, two for every Consul, and this Livy doth witness to have been done often. But neither the one nor the other hath asserted that a Consul never had more or fewer Legions in his Army than two. Polybius means that a Consular Army consisted for most part of two Ro­man Legions; six hundred Horse, with two Legions of Allies, and twelve hun­dred Horse. But he never said that it was constantly so, for then he had con­tradicted his own History in many places. But I rather conceive Authors call that a Consular Army which had in it the above specified number of Horse and Foot, by the authority, and upon the word of Vegetius, who describes both a Pretorian and a Consular Army in the first Chapter of his Third Book. I shallVegetius de­scribes a Pre­torian, and a Consular army; faithfully English his words thus: The Ancients (saith he) having by exrerience learned to obviate difficulties, chused rather to have skilful than numerous Armies [...] therefore they thought in Wars of lesser moment, one Legion with the Auxiliaries, that is ten thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse might suffice, which the Praetors as lesser Chieftans often led in Expeditions. But if the enemy was reported to be strong, then a Consular power with twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse was sent, with a greater Captain. But if an infinite multitude of the fiercest Nations did rebell, then too great necessity forcing them, two Chieftans with two Armies were sent, with this com­mand, that either the one Consul, or both should look to it, that the Commonwealth should receive no damage. In fine (saith he) since the Roman people was to make War almost And contra­dicts himself, every year in several Countries, against divers enemies, they thought these forces might suffice, because they judged it was not so profitable to entertain great Armies, as those that were well exercised and trained in Armes.

Thus far Vegetius: let us take his Discourse in pieces, and examine it accor­ding to his own writings, and no mans else.

First, In the sixth Chapter of his second Book, he avers, there should be noFirst in the Pretorian army, fewer in a Legion than six thousand one hundred Foot, and seven hundred twenty six Horse: in this place, he saith, a Praetorian Army, (wherein there should be a Legion of Romans, and another of Allies) should have ten thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse; the Foot two thousand two hundred fewer than in his own account there should be in two Legions, and the Horse five hun­dred forty eight more than himself allows to the Cavalry of two Legions. And to let us see, that he will keep a proportionable way in contradictingSecondly in a Consular army, himself, he says, against a strong Enemy a Consul was sent with twenty thou­sand Foot, and four thousand Horse; and that is, as he explains himself in the fourth Chapter of his second Book, two Legions of Romans, with the help of the Allies; now I beseech you hear him speak for himself; and first, in the sixth Chapter of his second Book he says, that the Legion must consist of six thousand one hundred Foot, and seven hundred twenty six Horse. Second­ly, In this first Chapter of his third Book, he makes four Legions of the Roman and Allies Foot to be but twenty thousand, which by his own rule should have been twenty four thousand four hundred; for his words formerly were, that no Legion should be under six thousand one hundred, and those heavy armed too; and whereas by his own appointment, in the sixth Chapter of his second Book, every Legion should have had seven hundred twenty six Horse, more than any other Author allow'd: In this Chapter he increased their num­ber to one thousand, for he orders the Horse of four Legions to be full four thousand, the Foot of a Consular Army four thousand four hundred below, [Page 106] and the Horse one thousand ninety six above his own allowance. You see how Vegetius clasheth with Vegetius, it is not I that quarrel with him.

In the second place, he saith, if an infinite multitude of fierce Nations re­belled; Rebelled, against whom? Certainly he means against the Romans; but how could they rebel, before they profest to be subject? Assuredly, these fierce Nations he speaks of, swore neither fealty nor homage to Romulus, nor Rome whenHis inadver­tency, he first founded it. If they defended themselves, so long as they could, from the dominion of strangers, they did what nature commanded them, and were no Rebels. He will find Spain it self, after long and bloody Wars, never re­duced to a Province till Augustus's time. You see what words his Inadvertency prompts him to utter. In this case of a great Rebellion, he says, two Consuls with the Armies were joyn'd together, with a command to look to it, that the Common-wealth suffer'd no damage. But this command was given many times when two Consuls did not, nor needed not bring their forces together.

Thirdly, You have heard him aver, that in the great wars, which the Ro­man State manag'd, their greatest Army consisted of twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, twenty four thousand in all; and that two of those Armies joyn'd together, making of both forty eight thousand Combatants, did suffice in the greatest danger. Truly Vegetius, if Hannibal had been aliveHis contradi­ction of Ro­man story. when you wrote this, he could have inform'd you, that he forc'd your Masters, the Romans, to joyn two such Armies and more, before ever they had to do with those fierce Nations you speak of; except a few Spaniards, and the Cisalpine or Italian Gauls; unless you take the Sicilians and Carthaginians to be those fierce Nations; with the first whereof they quarrel'd and invaded them, and with the second broke Peace, without either regard to Justice, or sense of Ho­nour. But tell me, had the two Consuls at Cannae, no more but forty eight thousand Romans and Allies? read Polybius his fourth Book, you will see they had eight Legions of Romans, and as many Allies, at five thousand Foot each Legion, and three hundred Horse, and these extended to eighty thousand Foot, and seven thousand two hundred Horse, reckoning the Allies Cavalry double that of the Romans. Read Livy's twenty second Book, you will see Hannibal kill'd at that same Battel, forty five thousand Roman Foot, and two thousand seven hundred Horse, besides Allies; and the same Historian will tell you in plain language, that the Roman Army at that place consisted of fourscore and seven thousand fighting men. And before Hannibal enter'd Italy, had the Romans no stronger Armies against the Gauls than forty eight thousand men? Yes, both Polybius and Livy will tell you of far greater numbers, read in other Histories whether Marius had but forty eight thousand Romans against the fierce Nations of the Cimbrians and the Teutones. How vain a thing it is then for an Author of Vegetius his reputation to aver, that against the mightiest Enemy, two Consular Armies, each of twenty four thousand men, were sufficient, against the current of History.

Fourthly, He lays it down for an unquestionable truth, that one ConsulA bold asser­tion of Vege­tius. had never more than two Legions of Romans, and as many of the Allies, against the most powerful Enemy. Be pleas'd to hear his own words, in the fourth Chapter of his Second Book: ‘In omnibus Auctoribus invenitur, singulos Con­sules adversus Hostes copi [...]sissimos, non amplius quam binas duxisse Legiones, additis auxiliis seciorum: In all Authors, saith he, it is found, that eve­ry Consul never led more against the most numerous Enemies than two Legi­ons, with the assistance of the Allies.’ And that it should not be said, he had writ so manifest an untruth, without a reason, he adds, ‘Tanta in illis erat exercitatio▪ tanta fiducia, ut cuivis bello, dua legiones crederentur sufficere. They were so well train'd, and had so great confidence, that two Legions were thought to be sufficient for any War.’ Did ever man write so? If two Legions were sufficient in any War, why were four Legions and two Consuls, imployed against the fierce Nations, he just now spoke of? But I will come nearer him, and tell him, that it is very often found in Authors, that one Consul or General had the Conduct of more than two Legions, and therefore Vegetius his words that I cited last must either be false, or those Authors whom I shall cite, do grossly abuse us. I shall not repeat the business of Canna; but be pleas'd to take these other Instances.

When Caesar heard of the dreadful preparations of the Helvetians, to stopInstances of later times to the contrary: Of Caesar, that inundation, he posts to Italy, and raises two new Legions, joyns them with three Veterans, brought them to France, and with one he had there al­ready, he made six in all, and with these fought the Helvetians, and thereafter, Ariovistus, all in one Summer. This he writes in the second Book of the Gallick War. Here were more than two Legions, yet but one Consul. In his fifth Book he says, he invaded England with five Legions, besides a vast number of Gauls, Nu­midians, and Balearians, having left his Legate Labienus in Gaule with 3 Legions, and three thousand Horse; here a Consuls Legate commanded more Legions than two. The most part of the time Caesar stay'd in Gaule, he had ten Legi­ons, till Pompey and the Senate cheated him of two of them. Petreius andPetreius and Afranius, Pompey, Afranius had seven Legions in Spain, Pompey had eleven at Pharsalia, besides a world of Auxiliaries; and there Caesar had eight, and at Brundusium, when he was in pursuit of the flying Senate, he had twelve Legions. Thus we see, that Great Caesar, the most daring Consul that ever was, thought not two Legions sufficient against any Enemy, or in any War. Before his time, the two Con­suls, Marius and Scipio joyn'd their Armies together against the Cimbrians; and,Marius and Scipio, as Florus tells us, lost in the Battel eighty thousand Romans, and forty thousand Servants and Baggage-men. Sure in these two Consular Armies there were four Legions four times told. And the same Author says that Mark Anthony the Tri­umvir, entered Media with eighteen Legions, and sixteen thousand Horse, all these Consuls and their Legates liv'd long before Vegetius, and I doubt not but he hath read all their stories: but I shall lead him up to those times, when hisOf more anci­ent times, Romans were not so powerful as to raise so numerous Legions, and yet in them we shall see that the Consuls were not stinted to two Legions a piece, as he hath very confidently declared, they were: Polybius saith, that before the secondBefore the se­cond Punick War, Punick War, the Romans had several hundred thousands in arms; I hope then no man (except our Author) will say, that every Consul had but two Legions allotted him. In the Consulship of young Camillus, the City being environedYoung Camil­lus. with enemies, ten Legions were levied; two of them were left for defence of Rome, four were given to the Prator, and Camillus took four to himself, each consisting of 4 thousand two hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse. Thus we see not only that a Consular Army had four Roman Legions in it (a thing denied by Vegetius) but a Pretorian one had four, to which our Author allows but one. You may read this in Livy's Seventh Book, and in that same place he tells us, that the Consul Popilius Lenus marched with four full Legions against the enemy,Popilius Lenus, leaving a considerable army at Rome to wait on all hazards. In his Sixth Book, he saith old Camillus (who defeated the Gauls) marched with four Legions a­gainstOld Camillus, the Volscians. One instance more, which may serve to decide the question if there were any, the same Historian in his Second Book informs us, that the Dictator Marcus Valerius, levied and enrolled ten Legions, whereof he gaveMarcus Vale­rius. three to every Consul, and kept four to himself. Observe, that at that time the Latines were Allies, and levied their proportions, as many Foot as the Romans did, and twice as many Horse, if not more of both the one and the other. Observe also, that in those times the Roman Seignory was of no large extent; for Livy speaking of these Levies of Valerius, says, so many Legions were never levied before; he means, never at one time. These are suffici­ent enough to prove Vegetius to have been too confident, when he said that never Roman Consul conducted more than two Roman Legions, even against the most numerous Enemies.

But he is in no danger for all this, because he is supported by one, who by his other writings hath made himself well enough known, and that is Nic [...]l Machiavelli, who in the third Book of his Art of War, very magisterially tellsMachiavelli his assertion us, that the Allies Foot never exceeded that of the Romans, but their Horse were some more; I have spoken to both these in the last Chapter: But he adds, that the Romans in their greatest necessity never used more than two Consular Armies, and that each of them consisted of twenty four thousand Combatants. I hope, the instances I have used against Vegetius in this same cause, may serve sufficiently to confute Machiavelli. But here I must observe the Florentines presumption, in the modelling his Roman Consular Army. First, He makes every Legion to consist of five thousand five hundred Foot, a thing [Page 108] we never heard from any other Author, nor he from Vegetius; who is con­stantly for six thousand one hundred Foot. Next, he makes the Cavalry of the Allies to be seven hundred for every Legion, contrary to most Authors, who make them but six. But we shall let that pass with him, that thereby he may make up his Consular Army of twenty four thousand men, thus: TwoConfuted. Roman Legions, eleven thousand Foot, Allies Foot as many, these amount to twenty two thousand; then six hundred Roman Horse, and fourteen hundred of the Allies, are two thousand Horse; in all twenty four thousand. Let this, I say, be given, but not granted him; why concludes he positively, that two Consular Armies consisted of fifty thousand fighting men? Where did the Se­cretary of Florence learn this Arithmetick, to make fifty the aggregate of twice twenty four? Yet if he be not guilty of more dangerous errors, we may par­don him this. But to return to Vegetius, he gives me too oft just occasion to think that Lipsius wrong'd him not much, when he said of him, that he was, Veterum rerum parum firmiter sciens, Not throughly acquainted with ancient matters.

CHAP. XVII. Of a Consular Army, Marshall'd in the Field; and of some general Officers belonging to it.

IN so important an affair, upon the right or wrong managing of which, de­pended the conservation or ruine, not only of the Roman Armies, but of the State; Polybius affords us no more light than what he hath done in mar­shalling the Legionary Foot; and if he be right in that, we are to look for little or no help from Vegetius, whose ordering of a Legion we have rejected; only we admit what he says in the fifteenth Chapter of his second Book (though thereby he contradicts himself) that, Equites locantur in cornibus: The Horse are placed in the Wings. But having in the several fore-going Chapters shown you how (as far as any Authors have given us light) the Foot were marshall'd; of what number both they and the Horse were, and how they were drawn up; of what number the Allies were, and how they were divided: I suppose, our business now is, how to joyn them in one Body or Army, and when it comes to a battel, to observe what customes were used by the Romans, and other Ancients.

Though as either occasion offer'd, emergency required, or necessity forced, the Roman Captains used several figures and forms of Battels, yet that which was most ordinary, and most used, was the quadrate or square; but I do not at all mean an equilateral one, as Terduzzi would gladly have it to be, to which pur­pose he puts himself to more trouble than he needs; and in doing so, he shewsTerduzzi over nice. himself more an Engineer (as I believe he was to Basta the Emperour, Rodolph the Second's Captain General in Transilvania) than a Marshal of a Field needs to be. But I mean such a Quadrate or Square, as the General of the Roman Army imagined, that either the ground, the posture of the Enemy, or his own designs did or might prompt him to make. But in regard we can say but little to Marshalling, till we condescend, of what and how many members ordinarily the Roman Armies were composed, and though the numbers of both Roman and Allies Legions varied oft, yet because for most part the Legion consisted of four thousand two hundred Foot, and the Horse were three hun­dred, and that ordinarily two Legions, and six hundred Horse were sent to the Field with a Consul, and that also for most part the Foot of the Allies was equal to that of the Romans, and almost constantly they were double their [Page 109] number in Horse; let us follow Polybius, and say the Consular army consisted of sixteen thousand eight hundred Foot, and eighteen hundred Horse, in all eigh­teen thousand six hundred.

Neither do I think I can tell you better how a Roman Army was Marshall'd, when it was to fight, than to inform you how Scipio the Great, or the African Roman Army Marshall'd by Scipio. drew up his Army when he was to fight against Syphax and Asdrubal, and that out of the Fourteenth Book of Polybius. There the Historian tells us that the Roman Consul drew up his Foot in the Body or Battel, first his Hastati, next his Principes, and thirdly his Triarii; on the right wing were his Roman Horse, and on the left his Numidians. And here our Author in one word, and once for all tells us, that it was the constant custom of the Romans to Marshall their Armies in that fashion: His words are, Et in hoc Romanae Militiae consuetudinem simpliciter servavit. And when the same Scipio fought against his redoubted enemy Hanni­bal, he did the very like, only with this alteration, that he commanded his Legate L [...]lius to command the Roman Cavalry on the left wing, and set King Masanissa with his Numidian Horse on the right.

This one example may teach us how the Roman Armies were ordinarily Embat­teled. But here is no word of the Allies. I suppose, if Scipio had any, as likely he had, their Horse were join'd with the Roman Horse in one of the wings in both those Battels, since the other wing at both times was given to the Auxiliary Nu­midians. But where an Army was purely composed of Romans and Allies, theyArmy of Ro­mans and Al­lies Marshal'd together in the Field. were Marshalled (as we may gather out of Polybius his Sixth Book, and other Authors) in this manner, the Roman six hundred Horse were placed on the right wing, upon their left-hand the first Legion of the Allies Foot, consisting of three thousand four hundred (for eight hundred of it was taken out for Extra­ordinaries) upon the left-hand of the Allies first Legion, stood the first Roman Legion, and next it the second; and upon the left-hand of it was Marshalled the second Legion of the Allies; and upon the left-wing stood the Confederates Cavalry to the number of eight hundred, for four hundred of their twelve hun­dred were cull'd out for Extraordinaries. Now those eight hundred Horse of the Allies were divided into twenty Turmes or Troops, as the Roman six hundred Horse were likewise, but with this difference, that in every Troop of the Allies there were forty Riders, but in the Roman Troops there were only thirty. Thus was the gross or bulk of the Roman armies Marshalled. As to the Evocati of the Romans, and the Extraordinarii of the Allies, Polybius hath told us no more thanStation of the Extraordina­ries uncer­tain. what I have told you in my Discourse of the Allies, that they were Encamped besides the Consul, and were to be near him in the field, and to wait on the Treasurer also. But we are left by him and others to conjecture how, in what particular place or places, they were ordain'd to fight. And truly I shall be ea­sily induced to believe that sometimes the Consul placed three hundred of the Allies Extraordinary Horse on the right hand of the Roman Horse in the right wing, and so made that wing stronger by one hundred than the other, for other­wise the left wing had been two hundred stronger than the right. The fourth hundred of the Extraordinary Horse, Terduzzi will have to stay with the Consul, and probably they did so. The Allies Extraordinary Foot were divided into two great Squadrons, one whereof stood between the first Legion of the Allies, and the first Legion of the Romans, on the right-hand of the Battel; the second Squadron stood on the left-hand of the second Roman Legion, between it and the second Legion of the Allies.

Thus Lipsius and Terduzzi will have it to be, and I think it may be probable enough that it was so, yet I doubt none of these two can tell me, who told them that it was so. In another place Lipsius thinks that both the Evocati and Extraordi­narii, at the Consuls command, join'd with the Triarii to reinforce the Battel, and truly this is not improbable, but the question is where they stood before they were commanded to join with the Triarii? for as Lipsius Marshals them in the Intervals of the Triarii, they would hinder the Principes and Hastati to join with the Triarii. What Terduzzi saith on this subject, I suppose he hath out of Lip­sius; for though they were coetaneous, yet I find Lipsius often cited by Terduzzi. But I shall wrong none of them, if I say that neither of them in this particular had more warrant than their own Leves conjectur [...], & fallacia vestigia, as Lipsius calls them. If you will believe Vegetius in the eighteenth Chapter of his Third [Page 110] Book, the Consul should have made use of the Extraordinarii both Horse and Foot to environ and surround the Enemies left wing: if you ask me why the Consul might not as well have surrounded the enemies right wing as his left? I must answer you that Vegetius hath kept up the reason from us as a secret.

In that same Chapter Vegetius says, that the Commander in chief should stand between the right wing of the Horse and the Foot, as a fit place from whence he might take up his measures, and encourage and relieve both his Horse and Foot. Lipsius and Terduzzi fix him to the Aquila, or the Eagle on the rightStation of a Roman Consul in Battel. hand of the Roman Legion. But Polybius saith in that Battel I just now spoke of, Scipio gave the right wing to Masanissa, and the left to L [...]lius to command. It would seem then that himself staid with the Foot, and so indeed he did, for he caused a retreat to be sounded to the Hastati, that he might advance with the Principes. But since I may guess as well as others, I suppose he stood between the two Roman Legions, and consequently besides the Eagle of the second Legion, and assuredly that part being directly the Center of the army, it was in my opi­nion the only proper place for a Captain-General; but when two Consuls were joined together, it was not so, for ordinarily the one commanded the right wing of the Horse, and the other the left. So it was at Cannae, where the Romans were beaten by Hannibal; so it was at Vesuvius, where Manlius got the Victory over the Latins, after the death of his Colleague Decius; so it was at Metaurus, where Nero and Livy defeated and kill'd Asdrubal. But indeed where there was but one Consul or General, he seldom tyed himself to one place, but rode where he saw his Presence was most needful. So did that Manlius I just now mentioned, so did Caesar, and so did many others of the ancient Roman Captains. And it had been no prejudice either to Lipsius or Terduzzi to have suffer'd a Con­sul in a Consular army to have stood where he pleased, either besides the first Eagle, or the second, or besides none of them.

Vegetius in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh Chapters of his Second Book speaks of some more Offices in a Consular army than Polybius doth, and these were three, Praefectus Legionis, Praef [...]ctus Castrorum, and Praefectus Fabrorum. It is strange we do not read of these three great Commanders among the ancient Romans, and yet in my opinion they had the two last, as by the description of their Officers, the Reader will quickly conceive. As to the first, Polybius makes no mention ofOther Gene­ral Officers in a Consular Army. him, and if there had been any such Officer in his time, he neither could or would have past him, when he gave us the particular description of a Legion, and all its Officers; and more especially when he tells us, that the Tribunes re­ceived the word or Tessera from the Consul, and gave it to the Centurions, and that the said Tribunes took on them to judg and give definitive sentence in their Legions, which they could not have done if there had been a Praefectus above them. So it seems he hath been a new Officer created after the Emperours came in play.

This Fraefectus Legionis, this Brigadier, or this Legionary Colonel, (for IPraefectus Le­gion [...], know not how to English it) according to Vegetius his description in the ninth Chapter of his Second Book, was an Officer of great experience, was obey'd by all the Tribunes, Centurions, and Soldiers; the care of Men, Horses, Clothes,Colonel of the Legion. and Arms belong'd to him. By his order they were drill'd and train'd, and by his authority the Soldiers were punisht for their misdemeanors by the Tribunes. But mark it, he had only this power in the absence of the Legate, and as his Deputy; Legato absente, & tanquam ejus Vicario, saith Vegetiu [...]. Now if every Legion had a Legate, I should believe the Legate was Colonel, the Praefectus, Lieutenant Colonel, the Tribunes were Captains, and the Centurions, Corpo­rals, as I observed before in my Discourse of the Infantry. Polybius indeed speaks of Legates, but of no Praefecti, except among the Allies.

The Praefectus Castrorum, saith Vegetius, had the care of the Position of thePraefectus Ca­strorum, Camp, the ordering the depth and breadth of both Ditch and Rampart, the care of the Sick, and of the Physicians who were ordain'd for their cure. He had the oversight of the Chariots, Carts, Waggons, and Pack-horses, of all the Mechanick Instruments for cutting and preparing Timber and Wood, andLieutenant-General of the Ord­nance. other matter for making Warlike Machines, and the Engines themselves. All this seems to make this Officer to be the Lieutenant-General of the Roman Artillery.

The Praefectus Fabrorum was he who most resembled our Modern Master ofPraefectus Fa­brorum, or, General of the Artillery. the Ordnance, or General of the Artillery; for it was he who had the prime care of the Armamentarium, or Magazine, in which was ordinarily not only store of all kind of Arms and Engines for Expugnation and Propugnation of Towns, and strong Holds, but also of all kind of Instruments and Materials for making them, and more particularly for the making up and defending their Hibern [...], or Winter-quarters, in which were Shops for making all manner of Arms and Weapons both for offence and defence, and under his Conduct were also all manner of Materials for making Bridges, (for which purpose little Boats were carried along with their Armies) with Smiths, Carpenters, Joiners, and other Artificers, with those who had skill to work in Mines; for though the Soldiers not only helpt, but also perfected most of those works, yet there were some deputed, who had skill both to work themselves, and to direct others. Neither will this prove that the Roman Armies carried Pioniers along with them, (for these were the Soldiers) but only that some Companies were deputed, to whose more special care all these works were recommended, and these were of a very old Institution, in the reign of Servi [...] Tulliu [...] King of Rome, for he ap­pointed two Companies of Carpenters and Smiths for that purpose.

