COLLECTIONS OF TRAVE …

COLLECTIONS OF TRAVELS THROUGH TURKY into PERSIA, and the EAST-INDIES.

Giving an Account of the Present State of those Countries.

AS ALSO A Full RELATION of the Five Years WARS, between Aureng-Zebe and his Brothers in their Father's Life-time, about the Succession. And a Voyage made by the Great Mogul (Aureng-Zebe) with his Army from Dehli to Lahor, from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, by the Mogols, call'd, The Pa­radise of the Indies.

TOGETHER With a Relation of the Kingdom of JAPAN and TUNKIN, and of their particular Manners and Trade.

To which is added A New Description of the GRAND SEIGNIOR'S SERAGLIO, And also of all the Kingdoms that encompass the Euxine and Caspian Seas.

BEING The Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER BERNIER, and other great Men: Adorned with many Copper Plates.

The First Volume.

LONDON, Printed for Moses Pitt at the Angel in St. Pauls Church-yard.

M. DC. LXXXIV.

THE DESIGN OF THE AUTHOR.
Where he gives a brief Relation of his first Travels through the best parts of Europe as far as Constantinople.

IF the effect of Education may be liken'd to a second Birth, I may truly say, that I came into the World with a desire to travel. The daily discourses which se­veral Learned men had with my Father upon Geogra­phical subjects, which my Father had the reputation of understanding very well, and to which, though ver [...] young, I was with much delight attentive, inspir'd [...] betimes with a design to see some part of those Countries, which were repre­sented to me in the Maps, from which I never could keep off my Eyes. By two and twenty years of Age, therefore I had seen the fairest Regions of Europe, France, England, the Low Countries, Germany, Switzerland, Poland, Hungary and Italy; and I speak indifferently well the Languages most necessary and most generally spoken.

My first sally was into England, where at that time Reigned King James; from thence I pass'd into Flanders to see Antwerp, my Father's Native Country, and so into the Low Countries, where my inclination to travel became the stronger, by reason of the great Concourse of Stran­gers which I met at Amsterdam, that crouded thither from all parts o the World.

Having seen what was most considerable in the united Provinces, I pass'd into Germany, and when I came to Norimbergh, by the way of Frankfort and Auspurgh, the noise of the Armies that were marching into Bohemia to retake Prague, instill'd into me a desire to go to the Wars, where I might learn something that might be useful to me in the series of my travels. I was not above a days journey from Norimbergh, when I met a Colonel of Horse, whose name was Hans Brener▪ the Son of Philip Brener, Governour of Vienna, who engag'd me to follow him into Bohemia. Sometime after I bore the same Colonel company to Vienna, who presented me to the Governour of Raab, his Uncle, then Viceroy of Hungary also; who receiv'd me into his Family as one of his Pages. For it is a usual thing in Germany for Gentlemen's Sons to serve in that quality 'till five and twenty years of age, and seldom to quit that fervice, till they have a Commission for a Cornet, or Ensign's place. Four years and a half I serv'd the Viceroy, when the Prince of Mantua came to Vienna, to engage the perour in certain [Page] designs of his own without success. At that time the Count of Arc, whose Sister the Viceroy had Marry'd, was chief Minister to the Prince of Mantua; and coming to visit the Viceroy at Javarin, I was ap­pointed to attend him during his stay there. Upon his departure, he told the Viceroy, that the Prince of Mantua had no person about him that understood the Language, and that therefore he might be sure that the Prince would take it for a great kindness, to permit me to attend his person during his stay at the Emperours Court. This was a thing easily granted to the Count of Arc; who thereupon carri'd one along with him to Vienna, where having had the good fortune not to displease the Prince, he testify'd to me at his departure, that he should be glad to see me at Mantua, where he would not forget the services▪ I had done him. This presently infus'd into me a desire of seeing Italy, espe­cially upon the opportunity that offer'd it self not long after.

For Monsieur de Sabran, the King of France's Envoy to his Impe­rial Majesty, being to go for Venice, and desirous of one that under­stood the German Language to bear him company, I laid hold of the occasion; so that in eight days we got to Venice. While we stay'd at Venice, I took a view to my great satisfaction, of that most Celebra­ted City, and in regard it is in many things like to Amsterdam, as in Situation, Greatness, Magnificence, Commerce, and Concourse of Strangers, my being there did but still reinforce my inclination to [...]vel.

From Venice I went to Mantua with Monsieur de Sabran, where the rince being glad to see me again, gave me my choice of an Ensign, [...]r of a place in the Company of the Ordonnance of the Duke his Father. accepted the latter as being glad to be under the Command of the [...]on [...]de de Guiche, who was then Captain. At the Siege of Mantua I had [...]ike to have been slain, but for the goodness of a Cuirafs which I had chosen out of the Princes Magazin, being hit with two Bullets above and upon the left pap, which had enter'd, had not my Arms been excel­lent proof: So that after I was recover'd of my Bruises, a longer stay it Mantua did not agree with my desire to travel.

Therefore some time after the Siege was rais'd, I took leave of the rince, who gave me an honourable Pass, by vertue whereof five or six [...]orse-men bore me company back to Venice. From Venice I went to Lauretta, from Lauretta to Rome, from Rome to Naples, from whence returning to Rome again, I staid there ten or twelve dayes. After that I went to see Florence, Pisa, Ligorn, and Genoa, from whence I Embark'd for Marseilles.

From Marseilles I hasted to Paris, where I could not stay long; for being desirous to see Poland, I pass'd once more into Germany through Switzerland, after I had tak'n a survey of the principal Towns of the Can [...]ons. I went by the Rhine by Water, to visit Strasburgh and Brisack; then [...]e by Land crossing Suabia, I pass'd through Ʋlme and Auspurgh to go to Munich. There I saw the Magnificent Palace of the Dukes of Bavaria, which William the fifth began, and which Maximilian his Son finish'd▪ in the heat of the Wars that troubl'd the Empire. From thence I went the second time to Norimbergh, and Prague, and leaving Bohemia I enter'd [...] Silesia, and pass'd the Oder at Breslaw. From Breslaw I went to [...] one of the greatest Cities of Europe, [...]or [...] of three Cities, the ancient Seat of the King [Page] of Poland. From thence, keeping the Vistula upon the left hand, I went to Warsaw and saw there the Court of King Sigismund, which is a noble and splendid Habitation.

From Warsaw I return'd to Breslaw, taking the Road toward the Lower Silesia, designing to visit one of the principal Officers of the Emperours Houshold, who was my particular acquaintance. But about two Leagues from Glogaw, meeting with Colonel Butler, a Scotch Gentle­man, Colonel of one of the Emperours Regiment of Horse, who afterwards kill'd Walesteyne in pursuance of the Orders he receiv'd, I gave over my first intended journey. His Wife was a great lover of the French, so that benig earnestly oblig'd by both together, I could not withstand the testimonies of their kindness. There I understood that the Emperour was going to Ratisbone with his Son Ferdinand the Third, to Crown him King of the Romans; so that I, who had seen the Coronations of the Kings of Hungary and Bohemia, being so desirous to see the third Solemnity also, took leave of my Colonel, and hasted to Ratisbone.

At that time arriv'd to Ratisbone several Jewellers, one of which came to his end by an accident so tragical, that all the whole Court pity'd his untimely fate. He was the only Son of one of the richest Merchants of Europe, that liv'd in Frankfort, whose Father had sent him with Jewels to sell at the Coronation. For fear of being Robb'd he had convey'd them before into the hands of a Jew, in Ratisbone, his Correspondent, to be deliver'd to his Son at his coming. This young man arriving at Ratisbone, went to the Jew, who told him that he had receiv'd a small Casket of Jewels from his Father, which he might take away, when he pleas'd. At the same time the Jew invited the young man to drink, and carry'd him to a publick House upon the Key of the City, where they continu'd 'till about an hour after day was shut in. At this time, both going out together, the Jew led the young man through a private Street where poor people pass'd by, and there having stab'd him five or six times in the Belly with a Dagger, left him wallowing in his Blood. A while after, one of the Emperour's Trumpets going that way in the dark, stumbl'd at the Legs of the unfortunate youth, who still breath'd, and fell upon his Body. At first feeling his hands wet: he thought it had been some drunken fellow that had eas'd his stomach; but upon second thoughts imagining it might be some wounded person, he ran and call'd the Officers, who coming with Lanthorns, beheld the tragick spectacle of a youngm man weltring in his own gore. Thereupon the Officers carrying the Body to the same publick-house, as being next at hand, his face was no sooner wash'd, but the Woman and Maid of the House knew him to be the same young man that had been there drinking with the Jew not long before. But as for the young man he presently expir'd, without being able to make the least discovery. However the Jew was seized that evening, and being seiz'd, confess'd the Crime. The Imperial Laws ordain, that a Jew for killing a Christian should be hung upon a Gibbet by the Heels, and that two fierce Dogs should be hung by him in the same manner to the end, that the Dogs in their madness should tear out his Bowels. But the Jew made such presents to the Empress that the Sentence was chang'd, though the punishment was not much less rigorous. For his flesh was torn with red hot Pincers from several [Page] parts of his body, in several Streets of the City, and boyling Lead pour'd into the raw wounds; after which he was broken alive upon the wheel, at the publick place of Execution.