We read also frequently of Legates in Roman Armies; at the first Institution there was but one, and he was sent with the Consul to represent the Senate and people, by whom he was chosen, and sometime the Consul had power to [...]huse his own [...]gate. He sat in Council with the Consul, and gave his advice, but neither he nor the whole Council might impose on the Consul, who con­stantly kept a Negative voice, and the Soveraign command over all. In the Consuls absence the Legate commanded absolutely, and before him went fix Lictors, or Serjeants, with Axes and Rods. But when the Consul returned, the Legates command ceased. In process of time there were two Legates ordain'dLegates. for each Army, and thereafter as many Legates as there were Legions, over which they had the command, according as Lipsius in the Second Book of his Commentary declares, in which I shall not oppose him, though I find no such thing in History, I am sure neither Pompey nor Caesar had so many Legates as they had Legions, either when they were present themselves, or when they were absent; Pompey had seven Legions in Spain, and with them but two Legates, these were Petreius and A [...]ranius. When Caesar was in England, he had but one Legate with three Legions, and a great Cavalry in Gaul, and that was Labie­nus. Nor do I find, that either of those two great Captains had a Legate for each Legion that fought at Pharsalia. In the time of the Emperours (and perhaps in the reign of Augustus) there was a Legate for every Province; and it may be a Legate or more for every army besides.

In every Army there was a Questor, he was the Treasurer, kept the Cas [...] ▪ Questor, or Treasurer. paid the Army, distributed the Wheat to the Men, and the Barley to the Ho [...] ­ses. To him was delivered all the Pillage that was taken from the enemy either­in Villages, Towns, or Camps. He sold it all, and out of the money gave ei­ther the Army their Wages, or Donatives, according as he had order from the Consul, whose directions he was bound punctually to obey.

Though the power and command of a Dictator was uncontroulable in mat­tersDictator. both of Peace and War, yet in the fields his Authority was no greater than that of a Consul; but yet there was this difference, the first could not be call'd in question afterwards, whereas the second might. Where a Dictator was, he chose his own Master of the Horse, and though this title seems to im­port,Master of the Horse. that he who had it, had no power over the Foot; yet it was not so, for under the Dictator he commanded both Horse and Foot, and was in effect his Lieutenant-General. Thus you have in this Discourse, and in those of the In­fantry and Cavalry, a full account of all the Officers that I have read of in any Author that belonged to a Roman Army.

Though the Army which we have described in this and the foregoing Chap­ter, had the name of a Consular Army, and that Vegetius makes a Praetorian Army to be but half the number of the Consular one, yet it is needless to bring Instances from History, to prove that greater ar [...]es than these consisting of four Legions have been commanded not only by Confuls, but by [...]ro [...]uls, Pr [...]tors, and Proprators, in several of the Roman Wars.

The chief Commander of the army, when he was to march from the City,The Consuls state when he went to any Expedition. was obliged to sacrifice in the Capitol, and there to take his Auspices, the fore­boding Omens, or (as Philemon Holland calls them) the Osses of his good fortune in that Expedition, and then he rode out of the City in great state and splen­dor, Paludatus, in a glorious and rich Embroidered Coat of Arms, convoyed by a gallant company of his choicest friends, with his Lictors, or Serjeants be­fore him, with Axes and bundles of Rods, the ordinary number whereof (if the General was a Consul) was twelve. These solemn Rites, Ceremonies and Customs might not be neglected; if they were, the Generals had neither the prayers and good wishes of the people, nor the willing obedience of their ar­mies. Caius Claudius going to Illyria, went from Rome in the night-time, without any solemnity, but so soon as he came to his army, he found his Soldiers in a mutiny, which though he punisht severely enough, yet he found himself neces­sitated not only to go back to Aquileia, but to return to Rome it self, there to make his Vows, sacrifice, and go out of the City in pomp, according to the accustomed manner.

But for all we have said of Roman armies, we see not yet where the Velites Velites negle­cted. were marshall'd, nor how they fought; we must believe that which is most pro­bable, that they were marshall'd behind the Triarii, and that they marched through the Intervals of the heavy armed, to the Van, and fought there till they did either beat the enemy, or were beaten by him back to the Reer. If any desire to see the figure of a Consular army, he may meet with one of them in Terduzzi his Book of the ancient and modern Machines, and another in Lip­sius his Commentary on Polybius, each after the fancy of the Author, but since I intend not in this Treatise to present my Reader with any figures of my own, I shall not trouble him with any that belong to another.

CHAP. XVIII. Of several Figures of Armies used by the Ancients in their Battels.

IF a General or Commander in chief have not the choice of the ground where he is to fight, he must marshall his army according to the advantages or difficulties of it. But if he may make choice of the place of Battel, then no doubt he may model his forces as he pleaseth, without tying himself to any other prescripts or precedents of others. Notwithstanding which he must be very wary, not to cast his army in such a figure as carries along with it intricacy, such as may make both the ordering and observing it difficult, and more especially he was to be very shie of changing the Figure of his army in the time of action,Dangerous to alter the Fi­gure of an Army in time of action. in regard that the bulk of an army is composed of such members as are for most part rude, gross, and of so dull understandings, that they are not able in an in­stant to apprehend the reasons of sudden alterations, or to dive into the designs of their great Commanders; and therefore a change of the form of a Battel, after an army is engaged, may cast it into confusion, which may quickly render it a prey to an attentive and vigilant enemy.

The Figures of Armies used by the Ancients, not only Grecians and Romans, but even of those Nations, likewise whom both these were pleased to qualifieFive Figures of Batallions. with the title of Barbarians, were for most part of five kinds. These were the Quadrate or Square, the Wedg, the Tenaille, or Tongs, the Saw, and the Globe.

The Quadrate or Square they subdivided into three sorts, to wit, the Turrite, the Lying Lateritial, and the Simple Lateritial. The Turrite was that BattelQuadrate Turrite. whose height or depth was much greater than its front; As, draw up a thousand [Page 113] men six deep, let them face either to the right hand or left, you shall see them but six in front, and a hundred sixty six deep, it is the Quadrate Turrite, so called because its height or depth makes it look like a Tower; it was but seldom used, and indeed it is very useless.

The Simple Latrice is where all the Latera or sides of the Battel, that is front,Simple L [...]te­ritial Qua­drate. reer, and both flanks are of a like extent. One hundred men drawn up ten deep, gives you the Simple lateritial Quadrate; because it is a Battel equal on all sides, it is also called the Aequilateral quadrate, of this form were the ancient Egyptian Battels, as I have told you in the Grecian Art of War: ten thousand of their men Marshall'd a 100 deep, made them a 100 in front, a 100 in reer, and a 100 in each flank, so that face them any way you please, still they were a 100 in front.

The lying Lateritial square, or quadrate, is a Battel in which the front is of aLying Lateri­tial Quadrate. greater extent than the flank, or where there are a great many more men in the rank, than in the file as 16000 men (after the Grecian way) Marshall'd 16 deep, gives you a front of 1000 men, and the flank but of 16. And this was usually both the Grecian and Roman way of Embattelling, and continues so still in our Modern armies. So when you read in story that an army march'd in a Quadrate form, as Livy speaks both in his Second and Thirteenth Books, and Salust also says, that Marius marched against Jugurtha with a Quadrate army; you are to understand it, that they marched in order of Battel, ready to fight, and that the form of their Batallions was Quadrate, but do not imagin they were Aequilateral, or Sim­ple lateritial. It is from the Quadrate form (which the Romans call'd lying lateri­tial) consisting of four angles, that our word Squadron hath its denomination; a word used now (for any thing I know) in all Europaean Languages. By what I have said it appears, that though it were granted to Terduzzi, as it is not, that the Romans drew up their Foot twelve deep; yet that will not conclude theirTerduzzi nice­ly curious. Batallions, whether lesser Bodies or greater, to have been Aequilateral quadrate, as he would have them to be, for in their Maniples drawn up, as he would have them twelve deep (since every one of them consisted of an hundred and twenty men) they could make but ten Files; now ten in front, and twelve in file, makes no more an Aequilateral Batallion, than a hundred twenty men Marshall'd ten deep, and twelve in front can represent that figure. This lying lateritial quadrate, whereof I now speak, is that form of Battel whereof Vegetius is to be understood, when he speaks of a quadrate army with a long front.

The Wedg I have spoke of in my discourses of the Grecian Militia, but I would not have my Reader to imagin that these Wedg-battels spoken so much of in ancient Histories, were such as are painted to us, beginning with one man, thenWedg-figure. two, next three, and so to the end of the Chapter (though that method might be well enough observed in a small body either of Horse or Foot) but they were Batallions condensed, and at close order, the point consisting of a good many men, yet pointed, because the Body grew broader and broader, till you came to the Reer where it was broadest; for to imagin that in the heat of the fight, any Batallion of the most experienced Soldiers, can be suddenly cast into so punctual a form, (as first one, then two) by the readiest General that ever was, is a Speculation never reduced, or reducible to practice. And so you are to un­derstand the Wedg in which the Theban Epaminondas cast some of his Infantry at the Battel of Mantinea, whereby he broke the Laconians, was not a flim-flam of one, two, three, and four, (he had no time to tell straws) but a good massie body of men, perhaps of fifty, sixty, seventy, or a hundred in front, growing greater till it came to the end. This Wedg-battel consisted of three angles, the foremost point making one, and the broad end furnisht the other two▪ and indeed it is a Triangle, but not an aequilateral one. I told you in ano­ther place out of Livius, how the Celtiberians had well near routed the Praetor Fulvius by their Wedg-battel, till he defeated them with a desperate Charge of unbridled Horses. He who thinks that this Wedg-battel of these Spani­ards How it is rightly to be understood. began with one man at the point, and by equal degrees came to a great many at the end of the Wedg, hath a strong imagination. Livy in his twen­ty second Book calls that Batallion of Macedonians, (who stood ranged in Battel within the Walls of Cenchrea to receive the Assailants, when the Roman Con­sul was to storm) a Wedg, and yet it was a Phalange condensed, only smaller at the point, than at the rest of its dimensions. And he might have call'd it [Page 114] a Testud [...], or Tortoise, if he had pleased, for they stood all covered with their Shields and great Targets, which representing the Tortoise covered with its shell, gave that figure of Battel its denomination.

The Globe-battel was a Batallion that appear'd to be of a round figure, andGlobe, or Ring-figure. if it was perfectly round, the English have worded it well, in calling it a Ring, I find it oftner mention'd in modern than in ancient stories. I should think those who use it, were on the defensive, for men standing in a perfect Globe­figure, can neither pursue, nor run away without breaking their order, and fi­gure of their Battel, and so unglobe or unring themselves. Mr. Elton gives us its figure, and tells us right ingeniously how it is made; but sure it is not feasible for great bodies to cast themselves into that figure. I incline to their opinion who think it was but a Wedg of a lesser body, and being smaller seem'd more Circular. And I the rather think so, because Caesar in his Books of the Alexandrin [...] War, says, that Domitius one of his Legates sav'd a Legion by casting it in a Ring, when the rest of his Army was routed at Nicop [...]lis by Pharnaces; for if that Legion had been in a perfect round figure, it could not have retir'd as it did, from him who by his victory was master of the Field.

The Tenaille, Tongs or Shears, was nothing but the reverse of the Wedg,Tenaille, or [...]ongs. and was to be used only against it; for whereas the Wedg was sharp at the point to pierce any Batallion that stood against it▪ so the Tenaille open'd its arms to receive and embrace the Wedg, having its bulk notwithstanding be­hind to oppose it, if it could not be broke by the arms of the Tenaille. And a Squadron may very soon cast it self in a Tenaille, either by advancing its two flanks (the Body standing [...]ied ferme) or yet by making the middle part (against which the point of the Wedg prepares) retire a little▪ both the flanks standing still, either the one or the other way makes the Squadron a Tenaille.

The Saw was a great Batallion composed of several Squadrons, all mar­shalledThe Saw. in the form of Wedges, the angular points of which Wedges repre­sented the teeth of the Saw; and the Bodies of the several Wedges standing in a direct line represented the body of the Saw. Some have writ that the several Maniples of a Roman Legion did represent the Saw, taking the Bodies of the Maniples for the Teeth, and the Intervals for the body of the Saw.

But how could that be, for the Bodies of the Maniples, and the several Intervals between these Bodies, were all of one equal front, and so are not the teeth and body of a Saw; and unless these Maniples had been made a little sharper at the front, than of either ten or twelve men, the resemblance would not have holden. We do not read that the Romans used it at all.

CHAP. XIX. Of some Customes used by the Romans, and other Ancient Nati­ons, before, in the time of, and after their Battels.

THe Gr [...]cians sung a Hymn and a Paan, both before and after their Battels; but before they begun, unless they were surprized, they offer'd SacrificesSacrifices. to such of their Gods and Goddesses, as either they hoped would be for them, or feared might be against them: The inspection of the Entrails of the sacri­ficed Beasts, was an ordinary thing with the Greeks, as all their Historians tell us; nor was this custome peculiar to them, for the Enemy of Mankind▪ was worshipp'd by the Romans, and other Nations, as well as by the Grec [...]ans. Before the Romans came to the Battel, they were somewhat nice in observing how the Sacred Pullets did eat their allowance; which furnish'd a fair occasion to the Chicken-masters to usurp a power to perswade or disswade the Consuls from fighting, when they pleased. Instead of these, in our Modern Wars, before the Battel, the Turk with great devotion, attends the sight of the new Moon; and both he, and other Mahometans, howl loud enough to their Impostor, who is otherwise so taken up, that he hath no leisure to hear their habblings. Christia [...]s either humbly offer, or should humbly offer the Sacrifices of their Prayers to the True God, who gives Victory to whom he plea­seth. In the Primitive times, they sung a Paan, and a Hymn, Crux V [...]cit.

After the Heathens thought they had made their Deities propitious, their Chieftains labdured to encourage their Armies with good Words, Speeches, Orations, and Promises of Rewards: Their Speeches were sometimes preme­ditated, and sometimes extemporary. The Roman Generals used to harangueHarangues. their Armies, when they were to promalgate new Ordinances, to punish grievous Crimes, or to fight with an Enemy; sometimes in the Camp, and sometimes in the Field. And all this was also done by other Nations, though it may be not so well.

When the Roman Generals resolv'd either to fight or offer Battel, they caus'dThe Scarlet, [...]r Purple Coat of Arms. a Scarlet or Purple Coat of Arms to be hung upon the point of a long Spear at their Praetorium, or Pavilion; and this was Signum Pugna, the sign of Battel; and then every one prepar'd himself for his proper work. But before that, for most part, the Souldiers had direction to refresh themselves with Sleep and Meat, and this indeed was well done of them, but they were not the on­lyRefreshment. men who did it; other Nations used it, particularly, we read, that Han­nibal practis'd it at Tre [...]ia; for there he order'd his Army, the night before he fought, to take their rest and refreshment, and next morning set upon the Romans when they were fasting; to which Livy in his twenty first Book, most­ly attributes his Victory. After these things the Army was marshall'd in the Field; whereof I have already spoken sufficiently.

Being ready to come to the shock, the Tessera, or Word was given, whichThe Tessera, or Word. all, both Officers and Common Souldiers received, that by it they might know one another, and so discern an Enemy. The Tessera was either one Word, or one Sentence, as Foelicitas, Libertas, Venus Genetrix, (one of Julius Caesar's) Optima Mater, given by Nero, The worst of Sons. Among the Emperours, after their conversion to the Faith, Deus Nobiscum, God with us, was ordina­ry; and so it continues to be often used among the German, Danish, and Swe­dish Armies. Next to the Word, was the Shout, and this either was not, or should not be raised, till the Armies were at that distance, that they could immediately come to blows: This was done to encourage their own men,Baritus, or shout. and terrifie their Enemies. Livius in his fourth Book informs us, that where [Page 116] this cry or shout was very loud, shrill, and continued without interruption; it was interpreted to be a certain sign of Victory: but if it was dead, cold, and unequal, often begun, and often interrupted, it bewray'd fear and discouragement, and portended ruine and destruction. It was used by all Nations, as well as the Romans, and the word Baritus, whereby Historians express it, was borrowed from the An­cient Germans, whose cry, they say, sounded like the pronunciation of that word. They cryed no more after they came to the medley, else it would have hin­der'd them from hearing the Commands of their Officers, either by word of mouth, or the Trumpet. Though the loud noise of Cannon and Musket in our Modern Wars, may seem reason enough to suppress this ancient custome of shouting, yet it neither ought to be, nor yet is it banish'd out of our Armies. The Germans, French, Danes and Swedes, in their advance, and before they give Fire, have their ca, ca, o [...]: And no doubt, with an advance, a stro [...]t heats and inflames the Blood, and helps to encourage. The late Usurper, and his Armies, made but too good use of it. These things were previous to a Battel; First, The Purple Coat of Arms at the Consuls Pavillion. Se­condly, The Exhortation or Harang [...]e. Thirdly, The Marshalling the Army. Fourthly, The Word, or Te [...]a, Fifthly, The Classi [...]: And Lastly, This Shout or Baritus. Of the first five that were ordinarily practis'd, Caesar speaks in the Second Book of his Gallick War, as necessary; for when he was almost surpriz'd by the Nervians, he writes thus: Caesar, (saith he of himself) had all things to do at once, the Standard to be set up, (that is, the Scarlet Coat) his Army to marshal, his Souldiers to exhort, to cause the sign to be given by the Trumpet, and to give the Sign; this last Sign signifieth the Tessera, other­wise the words had been superfluous, of which that great man cannot be taxed. As to this last Sign, which was the Word, the Ancients found that same diffi­culty, with which all Armies are still troubled, and that was, that by the often requiring and giving it, the Enemy came to the knowledge of it, and then it was useless. Lips [...] tells us, that he reads in P [...]li [...]nus, that one A [...]ues an Ar­cadian A pretty sto­ry. Captain, being to fall on the Laced [...]monians in the night time, or, as we now call it, to beat up their quarters▪ instead of a Word, he commanded his Army to require no Word at all, but to use all those who sought a Word, as Enemies; so that the demanding the Tessora, bewray'd the demander to be a Lacedaemonian, who at that time receiv'd a notable overthrow. The Roman Consul, whenClassicum a sign of Battel. he was to fall on, caus'd the Classicum to sound, which was seconded by the nearest, and immediately by all the Trumpets, Horns, and Horn-pipes of the Army.

And now the Battel begins, concerning which an old question is not yet perhaps decided, Whether it was better to give or receive the charge? TheA question, whether to give or re­ceive the charge? Roman Dictator Cossus (as Levy hath it in his sixth Book) being to joyn Battel with a powerful Army of the Volscians, commanded all his Foot to stand still, and fix their Javelines in the ground, and so receive the Enemies charge; which being violent, put them out of breath, and then the Legionaries clos'd with them, and routed them. Great Pompey gave the like order at Pharsalia, but not with the like success, for he was totally beaten. But Machiavelli withMachiavelli's opinion. his accustomed confidence (to give it no worse name) in the fourth Book of his Art of War, takes upon him to give the definitive sentence, and awards the Victory to him who receives the charge: And saith also, that most Captains chuse rather to receive than give it, yet he instances only one of the Fabii, who, by receiving the charge of the Sanonites and Gauls, was Victorious. But we must listen to a greater Captain than any he hath named, and himself to boot, and that is Julius Caesar: who by giving the charge in the Thessalian Plains, gain'd the Soveraignty of the Roman Empire, and blames Pompey for following the bad advice of Triarius, to wait till Caesar charged him. His words, whereby he seems to void this difference, you have in the third Book of his Civil War, which are these in English: ‘But on the contrary, says he, I think this was doneCaesar's judge­ment of it. by Pompey, without any shew of reason, (meaning his keeping his Souldiers from advancing to the charge) because there is, saith he, I know not what gal­ant vigour, and natural inclination to courage born in all men, which Captains ought rather to cherish, stir up, and augment, than any way mollifie, or re­strain.’ Thus far Great Caesar. But on the other hand, if an Army be drawn [Page 117] up in an advantageous ground (suppose a Hill, or fenced with Marish, River,To keep ad­vantages. or Rock) the quitting of which may prove prejudicial (as the loss of all ad­vantages, especially in matters of War doth) it alters clearly the case, and those who have done it either in Ancient or Modern Wars, to the irrecoverable loss of their Masters, have much mistaken Caesar, who never practised it; and assuredly those who do it, had need of good fortune, otherwise they may be sure to be branded in true Histories with either perfidy, or inexcusable folly; and even in Romances, with too much generosity.

In the time of Battel, all, both Commanders and Souldiers did their duties, by punctually, obeying the commands of their Generals, though to the certain and inevitable loss of their lives; if not, they were sure to incur those pu­nishments, whereof I shall speak hereafter. Nor were they obliged to obey the commands given them before the Battel only, but all those orders and signs that were given them in the time of Battel: These Vegetius in the fifth Chapter of his third Book, calls Signs, and divides them into threeSigns in time of Battel. sorts, Vocal, Semi-vocal, and Dumb. The Vocal were the verbal com­mands of the Officers, especially the Consul, and Tribunes. The Semi-vocal were the several sounds of Classicums, Trumpets, and Horns; as March, Charge, Retire. The Dumb signs were the Ensigns, Standards, and Eagles; as also the elevation of the Hand, of a Colours, or a Lance, or the shaking of a Spear by a Consul, or General: But these were agreed on before the fight began, and were either given to the whole Army, or but to a part of it; as, when you see such a thing done, then you are to do so and so. These Dumb signs would not do much good in our Battels, where the smoak of Pow­der would render many of them imperceptible.

And now the Battel is ended, and the Romans are either Victorious, or have lost the day: If the first, they were to pursue the Enemy to his Camp,To pursue a Victory, or clearly out of the Field; and not only so, but to follow him so close, that he might have no time to rally, and to force him out of his strong holds, be­fore he recover'd breath to gather strength. But we shall find not only Hannibal defective in this so important a Duty of a Great Captain, but many of the Romans themselves, even against this Carthaginian Arch-enemy of theirs. Li­vy informs us in his twenty seventh Book, that at Canusi [...]m, Marcellus beatsNot always practis'd by the Romans: him; Hannibal gets to his Camp, and in the night time marches out of it; Mar­cellus not pursuing him, got work enough to do with him afterward. The same Author tells us in his twenty ninth Book, that the Consul Sempronius, and Pro-consul Licinius fought with the same Hannibal in the Br [...]tian Countrey, and defeated him; but they not pursuing, he got the rest of his Army safe­ly to Croton next day. In his thirty first Book he says, Philip of Macedon was worsted by the Romans in two Horse fights, but not being pursued by the Con­sul, and leaving great Fires in the Camp, he escap'd to the Mountains. Caesar defies all his Enemies to challenge or charge him with this oversight; for he neverNever omit­ted by Caesar. beat one of them in the Field, (which he did very often) but he was sure to be Master of his Camp before he slept. But you may read all along in Livy, when the Roman State was but beginning to grow, that when their Dictators or Consuls had beaten any of their Neighbours, Tuscans, Veians, Volscians, Samnites or Latines, for most part, they made no more ado, but march'd back to the City, which, I suppose, the ambition of a Triumph frequently led them to.

But if these very often Victorious Romans receiv'd the foil, as sometimes they did, they did even that which many more ancient people did before them, and many younger have done since; and that is, they either fled, or retir'd: If they fled downright, without taking notice of their Camp, either their speed carried them away, or they saved their lives, by submitting to such con­ditions as themselves often imposed upon those, who by the chance of War, came to be their Captives; of which I shall speak in my discourse of Priso­ners. Of what advantage or disadvantage flying or retiring to a Camp was,Of a Retreat to a Camp. shall be touched, when I come to view Lipsius his comparison of the Ancient and Modern Militia. In this place I shall only say, that the Romans did not always leave their Camps fortified and mann'd, when they went out to Bat­tel. At Ciminia, the Consul Fabius made his Baggage-men demolish the for­tification of his Camp, and fill up the Ditches, while he put his Army in Battel [Page 118] array, in which he issued out, fought the Enemy, and beat him, as you have it in Livy's ninth Book. And it is in that same Book, where he tell you, that the Dictator Q. Fabius order'd C. [...]abius to fall upon the Samnites with his new levied Army, while the Dictator himself, at another quarter sallied out of his Camp with his whole Army, and did not only not leave any to defend the Camp, but order'd likewise all his Tents and Baggage to be burnt, that by taking away all hopes of a Retreat, he might force his Souldiers to fight couragiously, both for the safety of their lives, and the recovery of their goods, or the equivalence of them, by the plunder of the Enemies Camp, all which came to pass. The [...]salus vi­ctis, nullam sperare salu­tem. like of this action of the Roman Dictator, History tells us, hath been practis'd by others, particularly by William the Conquerour, when he invaded England, who after his landing, caus'd them to burn all his Ships, which were not so few as eight hundred.

CHAP. XX. Of the March of a Consular Army.

SUpposing that, which very often fell out, that the Romans gain'd the Victory in their last Battel, and had again nestled themselves in their Camp, let us see in what order they march'd out of it, either to pursue an old Enemy, or to find out a new one. In this point of the Roman Militia, Lipsius puts him­selfLi [...]sius offici­ous. to some needless trouble to comment on Polybius, for I think he is so clear in it, that Lisius doth him dis-service, in offering him his help, where he needs it not at all. I shall therefore tell you, how Polybius ordereth the march of a Consular Army, without staying for Lipsius his tedious explications.

At the first sound of the Trumpets and Horns, every man gather'd hisPreparations to a March. Baggage, Burthens, and Fardels together, and had them ready to truss up, if they were Officers, on their Pack and Sumpter horses; if common Souldiers, on their own Backs: At the second sound they loaded either themselves, or their Beasts: And at the third sound they marched. Now, though Polybius men­tions it not, nor Lipsius, (who will comment on him) yet we are to believe, that all Consuls were so discreet that they made no great Interval of time be­tween the second and third sound, because it could not be very pleasing to ei­ther Man or Beast, standing under heavy burthens, to lose any of that time which they might have sav'd in making their Journey.

After the third sound, they marched in this order: First, marched the Ex­traordinariesOrder of the Roman March. of the Allies, as being nearest the Consuls Pavilion, and near to the Praetorian Port. These were follow [...]d by the first Legion of the Allies, and after it, the Baggage of the Extraordinaries, and of that first Legion. In the third place march'd the first Legion of the Romans, and its Baggage after it. Fourthly, The second Roman Legion, followed by both its Baggage, and the Baggage of the second Legion of the Allies: Which in the fifth place was follow'd by the second Legion of the Allies, that was in the Rear of the Infan­try. The place where the Cavalry was to march, was uncertain; sometimes both Extraordinary and Ordinary Horse march'd all in the Van, sometimes in the Rear, sometimes on both the Flanks, without the Baggage, according as the Gene­ral resolv'd to make use of them; taking up his measures by the nearness of an Enemy in either Van, Rear, or Flank: And sometimes the Cavalry march'd divi­ded into Van and Rear. Polybius shews us also, that if there were ground enough, and great suspicion of an Enemy, then the Baggage of the Hastati of every Legion was sent before them, which they followed themselves, after them came the Bag­gage [Page 119] of the Principas, and then themselves followed in the third place, by the Baggage of the Triarii, which themselves follow'd. If an Enemy appear'd in the Van, the Baggage of the Hastati, was immediately turn'd to a side, and the place where it had been, was possess'd by the Hastati themselves; the same was done by the Principes and Triarii. And we may suppose, that if an Enemy appear'd in the Rear, the Baggage of the Triarii was turn'd aside, and its place possess'd by conversion; or facing to the Rear by themselves, and the other two Batallions in that same manner were to second them. What I have said of one Legion, is spoken of all the four of a Consular Army, the two Roman Legions, and the two of the Allies.

But in Polybius his description of the march of a Consular Army, there ariseSome diffi­culties and doubts con­cerning the march of the Baggage. to me some difficulties, which Lipsius hath not at all clear'd, nay, nor spoken [...]f; though he speak enough of that, which may be well enough understood without him. As first, consider how it can be imagin'd, that the ground would always allow the Romans to march in the order I last spoke of, that is, every great Batallion of a Legion to have its Baggage in the Van of it: For by suchNot at all clear'd by Po­lybius, or any other. a March, in a Countrey full of Hedges, Ditches and Inclosures, it is not pos­sible, but their Legions would be wonderfully embarass'd with their Servants, Horses, and Baggage; neither could the three Batallions of every Legion, or of all the three, upon the attack of an Enemy make their evolutions from among their Baggage so dextrously and readily, but they might by an active pursuer, be brought to inextricable difficulties. I am therefore of opinion, that Time hath robb'd us of a page or two of Polybius his Writings, which would have explain'd this, and have made us know his own sense, better than either Lipsius or T [...]rduzzi doth. The last of these two doth wonderfully please himself in affirming, that an Army should always march in that very order, wherein he who commands it, resolves to fight. Here he fights with his own sha­dow, for, I suppose, none will deny, that an Army should march in Batalli­ons, great Bodies, Brigades, and Squadrons, yea, all in Breast, if the ground will permit it. But if not, then I hope, Terduzzi will permit a General to march in such Bodies, small or great, as with conveniency he can. But what if I deny to Terduzzi the thing it self, for I dare aver, never Roman Chieftain intended to fight an Enemy in that order, as Polybius makes the Consular Army to march: For who will fancy the Hastati fought with their Baggage before them, or that the Principes advanced to the relief of the Hastati, through their own Waggons and Carts? But grant him all he says, to be true, what is that to the thing in question, which is, whether the ordering the Baggage to march between the several Batallions of a Legion, was conducible to obtain the great and main end and scope of all Armies, which is to overcome an Enemy? And since I think it was not, I am still of the opinion, that Polybius his right meaning is not yet fully elucidated to us, either by himself, or any other person whatsoever.

And I will deal yet more freely, I do not well, or rather not at all under­stand,Roman Souldi­ers carried all their own Baggage. what is meant by the Baggage of the several Batallions of Hastati, Prin­cipes, and Triarii; for what belonged to the Souldiers was carried on their own backs, (if all be true that we have told you formerly) except their Tents and their Hand-mills, and these, I think, might with little loss have taken their hazard in the Rear of every Legion, nay, of the whole Army, if the Enemy was expected in the Van; or, they might securely enough have been sent to the Van, if the Enemy was in the Rear. So as still Polybius his dividing the Bag­gage of a Legion into three parts, and putting a third before every Batallion, is mysterious to me.

Lipsius stands gazing and admiring at the excellent order of the Roman march, and crys out, Mira eorum hic Providentia & Dispositio: Their Providence and Order here, saith he, was wonderful. But I wonder much more, that this Order of theirs did not sometime bring mischief upon them. For first, you are to believe, that the daring Romans for most part sought their Enemies, who in that case could not but be in their Van, either marching to mete them, or marching away from them: If the Enemy marched to meet them, the Roman Baggage, either before the Legion it self, or between the several Bodies of it, could not but give them those inevitable embarasses, and inconveniences, [Page 120] whereof I have spoken. If an Enemy marched from them, why did so pru­dent a people as the Romans were, make their own Baggage a hinderance to them in overtaking that Enemy, in whose pursuit they marched? For let any man consider it right, the Great Baggage, that is, the Artillery, Engines, and Machines, or the stuff whereof they were to be made, their spare Arms, the Shops where, and Utensils wherewith they were made; the Consuls Pavilions and great Baggage, the Treasurers train of Moneys and Proviant, and many times of Plunder, would take up so much ground between the several Legions and Troops, that without these hinderances, a Consular Army might have joyn'd an Enemy in less time by half then it could do with them; which Caesars speedy march from G [...]rg [...]via after the Aeduans, without Baggage, did suffici­ently demonstrate.

What advantages the Nervians proposed to themselves, by the manner of the March of the Roman Baggage between Legions (and sure these advantages had been greater, if every Batallion of a Legion had had its Baggage in the Van of it) will be known to any who will attentiv [...]y read C [...]sars Second Book of the Gallick Wa [...]; for they having learn'd how the Romans us'd to march, resolv'd to set upon his first Legion, whilest its Baggage gave a stop to the [...]est to come up to its assistance: C [...]sar, who was as happy as prudent, and as prudent as fortunate, learn'd their design by his Spies, and presently alter'd the manner of his Countries March: He commands his Cavalry to set forward, and after it six Legions, and after them the Baggage of his whole Army, and in the Rear-guard two Legions more. If he had not done so, he might have receiv'd a notable, yea, an indelible affront from that stout and warlike Nation; which as it was, left him not the Field without a very bloody resistance. Nor was this the only time C [...]sar did so (though it is the only time mention'd by Lipsius and Terduzzi) for when he advanc'd with four Legions against the Bell [...]vaci, he caus'd three Legions to march first, then the Baggage, which his fourth Le­gion followed. Perhaps he practis'd this more frequently, though it is not▪ of­ten mentioned: And in all his Retreats, he ever sent his whole Baggage to the Van of his Army. Thus you see Great C [...]sar, (who lived long after Polybius) did not tye himself so strictly to the custome of the Roman March, but he both could, and did alter it, according as he thought it stood with the conveniency of his affairs; and so should all prudent Captains do.

But I cannot get one view of the Velites▪ in all this March, and here our Au­thorsWe cannot tell how the V [...]lites march'd. leave us again to our conjectures. Certainly, if the whole sixth Book of Po­lybius his History be extant, and if some parcels of it are not lost, (as I shrewdly suspect there are) he forgot himself, when he forgot to tell us, where and how the Roman light armed (who made up more than the fourth part of the Infantry) marched; for to tell us (as Lipsius doth) that they marched where the Consul appointed them, is to tell us just nothing; for neither heavy armed Foot, nor Horse marched where they pleased, but where the General ordered them. Yet it is a probable, and a very rational conjecture, that the Velites marched nearest that place where the Enemy was, whether that was in the Van, Rear, or Flank of the Army, since they were by their skirmishes to begin the Fight. But I fear in the next Chapter we shall have more groping, before we find the quarter where they lodged.

Observe, that the Legions of both the Romans and Socii did change Van and Rear daily by turns. I have told you before, the Roman ambulatory March was twenty Italian miles in four hours, and the cursory twenty five. But I suppose, without Baggage; and with it twenty miles was Ʋnius diei justum iter; The just march of an Army for one day.

CHAP. XXI. Of the Quartering, Encamping, and Castrametation of a Consular Army.

AFter a long, and it may be, a hard and tedious March, it will be time toQuartering i [...] Towns and Villages. lodge our Consular Army; and lodged it must be in Towns and Villages, or in the Fields. If in the first, they had nothing to demand from their Hosts, but Bed and Lodging, and were to pay for all they spent in meat, drink, or fire. In the time of the Emperours, the Legates and Presidents of Provinces, caused them to furnish the Armies (as they marched through their jurisdictions) out of the publick Magazines (which was discounted from their wages by the Treasurers) or caused the Countrey people to bring in provisions of all kinds, as to open Markets, where they were sold to the Souldiers for ready money, at the ordinary rates of the Countreys, in which the Armies chanced to be; the contraveners and disobeyers of orders being severely punished. The way in which Officers and Souldiers used to be quartered in Houses (to avoid strife between them and their Hosts) was this: The whole house was as equally divi­ded as might be, into three parts, whereof the Master of the house chose the first, the Souldiers the second, and the third and last returned to the host, who by this means had two thirds.

When the Army was to be quartered in the Field, which we call Encamping,Souldiers hard labour in Encamp­ing. (and which consisteth of two parts, Castrametation and Fortification) the com­mon Souldiers had a harder labour than in their days March, in regard, (beside the measuring the ground) they were to Fortifie the Camp, with Ditch, Ram­part and Pallisado, and to pitch the Tents of all their Commanders, and cleanse their quarters, before they got leave to take notice of their own Tents, or Huts.

In the matter of Castrametation (which is one part of Encamping) after the Roman way, we are to borrow all our light from Polybius, and our own conje­ctures; for Vegetius speaks but very little of it, and that little is in very ge­neral terms. But for the Fortification of the Camp, we are more obliged to Vegetius than Polybius. The first spends five full Chapters on Encamping, to wit, the twenty first, twenty second, twenty third, twenty fourth and twenty fifth of his first Book; and either for fear that he had forgot something in all these Chapters, or else, according to his custome, to refresh his own or our memories, he falls again to his Castrametation in the eighth Chapter of his third Book. The summ of all he saith on that Subject will amount to this:Summ of what Vegetius saith of Ca­strametation. ‘He laments that in his time, the ancient custome of fortifying Camps was worn out, for want whereof, says he, we have known many Roman Armies afflicted by the sudden incursions of the barbarous Nations: Besides, saith he, if they be worsted in any Battel, having no Camp to retire to, they fall by the edge of the Sword unrevenged, like brutes; neither doth the Enemy make an end of killing them, till he is weary of pursuing them. He says, The Army is to Encamp where it may have store of Fuel, Wood, Water and Fodder, where the air is wholsome, and free from Marishes; and if it be to stay any time, it must be well looked to, that no Hill be near, from whence an Enemy may infest it, and that the place be not subject to inundations of Waters. The Camp is to be of such an extent, that neither Men, Beasts, nor Baggage, be pinched for want of room; nor must it be so large, but that the Fortifica­tions of it in all its circumference, may be sufficiently defended by the men that are within it.’ This is all he says of Castrametation. As to the For­tification of the Camp, he tells us one and the same thing of it, in the twenty fourth Chapter of his first Book, and in the eighth Chapter of his third Book, [Page 122] and it is shortly this: ‘That there were three several sorts or ways of fortify­ing a Camp: First, if there was but little danger, the Rampart should be made but three foot high▪ (suppose above the line) and this Rampart was to be made of Turf cut out of the place▪ where the Ditch should be, and theAnd of forti­fying the Camp. loose earth of the same, the which Ditch should be nine foot broad, and seven deep; and this was called Fossa tumultuaria, or a Ditch suddenly cast up, and it seems was used when the Army was to stay but a night or two, and no ene­my near it.’

Thus far Vegetius is clear, but in describing the other two ways of fortifying, he is extreamly confused, both in his first and third Book. But if I guess right at his meaning, he intends to tell us that the second way of fortification was when an imminent danger of an enemy appeared, then the Ditch was nine foot deep, and twelve broad, and the Ramp [...]rt above the line four foot high; [...]d thirdly, when they found themselves in the greatest hazard, the Rampart was planted about with these Stakes and Palisado▪s, which the Soldiers were oblige [...] to carry about with them. So that reckoning from the top of the Rampart to the bottom of the Ditch, it was thirteen foot high, and the Ditch it self twelve foot broad. I would he had said either eleven or thirteen, for then he had not contradicted himself, for he told us before that in Fortification the Romans were accustom'd to observe an odd number. The Turf whereof the Rampart was made, used to be half a foot deep, one foot broad, and one foot and a half long.

Thus far Vegetius concerning the Fortification of the Roman Camp.

But that which he adds in the eighth Chapter of his Third Book, is not to be omitted, That all Generals who Encamp their Armies for any time, as the Romans did frequently whole Summers, and whole Winters, (the first whereof were called Aestiva, and the last H [...]berna) should have a provident care, and should make it their great work, that not only fuel, fodder and water be sup­plied near hand, but that all manner of necessaries for back and belly, and all munitions may be brought safely, and without [...]peach of an enemy to their quarters. To which effect, if there be not fortified places all along the Country through which these provisions are to be transported, then some ought to be builded, one whereof should second another; these Vegetius calls Castles, Ca­st [...]lla, Cast [...]lla what, a Diminutive, as he tells us from Castra.

The Ancients either in their own Territories, or in those of their Conquests, did even so as is practised to this day, and that was, They built Forts, Tow­ers, Sconces and Castles in these places where it was tho [...]ght they might beFor what use built. most useful, either for the preservation of the Country from the sudden irrup­tions of ill affected neighbours, or to put such a restraint o [...] the Inhabitants themselves as to keep them from rebel [...]ion▪ for this purpose long and strong Walls were sometimes built with excessive cost and labour, we may yet see some▪ reliques of Severus walls, built for the safety of the Britains from the Incursions of the Scots and Picts.

The Castles which they intended to keep constantly guarded, were for most▪ part built round, of thick and strong walls to resist the battery of the Ram▪ and if they had Curtains, these were [...]anked a l'antique with round Turrets▪ These Castella the Romans called also Burga, I know not whether they borrowed▪ Burg a Latin [...] and a German word, signifi­eth a Fort. the word from the Germans, or the Germans from them, for the old Dutch▪ word Burg, yet in use, signifying a Strength, Hold, Fort or Castle, many of▪ them were built by the Romans in Germany, and some of them are to be seen at▪ this day. The Governours of these Castles or Forts were called Cust [...]des & Magistri Burgorum, which at first were only committed to them, during the plea­sure of the Consuls and Emperours▪ afterwards by the liberality and bounty▪ of Princes, these Keepers were made hereditary Governours, and long after▪ the Castles and Burgs themselves, with many fair lands belonging to them, were▪ given to them and their heirs in property for ever, to hold them in Va [...]alage, Hence comes the name of Cast [...]l [...]ns, a title of great honour and profit in Po­land, Castellan. where they enjoy it but for life, the King having the disposa [...] o [...] it afterward. Hence the title of Burggrave in Germany, which in the language of that Country is of greater honour than the title o [...] an Earl, which in Dutch is simply Grave. And that dignity of [...]urggrave to this day is there very honourable▪ and [Page 123] kept by the greatest Princes of the German Empire as an addition, and that noBurggrave. small one to the rest of their great Titles, as the Elector of Brandenburg is the hereditary Burggrave of Nuremburg.

In process o [...] time Villages, Hamlets, and little Towns were built besides these Burgs, many whereof are become great and famous Cities, which keep yet their denomination from the Burg or Castle, besides which they were at first edified, such as Strasburg, Augsburg, Nuremburg, Wirtsburg, Lunenburg, Neramburg, Ha [...]burg, and many others. And as at the first building these Castles or Burgs, the Keepers were called Magistri Burg [...]rum; so to this day the principal Magistrates and Mayors of Cities are called B [...]rgomasters.

The Roman Soldiers having finished the fortification of their Camp, are next to be lodged within it: I am afraid it will not contain them all, yet let us see how Polybius will accommodate his Consular Army, for we have done with Vegetius.

It was the duty of that Tribune whole lot or turn it was to officiate for the Legion, to go before (no doubt with a guard) and some Centurions with him to take up ground for the Camp, and to measure out all the several quarters of it. Which that you may the better comprehend, we shall divide the Roman Camp into two, but not equal parts; these were called the upper and the lowerDivision of the Roman Camp into two parts. parts: in the upper lodged the Consul, the Treasurer, the Legates, the Evocati of the Romans, and Extraordinaries of the Allies, the lodgings of the Tribunes and Pr [...]fecti were also there, and in it was the Market-place, and a large place to receive strangers. In the lower part of the Camp were quartered all the four Legions of the Romans and Allies in several Maniples, and all the Troops of Horse, of both the one and the other.

The Tribune who measur'd the Camp, first chose ground for the Pr [...]t [...]rium, Prat [...]rium, or Consuls Pavi­lion. that is the Consuls Pavilions and Tents, and allow'd for it two hundred foot square, the superficial measure whereof was eight Italian miles; for multiply two hundred by two hundred, the product will be forty thousand foot▪ and these make eight miles, and no doubt himself, his friends, servants and baggage might be well enough accommodated in such a compass of ground. That ground was marked with a white flag, and all the other quarters with red ones. And here be pleased to observe that the Romans keeping constantly one way of Castrame­tation, they were so well acquainted with it, that no sooner any of the Army saw by the white flag, where the Consul was to lodge, but every one knew how to go straight to that quarter that was design'd for him: As well, saith Polybius, as Citizens know how to go to their houses, after they enter any of the Ports. Upon both hands of the Pr [...]t [...]rian were the quarters of the Treasurer and Le­gates; for the first were allowed two hundred foot in length, and a hundred in depth, for each Legate a hundred foot long, and fifty deep.

To the Foot of the Ev [...]cati of the Romans, Lipsius (and Terduzzi, and theWho were quarter'd in the upper part of the Roman Camp. Si [...]ur de Pr [...]issack following him) allow eighty foot in length, and two hundred thirty eight in breadth, and to the Horse of the Evocati, eighty foot in length, and a hundred twenty five in breadth; perhaps they gather this out of Polybius, but I am very sure, notwithstanding any of their assertions to the contrary, the number of the Evocati being uncertain, (for they were voluntary, sometimesEvocati. more, sometimes fewer, and so not definite) one and the same measure of ground could not always, and at all times be allowed to them. But all these being thus quarter'd on both sides of the Prat [...]rium, there was a street of one hundred foot broad, which traverst the breadth of the Camp, the name where­of is forgot, between which Street and the Alarm place were lodged the Extra­ordinaries Extraordina­ries▪ of both the Cavalry and Infantry of the Allies; for the quarters of their Horse eighty foot in breadth, and a hundred sixty seven in length were al­lowed; and for their Foo [...] two hundred foot in length, and seventy in breadth. Within the Extraordinaries of the Horse was the Market-place, which they called Forum. Without the Foot of the Extraordinaries, and next them was the place of arms, or the Alarm-place, and this was of one equal breadth in allAlarm-place. the four quarters of the Camp, to wit two hundred Foot, kept yet in our Mo­dern Castrametations. Next to this place of arms was the Rampart, and that Port which was called P [...]rta Pr [...]t [...]riana, the Pr [...]t [...]rian Port. Now though thePr [...]torian Port. Roman Consul by this account was not in the middle of his Army, (as Xenophon [Page 124] would have all Generals to be) yet Lipsius thinks it enough that he was in medio Ducum, in the middle of his Captains, I know not why this was enough, but let us see how.

Behind the Pr [...]tor [...]n on the right hand of it were the▪ Tents of the six Tri­bunes of the first Roman Legion, and upon their right hand the Tents of the six Praefecti of the Allies, on the left hand of the Praetorium, at some distance behind it were the Tents of the six Roman Tribunes of the second Legion, andTribunes and Praesecti. on their left hand the six Praefecti of the second Legion of the Allies were quar­tered. The Sieur de Preissac and his Translator Captain Crus [...] in their delineati­on of the Roman Camp place the Tents of all the twelve Tribunes, and twelve Praefecti; as Lipsius doth in his first figure, which himself found subject to cen­sure, and therefore helpt it in the next Page. In the first he makes the left hand Tribune of the first Legion, and the right hand Tribune of the second Roman Legion to place their Tents close behind the Praetorium, and by that means they took away the mutual prospect of the Consul from his Legions who were quartered behind him, and of the Legions from the Consuls Pavilion which was pitcht before them. This Preissac did also, but Lips [...] helped and mended his by [...]eaving the Praetorium visible to all quarters; and this Preissuck was bound to do likewise, but he did it not. Besides this error, Preissack allows a hundred and fifty foot-square for every Tribunes Tent, whereas Polybius allows but fifty, and allows enough when he doth so; this I conceive to be the Printers fault, whereof I thought fit to acquaint the Si [...] de Preissacks Reader. So you see that the twelve Tents of the Roman Tribunes, and the twelve Tents of the Praefecti of the Allies, took up twelve hundred foot of ground square, fifty foot square being allowed to each of them. Observe here that Polybius tells us not at all where, or in what place of the Camp the Allies Pr [...]fecti lodged, and this gives just cause to Lipsius to complain of his carelesness in this point, which Lip­s [...] himself hath very well supply'd in quartering them where they should be, that is in the front of their Legions, as the Roman Tribunes were placed by Polybi [...] in the front of theirs, as I have told you, and in imitation of Lips [...]s, Pr [...]iss [...]ck, and T [...]rduzzi quarter them just so. This is all I have to say concerning the Castra­metation of the Superior or upper part of the Roman Camp. And so I come to the lower one.

Below the Tents of the Tribunes there was a Street which traversed theInferior part of the Camp. whole breadth of the Camp, and divided the superior part of it from that in­ferior one which I am now to describe. This Street was a hundred foot broad, and was called Via Principalis, the principal Street; whether it had that name, be­causeVia Princi­palis. it was near the Consuls Pavilion, the Tribunes Tents, and the Eagles; or because if the Camp was of any long continuance, they erected their Altars in that Street is no great matter. This Street was intersected by another, which did run the whole length of the Camp, from the Decuman Port, to the Praeto­rian one. This Lane divided the right hand Roman Legion from the left hand one, and consequently had on each side of it the half of the Consular Army. On the right side of it were quartered the Horse and Foot belonging to the first Roman Legion, and on the right hand of that Legion the first Legion of the Allies in this following order.