Being upon my departure from Ratisbone, I met with Father Joseph, Resident there for the King of France, who knowing me in Paris, pro­pos'd to me to go along with the Monsieur, the Abbot of Chapes, Bro­ther of the Marshal de Aumont, and Monsieur St. Liebau, who were then intending for Constantinople, and so for Palestine. I lik'd the propo­sition well, and immediately put my self into the Society of those two Gentlemen, from whom I never separated 'till they departed for Syria from Constantinople.

But before we left Germany, we resolv'd to see the Court of Savony, whither we got in a few days, By the way we pass'd through Frey­bergh, a small City, but well worth seeing, for the beauty of the Electors Tombs, and most splendid and magnificent both for Materials and Workmanship in all Europe. From thence we went and view'd the stately Castle of Augustburgh, seated upon a high Mountain, where­in among other things there is a great Hall, adorn'd from top to bot­tom with nothing but Horns fasten'd to the Wall; among the rest is the Head of a Hare with two Horns, sent the Elector by the King of Denmark for a great Rarity. In one of the Courts of the Palace stands a Tree so large in Body, and spreading out the Branches at so wide a distance, that they will cover three hundred sixty five Tables with their shade. And that which makes this Tree more wonderfull is, that it is only▪ Birch, that rarely grows to that Immensity.

Dresde is the Residence of the Elector, a little City, but a very neat one, and well fortify'd; with a Stone a Bridge over the Elbe, that parts the Old and New Town. The Palace is one of the largest and fairest in Germany. But it wants a Piazza before it, the Principal Gate stan­ding just at the bottom of a narrow Lane.

From Dresde we went to Prague, which was a third time that I saw that great and fair City, or rather three Cities together, only sapara­ted by the Molda, that throws it self into the Elbe, some five or six Leagues below.

Having travers'd Bohemia, and touch'd upon the corner of Moravia, we enter'd Austria, and came to Vienna, resolving there to Embark with all speed, because the Winter came on.

We stay'd one day at Presburgh to see the great Church, and some Relicks which they shew'd us, and from thence fell down to Altenburgh.

Altenburgh is a City and Province belonging to the Count of Arach. It was the Childs part of one of the Queens of Hungary, who upon her death-bed bequeathed it to one of the Lords of her Court, upon condition that he and his Successors should always keep such a number of Peacocks; for defect whereof, the Territory should revert to the Crown.

T [...]ence we came to Signet, from whence I took a little Boat and hasted to Raab, where I did my Devoirs to the Viceroy, who was glad to see me, and gave noble entertainment to the Messieurs de Chapes, and de St. Liebau. Here we staid eight or ten days for the Basha of Buda's Answer, whether he would give liberty to two French Gentlemen, to pass with their Train through his Garrison or no; which being return'd [Page] such as we could desire, we Embark'd at Comorra in a sort of Bigran­tines well fitted for defence and convenience.

From Vienna to Javarin we lay three dayes upon the water, by reason of the great turnings and winding of the Danaw. Leaving Javarin we lay at Comorra; and from Commorra we row'd to Buda in two days. For the Road by Land is seldom travell'd in regard that the Frontiers of both Empires are full of Thieves and Boothaylers. In fair weather you may go from Buda to Belgrade in less than eight dayes, but we were forc'd to stay longer upon the Water, in regard of the Cold wea­ther.