Nearest to the Street was quartered the Cavalry belonging to the first Legi­on,Quarters for the Roman Horse of the first Legion. all in one Row or Street; call it as you please, for Polybius his Interpreter useth both Striga and Vicus, a Row and a Street. This Row was divided into ten several quarters, each of which was to contain and lodge a Troop consisting of thirty Riders, with their Horses, Arms and Baggage. Every one of these ten Quarters was a hundred foot square, and consequently the whole Row was a thousand foot long, and a hundred foot broad. If you please to multiply a hun­dred by a hundred, you will find the product ten thousand Foot, and so much ground had every Troop of thirty Horse allowed to it. And that I may tell it you once for all, every Maniple of the Principes and Hastati had as much, but not the Triarii, as you will see anon. On the right hand of the Horse were quartered the Triarii, who being but half the number of the Hastati and Prin­cipes, Triaril. to wit, six hundred, they had but fifty foot of ground in breadth, but in length as much as the Horse, to wit, a thousand foot, divided equally into ten parts, to every one of which parts was assign'd a Maniple consisting of sixty [Page 125] men. Multiply a hundred by fifty (for every Maniple of the Tri [...]ii had a hundred foot in length, and fifty foot in breadth) the product in five thousand foot, and so much ground of superficial measure had every Maniple of the Triarii. They were obliged to have a care of the Horses belonging to the Cavalry, to feed them, and see that in the night they strayed not to the disturbance of the Camp, and so you may think the Horsemen needed the fewer Grooms. Next the Triarii was a Street fifty foot broad; on the right hand of it was a Row of Tents, in which lodged the Principes, who were twelve hundred in number, di­videdPrinci [...]e [...]. into ten Maniples, each censisting of a hundred and twenty men: to every Maniple was allowed as much ground as to a Troop of Horse, to wit a 100 foot square; so to all the ten Maniples a thousand foot in length, and a hundred in breadth. On their right hand quartered the Hastati, all in one Row, twelveHastati of the first Ro­man Legion quartered. hundred in number likewise, and had an equal allowance of ground. The Ha­stati were divided by a Street fifty foot broad from the Allies, who constantly quartered on their right hand.

You will remember that in my Discourse of the Allies I told you that the third part of their Horse, and fifth part of their Foot were taken out to wait on the Consul, and were called Extraordinaries, whom accordingly I have quartered in the upper part of the Camp near the Consul. Their Horse at first were six hundred for every Legion, whereof two hundred being lodged in the upper part, we have but four hundred to quarter in the lower part of the Camp▪ These being by one third stronger than the Roman Cavalry, had of ground aHorse of the Allies first Legion lodg­ed, third more in breadth allowed, but alike length; the quarter then for the Horse of the first Legion of the Allies was a thousand foot in length, and 13 [...]½ foot in breadth, which contained them well enough; this quarter was equally divi­ded into ten parts for ten Troops, each consisting of forty Riders. Upon the right hand of these Horse were quartered the Foot of the Allies first Legion, re­member every one of their Legions at their first coming forth was three thou­sand heavy armed, as the Romans were; but the fifth part of that number, to wit, six hundred being taken away by the Consul, and lodged besides him, we have now but two thousand four hundred to quarter, for whom as much ground was allowed, as to both the Principes and Hastati, as to the breadth, so they had a thousand foot in length, and two hundred in breadth; multiply the one by theAnd their Foot all in one Row. other, the product is two hundred thousand foot, which superficial measure of ground contain'd them well enough. I must tell you of an oversight I have ob­served in my Lord Preissack's Roman Castrametation, which is, that he allows to the Allies Foot as much ground as I have done now, but no more ground to their Horse than to the Roman Cavalry, which was not fair, being the one was strong­er by one third than the other. It is of little or no consequence to us to know, nor is it worth our curiosity whether the Allies quarter'd their Foot by Maniples, or by Cohorts, concerning which Lipsius to me seems to be very needlesly solici­tous. Upon the right hand of the Allies Foot was the alarm-place constantly two hundred foot broad, and next to it was the Rampart.

We are in the next place to quarter the second Roman Legion, and the second Legion of the Allies, which is soon done by allowing to every part and member of them the like quantity of ground for length and breadth, as we did to those of the two Legions on the right hand, as thus: On the left hand of that Street which I told you run from the Decuman to the Pr [...]t [...]rian Port, and intersectethThe other two Legions quartered. the Via principalis, were the ten Troops of Horse belonging to the second Roman Legion lodged, all in a Row; next them the Triarii, upon their left hand, a Street fifty foot broad, on the left hand of which lodged the Principes; next them the Hastati, on their left hand another Street of fifty foot broad; upon the left hand whereof were quarter'd the Horse of the Allies, and on the left hand of them their Foot, on whose left hand was the Alarm-place, and next to it the Rampart and Ditch.

And now we have our whole Consular Army very formally quarter'd in a Camp of an aequilateral square figure, as Lips [...], du Pr [...]issack, and Terduz [...], The figure of the Roman Camp. will needs have it to be, though hereafter upon strict examination, we shall find it not to be exactly so. And what needs the whole be so, where all the parts neither are or can be aequilateral? In the upper part of the Camp the Pr [...]to [...] and the Tribunes quarters, with those of the Prafecti of the Allies, were [...]qui­lateral [Page 126] square, but so were not the quarters allotted to the Questor, Legates, Evocati, or Extraordinarii. In the lower part of the Camp the quatters or­dain'd for the several Troops of Horse, and for the Maniples of the Roman Hastati and Principes were aequilateral, but so were neither the quarters of the Triarii, nor of the Allies Horse and Foot.

In the next place before I go further, I shall tell you that in this Camp there were four Ports, these were the Praetorian, Decuman, and the right hand prin­cipal Port, and the left hand principal Port. The two first were at the two ends of the Camp, and the other two at the two sides. The first had its name because it was nearest the Praetorium, and out of it the Consul marched. The Decuman serv'd for bringing in provisions and [...]odder, for taking Beasts out toFour Ports in the Roman Camp. water; as also out of it were carried the Soldiers that were ordain'd to be pu­nished; from whence some think it hath the name Decumana, from the Decima­ting Soldiers alike guilty, and punishing the tenth. But we read in Livies thirty fourth Book, that the Gauls assaulted Consul Sempronius his Camp, and enter'd it at the Port Qu [...]storia, and committed great slaughter till they were beat out. We read also o [...] a Port called Quintana, which some think was all one with that called Qu [...]storia, and had this name from the Questor, or Treasurer, who lodg­ed neer it, and the other from the Street Quintana, near which that Port was; but the Questors quarters being afterward remov'd to the superior part of the Camp, to be near the Consul, that Port was shut up.

Observe next that in the Roman Camp there were eight Streets, five whereof went in the length of the Camp from the one end of it to the other, and wereEight Streets in the Roman Camp. called Vi [...] Direct [...], or direct and straight Streets; the other three traverst or crost the Camp in the breadth of it, and were called Vi [...] transvers [...], or cross Streets. Of the five direct Streets, one divided the length of the Camp equally into two halves, and on each side of it, as I told you, lay the half of the Consu­lar Army Encamped.

Between the Triarii and Principes of the first Roman Legion was the second di­rectFive direct ones. Street; between the Roman Hastati of the first Legion, and the Allies first Legion was the third direct Street. Between the Triarii and Principes of the se­cond Roman Legion was the fourth direct Street, and between the Roman Hasta­ti of the second Legion, and the Allies second Legion was the fifth direct Street. All these five Streets were each of them fifty foot broad. But all five of themThree [...]ra­verse Streets. either never had names, or have lost them. The three cross Streets traversed the latitude of the Camp. The one of them was in the upper part of the Camp, and divided the Praetorium from the quarters of the Extraordinaries, and was of one hundred foot broad, and hath lost its name. The second cross Street divided the upper part of the Camp from the lower one, as I told you before, and was called Vi [...] principalis, and was likewise a hundred foot broad. The third cross Street intersected the quarters of the Legions right in the middle, leaving five Maniples on every side of it, as likewise five Troops of Horse from the sides; it had its name of Quintana, and was fifty foot broad. These were the Ports and the Streets of the Roman Camp.

Be pleased likewise to observe that Polybius in his Sixth Book (out of which Shop all this stuff of the Roman Castrametation is brought) makes the length of the Camp to be between the Praetorian and the Decuman Port, and where these are, he calls the two ends of the Camp, and the breadth of it he reckons to be from the right hand principal Port to the left hand principal one. All this be­ing premised, we may now take up the Podisme, or foot-measure of the Roman Camp, as we have described it. And first the length of it from the Praetorian Port, two hundred foot are allowed for the place of Arms, seventy for the Ex­traordinaryThe Longi­tude of the Camp. Foot, and eighty for the Extraordinary Horse, a hundred for the traverse Street with the unknown name; next to that, two hundred foot for the Praetorium, and fifty for the Tribunes and Prafecti their quarters, and this clo­ [...]etli the superior part of the Camp; for the places ordain'd for the Questor, Le­gates, Evocati, and Forum were on both sides of the Praetorium, and so added nothing to the Camps Longitude. After this, reckon for Via principalis, a hun­dred foot, and for the length of the Legions quarters a thousand foot; for the Street Quintana fifty foot, and for the Alarm-place besides the Decuman Port two hundred foot. If you will add these together, the aggregate will be two [Page 127] thousand and fifty Foot, which is the Longitude of the whole Roman Camp.

If you will exactly know the breadth of it, be pleased to enter the Camp at the principal Port on the right hand, and traverse that Street till you come to the left hand Port, and at your entrance you shall find two hundred foot for the place of Arms, next to that two hundred foot for the Foot ofThe Latit [...] of it. the Allies first Legion, and then 133½ foot for their Horse, next to them a Street of fifty foot, on the left hand of that a hundred foot for the Ha­stati, and a hundred for the Principes of the first Roman Legion, and on their left hand you will see a Street fifty foot broad; and besides it the Triarii, who possess fifty foot, and upon their left hand the ten Troops of Horse belonging to the first Legion, who take a hundred foot for the breadth of their quarter, then you will see that Street which runs from the Decuman to the Praetorian Port, (except where the Consuls Pavilion hinders it) which is fifty foot broad; and upon the left hand of it you may perceive the quarters of the Horse of the second Roman Legion, take up a hundred foot in breadth, and the Triarii next them fifty foot, on whose left hand is a Street fifty foot broad. Next to it be­hold the Principes have a hundred foot, and the Hastati a hundred foot; then you will perceive a Street fifty foot broad, which divides the Hastati from the Allies of their second Legion; their Horse you will see, take 133½ foot in breadth, and on their left hand their Foot have two hundred foot; and next them you will come to the Alarm place, still two hundred foot broad. And when you have traced that place of Arms, and are come to the left hand Port, which they called Sinistra principalis, you may if you please add these numbers together, and you will find the aggregate to be two thousand and seventeen foot, which is the latitude of the whole Camp.

You may remember that the length of our Camp was calculated to be twoRoman Camp not exactly aequilateral squares thousand and fifty foot, and the breadth of it being two thousand and seven­teen, it is thirty three foot longer than it is broad. It is true the odds is not great, yet such as makes its figure not to be perfectly aequilateral square, which is the figure so much contended for. But Terduzzi says that here a rigorous strictness in the measure is not to be look'd to, things being done, says he, in a Martial not a Geometrical field. But I am of opinion that no measure should be more, strictly observed than that of ground allowed for Encamping, for if it be not, you shall hardly shun strife and altercation, and which is worse, disorder and confusion.

Now let us see if you please, how much ground this Consular CampSuperficial measure of the Roman Camp. contained, or (which is all one) what was the superficial measure of it. This you may do, by multiplying the length by the breadth, to wit, two thousand and fifty, by two thousand and seventeen, the product will be (if I have cast it up right) 4134850; divide this number by five, to make paces of it, the Quo­tient will be 826970, and this will want only thirty paces of eight hundred and twenty seven Italian miles.

I wish Polybius had left us a figure of his Camp, for if he did, it is lost. To sup­ply which defect, several have attempted to do it. Lips [...]s gives us one in hisSeveral fi­gures of the Roman Camp. Commentary on Polybius, you may see another in Achilles Terduzz [...] his Military Machines, the third in the Sieur do Preissacks Military questions; these two last for most part borrow theirs from Lipsius, for they differ not except in some few things which I have touched in passing. A fourth is to be seen in Steuechiu [...] his Commentary on Vegetius, and indeed that differs from Lipsius his figure in some material points, if I have observed well, and they are these.

First, Stouechius allows fifty foot in length for the quarters of the Electi of both Horse and Foot, more than Lips [...]s doth. Secondly, he takes these fifty feet from the Tribunes, and quarters them in a parallel line with the Evoc [...]i; Differences between Lip­si [...] and St [...] ­c [...]ius figures▪ whereas Lips [...]s quarters them behind the Evocati and the Praetori [...]. Thirdly he leaves no room for the Pr [...]secti of the Allies, who were twelve in number, and for whom Lips [...]s allow'd six hundred foot square, (to wit, fifty for every one of the twelve) and in a parallel line with the Tribunes, below the Evocati, and next to Via principalis. Fourthly, St [...]chius alters the whole site of the Camp, for he makes the Decuman Port to be nearest the Praetorium, and the Praetorian one to be furthest from the Consuls Pavilion: so by this account that Port which to Lipsius is Principalis dextra, is to Steuec [...]hius, Principalis finistra; and so in­deed he calls it in his figure.

I know not how they shall be reconciled in these points, and especially in the last: For upon the one hand, I think it agrees with reason, that the Praetorian Port should have been nearest the Enemy, as out of which the Army was to march in quest of that Enemy; and no doubt, the Consul would chuse to lodge as near the Enemy as he could, and on the head of that Army of his own, which faced constantly towards the Enemy, since he did not quarter in the middle of his Army. And conform to this, we find the fronts ofReasons for Lipsius. the several quarters of both Horse and Foot, that were lodged in the infe­riour part of the Camp, to face all towards the Praetorium, and Via Principalis, on the other side whereof were the Tribunes quartered. Neither doth it seem reasonable, that the Consul, and his Tribunes quartered in the Rear of the Camp, for so they must have done, if they had lodged so far from the Praetorian Port, out of which the Army was to march. And all this makes for Lipsius his position of the Roman Camp: Yet I must tell you, that on the other hand, I think Steuechius may not only alledge his own Author Vegetius to be for him, but Polybius likewise. Let us hear them both, I shall English them faith­fully. Vegetius in the twenty third Chapter of his first Book says, ‘The De­cuman Port is behind the Praetorium, out of which the delinquent Souldiers are carried to their punishment.’ Behind the Praetorium, that is not far fromReasons for Steuechius. it. And this insinuates, that the aspect of the Praetorium, or Consuls Pavilion, was towards the furthest end of the Camp, where Steuechius will have the Prae­torian Port to be. For if Vegetius had meant, that the further end of the lower part of the Camp was the place where the Decuman Port was, he need­ed not have said it was behind the Praetorium, but behind all the quarters of the Legions, as Lipsius makes it to be. And Polybius in his sixth Book, speaking of that nameless street which traverseth the upper region of the Camp, hath these words, and I pray observe them. ‘Over against the Praetorium, saith he, there is a street, which carrieth to the Postern parts of the Camp.’ Here he seems to be very clear for Steuechius; if he be not, hear him once more: He had been speaking of the extraordinary Horse of the Allies, and he adds these words: ‘Averse from these Horses, are quarter'd the Extraor­dinary Foot of the Allies, looking to the back of the Camp.’ Now these Extraordinaries were quarter'd in the upper part of the Camp, and not far from the Praetorium, and faced to the Rampart; which by this place of Polybius was the back of the Camp; and consequently the Port nearest it, was the Decuman. I shall leave it to those who understand Castrametation better than I either do, or profess to do, to compose the difference.

But all four, Lipsius, Du Preissac, Terduzzi, and Steuechius differ from theirBoth of them differ in some things from Polybius. Master Polybius, for he expressly mentions a Forum, or Market place, and quar­ters for two Legates, to be all in the upper region of the Camp. The Forum, Lipsius hath not in his Figure, though it be mention'd in his Table, nor have Preissac, or Terduzzi one in theirs; a great oversight in all three. Steuechius hath indeed the Forum on the Left hand of the Praetorium, but for that he exter­minates both the Legates out of his Camp, to whom the other three are so hospi­table as to afford Lodging; and yet all four are one way or another in­excusable.

The Romans allowed Tents both to their Horse men and Foot, in everyRoman Tents. Tent were ten men, and those had the name of a Contubernium, whereof I spoke before, though Vegetius makes it to consist of eleven, wherein I believe few joyn with him. By this account, three Tents serv'd all the Horse-men of one Troop, and twelve serv'd a Maniple of Foot of one hundred and twenty Men. I find their Tents were made of Leather, for holding out of rain, and were carried at the publick charges. Terduzzi says they were low and flat, and he calls them in his Italian language, Trabacche; which is, Booths or Shelters. In this place Lipsius offers to fill up a corner of their Tent with a Vas, so he calls it; a Vessel, or a Tub, (and indeed it is but the tale of a Tub, to say no worse of it) wherein he will have the Roman Souldiers to do the work of nature: He says, it is but his own conjecture, and truly, it is so poor a one, that he might have kept it to himself, and the Tub too. For who will imagine, except Lipsius, that the Contubernals did make one of these Vessels at every nights Leaguer, or else that they carried it about with them by turns? [Page 129] the first very improbable, and the second exceedingly ridiculous. He might have learn'd of the Jews, and all late Castrametators too, to have sent them for such an errand a pretty way without the Camp.

The same Lipsius, and to second him Terduzzi, are very prolix in the com­mendation of the regularity, form, conveniency, and order of this Camp; of which a man is oblig'd to believe no more, than what agreeth with his own reason. Among other things, the first of them will have us believe, that no woman was suffer'd in the Roman Camps. And because he foresaw that itWomen in Roman Camps. might be objected, that Scipio the Numantine, in his Reformation of Military Discipline, discharged the Camp of all Whores; from whence it might be in­ferr'd, First, That married Women were still kept in the Camp; and Second­ly, That Whores had been permitted to be in it before Scipio's Reformation; he boldly avers, that the Latine word Scorta, in that place is not taken for Whores, but for Viri mulierosi. Whether the word will admit that interpre­tation,Lipsius extra­ [...]agant. I dare not dispute with Lipsius, whom Boccalini stageth in Parnassus, confessing, that he was nothing but a meer and a pure Grammarian. But I cannot understand what he means by his Viri Mulierosi, if not those whom we call Sodo­mites, or Buggerers: And if so, we may infer, that these were either allow'd of, or conniv'd at, before Scipio reform'd that sinful abuse: And this perhaps gave occasion to a Poets wish,

And if this be Lipsius his meaning, then I am sure, the ancient Romans who glo­ried so much in the profession of moral Vertues, owe him the lye; I sup­pose, he forgot here what a little before he had told us in that same Book, out of Tacitus, that a lascivious woman was found in carnal act with a Souldi­er in the principal street, which was accounted Holy, because their Altars were erected in it; neither did the Historian complain, that a woman was in the Camp, or was found with a man in the Camp, but that she had profaned so sacred a place of the Camp. Now if no woman had been permitted to be in the Roman Camp, then that woman could not have play'd the Whore in so publick a place of it. But Lipsius knew well enough, that the Empress Agrip­pin [...], Colonia Agrip­pin [...]. Nero's Mother, honour'd the place of her birth on the banks of the Rhine, with a Colony of Romans, which in time grew to be the famous City of Cologne; now she could not have been born there, if her Mother Agrippina had not been permitted to be in the Roman Camp with her Husband Germanicus.

There is no doubt, but in the less ground an Army can be Encamped, the more defensible it is: But that Topick, Frustra fit per plura, quod fieri potest per pauc [...]ora; is not at all true, but with this restriction, si [...]que commode fieri potest: And therefore it shall be easily granted, that this almost equilateral Camp of the Romans was excellent, if all was contain'd within its circuit, that ought to be within it. But I am sure, upon a strict examination, we shall not find it to be so. Ter­duzzi Roman Camp defective. says, the circuit of this Camp was eight thousand Foot, little more than one Italian mile and a half, and he saith right: He says moreover, that within it were quarter'd sixteen thousand eight hundred Foot, and eighteen hundred Horse-men, besides Servants. Herein he saith not right, as shall be demonstra­ted anon. And first in this Camp, I find no place for an Armamentarium, orFirst, No Ar­mamentarium, or Magazine in it. Magazine, no place for their Engines and Machines, their Catapults, Balists, Rams, Towers, and the rest of their Artillery; and though it be true, that these were carried seldome about with the Army, yet it is as true, that the materials whereof they were compos'd, were often carried with their Armies; and if this be not granted me, yet I am sure, they will allow a quarter for those who were to make, guide, conduct and direct them; and in a word, for those who were set aside for that service by Servius Tullius, King of Rome; but in this Camp there is no room at all for them, or for any Arms, or any [Page 130] thing else which might be said to belong to a publick Magazine; nor are they so much as mention'd by Polyblus, Lipsius, D [...] Preissac, Steuechius, or Terduz­zi. Certainly, it had been unadvisedly done to lodge them without the Camp, where the men might easily have been kill'd, and all the materials and utensils burnt or destroy'd by an Enemy. This Terduzzi would seem to obviate, by telling us, that there was nothing in the Magazines, but [...]avelines and Ar­rows, and these he says would take up but lit [...]le room: Yet he does not tell us where that little room was, for he assigns no void space for it. Next, he sets the Machines on the Retrenchment, let it be so. But did these Engineers, Carpenters, Smiths, and other Arti [...]icers, to whose care the Machines were recommended, lye night and day beside them, on that Retrenchment; I hope he will not say that. Thirdly he says, that the Treasurers quarters, and the street Quintana might have been made of a lesser length or breadth, for re­ception of these Engines. Could any man have expected to have heard such an expression drop from a person, whose other writings speak him to have been a great Master of Reason: For, who knows not, that in case of necessi­ty, the Pr [...]torium, the Legates and Tribunes Tents, and all the whole quarters, of the Camp might have been made of a lesser extent. We know from L [...]vy, that when Claudius Nero made that march which prov'd so fatal to Asdrubal, and joyn'd with his Colleague Consul Livius, all his six thousand men were quarter'd and accommodated in Livy's Camp, without enlarging it; every Tribune of Livius's lodging a Tribune of Ner [...]'s, every Centurion a Centuri­on, every Maniple a Maniple, and every Troop a Troop; in doing which perhaps many of themselves walk'd in the Streets and the Alarm-place. But here we speak of a formal Camp, which should be of that capacity, as to contain all that ought to be [...]in it. And therefore T [...]nduzzi having said but little for my satisfaction, I say still, that the Camp we have describ'd was deficient in this point; besides that, I know no place allow'd for Beasts of Carriage, appointed for carrying these Machines, Boats, Materials, and other necessaries for publick use.

But in the second place, I have a greater complaint to make, for I miss theSecondly, No quarter for the Velites. Velites, for whom I find no quarter at all allowed, and they were no fewer than four thousand eight hundred men in every Consular Army. Polybius is extream­ly careless of them, for as he assign'd them no place to march in, so he allows them no place to lodge in: This makes Lipsius exclaim, ‘O P [...]lybi, cur siluisti? per te sumus, &c. O Polybius, [...]ays he, why wast thou silent in this? by thee we are either in an errour, or darkness, out of which one word from thee might have clear'd us.’ Concerning this important matter, men being left to guess, I shall tell you three several conjectures, and then chuse which youThree Conje­ctures where they lodged. will. And indeed it is a business of importance to send the fourth part of an Army to look for their quarters, when they might have been lodged with as much conveniency as the other three parts were.

First, Before Lipsius his time, some were of the opinion, that the Velites First Conje­cture were divided among the heavy armed, and forty eight of them lodged with every Maniple of the Principes and Hastati, and twenty four of them with eve­ry Maniple of the Triarii; and by this way the twelve hundred Veli [...]s of every Legion will be compleatly quarter'd. Now, you may easily make an account, that by this means four of them were quartered in every Tent ofCon [...]uted. the heavy armed, a thing hard to be done, if not impossible; beside, that it made the Contubernium to consist of fourteen instead of [...]en, and according to Vegetius, of fifteen. This opinion Lipsius, with good reason, rejects as very extravagant, as indeed it is.

The second Conjecture is his own, and it is this: That the Velites of theSecond Con­ [...]tore two Roman Legions were quartered at the two ends of the Camp on the Alarm­place, and the Velites of the Soc [...], or Allies, on the place of Arms on both sides. He says, that they wanting Defensive Arms, and having but little B [...]ggage, little [...]oom would serve them. Yet room they must have, and no room they can have by this expedient of Lipsius, but what is taken from theCon [...]uted. place of Arms; the ground whereof Polybius (the great Doctor of the Roman Castrametation) will have to be no less than two hundred foot of breadth, and that for several good reasons expressed by himself, which quantity of ground [Page 131] was always kept by the ancient Romans, and by the Castrametators in Lipsius his own days (who would have laughed at this fancy of his) and is still kept to this day. Neither could Lipsius allow less ground for the Velites, than the half of that which the heavy armed had, and that was rather too little; so that of necessity fifty foot must have been taken from the Alarm-place for their bad accommodation: Now this cannot be done without reflecting on Polybi­us, who if he had intended any such thing, would have allowed only one hun­dred and fifty, and not two hundred foot for the breadth of the Alarm place, which the Ancients called Pom [...]rium. Next, how can you call that the place of Arms for the heavy armed, where the light armed have taken up their lodg­ings, and pitched their Tents? Besides all this, Polybius is very positive, that the Extraordinaries of the Allies should lodge nearest the Rampart, at the Pr [...]torian Port, (the place of Arms being only between them and it) the heavy armed Roman Foot at the Decuman, and the S [...]cii at the two side Ports; which could not be, if the Velites were interposed between them and these Ports and Ramparts. And Lipsius might likewise have remembred, that one of the reasons why Polybius would have two hundred Foot of void ground be­tween the Rampart, and the Souldiers Tents, was that the Souldiers by that distance might be safe from Darts or Arrows, thrown or shot in the night time by an Enemy over the Rampart. Unless Lipsius thought that the Velites receiving these Darts and Arrows in their Bodies, did serve as a second Retrench­ment to the heavy armed. So, be Lipsius his conjecture right, or be it wrong, he may own it himself, and own it indeed he must, for he cannot father it on Polybius.

The third conjecture is of Terduzzi, who will have the Velites to be quarter'dThird Con­jecture. without the Camp, in the proc [...]stria or Suburbs of it; and to bear them company, he sends out with them all the Merchants, Victuallers, and Sut [...]ers. I think this the plainest language of all, for within he saw it was impossible. to lodge them. But I admire what pretext of authority he hath out of Hi­storyCon [...]ted. for this opinion; all he says is, that in time of danger, they were re­ceiv'd again within the Camp, but he puts us just where we were, the que­stion being still where they were quarter'd, when they were receiv'd within the Camp. For we read that the Romans were often besieged within their Camps for some considerable time, so was the Consul L. Minutids, till he was reliev'd by the Dictator A. Cincinnatus; so was Cicero one of C [...]sar's Legates by Ambiorix, and himself likewise forc'd by that same Enemy to keep some days within his Camp: Where were the V [...]lites lodged all this while? And I pray you observe, that but just now Terduzzi assur'd us, that within the Camp was quarter'd the Consular Army of sixteen thousand eight hundred Foot, and eighteen hundred Horse, and of that number he now sends four thousand eight hundred out of the Camp, for want of quarter within it, not to come back till time of danger: His own words are, Ricevendoli dentro, solo in tempo di pericolo; Receiving them within, says he, only in time of dan­ger. Here I am either mistaken; or Terduzzi, besides the improbability of his conjecture, foully contradicts himself.

Thus we see the poor Velites very ill used; for if you will remember whatVelites Indi­vidua Vaga. I have observed of them in the preceding Chapters and in this, you will think with me, that they were marshall'd and fought I know not how, they marched I know not when, and they were quarter'd I know not where. I shall not imagine for all that, that they were Spirits, but I think, it may be disputed Problematical­ly, whether they were Individua Vaga, or not. And so I take my leave of them.

In the third place, I find in this Castrametation no more place or ground al­lowedThirdly, Of­ficers lodged like common Souldiers. for Centurions, Decurions, Ensign and Standard-bearers, than for the common Troopers and Souldiers; and this confirms me in that opinion, whereof I have oft told you, that the Romans had no greater esteem of any Officer below a Tribune, than we have of Corporals and Lancespesats. Ter­duzzi affirms they had more room, I wish he had told us how or where, for among the Turmes and Maniples, they had no more than private Souldiers and Riders, for any light he or any other hath given us.

Now all these defects proceed from the flim flam conceit of an equilateralAll these de­fects soon helped. Square, whereas all might have been very well accommodated in a Camp of an oblong Figure, in adding more rows to the Latitude of the Camp, and keep­ing [Page 132] the same Longitude. And the not doing this, I attribute to the obstinacy of these I have so often mention'd, Lipsius, Preissac, Steuechius and Terduzzi, and some others of their gang, who will rather lose 4800 men than an equilateral Figure; for I must advertise my Reader, that their Master Po­lybius, doth not only permit an addition to the Latitude but to the Longitude of his Camp. Si magis copiosa sint Legiones, pro ratâ ad Longitudinem & Latitu­dinem Roman Camps might be of several fi­gures. adjiciunt: If the Legions be more numerous, accordingly they add to both the length and the breadth. And Vegetius tells us in the eighth Chap­ter of his third Book, Pro necessitate loci, vel quadrata, vel trigon [...], vel rotunda, vel oblong a castra constitues: According, says he, to the necessity or site of the place, you may make your Camp Quadrate, Triangular, Round, or Oblong: And in another place, he saith, Semi-circular: But for this Figure, I should think, it were requisite to have behind the Camp, either a Fortified Town, a Marish, or an unfordable River, and guarded with a Bridge.

We may imagine, that the Camp of the Israelites, after they had cross'd the Red Sea dry shod, was the most orderly, as being directed by the all [...]wise God, who is the Soveraign Lord of Hosts, and we find both their Exteriour and Interiour Camps were quadrangular: For we read in the truest of Books, that in Quartering, three Tribes fac'd towards the East, three towards the South, three towards the West, and three towards the North. And within that vast Leaguer, was an inward one, consisting of the Levites, who encamped also en Carree, facing East, South, West, and North. These were the Guards of the Lords Ark. Yet being that the Sacred Text tells us, that all these Tribes were not of equal strength and number, it must follow, that those who were most numerous, had most ground allowed them, and consequently more rows of Tents, and more room for their Beasts and Baggage, and therefore the form of the whole Camp could not be Square, but oblong. And here I shall also say, that the manner of the Israelites Encamping and Castrametation did more resemble our form (whereof we shall speak in its proper place) than the Roman, for we find the Ark of God (who was the Conductor, and Great General of that Army) lodged in the Center and middle of the whole Camp: About it, the Levites (who were honoured to be its Guards) and without them, and about them the other Tribes, as they were marshalled by Moses, the man of God. And as they were Encamped, so we read they Marched: First, the Ensign of Judah, and under it three Tribes: Next, the Ensign of Reuben, and under it three Tribes: After them, marched the Levites in the middle of the Army, and in the center of them the Ark: After them came the Ensign of Ephraim, under which were three Tribes; and in the last place marched the Ensign of Dan, and under it three Tribes.

The Rampart and Ditch of the Roman Camp, as to both the ends of it, were made and defended by the two Roman Legions, and the Allies were obliged to fortifie and maintain both the sides of this Consular Camp, of which I have spoken perhaps more than enough. See the Figures of Lipsius, Steu [...]chius, and the Lord Preissac.

CHAP. XXII. Of Guards, Watches, Watch-word, and Rounds.

IF this Camp, though never so strongly fortified, be not carefully guarded, it will be but a prey to a resolute Enemy. Both the Roman and Grecjan Guards were, as ours are, of both Horse and Foot; the difference is this, they had several Guards for the day and the night, ours continue twenty four hours, unless some emergency alter the custome. You have the Roman Guards expressed by three several words common in Authors, and though all three sig­nified Guards in some sense, yet if I mistake not (with submission to others) these three several words signified three several things. Excubi [...], Vigilia, and Stationes, were the three words. Excubia, I conceive, signified the men whoExcubi [...] what. kept Guard and Sentinel: Vigilia, the several distinct times, in which they were to keep Guard and Sentinel: And Stationes were the places where they kept Guard and Sentinel, which we call ordinarily Posts. The Ancients di­vided the night, Summer and Winter (beginning at six at night, and ending at six in the morning) into four Vigilia or▪ Watches, allowing three hours to eve­ryVigilia what. Watch, after which time the Night-guards were relieved by the day ones; for we read not of any Vigilia in the day time. From hence we have in all anci­ent stories the actions of the night season, describ'd by the first, second, or third hour of the first, second, third, or fourth Vigil. And so the Knights of old, and some yet (Knighthood being a Military Order) were to keep their Vigils on the Eve before they received that Order. Stati [...], is a word that comesStation [...] what. a stando, from standing; and is, as I said, taken for a Post, yet the denomi­nation is not from the place where, but the manner how they watched, and the posture is said to be standing: Yet it is not to be thought, that all the Ro­man Guards stood, only the Sentinel, for the other three that were on a Post, lay down and slept. Whether their Horse-guards stood constantly, their Ri­ders being on Horse-back, Authors make it not clear: I suppose it was only the Sentinels, yet probably it was otherwise: And because it was an extream fatigue either in the heat of Summer or cold of Winter, we read in Lavy's 45 Book, that the Consul Lucius Aemili [...]s in the Macedonian War, order'd the Horse­guards to be relieved at noon; so the day from six in the morning till six at night, was equally divided by two several guards of Horse: I know not whether the Foot-Guards were also changed, it seems not; else the Historian had menti­oned it; and if not, that Consul hath had a more tender regard to Horse than Men. The Military word Station, hath since been appropriated to all other professions, yea, and to all other Trades, be they never so mechanick and low; yea, to all Magistrates and Office-bearers, how high soever, even to him who is vested with the Soveraign and Supreme Power: So that every man in his Station, is a word now proper enough.

The Ancients kept Guards both without and within their Camps: Within,Roman Guards within the Camp. the Romans order'd a Maniple to watch at the Praetorium, or Consuls quarters, day and night. Three Quaternions of Souldiers watched at the Treasury, two at the Legates quarters, and two for every Tribune, and one was appointed to look to the quarters of every Maniple; all these were of the Principes and Hastati, for the Triarii kept Guards at the Horse-quarters. Every hundred foot of the Rampart had a Quaternion of Souldiers to guard it. The reason why these Guards were called Quaternions, was, because each of them con­sisted of four Souldiers, that were ordered for one Sentinel, which they kept by turns. We find these Military terms of the Romans used by the Pen-men of the New Testament; In the twelfth Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, it is said, that Herod delivered St. Peter to be guarded by four Quaternions of [Page 134] Souldiers, that is, to four Guards, each composed of four Souldiers, every one of which Quaternions or Guards, was to keep a Centinel upon him. The Quaternio, or the four Soldiers was to watch full twelve hours, every one ofA Quaterni­on, what. them a Vigil, to wit, three hours; and it is to be presumed, one of them stood Centinel one whole Vigil, because they could not well by their Glass di­vide a Vigil of three hours into four several parts; and truly that was too long, for in four hours time a Centinel might very readily have been both weary and sleepy.

For any thing I yet know, the Guards without the Camp▪ were only kept inRoman Guards without their Camp. the day time, and before every Port of it a Cohort of Foot, and a Troop of Horse watched; but when an enemy was near, their Stations or Guards were doubled, tripled, or quadrupled, according as the danger seem'd to require. This saith Terduzzi was an easie duty, because, says he, there were forty Co­horts, and forty Troops in the four Legions, and therefore he thinks they watched but every tenth night. But he did not consider how many Guards wereMistake of Terduzzi. kept within the Leaguer, for if he had, he might have concluded that the Foot ordinarily watched every fourth night; and when the Guards were doubled, or tripled, the Duty would come upon them every second, if not every other day. The Consul or General appointed the Stations or places where Guards should be kept without the Camp, which in reason ought to have been so order'd that they might have had succours according to the necessity or exigence of affairs, and therefore you may find that Caesar when he caused his Guards to advance nea­rer the enemy, and further from his own Camp, he still commanded fresh Troops and Cohorts to be brought out to fill up their room, and to support and sustain those who were advanc'd in case of a retreat. Livy tells us in his Thirteenth Book, that Manlius was accused at Rome by the Tribunes of the people for keeping weak Guards without his Leaguer, and that they attributed the loss of both Camp and Army to that.

It was death for any man of what degree or quality so ever to desert or leave his station, let the pretext be never so plausible or advantageous. Livy in hisDesertion of a Station, death. Fourth Book says that he read it in the Roman Annals, that the Dictator Posthu­mius put his own Son Aulus Posthumius to death for advancing beyond his stati­on, though thereby he gain'd an advantage of the enemy. And though that Author writes that he did not believe it, yet it may be true for all that. Lips [...]s commends much the Roman custom of having four Soldiers on one Post, and for not committing the keeping of it to one Centinel, as the manner is now to have but one man at every Port of a Town. But this Bookish man was so much ta­ken up with the Theory of the ancient Militia, that he studied but little the pra­cticeMistake of Lipsius of the Modern Guards. of the Modern; for I dare be bound for it, that in the Country where he lived he never saw a Centinel at a Port of a Town, but where there was a Corps du guard close by of more than four Soldiers, though they were not oblig'd to stand all Centinel at one time more than the Roman Quaternio was, whereof only one stood. But the old Tactick Aeneas will not have Centinels to stand single,Grecian Cen­tinels. but two or more together, and to stand but a very short time, for which he gives two reasons, first, for fear that being long on duty they might fall asleep; secondly, that they might have no time to practise with an enemy, but frequent rounds and visits of the Corporals might prevent both these.

Lipsius in this place falls also a quarrelling with his Master Polybius for notLipsius quar­rels with Po­lybius, telling him what Posts the Allies kept within the Camp, or how the Ports and Ramparts were guarded. But he wrongs him; for when Polybius told him what Duties the Roman Legions performed, he gave ground enough to Lipsius (who is so ready with his conjectures) to guess that the Legions of the Allies kept the like Guards, and did the like Duties as the Romans did. And since Polybius had already said that the Roman Legions were bound to fortifie and defend the twoBut without reason. ends of the Camp▪ and the Allies the two sides; I conceive L [...]psius might with­out suspicion of witchcraft have guess'd, nay, past his word for it, that the Ro­mans kept Guards at the Pr [...]t [...]rian and Dec [...]an Ports, and the Allies at the two principal Ports. And now I hope Lipsius is reconciled with Po­lybius.

The Roman Watch-word was given in this manner: The Tribunes whoseRoman watch­word, or T [...]s­s [...]ra. turn it was to officiate, and the Praefecti of the Allies received it from the Con­sul, [Page 135] and towards night at the going down of the Sun, one of the last Maniple of Foot, and one of the last Troop of Horse lodged near the Decuman Port, (be­ing made free of other Duty) went to the Tribune and received from him a piece of wood, perhaps of Parchment or Paper, which was called a T [...]ss [...]ra, on which the Watch-word was written; this Soldier (whom Vegetius calls Tessera­rius) and this Trooper carried the Tessera to the Centurion and Decurion, and deliver'd it to them before Witnesses, adhibitis testibus, and they in the same manner to their fellow Centurion and Decurion, and so from one to another till it came to the first Centurion and Decurion, who redelivered it to the Tribune, who by some note (which it seems every one of the several Classes of the Legi­on had) or mark on the Tessera, immediately knew if it had gone through them all; if not, inquiry was made, and the Delinquent was soon found out (since in that case that every Centurion was to prove by Witnesses that he deliver'd it) and severely punisht. And this custom Achilles Terduzzi prefers to the Mo­dernTerduzzi ill to please. way of whispering the word in one anothers ear. But most men are bet­ter pleased with things they never saw, than with those they daily see, a Fasti­dium or loathsomeness of our present condition being a mark of the depraved nature of man; for certainly the Watch-word in our times is given with as much security, and with a great deal of more ease than it was by either the Grecians or Romans. The several Guards or Quaternions of Soldiers, had each of them a Tessera, which were taken from them by the Rounds, as you will see anon.

The Rounds were called Circumitiones, or Circitiones, and those who went withRoman Rounds. them, as Veg [...]tius hath it, Circ [...]mit [...]res, or Circit [...]res. This duty belong'd to the Horsemen, as to those who in dignity were next to the Tribunes. By this also you may see in what small account Centurions were with the Romans, who did not trust them with visiting their own Foot-guards, (a thing any Lancespesat [...] may do with us) but conser'd the honour of that on Horsemen. In every Le­gion one Troop was ordain'd to look after this duty every day by turns, but the whole Troop was not imployed in it, only four of them had that service put on them. The manner was this: The Praefect or prime Decu [...]ion of the Troop order'd his Subdecurion, or his Deputy to acquain [...] such four whose turn it was to ride the Rounds that following night, and this the Subdecurion was bound to do before he din'd; as also at night he was to acquaint the Decurion of the next Troop, that it was his turn next night after to order the Rounds: If any of them fail'd in this duty, they were lyable to heavy censure. The four Horsemen who were appointed to ride the Rounds, cast lots who should ride the Rounds of the first, second, third and fourth Vigils. After that they wentA duty in­cumbent on the Horsmen. all four to the Tribune to be clear'd by him, what Guards they were to visit, and if there were any new Posts ordain'd besides the ordinary ones. Ha­ving done there, they went to sleep besides the Primipilus, or first Centurion of the Triarii, which was quarter'd nearest the Eagle, and this was an honour to hi [...], as Terduzzi says, and so indeed it might be; but I desire to know if they did not lye without the door of his Tent, in regard I think he could hardly accommodate them within. After Supper the Guards being set, he whose turn it was to ride the first round, went about the whole Guards belonging to that Legion, and from him who was Centinel he took the Tessera, which he carried away with him, and so he did from all the rest of the Quaternions; the like was done by the second Circ [...]or in the second Vigil, and so by the other two in the third and fourth Vigils: hence you may see that every Soldier of the Quaterni­on had a T [...]ss [...]ra, otherwise the four Circitors could not have brought back each of them one. If the Round [...]ound a Centinel asleep, he did not demand the Tes­sera from him, nor did at waken him, but requir'd the other three to be witnesses of the misd [...]anor, and these three for honour sake convoy'd the Circit [...]r or Round to the next Guard. Why the three men who were awakeA Centinel found asleep. should have left their Post to be kep [...] by a sleeping man, only to complement a Round, let the admirers of Antiquity tell, I cannot. Yet I believe the Rounds found but few sleeping, for they had fires allow'd them, by the light whereof they might discern both an enemy and a Round, and one Guard was almost con­stantly calling to another to keep them awake: besides, it is not likely that all the other three of the Quaternion were asleep; and if any one of them were a­wake, [Page 136] it is not probable he would suffer his fellow Centinel to be taken sleep­ing. And in process of time they follow'd the example of the Grecians, and used Bells, by which one Guard corresponded and answer'd another; for Poly­bius tells us, that of all Nations the Romans were the aptest to learn and imitate the commendable customs of others. Next morning very betimes, the Roun­ders went and gave the Tribunes an account of their diligence; and where they found a Tessera wanting, either by the sleep, negligence or desertion of any of the Guards or Centinels; the Delinquent if apprehended, was punished by theGrievously punished. Fustuarium, the manner whereof you may learn in the next Chapter save one. After the Roman Guards were set at night, it was not lawful for any man to go out of his quarters.

Aeneas will have it that the Grecian Rounds went but from one Guard to ano­ther,Grecian Rounds. and not round the whole Town, Fort, or Camp, for that says he, keeps many Rounds going together without confusion. He would have all Rounds or Circitors to ride where Horses might conveniently be had, but no Round either to go or ride till he were commanded so to do by his Superior, either by word of mouth, or some sign, suppose a fire or a Lanthorn. He will have all his Rounds to give the word to the Guards, and not to receive it from them, as the Romans did their Tessera, which indeed seems to be the surer way; but his Rounds he permits not to give the Watch-word till the Guards require it. And in time of danger he will have the Guards when they require the word from the Rounds (if it be in the night-time) to utter some words or sounds (such as have been or­der'd by the General or Governour of the place) and the Rounds besides the giving the Watch word, to utter such counter [...]ounds as have been agreed on. But if it be in the day-time, (observe by this, that Rounds rode in the day, at least in the morning) then the Guards when they asked the word, were to give signs, and the Rounds counter signs such as were condescended on by him who commanded in chief on the place. As suppose when one of the Guards required the word from the Round, he would put his Hat or his Head-piece on his face, breast, or belly, and upon that sign the Round was to advance, or order his Lance or Spear as a counter-sign.

CHAP. XXIII. Of Prisoners of War, of Parleys, Treaties, and Articles.

SIN brought War into the World, and though we do not read of any pub­lick War before the Deluge, yet Moses tells us of a private one between the two Brothers Cain and Abel, which ended with the death of the righteous one.

In all publick Wars that ever were, Prisoners have been taken, over whom the Victor always assum'd to himself power of life and death. And I believe forReason why Prisoners are taken in War. most part, the lives of Prisoners were saved, not so much out of pity and com­passion, as out of interest, thereby to draw advantages either by exchanging them for others who had fallen into that same misery, or by ransoming them for money, or to make profit of them by Drudgery and Slavery. And though we read not in the History of Moses (and I conceive it is not only the truest but the oldest in the world) of any Prisoners of War taken, before L [...] was taken by Amraphel and Chad [...]rlaomer, yet I cannot imagin but Nimrod and his Successors (though bloody enough) spared the lives of many, whom they made Prisoners in those Wars which they waged against their neighbours; for I suppose Con­quest was the best title they could pretend to [...]or their Soveraignty, witness these words in the 14 of Genesis, Twelve years they served Chaderlao [...]er, and in [Page 137] the thirteenth they rebelled. Sure then before these twelve years they were free people, and that which made them Vassals was the longest and sharpest sword. And when Abraham rescued Lot, and his goods, the women also, and the people▪ there is no doubt but he took some Prisoners of Chaderlaomer his party, which he had beaten, else the King of Sodom had not said to him, Give me the persons, and take the goods to thy self.

The Law of Nations is that which all or most Nations agree in, either by aThe conditi­on of Prison­ers of War. mutual, declared, or yet by a tacite assent. And therefore we may truly say that by the Law of Nations before Christianity shone over the World, Prisoners of War might be used as the Victor pleased, that is, either made slaves, or put to death. In this Discourse I shall only speak how the Ancients used their Pri­soners, and of their Parleys, Treaties, and Articles before the Promulgation of the Gospel, reserving the Discourse of Christian Prisoners till towards the end of my Essays of the Modern Art of War.