It is the custom in Hungary, that in all Roads little frequented by Strangers, not to take any Money of the Travellers; For the Burghers lodge and entertain them civilly, for which the Burgo Master at the years end repays them out of the publick stock. But besides, that they are not troubl'd with many Passengers; Hungary, which is one of the best Countries in Europe, affords provision at so cheap a rate, that to Belgrade it costs us not above two Crowns a day for fourteen people.

Buda stands upon the right hand of the Danaw, about half an hours travelling from the River. The Basha being advis'd of our arrival, sent his Squire with led Horses, and several slaves in very good Live­ries to conduct us to the Town. And though we stay'd twelve days before we could speak with him, by reason of his being sick at that time, yet he allow'd us a fair provision of Mutton, Pullets, Rice, Butter, and Bread, and two Sequins a day for small expences. He was a comly person, and of a handsom carriage and at our depar­ture, he sent six Caleshes with two Spahi's to conduct us to Balgrade, with order to defray our expences, which would by no means be accepted,

Coming to Belgrade we found the Sangiai as rude, as we had found the Basha civil before. For he made a ridiculous demand of two hun­dred Ducats a Head, and for fifteen days prolong'd the contest. But at length I so terrify'd him, by threatning to send our Complaints to the Ottaman Port, of his ill usage of two Gentlemen, Kinsmen to the Ambassador of France, that he was contented with fifty Ducats for all. Belgrade is situated upon a point of Land, where two great Rivers, the Danaw and the Sava meet; and is furnished with Wine, Bread, and all sorts of Provisions at a cheap rate.

From Belgrade we took some saddle Horses, some Coaches for Adria­nople, as every one lik'd best. We pass'd through Sophia, a large and well peopl'd City, the Metropolis of the Ancient Bulgarians, and the residence of the Basha of Romeli. In it stands a fair Mosquee, which hath been a Christian Church, built with so much Art, that three men may go up to the top of the Steeple, and not see one ano­ther.

From Sophia we came to Philippoli, between which Town and Adri­anople we met with two Troops of Tartars well mounted. When they saw us, they made a Lane for us to pass through them, with a design most certainly to have fall'n upon us; since they could not hope to do any good upon us, but by surprize and number; for they were ill provided of Weapons, and we rarely well well Arm'd. There­upon we alighted and Barricado'd up our selves with our Chariots. [Page] In the mean time we sent our Saphi's to the Commander of those Tartars, to tell them, we would not stir 'till they were gone, and that being Souldiers as they were, they could not hope for any booty from us. The Commander answer'd, that he had divided his men in that manner only to do us Honour; but since we desir'd they should be gone, they requested us but to send them a little Tobacco. A boon which we rea­dily granted them, and so we pass'd on.

We came to Adrianople the three and twentieth day after we par­ted from Belgrade. Adrianople takes its name from the Emperour Adri­an, being formerly call'd Orestes. It is pleasantly situated at the mouth of three Rivers that throw themselves into the Archipelago. The old Town is not very big, but the Turks dayly enlarge the Suburbs, be­ing a place which the Grand Signors very much delight in for the pleasures of Hunting and Hawking, especially, at the wild Duck and Heron.

The fifth day after we departed from Adrianople, and the forty second after we departed from Vienna, we happily arriv'd at Constan­tinople, and crossing through the City over to Galata, went to the Ambassador's House. While we stay'd there to winter, he made a small Voyage to the Dardanells, to the Ruins of Troy, where we be­held nothing but Stones, not worth the while of going so far to see. Another day we took three Barks and Sail'd to Calcedon, that lies upon the Sea. There is in it a very ancient Church; and they shew'd us the Room where the Council was held, with the same Chairs which were then made use of. Now it is only a Monestary, where two Bishops after they had shew'd us what they could, handsomly enter­tain'd us.

Then we went to view Pompey's Pillar at the mouth of the Black Sea. Concerning the Channel of which Sea, I must make one Ob­servation; that though there be no part of the Sea but has one Current, yet this has two quite contrary one to another. That part next to Europe carries the Vessel to the Black Sea; and that next Asia brings it back again to the Mediterranean. So that you have no more to do but to cross over from one Shore to the other.