We are told by Xenophon, that after the Great Cyrus had taken Babylon, he told his Captains that it was a perpetual Law through the whole World thatCyrus his sense of Pri­soners. those who stood out in arms till they were overcome, might be disposed of, ei­ther as to their estates and goods, or their lives and persons, at the Victors plea­sure. And if you will consider all the Wars that were managed either before or after his time, you will find he spoke truth; for if it was not a perpetual Law, it was a perpetual custom to do all that he said. This speech of his was confirmed by the Athenian Embassadors, whom Thucydides introduceth, telling the Inhabitants of Melus (whom they had besieged both by Sea and Land), ‘That Nature her self had put a necessity on all Conquerours and Victors in War to have the absolute dominion and power over those who were van­quishedThe At [...]eni­ans. to be disposed of as the Victors pleased; which Law, said they, we did not make, nor are we the first who have made use of it, neither will we hinder it to be a perpetual Law to ages to come, being assuredly confident, said they, that if you had that power over us, that we probably may short­ly have over you, you would not fail to put this Law in execution against us.’ So you see that both Cyrus and the Athenians thought Prisoners of War might be put to death if the Victor pleased, not only by the Law of War, but by the Law of both Nations and Nature.

Before I go further, I shall premise one thing, at which perhaps many of my own Profession scruple, which is that notwithstanding any quarter granted in the field in time of Battel or skirmish, or at the assaults of Towns or Castles,How a Gene­ral may use his Prisoners of War, Jur [...] B [...]ll [...]. he who commands in chief over the Victorious army may put all or any of the Prisoners to death that he pleaseth, without doing any wrong to the Law of War, because they had no quarter promised them by him either by word, or in writing, which we ordinarily call Parol. What quarter is given by any Officer who is inferior for the time, or by any Soldier, is but till the General or Com­mander in chief judg of the Prisoners, and then he may do with them as he pleaseth. But observe on the other hand, that though Jure Belli he may do so, yet when he puts Prisoners to death in cold blood, he may be justly branded with inhumanity and cruelty, unless those Prisoners have been Traytors, Re­bels, Runaways, or Fugitives, or that Quarter had been promised contrary to the express command of the General; any of these alters the case. Such was that act of Saul King of Israel, who gave quarter to Agag, contrary to the express command of the Lord of Hosts, who had ordained him to die.

Let us take a short view how this perpetual Law, whereof Cyrus and the Athenian Embassadors spoke, was executed in ancient times; and I believe we shall see that all Prisoners of War were either ransom'd, exchang'd, put to death, or made slaves. The Jews differ'd a little from other Nations in the matter ofJewish slaves. Slavery, for Deut. 23. they had a Political Law, which order'd a refuge to their Slaves. Slaves certainly who came to that calamity by none of their own fault, and that is mostly to be understood of Captives of War. Cyrus found the Law he spoke of practised against himself, by Tomiris Queen of Scythia, who put him to death in cold blood, if the Historian tell us truth. How the As­syrian Monarchs used their Prisoners, though prophane story were silent, the Sacred Writ would inform us; by it we know how Tiglath Pil [...]ser took away the Ten Tribes of Israel, and Nebuchadnezz [...]r the other two to Babylon, and [Page 138] how this last put most of the Chiefs and Princes of the people to Death, afterHow the Israe­lites used their Priso­ners. they were Prisoners, and caused the Children of King Zed [...]kiah to be cut in pieces before his face; that after having seen so sad a specta [...]le, he might have his eyes put out, that so thereafter (as Sir Walter Raleig [...] observes well) he might never see any thing to comfort him. The Captains of Gods chosen people of Israel and Judah, thought not that their hands were bound up by any qua [...]er that was given by their inferiour Commanders and Souldiers, but pass'd very ordinarily a Sentence of Death upon most of their Prisoners of War. Joshua hang'd most of those Kings whom he took in the Land of Ca­naan. Adonibe [...]k had his Thumbs and great Toes cut off, for so he had used seventy two Kings before. Zebah and Zalmunnah, Kings of Midian, after they had quarter given them, were killed in cold blood by Gid [...]on; perhaps by no other inspiration, than that of Revenge, because they had killed his Bre­thren. And by the way, I observe, that the Israelites, in their Civil Wars among themselves, gave very bad quarter: As for example, after the rest of the Tribes had killed in one Battel eighteen thousand Benjamites, they put five thousand of them to the Sword in the chace, who no doubt, called for quar­tor: The Text saith, they gleaned them; that is, killed them one by one in the way, and after that, two thousand of them were put to death at Gido [...], who I make no question, yielded themselves Prisoners. How many thousand Ephra [...]tes were put to death by the Gileadites, when they b [...]wrayed what they were by the wrong pronunciation of S [...]bb [...]teth. David, King of Israels, David very severe to his Prisoners. not only [...]aughtered those Ammonites whom he had taken Prisoners in the War, but tortured them, and put them to cruel dea [...]s: Whether he did this [...]or [...]y other reason, than to be revenged for the disgrace done to his Embassa­dours, by H [...]nan King of the A [...]ites, I shall not offer to determine. But [...]er­tainly the Prophet [...]lisha gave a contrary advice to Jehor [...]. King of Israel, Elisha advi­seth to give fair quarter. who asking the man of God, what he should do with those Syrians, who were miraculously brought into Sam [...]ria, in these words, Shall I smi [...]e them, my Fa­ther, shall I smi [...]e them? Was answered, Wi [...] thou smi [...]e those whom thou hast tak [...] with thy Bow and thy Spear; nay, see Br [...]ad and Water before them, and send th [...] back to their Master. I confess, this was very fair quarter, but it was not to be imitated in all its points.

The obstinate keeping out of Towns, Forts, and Castles, when there wasAn occasion of bad quar­ter. neither hope nor probability of succours, hath been often the reason why the Besieged, after they have rendered, have been [...]tchered to death, that is, af­ter they had yielded to the discretion of the Conquerour, who, having grant­ed no Articles or Conditions, may put them all to death, without any st [...] of perfidy: He may do it Jure b [...]lli, but he may be taxed with severity, if not cruelty for it, yet generous Princes have practised it. Titus, a merciful Prince, cast the Jews, who were his Prisoners, both men and women, by hun­dreds to be torn and devoured by Wild Be [...]sts. The Great Alexander caused some thousands of the Tirians to be Scourged and Crucified after they wore Pri­soners, because in defence of their City they had so long put a stop to the course of his Victories. But I think he cannot be vindicated from extream in­humanityInhumanity of Alexander. used to the Noble Governour of Gaza, who kept out that place couragiously against him, till the never-failing Fortune of that daring Prince put the woful Governour into his hands, whose F [...]t he caused to be bored, and through the holes he put Cords, and tying these to Horse-tails, in that manner caused him to be dragg'd about the City, in imitation, perhaps, of what Homer saith Achilles (of whom Alexander derived his P [...]d [...]gree) did to the dead body of the Valiant Hector. The Veneti, a people in G [...]le, were overcome by C [...]sar Severity of Caesar. in a Nuval Battel, yielded to his mercy; but because they had before given ho­stages, and yet had rebelled, and contrary to the Law of Nations, had imprisoned his Embassadours, he put the chief men of them to death, and sold the rest for Slaves. And at Ʋxellodunum, he cut off the hands of all those who had main­tained the siege against him, and had yielded to his mercy, because they had rebelled before; yet the same C [...]sar was known to be very merciful.

Xenophon in the first Chapter of his Third-Book says, that Prisoners of War may be used without form of Law, or Process of Justice, at the Victors plea­sure: This is true, if there be no provions Articles or Treaty, for that alie's [Page 139] the case. The Grecians were cruel enough to their Prisoners: In that NayalThe Grecian [...] generally gave bad quarter. Battel, wherein the Lacedaemonian Lisander gained the Soveraignty of the Sea from the Athenians, he put three thousand Prisoners to the Sword in cold Blood. Those who yielded to their discretions made but a bad bargain of it. Take a few Examples: Mitilene, which was tributary to Athens, rebelled, the Inhabitants, after a long resistance, yielded to mercy; the first Sentence of that popular State was, that all the men above fourteen years of age, should dye, and all under it, with all the women, should be sold for Slaves: The next days Verdict was more favourable, which gave life and liberty to all, except the Ring-leaders of the Sedition, but these the Athenians made not to be so few as a thousand. The Plat [...]ns, a free people of Greece, after a long Siege, yield­ed to the mercy of the Lacedaemonians, who put every one of them to death, and sold the Women for Slaves. The Inhabitants of the Isle of Melus, of whom I spoke a little before, after a long Siege, yielded to the mercy of the Athenians; but they exercised that perpetual Law of the Conquerour over the Vanquished, (whereof their Embassadours had told them) and though they had no pretext of other power over them, but that of the sharpest Sword, yet they killed all the men that were above fourteen years old, and sold all the Wo­men and Male children for Slaves.

But the Romans were the most merciless Conquerours of any Nation, (exceptThe Romans generally most merci­less to Priso­ners. the Cannibals, who feed their Prisoners to kill and eat them) for those Prisoners whom they killed not, they reserved for worse uses than drudgery and [...]lavery: Some were kept to adorn their Pompous Triumphs, and when the Triumphers Chariot turned towards the Capitol, then the woful Captives were taken to the place of Execution, and there butchered to death; and if any of them had their lives spared at that time, it was a cruel mercy, to make them dye a worse death afterward; which was the fortune of Pers [...]us, the last King of Macedon; for after he, with his Children all in Chains, had been made spectacles at Ae [...]ilius his Triumphant Chariot, they were left to dye in pri­son for want of either Food or Sleep, the two great supporters of mans life. Others of their Prisoners were forced to fight and fence at Sharps on the Am­phitheatres, till they killed one another, and all to make sport to that inhu­mane people: And which was worse, they were forced many times to sati­ate the cruelty of the Spectators by fighting for their lives with Lyons, Bears, and Tygers, kept purposely from Meat, to make them more eager to devour those miserable wretches: And thus they used women as well as men. I told you also how Titus (who was so meek a Prince, that he was called The D [...]light of Mankind) used the Infatuated Jews, after the destruction of Jerusalem. So unlimited a power did those Ancient Conquerours assume to themselves over the persons and lives of their Prisoners, which by the Law of War, and the Law of Nations they had acquired.

Yet the Roman Senate very often either really were, or seemed to be dissatis­fiedRoman Cruel­ty to Priso­ners often re­strained by the Senate. with some of their Consuls, and other Supreme Commanders of their Ar­mies, who were cruel to those who yielded to mercy. So when S [...]rgius Galba had sold in Spain all those Portugueses who had submitted themselves, a Law was made at Rome to restore them to their liberty, but it had no effect; and this imported juggling. But the Senate went further, for they punished some of their Generals for using cruelty to those who yielded to mercy, as the Pro-Consul Plicinius, Crassius, and two Admirals were judicially condemned at Rome for their inhumanities of that nature in Greece. The Consul M. Popilius having by sundry Victories well near ruined the Ligurians, ten thousand of them submitted to his Discretion, and observe what that was; he first dis­armed them, next he razed their Town; thirdly, he sold all their goods and substance; and fourthly, he sold themselves for Slaves. A most detestable action, and as such, resented by the Senate, who ordered the Consul to pay back the price to the Buyers, restore the poor Ligurians to their liberty, and return to them, as much of their goods, and as many of their Arms as could be recovered: But the half of this was not performed by the Consul; yet the reason on which the Senate grounded this or­der, is very observable: Because, said they, Victory doth not consist in exercising Cruelty on those who yield to Mercy, but in vanquishing the obsti­nate [Page 140] and Contumacious. Most of the Capuans (who stood for Hannibal) after a long Siege, yielded themselves and City to the mercy of the two Roman Consuls; one whereof was wounded, and incli [...]ed to be merciful, but the other, Q. Fulvius, caused eighty of the principal Citizens, first to be whipt with Rods, and then b [...]headed with Axes, and he used all the rest very in­humanely.

And assuredly the fear of merciless usage, and bad quarter, hath forced ma­nyFear of bad quarter pro­duceth despe­ [...]ate effects. to make an unlooked for resistance, to the great prejudice of the prevailing party; for Despai [...] produceth the most horrid and desperate effects. Most of the Saguntines saved Hannibal a labour to kill them, by killing themselves. The Citizens of Astapa in Spain, detesting the Roman Cruelty, made a great [...]ile of Wood within their Town, set it on fire, threw first their Wives and Children into it, and then themselves. When Philip, the last King of Mace [...]n except one, would grant no other conditions to the inhabitants of Abydes, but to yield to his Mercy, which they knew was the extreamest of Cruelties; after many desperate resolutions, and vigorous oppositions, when the Macedonians entered, it was a r [...]thful sight to see the poor Abydens destroying one another promiscuously, men and women, young and old, some hanging their Wives first, and then themselves; others cutting the Throats of their Children, and then their own; others casting their nearest relations in Wells, and over the tops of Houses, and themselves after them. Philip being astonished and ap­palled at so terrible a sight, by Proclamation gave them three days to live, before their death should be resolved on by him▪ But in vain, for an of them dispatched themselves, excep [...] such as were by force, bonds, and chains com­pelled to live. You may read their lamentable Tragedy in Poly [...] his sixteenth Book, and in the thirty first of Titus Livius.

Nor did the Romans in their Civil Wars give better quarter one to anotherRomans cruel to Prisoners in their Civil Wars. (except C [...]sar) than they did to strangers: P [...]ius killed those Souldiers of C [...]sar's whom he found in his Camp, though C [...]sar spared those of Pe [...]ei [...]s, and sent them back to him. Scipl [...], Pompey's Father-in-law, put a [...] those of C [...]sar's party to death, whom he took Prisoners. Sy [...], after all his Victories, very cruelly put eight thousand Romans to the Sword in the great hostelery, near the City, after they had yielded to his Mercy. Nor did A [...]gustus keep himself within the limits of Mercy, when he thought it fit at one time to sacrifice three hundred Roman Knights to appease the incensed Ghost of his Great Unkle Juli­us C [...]sar. But it may be said, these had that pretence which all Civil War carries along with it, and that is, that all who oppose either of the two par­ties, are Rebels to the State, whether the party be for the lawful and supreme authority, or against it. And therefore, to say no more of their Civil Wars, I find them extream cruel in their Wars with Hannibal, to their own Souldiers, which that great Carthaginian had taken Prisoners. Fabi [...]s the Dictator (who saved the Roman State) made an agreement with Hannibal for the exchange and ransome of Prisoners of a like quality, and for every one of those who (after the exchange was made) were super [...]umerary, they were to pay [...]ea [...] eight pounds, Sterling. At one exchange there were two hundred [...]orty seven more Romans than Carthaginians; Hannibal demands their ransome, Fabius sent toRoman [...]enates Avarice. the Senate for it, who basely refused the money, and disowned the agreement; what could the good old man Fabius do, but send his Son to Rome, and sell a part of his Patrimony, and pay the money to Hannibal, which was near two thousand pound Sterling? a vast summ in those days. But they dealt worse with those of their own men who were taken Prisoners at Cannae, whom theyIts Cruelty and Injustice. would neither ransome out of the publick P [...]rse, nor suffer the Prisoners them­selves, or their Friends to ransome out of their private fortunes and estates, And though the Senate flattered themselves, by calling this act of their own, Mag [...]animous; yet since there was no Justice in it, it could carry no generosity along with it; for if these Captive Romans misbehaved themselves in the Bat­tel, the Senate was bou [...]d in honour to ransome them, and punish them them­selves, and not suffer them to rot in prison with their capital Enemy. Assu­redly this Action wanted for neither Avarice nor Cruelty; for strange it was thus to punish common Souldiers, and yet to send out some principal Senators to meet and complement their hair-brain'd Conful, Teremi [...] Va [...], and thank [Page 141] him, that he had not despaired of the Common-wealth; and yet by his obsti­nate and inexcusable folly he had brought the Common-wealth to the very brink of Destruction.

And why might not Hannibal have used these Roman Prisoner [...], as Livy in his seventh Book tells us, the Romans used some thousands of the Tarquinian Pri­soners,A merc [...]ess act of the Ro­mans, yet not unjust. of whom they chose 358 of the prime Noblemen and Gentle­men, all these they first whipped well with Rods, and then struck off their Heads in the great Market-place of Rome, and presently after put all the rest of the Prisoners to the Sword in cold blood? Though this was a very merci­less act, yet by the law of War they might do it, and so might Hannibal have done to their Prisoners; and truly, I do not see how he could be obliged to [...]eed those whom their own Masters would not ransome.

Let us hear what opinion Polyb [...]s had of Prisoners of War, who was a gravePolybius his opinion how Prisoners of War may be used. Historian, a great States-man, and a good Captain. In his second Book, speaking of Aristomachu [...], who being a Prisoner of War, was tortured to death: He saith on that subject, that neither Antigon [...] King of Macedon, nor Aratus Praetor of the Ach [...]ans, could be called cruel, for putting a Captive to death with torments; for, though Aristomachus had not deserved that usage otherwise, yet they might have done all to him that was don [...], [...]ure Belli; for the Law of Nations and War give the Conquerour power to use his Prisoners at his pleasure. And the same Author speaking of the Mantimans, who were justly punished for their abominable perfidy and ingratitude, in slaughtering those Achaans who were sent to preserve them; he saith expressly, That though they had committed no such wickedness, nor any other crime at all, yet the Victor in War, Jure Belli, might have either kill'd them, their Wives, and Children, or sold them for Slaves at his pleasure. Thus far he.

But this power of Victorious Princes or Generals over the Goods, Persons, and Lives of their Prisoners, is limited and restrained by Treaties, Parleys,Treaties. Capitulations, and Articles; to the strict observance whereof simply, and without fraud or ambiguity, all men of what Station, Rank, or Quality what­soever, or of what Religion or Perswasion soever, be he Jew or G [...]mile, Gr [...] ­cian or Barbarian, Christian or Mahometan, are tyed; because Faith and Pro­misesArticles and Promises should be faithfully kep [...]. No Enemy to be trusted in time of Treaty. are the Sacred and Indissoluble Bonds, which maintain Humane Society, and whosoever breaks them on any pretence, should be look'd on as a Monster, and not as a Man.

In the time of Treaty, both parties who treat, ought to be careful, that a Cessation of Arms be agreed on, and sign'd by the Commanders in Chief, of both Forces, whether it be in Field, Town, Castle, or Garrison; and not only so, but they ought to be on their guard, for fear of [...]oul play, or some unexpected rupture of the Treaty: For both in Ancient and Modern times, Cities and Forts have been surpriz'd, when those within thought themselves secure by a Treaty and Cessation, as Histories of all ages bear witness: And many times these Surprizes have been made without either the consent or con­nivence of either the Commander in chief, or his Subordinate Officers, meerly by the common Souldiers, who frequently think themselves defrauded by Trea­ties, of that which they conceive is the price of their Sweat and Blood; to wit, the spoil and booty of the place besieged, or of the persons of those al­most beaten and overcome in the Field. Nor should any Treaty give the least interruption to the constant keeping of strict Guards, and careful Watches; nor should those who treat, have liberty to view Guards, Camps, Magazines, or Parades, unless they be so strong, and in so good order and posture, that the sight of them may serve to terrifie an Enemy. Scipio the African, in time of a Treaty with Syphax and As [...]r [...]bal, having by his Commission sufficiently spy'd the posture of their Guards, and weakness of their Camps, suddenly breaks off the Treaty, sets upon them, burns their Leaguer, and destroys forty thousand of their men. In this the Roman General made no breach of Faith nor Promise, but made a more prudent use of the Treaty than the Ene­my did. Treaties, Promises, and Articles should be religiously observ'd, but yet there is a prudent mistrust often necessary▪ for the heart of man is de­sperately wicked, and deceitful above all things, who can know it? And here the old lesson, Disce diffidere, is very often necessary to be remember'd. Tre­bonius, [Page 142] Caesars Legate, had very long besieged Marseilles, and had granted the Defendants truce till Caesars coming; this rendered the Besiegers negligent;Caesars Legate cheated by a Treaty at Marseilles. which the Marsillians perceiving, and having a high and fair wind for their pur­pose, sallied, and in a moment burnt his Ambulatory Tower, his Rams, Muscles, and other Machines of War, which had been the works of many months. In one of my Discourses of the Modern Art of War, I shall speak more fully of the sad effects of negligence in time of Parleys and Treaties. Some of the Ancient Gauls were in Treaty with Caesar, and had a Cessation of Arms with him, they perfidiously break it, and kill many of his people; he marches against them, they send Embassadours to him, without any previous liberty demanded, or granted by him for those Embassadours, and therefore he keeps them in restraint, till he had utterly undone their Ar­my: Here they broke with Caesar, not Caesar with them, for after their breach, he neither granted them Treaty nor Cessation, nor Passports for their Embassa­dours; yet Cato, in full Senate, avouched this act of his to be Perfidy, and aCaesars repu­tation questi­oned by Cato. breach of the Law of Nations, and pleaded that he ought to be delivered up to the Gauls, whom he had offended, as a Sacrifice, to appease the wrath of the Immortal Gods.

The Ancient Greeks, who accounted all other Nations Barbarians, broke frequently their Treaties, Conventions, and Articles very barbarously. Those who commanded the Corcyrian Army articled with the Inhabitants of Epidam­nus, that they should deliver up their Town, and that till the pleasure of the populace of Corcyra were known, all the Corinthians should be kept in Chains, and all strangers sold for Slaves: A bad enough agreement at best, and yet the half of it was but kept by the Corcyrians, for all the Corinthians were indeedArticles broke. kept in Fetters, but the strangers were all put to death. In that total rout gi­ven to the Athenians in the Isle of Sicily, by the Syracusians, assisted by Gilippus a Lacedaemonian Captain, Demosthenes, one of the Generals for Athens, had Articles granted him for his own life, and six thousand men that were with him, and so they yielded themselves Prisoners; and shortly after Nicias, the other Athenian General, submitted himself without conditions, to Gilippus his discretion: Both of them were put to death. And though no Articles werePerfidious and cruel usage. broke to Nicias, yet it was inhumanity to kill him in cold blood; but in the death of Demosthenes, Perfidy was added to Cruelty. The bloody Dictator Sylla made Articles with three thousand Romans at Antenna, and gave them their lives, on condition that they should kill some of their own party within the Town, who were his Enemies: They performed their part, but so did not he, for he put them all to the Sword; a perfidious act of his part, though in­deed they met with that which they well deserved.

Treaties ought to be concluded, and Agreements and Articles subscribed, without any design to pick quarrels, or to lay hold on any small emergentNo quarrel to be pick'd out of Articles. that may seem to give the contracting parties any ombrage or occasion of breaking: This hath been too often practised in our Modern Wars, nor did some of the Ancients fail to help themselves with base fetches. Take two or three instances: At Pilos, the Lacedaemonians are beaten at Sea by the Atheni­ans, and four hundred of them shut up in a barren Island, likely to be starved: An agreement is made, the Lacedaemonians are to deliver up their Ships, a final Peace is to be concluded, and those in the Island were to be set at liberty, but if any one Article happened to be infringed, then all of them were to be void; and if the people of Athens (who had the Soveraignty) did not ratifie this agreement, the Truce was to end, the war to begin, and all theThucydides. Gallies were to be restored. The Athenian State rejects the Treaty, the Cessation is given up, the War is commenced, but the Fleet was not restored, because, said the Athenian Captains, in time of the Truce, some of the Lacedaemonians endeavour'd to get out of the barren Isle into Pilos: A most detestable Perfidy. And what better was the usage the Samnites got from the Romans in that Treaty, wherein they gave the Roman Army liberty to departLivius. and go home, after they had made every man of them pass under the Gallows at Caudium? the Senate refused to ratifie the Treaty, prepared for War, and sent the Consuls who had sign'd the Articles, prisoners to the Samnites; a sub­terfuge which did not quadrate with the Justice to which they pretended. Yet [Page 143] it was such usage as was foretold to the Samnites by their old General Herennius. A considerable number of Corcyrians (who seditiously had left the Town, taken arms and spoil'd the adjacent Country) are routed by the Athenians, they come to a Parley, and it is agreed first they should deliver up all their Arms: Second­ly, all their Auxiliaries: and thirdly they should remain faithful Prisoners till the people of Athens gave judgment, what should be done with them, but still provided they should not be deliver'd to their merciless Countrymen the Cor­cyrians; Perfidy of the Athenians. but this was the Athenians grand design, and therefore an article is shuffled in, that if any one of these conditions were broke, all of them should be void. Then were some Corcyrians sent to the Prisoners, who counterfeiting themselves friends, advise them to escape, and to that purpose offer them a Ship; the infatuated people lays hold on the offer, and sails away, but being way-laid, are easily retaken, and then delivered to their capital enemies, who put them all to cruel deaths. An execrable act of the Athenians, and that the rather because their City was famous for Schools, wherein were taught the Mo­ral Vertues. I will not speak here of Hannibals breaking Maharbals Capitulati­on with six thousand Romans at Thrasimenus, but shall reserve it till I speak of the power that subordinate Officers have to give Conditions and Articles, which you may find in the Twenty sixth Chapter of the Modern Art of War.

I know not whether Amilcar, Hannibals father dealt candidly when he Treated and Capitulated with Spendius and Antaritus, the Ring-leaders of the Carthaginian Amilcar tax­ed. revolted Mercenaries, and made it an Article that it should be in the power of the Senate of Carthage to chuse any ten of the Rebels they pleased, and to dis­pose of them as they thought good; and when this was agreed to, he immedi­ately seized on them two as two of these ten. Sure if they had thought they had been in that danger, they had never sign'd a paper tending so directly to their own destruction; and therefore that Article was sign'd against the intention of the Capitulators, and so perhaps was void in Law. Amilcar made also choice of the Ten himself, and not the Senate which was against the Letter of the Ca­pitulation. The Athenian General Paches had besieged Notium, and invitedAn execrable villany. Hippias (who was Commander in chief within the Town) to come out and speak with him, promising faithfully (if they did not agree at the Treaty) to send him back in safety, but did not tell him when. The foolish Governour came out, Paches immediately storms the secure City, takes it, and puts most that were within it to the sword, but would needs keep his word to Hippias, and therefore lends him back to the Town, where he was no sooner arrived but by order of the execrable Paches he is shot to death with Arrows. This treachery in seeking and laying hold on occasion to break Treaties and Articles was, is, and ever will be a monstrous crime crying to Heaven for vengeance. The Sons of Saul paid dear for their fathers breach to the Gibeonites, who with mouldy bread andJoshuah his Piety. clouted shooes had cunningly cheated Joshuah to treat with them, and give them conditions, which notwithstanding he resolved for his Oaths sake Religiously to observe.

But those examples of Spendius, and Antaritus of Carthage, and Hippias ofNo Comman­ders in chief should Parley in person. Notium, should teach all Generals and Commanders in chief of whatever qua­lity they are, whether in field or Town, not to parley in person; for if contrary to Parol, promise, faith, Oath, or Hostages, they be either kill'd or made Prison­ers; then the Army, Town, or Castle which they commanded, stand for a time amazed, which gives a fair opportunity to the deceitful enemy (who hath pre­par'd himself for it) to fall upon them, and put them in a fearful confusion, if not totally to rout them before they can recollect themselves. Julius Caesar, I confess, had an advantage in his personal parley in Spain, with Afranius and Petreius, be­cause by his presence, and the justifying his cause in his own excellent language, and his promises not only of fair quarter, but of entertainment, he debaucht most of their Army. But these very reasons which made his parley with them justifiable, render'd their meeting with him, in presence of the Soldiers of both Armies (which Caesar would needs have) altogether inexcusable. And indeed Pompey refused on good grounds all parley with Caesar at Dirrachium. But there was no such cause of Caesars Personal parley with Ariovistus King of Germany, at which I suppose he was made sensible of his error; for though he thought he had made the meeting cock-sure, on a little hill situated in the midst of a large [Page 144] Plain, (where no ambushes could be laid) and none were to approach that Plain, but himself and the barbarous King, each of them accompanied with tenCaesars danger by it. Horsemen, and he had made choice of ten of the gallantest of his Legionaries to be with himself all mounted on good Gallick Horses; but notwithstanding all these cautions, the Treaty and parley was broke of, not without visible signs of treachery. And the same Caesar gives a Caveat to all Commanders in chief, ei­ther of Armies, or parts of Armies, or of Cities, or Castles, not to parley in person, when he tells us the sad story how he lost one full Legion, and five Co­horts of another, by the simple folly of his Legate Sabinus, first in believing the Intelligence of Ambiorix a profest enemy; and next in going in person with hisHis great loss by it. principal Officers, to treat and parley with the same Ambiorix, upon the bare word or parol of a faithless Barbarian, by whom he and his Officers were imme­diately kill'd, and then their forces presently after put to the Sword. And take take here a perfidious trick of a Roman at a Parley. Comius a Gallick Prince had not been very faithful to Rome, Caesars Legate Labienus appoints one Volusenus to Parley with Comius; the Gaul having got the accustom'd assurances, came to the place where Volusenus (by order from Labienus) as out of friendship took him by the hand, but held it fast till one of his Centurions gave him a deepPerfidy of a Roman Legat. wound on the head; but it not proving mortal, Comius escaped, and swore thereafter never to trust a Roman. If Caesar had either cut off his Legates head, or (according to the Roman custom used in such cases) deliver'd him over to the incensed Gauls for this treacherous act, then the same Labienus had not after­ward perfidiously deserted himself, and run over to Pompey. Sempronius Gracchus being betray'd by his Host, left his command, and being Proconsul, went in person to Parley with some Carthaginians, from the result whereof he expectedGracchus kill'd at a Parley. Scipio the African que­stion'd for his Parley with Syphax. great matters, but he never return'd, for he was environ'd and kill'd with all his retinue. Scipio the African, though an accomplisht Captain, no doubt, for­got his duty when he left his charge in Spain, and went to Africk to treat with Syphax in the midst of an Army, and at that time accompanied by Asdrubal a profest enemy to the Roman name and Nation, having no assurance for his safety but the word of a Prince, whom Scipio himself accounted barbarous. And though he escaped that hazard, yet did he not escape the severe reproof of Great Fabius, who to his face, and in full Senate charged him with this inexcu­sable oversight in very rough and bitter language, as you may read in Livies Thirtieth Book. Nor do I look on the personal Parley between the same Scipio, and the famous Hannibal before their last Battel at Zama, but as an extrava­gant action of two such renowned Chieftains. The Enterviews of Kings and Soveraign Princes have seldom prov'd fortunate, or gain'd those advantages to either party that were expected. But this Discourse belongs to another Chapter.

To conclude, the apprehension of bad quarter, and the fear of the breach of Promises and Articles, and the suspicion of ill usage, hath made many refuseDesperate ways to pre­vent bad Quarter. all quarter, reject all Treaties, and distrust all Articles and Agreements, and by a voluntary death rid themselves from all fears and dangers, and rob their ene­mies of the glory of their Captivity. Thus Saul King of Israel desired his Ar­mour-bearer to kill him; and because he would not, he did it himself, that he might not fall into the hands of the uncircumcised. Thus Virius Vibius perswa­ded seventy Capuan Senators to sup with him, and every one of them to drink a draught of Poyson to shun the Rods and Axes of the Roman Conquerours. Thus the Great Hannibal poysoned himself, that the Treacherous King of Prussia might not deliver him into the hands of his implacable enemies the Romans. Thus Brutus and Cassius dispatched themselves, that they might not be grateful and welcome spectacles to Anthony and Octavius Caesar. Thus Cato made Ʋtica Victrix ca [...]sa Diis placuit, sed Victa Ca­toni. famous by pulling out his own Bowels, that he might not be beholding for his life to merciful Caesar. Thus Scapula to shun the same Caesars just resentment, for his sedition, caused a huge pile of burnt-wood to be heaped up, supped plentifully, took Nard, or Spikenard, and Rosin inwardly, and then com­manded a slave to kindle the fire, and to throw him in it, after his freed ser­vant had at his intreaty cut his Throat. Thus Mark Anthony and his beauti­ful and beloved Cleopatra, opened to themselves two several doors of death, that they might not assist at Augustus his Triumphal Entrance into Rome. Thus Vaodicea Queen of the Britons chose rather to poyson her self, than be the ob­ject [Page 145] of the Romans contempt, to whom in restoring to liberty her oppressed Country, she had done much mischief. What some others, who were not Heathens, have done like this in latter times, moved by the fearful examples of the calamities and inhumane usage of those who have been Prisoners of War before them, shall be spoken to in its own place.

CHAP. XXIV. Of the Military Punishments, and Rewards of the Romans, and other Ancients.

AS in all well order'd Commonwealths the Vertuous should be cherished, and the wicked chastised, so in Armies, (which both in Oeconomy and Policy, do not only represent, but are indeed either well or ill govern'd Re­publicks) those who in ancient times did signal services, were rewarded, and those who transgressed Military Laws were punished. And if Martial Animad­versionsMilitary Laws should be se­vere, and se­verely execu­ted. be more severe than the Civil ones, there is reason for it, because on the right or wrong managing the War, depends the safety or ruin of the State, and upon the least mistake of one Military order, may follow the loss of that Army, to which is intrusted the management of that War. The great Master of War, Caesar says, Fortuna quam in reliquis re [...]us, tum praecip [...]e in bello, parvi [...] momentis magnas commutationes efficit: ‘Fortune, saith he, as in other affairs, so more especially in War, makes inconsiderable accidents produce vast chan­ges and alterations.’

That which Lamachus in Plutarch says is now common, Non licet bis in bello peccare. In War one cannot do wrong twice; that is, in summa rei, in the prin­cipal points of War; as in the loss of an army, the ill Marshalling of it, the ill fighting a Battel, the loss of a considerable Town or Pass, by negligence, sloth, treachery, or cowardise. Vegetius in the Thirteenth Chapter of his first Book, says, Praliorum delicta emendationem non recipiunt. The errors committed in fighting Battels are not capable of amendment. And in the fifth Chapter of his Third Book he tells us, Siquidem nulla sit negligentia venia, ubi de salute certa­tur: ‘There is no pardon for a neglect, where men fight for the common safety.’

Now though it be an unquestionable truth, that when subjects do their Prince and Country service, they do but their duty; and when they do either of them disservice, or transgress Laws, they deserve punishment: yet it is as true, that men naturally are much encouraged to vertue, by seeing rewards liberally be­stow'd on those who are faithful and loyal, as they are frighted or terrified from vice by the punishments they see inflicted on the wicked and disloyal. I think it was no flash, but a remarkable saying of a Noble English General, who by anRewards en­courage as well as pu­nishments de­ter. exemplary hanging of some Plunderers in his Army, did encourage the Country Gentlemen to intreat him to hang some more for taking Geese and Hens, and yet they were making no great haste to bring in either meat or money for the entertainment of the Army: Nay, Gentlemen, (said the General) all hanging, and no money will not keep any Army together, a little hanging, and a little money will do better. And indeed it is so, all punishment, and no reward, proves but one support, instead of two to the continuance of either Commonwealth or Armies.

Many of the ancient Governours of Republicks, and Commanders of Ar­mies knew very well how to dispence both rewards and punishments. Some Na­tions whom both Greeks and Romans qualified with the title of Barbarous, were [Page 146] extreamly inhumane in their punishments. So we read that he who came last toSome ancient Nations inhu­mane in their punishments. the Rendezvouz of the ancient Gauls, was either cut in pieces, or thrown quick into a fire. And Caesar in his Seventh Book of the Gallick War, says, that for petty faults, Vercengent [...]rix caused noses, ears and hands to be cut off, and the eyes of Delinquents to be put out, and in that manner▪ sent them home to their friends; but for greater crimes he caused them to be burnt quick, or put them to death by some more lingring torture.

Though the Grecians were severe in their punishments, yet we find them not ordinarily cruel in them, their Animadversions being for most part rather Igno­minious than Capital. It is said of the Lacedemonians (from whom others had their breeding in the Military Art) that they punisht a Coward by clothing him in a Womans apparel, and making him stand every third day in their Markets, or other publick places, which was lookt on by men of spirit as worse than death. We find the ordinary death to which the Grecian Delinquents in ArmiesGrecian pu­nishments. were put, was that of stoning, which perhaps they learned from a more anci­ent people than themselves, the Israelites, it being a custom with them to take their Malefactors without the Camp, and there stone them to death. This pu­nishment was no new invented one in the time of Alexander, for Q. Curtius spea­king of the Conspiracy against the King, says, all that were named by Nicoma­chus, so soon as the sign was given, were stoned to death, More patrio, after the custom of the Country. Punishments of another sort were inflicted by the Great Alexander, after his great Soul began to deviate from the path of Vertue; such was his inhumane torturing to death the noble Phil [...]tas, perhaps with that same justice that he caused his father Parm [...]ni [...] to be murthered, whose Conduct had so much contributed to most of his Conquests.

I much wonder why Steuechius will reckon stoning to be a Roman punishment, for we find nothing of it so far as I know in History. He tells us, as he saith▪ out of Florus; he might have said out of Livius too, that Posthumius a Roman Gene­ral was kill'd with stones by his own Soldiers. But that which was done by a Mutinous Army to their Commander in chief, is not to be reckoned a punish­ment authorized by Law, for he confesseth it was done in a Mutiny, Seditione facta. I have spoken of this Mutiny in another place.

What punishments were legally inflicted on the Roman Officers and Soldiers,Roman pu­nishments. we are left to glean out of History, for Polybius speaks but of few, and Vegetius of none that I remember, except in the Fourteenth Chapter of his first Book, where he saith, the Tirones who either did not willingly learn their Exercises, or made no great proficiency in them, were fed with Barley instead of Wheat. But we find that manner of punishment imposed on the Veterans as well as the Novitiates, and for other faults. Livy in his Thirty seventh Book, says, that some Companies who had lost their Colours were appointed to be fed withFeeding with Barley. Barley. Polybius tells us that the Tribunes had power to Fine, to take Pledges, and to whip with Rods; and a Centurion had power to whip with Vines, for a twig of a Vine was his Badg, whereby he was known. Tacitus says, that one Lu­cilius a Centurion was nick nam'd, Cad [...] alter [...], because when he had brokeWhipping with Vines and Birches. one twig on the back of a Soldier, he called for a second, and a third. Ob­serve by the way that a Soldier might not resist his Centurion when he was chastising him, for if he but held the Rod, he was cashiered, and if he broke it, he died for it: and this will prove what I asserted in another place, that the Roman Centurions were sometimes Hangmen; yet in these days they were looked upon as such no more than Be [...]aja [...], Solomons Captain General, was thought a Hangman, for killing his Predecessor Joa [...], Adonijah, and Shimei, with his own hand, at his great Masters command. Scipio the Numantine, caused every Soldier to be whipt severely that went ever so little out of his rank, or fell behind; if he was a Roman Soldier he was whipt with Vine [...], if one of the Al­lies with Birches. The Tribunes, says Polybius, for neglect of Guards, had power to punish with death; but he adds, not without the Councel; but there is no doubt the Consul had power without advice or counsel of any whatsoever, to put any under his command to death, either for crimes forbidden by the Laws, Constitutions and Customs of their former Discipline, or for transgressing anyBeheading their own Sons. new Commands or Edicts. As Ma [...]lius struck the head from his own Son, for Com­bating with one of the Latines contrary to a late order; and for some such emer­gent [Page 147] transgression, some think Posthumius did as much to his Son, as I told you before. Caius Matienus for deserting his Army in Spain, was first cruelly whipped with Rods, and then sold for a slave in open Market for a piece of money, not worth an English Groat.

Desertion of a Post was death, but the punishment I last spoke of was worse than death. By their Law it was death to leave their Officers or Colours in the Field; to lose Arms, or go from their Guards, to commit theft, to bear falseCrimes pu­nisht alike by death. witness, or commit any one crime, how small so ever, three several times; yet this was not always, yea but seldom put in execution. Some Cohorts that were chaced into their Camp by the Tuscans, and with loss of their Colours, did not die for it, but were ordered only to lye without the Camp, without shelter of either Hut or Tent, till they recovered their reputation. Those that fled from Cannae were ordered by the Senate to be carried to Sicily, and to remain there till the end of the Punick War, though most of them had served out their time. At Canusium, Marcellus ordered those Maniples that had lost their Ensigns to be fed with Barley instead of Wheat, and the Centurions to have their swords taken from them, and turned out of the Camp.

Sodomy was a capital crime when publickly known. A young Soldier not on­lySodomy a capital crime. refused to suffer one of his Tribunes to abuse him, but in defending himself from force, killed the Tribune, and was acquitted by the Consul. The manner of death inflicted by the Romans on Criminals was ordinarily twofold, Behead­ing,Beheading af­ter severe whipping. Battoning o [...] Fustuarium. and Battoning, both very cruel as they made them, for heads were seldom struck off, but after a severe scourging with Rods. Battoning, or the Fustuarium, is thus described by Polybius in his Sixth Book, The party who was to suffer, was brought publickly, (he tells us not to what place of the Camp) and then the Tribune touched him with his Battoon, immediately after (he having liberty to run, as at our [...]atloupe) he was cudgel'd and fell'd to death by the Soldiers in any place of the Camp he fortun'd to come, and if he had the luck to escape, he was nothing the better for it, home he durst not go, none of his friends or ac­quaintances durst harbour him, and it was lawful for any man to kill him. Some­times the Delinquents were punisht after death, as much as man could punish,Punishment after death. for we read of some who after they had been cruelly whipped, and their heads cut off, had burial denied them, yea their friends were forbid to mourn for them. But though I confess that for giving terrour, horrid crimes deserve horrid punishments, yet I think the consideration of humane frailty should teach man to be shie in inflicting inhumane pains on the living, and be very sparing to meddle with the dead; for Savire in manes, is an assured token of a monstrously cruel nature.

Several transgressions were punished by diminishing the offenders wages, byLesser punish­ments. making them march with the Baggage, winter in the field, both out of Town and Camp, to dig Ditches, more than their Companions did, to stand a whole day before the Generals Pavilion, and sometimes with turfs on their heads; and as I observed before, it was no small punishment for a Horseman to have his Horse taken from him, and be made to serve on foot, and this was called Mi­litiae mutatio.

After the Emperours had invested themselves with the Soveraignty of Rome, many of them inflicted punishments, not pro ratione delicti, or according to the quality of the crime, but according to their own boundless power, more to satisfie their cruel and inhumane natures than to give Justice its due course. A­mong none of the most unjust you may reckon this, that the Emperour Alexan­der (who did well deserve the Sirname that was given him of Severus) hearing that a young Soldier had injured a poor old woman in spoiling her of some goods, disarmed him, declared him a slave, and gave him to the woman, that by his work and drudgery he might gain her a livelihood. But these I will speak of, had not so much of justice in them. Aurelian put one of his Soldiers to a horrible death for Adultery, by ca [...]sing his feet to be tyed to the tops of two Trees bran­ches, bowed down, which being let suddenly fly up, tore the woful wretch inAbominable cruelties. two pieces. The Emperour Macrinus caused a Tribune to be tyed (who had suf­fered his Guards to desert a Post) to the wheel of a Cart, and carried him so a days march. The same Monster of an Emperour being told that two Soldiers had deflowred their Hosts serving Maid, caused immediately the bellies of two [Page 148] Cows to be open'd, out of which the Tripes were taken, and then the Soldiers were sowed alive in them, but the heads of the Cows were cut off, that so the woful couple might speak one to another so long as their cruel agony suffered them to breath. The Emperour Avidius Cassius caused a Pole of the height of one hundred foot to be erected, and caused Delinquent Soldiers to be tyed all along to it from the top to the foot of it, and then set fire to the lowest part, in that manner consuming the miserable wretches with fire and smoke. In our Modern Discipline of War, there have been and are yet some Nations, who for the subtle inventions of atrocious punishments, need borrow nothing from the ancient Tyrants, having not only equalized, but far out-reach'd them, as shall be told you in its proper place.

To return to the ancient Romans before the times of the Emperours, when many were found guilty of one Capital crime, all were not put to death, but sometimes one of five, one of eight, for most part one of ten, as Polybius tells us in his Sixth Book; and this was called Decimation: he on whom the lot fell, diedDecimation. certainly by Battoning as the same Author in [...]orms us; the rest had some small punishment inflicted upon them, that so as the Historian says, there might be Poena ad paucos, terror ad omnes. This Decimation is used in the Modern Wars, the Soldiers casting the Dice, upon which one is hang'd, and the rest are some­times whipt, and sometimes pardon'd.

An Ignominious Dismission was also a Roman punishment, for with them there were four kinds of Cashiering or Dismission: The first was when Soldiers had served out their time appointed by Law, and this was called Justa missio, a Le­gal dismission. The second was for just and sufficient reasons, as when the partyDismissions. was lame, mutilated, or so infirm that he could not serve longer, and this they called Missio caussaria, an occasion'd dismission. The third was when a General or a Tribune (for sometimes he had the power to do it) gave a Soldier his Dis­mission out of grace and favour, and too often for money, and this was termed Missio gratuita. The fourth was, when men were put out of the Armies for crimes, and this they called Missio Ignominiosa, a shameful Dismission, by which C [...]sar used two of his Tribunes in Africk, Avienus and Fonteius, to which seve­rity they had too much provoked him.

The Ancients proposed and gave rewards to those who carried themselves signally and valorously in any Military occasion; and to invite them to these, the Harangues and publick Orations of their Generals contributed much. Agesilaus rewarded those who in their Drillings or Exercises carried themselves better than their Neighbours. The Athenians and several other Grecians gave GoldenGrecian Re­wards. Chains, and other testimonies of honour and respect to those who had done any notable explo it. And so did the Carthaginians as well as the Romans; for Livius saith in his Twenty third Book, that Hannibal at the siege of Canusu [...]m, offered a Mural Crown to him, who at the assault should first get to the top of the wall.

Though Polybius in his Sixth Book, speaks more largely of the Roman Re­wards,Roman Re­wards: than of their Punishments, yet he is not full enough in them. But in the first place (as indeed it deserves the first place) he tells us, that after the per­formance of any gallant action, the actors were publickly thanked and praisedThanks. by the General in a publick Harangue; and assuredly this commendation in such an Audience did not only hugely satisfie him or them, in whose praise it was spoke, but stirred up in others a vertuous emulation to do, or endeavour to do such things as might deserve the like honour. After thanks, saith our Author, the Consul gave a Spear, a Lance, or a Javelin to him who had overthrown an ene­mySpears. in a private Encounter or Combat, fighting man to man, for so he restricts the gift. And to him, says he, who had overcome and spoil'd an enemy, was given (if he were a Horseman) a Phalera, or some Caparison for a Horse; andCaparisons. if a Footman, a Dish, a Platter, or a Viol, for the Interpreter calls it Phiala, which Lipsius conjectures very rationally to be a mistake, and thinks it should be Armilla, Bracelets, for we read in severall Authors of these gifts, but not ofBracelets. the other.

It is strange that Polybius speaks not one word of Triumphs and Ovations, the first being the greatest reward of Valour and Conduct, both for the ho­nour, magnificence and quality of it, and the last next to it. I shall [Page 149] speak a little of both. The manner of the Triumph was, that he to whomTriumph▪ it was granted, was carried into the City in a Chariot richly accoutred, drawn ordinarily with white Steeds; and when the Romans had over-mastered Asia and Africk, with Lions, Tygers, and other wild beasts that were tamed. He was convoy'd by his Army, who follow'd the Chariot, singing Verses and Rhimes of their own making to the praise of the Triumphant. Upon his head he wore a garland of Laurel, the Symbol of Victory; the Soldiers and people cried with loud acclamations, Io Triumphe. Before him were carried the rich Spoils, Money and Gold, coined or uncoined, destined for the publick Trea­sury. At first the Triumphs were granted by the Senate, thereafter by the peo­ple,By whom granted▪ and then resumed by the Senate, and sometimes the Consuls Triumphed in spite of both Senate and people; which might have taught them to fear that some time or other that hodg podg of their State divided between Senate and Commons would be eaten up by some daring Consul. Livy in his Fourth Book says, that Triumphs were only granted to Dictators and Consuls; and yet inTo whom granted. his Twenty eight Book he tells us, that Scipio the African had the most magni­ficent Triumph that ever was seen in Rome, and he was but Proconsul; and in­deed after him, Proconsuls, Praetors a [...]d Propraetors had Triumphs granted them. In that same place he tells us of the Conditions on which a Triumph was granted, which were these, He must have kill'd five thousand Enemies at least, won much spoil, and augmented the Roman Dominions and Estates. Yet the same Livy tells us in his Fortieth Book, that P. Cornelius, and M. Babius Tri­umphed over the Ligurians, who had yielded themselves without fighting; so here was Triumph without bloodshed. Triumphs were not granted to those who had prevail'd over a Roman Army; this render'd Casar odious to the Popu­lacy, because he would needs Triumph for his Victory in Spain over young P [...]m­pey; neither did that Invincible Captain out-live that Triumph six Months.

Ovations were granted to meaner persons, and for lesser Victories; he whoOvation▪ entered ovant, either went on foot, or on Horseback, but had not his Army to follow him, he carried a branch of Mirtle in his hand, and the people in their Acclamations cried, Ohe, or Oho; and by this it would seem it was Oha­ti [...], and not Ovatio; some think it had its denomination above, because the Vi­ctor Sacrificed a sheep. The Prisoners were led before the Triumphant Chariot, and so soon as it turned [...]owards the Capitol, they were taken to the place of execution, an [...] put to death; so you may be sure that all were not merry in that day of joy. This certainly was a most barbarous and inhumane custom, where­with the Enemy of Mankind inspir'd that Warlike Nation. Chains of GoldChains of Gold. were likewise given to deserving persons by most of the Ancients, and were looked upon as rewards proper to Militaty persons, as in some places they are used yet.

To him, saith Polybius, who first mounted to the Wall of an assaulted City, was given a Crown of Gold, as also to him who saved a Roman Citizen, or Ally from being kill'd by an enemy, upon whom the party who was saved, was obli­ged to look as his Saviour, and was compell'd to set the Crown on his head if he did not do it willingly. The first Crown was called Corona Muralis, or a Wall-Crown;Mural Crown▪ Citizen-Crown. the second, Corona Civica, or the Citizen-Crown. This is all that we have from Polybius of Rewards, except that he tells us that those who re­ceived these gifts when they returned to Rome, might make shew of them at so­lemn Games and Assemblies, which indeed was no small honour for them, since none were permitted to wear them, but those who had deserved them; and these badges of honour they had liberty to place at the posts of the doors of their houses, or in the most conspicuous places of their dwellings, to be seen by all who past by, or came in to visit them, In conspectissima adium parte, saith our Author.

But I find in other stories that the Crown which was given to him who sav'd a Roman, was of Oak, it may be the Golden one was given to him who saved aOake [...] Crown. Citizen without the death of the enemy, and the Oaken Crown to him who both saved him and kill'd the enemy, who had endanger'd the Roman. A Crown of Gold was given to him who first entered the enemies Camp, and was calledCampal Crown. Naval-Crown. Corona Castrensis. A Crown of Gold was given to him who in a Naval Battel first entered an enemies Ship, and was called Corona Navalis. A Crown of Gold [Page 150] was given to any Commander for doing any gallant piece of service. An Olive-CrownOlive-Crown. was given to him who carried himself eminently in Battel. But the most honourable Crown of all was the Obsidional one, which was given to him whoObsidional Crown. succoured, or relieved a besieged City, Castle, or Camp; for if he who saved one Citizens life deserved a Crown, much more he who saved a City, wherein the lives of so many Citizens were concerned. This Crown of relieving the bes [...]eged was of grass or flowers, because in these times it was a custom, that these who were vanquished and reduced to obedience, presented their Conque­rours with grass, herbs, or flowers. Neither do I think it was bad policy (be­sides the humanity of it) after the loss of a Battel, or some other disaster, to comfort the Soldiers, by laying the blame on fortune, some mistake, or acci­dent, imputing no blame to the Soldiers, thereby encouraging them to wipe away the stain of their mishap by some gallant and glorious atchievement. ThisTo comfort the Van­quish'd. was excellently practised by C [...]sar after his Army was bafled at the storm of Pompeys Camp; and to the proposal of rewards to those who fought well, and comfort to those who were overcome, doth Virgil allude in the fifth of his Aeneids:

Thus you see the Romans at best were severe enough in their punishments, and in their rewards frugal, many times exorbitant in the first, and Parsimoni­o [...]s in the second; yet as the Proverb goes, Better half a loaf than no bre [...]d: Better small rewards than no rewards at all.

CHAP. XXV. Polybius his Comparison of the Macedonian Phalanx, and the Roman Legion, review'd.

IT is a common saying, he who wins, plays best; yet it is not universally true, for very often the expertest Gamesters are losers, and so we find in a [...] ages that great Captains, and well train'd Armies, have not always been victorious: yet I am not of the opinion that the success of the Roman Armies under the Conduct of Flaminius and Aemilius, against the two Macedoni [...]n Kings, Philip and Perseus, moved Polybius to give the Palm and Garland to the Legion, when he compared it with the Phalange towards the end of the Seven­teenth Book of his excellent History; for to attribute either the justness of a cause, or yet the good or bad order of an Army to contingent events, were toCareat succes­sibus opt [...], Quisquis ab eventu facta notand [...] [...]. stint the power of Heaven, (which both the Author and all Pagans then did ac­knowledg to be in their gods) and leave nothing to that Eternal Providence which we adore▪ by the direction whereof the actions of Mortals are govern'd, and is in nothing more visible than in the successes and rou [...] of Ar [...]es. And therefore the Soveraign Lord of the World takes to himself the Title of Lord of Hosts, the smallest and most inconsiderable accidents in War, (which are all appointed by the finger of the Almighty) being able to produce most unexpect­ed changes, as Caesar well observed. There hath been therefore other reasons [Page 151] that mov'd so rational and judicious an Author as Polybius was both famed and known to be, to prefer the Legion to the Phalange; other reasons▪ I say, than success, and if I guess right at his meaning, you may take them to be these which follow, in his observation of the advantages and disadvantages of both.

The Phalanx being compos'd of sixteen Ranks, and of one thousand twentyFirst advan­tage of the Phalange. four Files of lusty well armed men, and at its closest Order or Constipation, so long as it is able to preserve its [...]orce, it bears down all before it, for at that posture every Combatant takes up but one foot and a half of ground; and suppose their Pikes but eighteen foot long (whereas the Sarissas were twenty one of length) you may easily compute the points of the fifth Rank (or if you will of the sixth Rank) to extend three foot before the first Rank, of all which I have spoken enough in my Discourses of the Gracian Militia. Now though all the Ranks behind the sixth are useless as to the presenting their Pikes, or wounding an Enemy, yet by the weight and strength of their Bo­dies they assist the impression of the first six Ranks, help the charge to be more forcible, and take away all possibility from those that are before them, to turn their backs upon the Enemy. But this Phalange must have such aIts first disad­vantage. ground, that it may open and close at pleasure, and that ground must be plain and even, without the encumbrances of Woods, Trees, Bushes, Hedges, Ditches, Enclosures, rising Hills, and hollow grounds; for any of these is sufficient to disorder it in its parts, and that being once done, an Enemy with little or no danger, may enter at the void places of that great Body, when it is disjoyned, and Sword-men being once within the points of the Pikes, the Pike-men are a prey to them, especially to the Roman Legionaries, who besides short Swords, carried likewise▪ Semispath [...], which I English, Daggers▪ Now, saith Polybius, such a Champaign, such a Field, as we have described, not being to be found every where, the Phalange must of necessity stay where it hath me [...] with such a ground, and march from it, and accept of such as time, place, or occasion offers, as all Armies must do. If the first, then hath an Enemy free liberty to make himself Master of the Countrey, to be­siege and force Towns, and take all other manner of advantages. If the se­cond, and that the Field prove improper for the Phalange, then the Enemy takes the advantage of the ground▪ enters at the void places, and having so dis-array'd it, quickly overthrows it. Next Polybius grants, that the Phalange hath the advantage of the Legion in this, that three foot be­ingIts second ad­vantage. allowed between two Legionaries (whereof I have spoke in my discourse of Intervals) and but half so much to two Phalangites: When they are both to fight, it follows, that every Legionary had two Phalangites in front of him, and consequently twelve Pikes presented to him; for it is already granted, that the points of the Pikes of the sixth Rank might be extended before the first Rank; so by this account, there were twelve men against one, an advantage in nature irresistible. But on the other part, the Phalangites could not fight in Maniples, [...]ohorts, or small Bodies, for beingIts second dis­advantage. separated or divided, they were quickly broken. The Legionaries were so A [...]med and that they could fight any way, either in a great or small Body, or Man to Man, at any time, or in any place, let the incumbrances be what they will.

Let us resume all this, and say in one word Polybius prefers the Legion to the Phalange, because the essential propriety of the Phalange was to fight close together, and so long as it was able to keep so, it was able to bear down the Legion; but sure it could but seldome keep in one entire body, the Legion, by its order and constitution, being apt to fight in small or little Bodies, and to divide according to opportunities and emergencies, could readily enter at the void places of the Phalange, whether these were in the Van, Rear or Flanks, and overthrow it, as often it did.

I shall presume to add two other advantages that I think the Legion had ofA Legions third advan­tage over the Phalange. the Phalange, which Polybius hath not mentioned. The first: The Phalange fought all in one Body, the Legion in three Bodies successively, one after another; so that if the Has [...]a [...] charged briskly, they might put the great Body of the Phalange in some disorder; and they retiring, the Principes find­ing [Page 152] it in some discomposure, might disorder it so, that the Triarii coming fresh to the charge, might have a very cheap market of it.

The second advantage which I conceive the Legion had of the Phalange,A Legions fourth advan­t [...]ge. was in its larger Front, which I offer to make appear thus: The great Pha­lange consisted of sixteen thousand three hundred eighty four heavy armed, these marshall'd sixteen deep, and so their Front consisted of one thousand twen­ty four men, to whom you are to allow one thousand twenty four foot, for them to stand on, when they were to fight; they had no more but one foot and a half allow'd between Files, and therefore for one thousand twenty four Files, allow one thousand twenty three distances, and for these fifteen hundred thirty four foot and a half, add these, the aggregate is two thousand five hun­dred fifty eight foot and a half; thus much ground, and no more, did the Phalange take up in its Longitude, when it was to fight. The Legion was composed of three Bodies, who were marshall'd one behind another: The Hastati had the first Batallion, and were divided into ten Maniples, in every one of which were one hundred and twenty men, these were marshall'd ten deep, and so each Maniple was twelve men in Front, for whom allow twelve foot to stand on, and, as both Polybius and Vegetius do, allow three foot between Files, twelve Files have eleven distances, and for them you must have thirty three foot, add thirty three to twelve, makes forty five; so much ground did eve­ry Maniple possess in Front: [...]n every Batallion were ten Maniples, multi­ply then forty five by ten, the product will be four hundred and fifty. You may remember that I have elsewhere demonstrated, that these ten Maniples had nine Intervals, and every Interval must have as much ground allowed to it as the Maniple, that was forty five foot; multiply forty five by nine, the product is four hundred and five, add four hundred and five to four hun­dred and fifty, the aggregate is eight hundred fifty five foot; and so much ground did the Hast [...]ati of one Legion possess. In a Consular Army there were four Legions, then you are to multiply eight hundred fifty five by four, and the product will prove to be three thousand four hundred and twenty; and so much ground did the Hastati of a Consular Army take up in Front. Now here the Hastati are reckon'd to be but twelve hundred, the Legion ac­cording to Polybius being suppos'd to be but four thousand two hundred. But in Aemilius his Army against the Macedonian Phalanx, the Legions were of six thousand, whereof the Tri [...]rii (according to Polybius) being only six hundred, the Hastati and Principes must have consisted each of two thousand, and the Velites must have been fourteen hundred. And by this account, Aemilius his Hastati would have possest in Front above five thousand foot of ground; so it is clear, that the Hastati of the weakest Consular Army out­wing'd the Macedonian Phalange, and thereby was able to fall upon its Flanks; supposing still, which cannot he deny'd me, that the Roman Cavalry gave the Grecian Horse work enough; and they carrying short managable Arms, might easily disorder the Phalangites, being once enter'd within their great Body, so that the Principes and Triarii coming up fresh to the medley, would not find much difficulty to make that great bulk a prey▪ Observe likewise, if you consider the great Intervals of the Roman Maniples, all the Phalangites who in Battel met with these Intervals were useless, for they had no Enemy to fight with. These conjectures of mine I have presum'd to add to Polybius his weightier considerations.

But notwithstanding all that is said for the Legions advantage over theReasons why a Phalanx rightly or­der'd, had the advantage of a Legion. Phalange, I am bold (with submission to Polybius) to say, If the Phalange be order'd, as I spoke of in my Discourses of the Grecian Art of War, that is, not so deep as sixteen, and consequently of a larger Front, and thereby not so apt to be surrounded or out-wing'd, and with Reserves, I conceive, not only those conjectures of mine; but all Polybius his reasons will come to nothing, or signifie little. Neither indeed can I at all be perswaded to believe, that so soon as the Legionaries were enter'd at the void places within the Ranks of the Pha­lanx, that presently they were Masters of it; for though the points of those Pikes within which the Romans were come, were indeed useless, yet so were not the points of all those Pikes that were at a convenient distance from them; besides, I hope it will be granted, that a Legionaries offensive weapon, the [Page 153] Sword was no more servicable to him at that close fight, than the Sword of a Phalangite was to him that carried it; for it is not imaginable, that he was bound to keep his Pike longer in his hand than it was useful for him, nor his Sword in its sheath, longer than it was time to draw it, in defence of his life. And what I now speak of a Phalange not so deep as sixteen, and consequently of a greater Front, among the Grecians, and of Reserves, which the Romans call'd Subsidia, is no vain speculation of mine; for I have formerly demon­strated the truth of it out of good Authors, though I confess, I am convinced such Phalanges were not at Cinecephala, where Q. Flaminius beat Philip the Fa­ther, nor at Pidna, where L. Aemilius beat Perseus the Son, both Kings of Macedon.

To confirm my opinion that the Legion by its constitution, had no advan­tageRoman Army beat by Xan­tippus a Gre­cian, over a Phalange rightly order'd, I shall use the authority of Polybius against Polybius; for he in his first Book relates to us, how the Carthaginians in the first Punick War were brought so low, that they were ready to accept any reasonable conditions of Peace, till they gave the command of their forces to Zantippus, a Lacedaemonian, that had come out of Greece with some mercenary Laconians, and was one of those, who in this age are called Souldi­ers of Fortune, who making use of the Grecian Rules, which he had learn'd in his own Countrey, marshall'd the Carthaginian Army in several Bodies of Horse and Foot, each to second another; adding the help of his Elephants, and chusing the most Champaign grounds he could, extended his Front to so great a length, that the Romans using their accustom'd order, were out­wing'd, surrounded, and totally routed by him; and the Consul, Attilius Re­gulus, with five hundred more Romans, were led Captive into Carthage. Here Xantippus meerly by the Grecian Art of War, worsted the Romans, who made use of their own Art.

But I will go a greater length, may not we imagine, that Amilcar in the And by Amil­car and Han­nibal, who fol­lowed Xan­tippus his Art, pursuance of that first Punick War, and his Son Hannibal in the beginning of the second, imitated Xantippus, and manag'd the War according to that pattern he had left behind him? I suppose we may believe it. If this do not prove that the difference between the Grecian and Roman Art of War did not always make the one Nation victorious over the other, then take more Instances.

Pyrrhus King of Epirus, at his first coming into Italy with a Grecian Army,And by Pyr­rhus. Grecian Arms, and Art of War, did beat the Romans in Battel, so did he the second time. A fancy took him to arm his Souldiers after the Roman fashi­on, and then he was beaten by the Romans. Hannibal, when he came first to Italy, beat the Romans in set Battel, and I believe with these kind of Arms, and that order of War which Xantippus used in Africk, and consequently Grecian. But Polybius tells us in his seventeenth Book, that the same Hannibal To what Po­lybius attri­butes Victory. armed all his Carthaginians after the Roman manner, no doubt, with those Arms that he had taken from them; now as he had beaten them formerly with Carthaginian and Grecian Arms, so he beat them frequently afterward with Roman Arms. Therefore this noble Historian in that place doth not attribute Hannibals Victories to any advantage his Souldiers had, either in Arms or Art over the Romans, but to his own singular Prudence, his Cou­rage and Conduct, and extraordinary Qualifications, and to use Polybius his own expression, His Capital Engine. But when, saith he, a Roman General, equal in abilities to him, came to command the Roman Armies, then Victory flew from Hannibal over to Scipio. But let us ask the question, Why so? Since both Captains were equal in Valour and Conduct, and if there was any odds, the Carthaginian no question, had it, because of his long experience, and almost matchless policy in feats of Arms, and that there was but little difference in their Arms, or manner of Militia. Here Polybius is at a stand, and gives no reason for it, but that Fortune would have it so. What Fortune was to him, that is Providence to us. He was ignorant of what the wisestEccles. Ch. 3. and Ch. 9. of men said long before the foundation of Rome was laid, That there is a time for every purpose under Heaven, a time to kill, and a time to heal, a time to gain, and a time to lose. And in another place, That the race is not to the swift, nor the battel to the strong, nor favour to the men of skill▪ but time and chance happeneth to [Page 154] them all. And indeed that happeneth to all, and to every one, what the eter­nal hath ordain'd for them. Nor did Polybius know what was reveal'd to Ne­buchadnezzar in that dream which Daniel interpreted to him; that the Persi­ans Daniel Ch. 2. should subdue the Assyrians, the Grecians should ruine the Persians, and the Romans should put a period to the Macedonian Monarchy. There was no stop to be made to the current of the Victories of the Romans whom the Al­mighty had pre-ordain'd to become Masters of the World. That there is such an All-ruling Providence was not unknown to the wiser Heathens, though they, being in a mist, did not see with so clear eyes, as we who are illumi­nated by the brighter rays of Gods own word; and for all that, I think few Divines can express in fewer words the omnipotency and unbounded power of the most high, than a Pagan Poet did, when he wrote,

If Polybius had liv'd in our days, he might have seen the hand of Heaven distri­buting Victory (to speak with reverence and submission to the Almighties plea­sure) more partially, than he either heard it was awarded in the Hannibalian, or saw it given in the third Punick War: of the first whereof he writes, when he falls upon this discourse with us, He might have seen men of one Nation, arm'd alike, following one and the same method of War, and for any thing I know, of equal Courage, both parties inflam'd, the one with Loy­al zeal, the other with rebellious rage, acting their parts very highly on the bloody stage of War: he might have seen, I say, the best of Soveraign KingsKing Charles the First. lose his Crown and Life, and have his head chopp'd off with an Ax, when the worst of Subjects and greatest of Rebels had his deck'd with Bays.

Or if Polybius had liv'd but one age longer than he did, he might have seen the Roman Legions, (which he so much commends) cutting one anothers Throats, all Countrey-men, all men of equal Courage and Conduct, arm'd alike, using one and the same Art and Discipline of War, embruing their hands in one anothers blood; and those who fought for the State and Liberty of their Countrey, overthrown, kill'd, murther'd, and massacred, and their Ene­mies almost ador'd for their success in a bad cause: and he might have either seen or heard of Pompeys Head ignominiously struck off, and Caesars crown'dCaesar and Pompey. with Laurels.

And if Polybius had been an eye-witness of the prodigious success Gustavus Adolphus the Great King of Sweden had in Germany in the year 1630. when he invaded the Roman Empire, and how he took Cities, Forts and Castles, moreEmperour Ferdinand the Second, for their number, and more considerable for their Strength, Beauty, and Riches, in the space of six months; and made a greater progress in his Con­quests in less than two years time, than Hannibal did in Italy the whole eighteen years he stay'd in it: If, I say, he had seen this, he had never attributed Victory to the goodness of Arms, the cunning of the Art or exactness of the Discipline of War, for he would have seen the Emperour Ferdinand the Seconds Generals, wise,And his Ge­nerals. couragious, experienced, vigilant as well, and as much as either the King himself, or any of his great Captains. Besides, both Wallenstein Duke of Friedland, and Count Tili, had that which Polybius himself requires in a General, that was, they were fortunate: Their great Victories over the Kings of Bohemia and Denmark, Bethlem Gabor, the Duke of Brunswick, the Marquesses of Baden and Durlach, and the famous Earl of Mansfield, being yet fresh in memory. And if Polybius had seen any disparity of Arms, or Armour, or of Horses, either for their number or their goodness, in this German War, he had seen the Emperours Armies have the odds by much; neither was the difference of the manner of their War, or Ratio Belli, so considerable, as to cast the Scales so far, as that Martial King did in so short a time. Nor was Hannibals discent into Italy with few more than twenty thousand men, more hazardous than the Kings landing in Germany with eight or ten thousand at most, was justly thought to be. What was it then, would [Page 155] Polybius have said, that carried Victory (whose wings Ferdinands Generals and Armies thought they had clipp'd) over to the Sweed, what else but the hand of the Almighty, who when that Emperour was very fair to have reduced Ger­many to an absolute Monarchy, said to him and the whole house of Austria, Non plus ultra, Go no further.

Titus Livius had read without all question, this comparison of Polybius, Another comparison of Titus Livi­us, whereof I have spoken enough, and it may be, hath taken from it a hint to start another question, which is this: If the great Alexander after his return from India, and his subduing so many Nations in little more than ten years time, had made a step over to Italy, what the issue of the War between himVoided by himself. and the Romans would have been? And gives his Sentence, that infallibly his Countrey men would have beaten that Great Conquerour. Paola Paruta, aParuta not sa­tisfied with Livius, Noble Venetian, and a Procurator of St. Mark, refutes Livius his arguments, and concludes, that the Macedonian would have over-master'd the Romans. But in steps a third, an Author of no small reputation, the renown'd Sir Walter Raleigh, Nor Sir Wal­ter Raleigh. who will give the prize to neither Macedonian nor Roman, but to his own English. It will not be denied, but the English Nation did admirable feats in France (which was indeed the Stage on which Caesar acted his most martial ex­ploits) under Edward the Third, King of England, and his Son the Black Prince, as also under Henry the Fifth while he liv'd, and after his death, under his Valiant Brothers. But Paruta refutes Livius, yet I have seen none that opposeth Sir Walter, and I am sure I shall not, because I am not so much beholding to the Grecians and Romans, as to the English. But those who are curious to read the reasons of all the three, may find those of Livy in his ninth Book of his first Decad; those of Paruta in the second Chapter of his Political Discourses; and those of Raleigh in the first Chapter of the fifth Book of the first part of his History of the World.

But to return to Livy's question, I shall tell my opinion, and that is lawfulStrong pre­sumptions a­gainst Livius his opinion. enough for me to do, and it is this: Since Hannibal, as Polybius confesseth, carried not much above twenty thousand men over the Alps, of all that great Army that he brought out of Spain, and with them durst invade the Roman Seignories in Italy it self, when Rome was Mistress of Sicily and Sardinia, and of the Sea too; when Hannibal, I say, notwithstanding the Roman power, and all the obstructions that Hanno and his party made against him within Carthage, durst fight, and did beat the Romans so often, that if he had pursued one of his Victories, he had gone fair to have set up his Trophies in the Capitol. When with such a stock Hannibal could do so great things, I think, in all hu­mane probability, Alexander, who was master of the best and richest places of the World, who was an absolute Soveraign Monarch (and so not liable or accountable to a Senate) not in fear or jealousie of any Competitor, a great and an experienced Warriour, of an Invincible Courage, Master of prodi­gious Forces both at Sea and Land, his power almost boundless, and yet his Ambition more unlimited than his Power; If he, I say, had enter'd Italy, and invaded the Roman State (then but in its Infancy, and shouldering for more room with its neighbour Cities) he had made it submit to his uncontrol­lable pleasure, or drown'd the very Roman name in the pit of eternal Oblivion.