The Winter being over, the two French Gentlemen pursu'd their Voyage for Alexandretta. But for my part, I having another design in my head, stay'd at Constantinople, in expectation of of a Caravan, which the people told me from Month to Month was coming. I was then ignorant, and did not understand that every year there were five or six Caravans that went from Bursa. Besides, that sometime eight or ten Merchants travelling together, might go safe to Ispahan. Which ignorence of mine made me stay longer than I intended. At length, after I had continu'd eleven Months in Constantinople, I de­parted with a fair and numerous Caravan for Ispahan, which was the first time I travell'd into Asia. After that I made five others, wherein, I had time better to understand the Qualities of the Countries, and the Genius of the People. The three last times I went beyond Gau­ges, to the Island of Java; so that for the space of sorty years, I have travell'd above sixty thousand Leagues by Land; never retur­ning but once into Europe by Sea. And thus in my six Voyages, and by travelling different Roads, I had the leisure and opportunity [Page] to see all Turky, all Persia, and all India, particularly the famous Diamond Mines, where no European had been before me. Of these three great Empires therefore have I resolv'd to make an ample and exact Description: and I will begin with the several Roads which may be ta­ken from Paris into Persia.

Place the CUTS as they are Paged.

PERSIAN Travels.

THe Spear, Pag. 13. Erivan, p. 15: Money of Persia, p. 51. Bag­dat, p 87. Comouchs, p. 129. Persian Seals, p. 178, 179. Gom­rom, p. 257. Candahar, p. 258. [9 Cuts.]

INDIAN Travels.

LArins, Money of the Great Mogul, of a King, and two Raja's Pag. 2, Pieces of Gold call'd Pagods, p. 5. Money of Beda, Pera, Achen. Siam, p. 7. China Money, p. 8. Japon Money, p. 9. Silver Ingots of Ja­pon, and representing the 12 Signs, p. 10. Portugals Muscovy, p. 13. Stones, Diamonds, p. 148. 2 Cuts more, p. 149. Balais Rubies, p. 150. Pearls, p. [...]50. Musk Cat, p. 153. Faquirs Tree, p. 166. Faquir, p. 167.

[14 Cuts.]

These Computations are made, supposing a French Crown to be in value Sterling 54 pence, or 4 s. 6 d. the reputed Par, and that 12 Deniers make a Sous, 20 Sous a Liver; whereof 3 make an Escu. By which Computation 10 Sous is in value 9 d. and 10 Deniers 3 q.

Persian Money.French.English.
  l.s.d.q.
A Bassi18 Sous, 6 Deniers001042 ⅗
3 Abassi's and 1 Chayet1 Ecu00406 
2 Mamoudi's1 Abassi001040 ⅕
2 Chayets1 Mamoudi000080 ⅕
Casbeké Simple5 Deniers, 1 Half-peny000012 41/100
Double Casbeké11 Deniers000030 81/100
Basti 12 Double Casbekés000061 74/100
Chayets 15 Double Casbekés000040 ⅕
1 Or5 Abassi's006111
1 Toman46 Livers, 1 Denier, ⅕ Piaster309000 9/25
Indian Money.French.English.
  l.s.d.q.
LArins 51 Ecu French, within 8 Sous003103 ⅕
Demi-Larins 10Half as much001111 ⅗
Roupy of Gold21 Livers11106 
Roupy of Gold30 Sous00203 
Pecha6 Deniers000001 ⅘
Half Roupy16 Sous001021 ⅗
Quarter of a Roupy7 Sous, 6 Deniers000063
PagodsDemi-Pistol (in Gold a Pistol is 11 Livers)00803 
Fano's 61 Ecu00406 
Cheda Money 1. 2.2 Sous000013 ⅕
Cheda 3. 4.4 Deniers000001 ⅕
Achen Gold16 Sous, 8 Deniers00103 
Macassar Gold23 Sous, 8 Deniers001091 ⅕
Camboya Silver4 Sous000032 ⅖
Siam Gold7 Livers, 1 Sous010063 ⅗
Siam Silver32 Sous, 4 Deniers002050 ⅖
Asem Silver23 Sous001082 ⅘
Tipoura Silver22 Sous001073 ⅕
Arakan Money21 Sous001063 ⅗
Pegu Silver20 Sous, 6 Deniers001061 ⅘
Gold Fanos 15.1 Real00404 
Asem Fanos 22.1 Ecu00406 
China Goltschut1350 Livers1010500 
China Silver pieces59 Sous, 8 Deniers004052 ⅘
Japon Gold▪ No 1.87 Livers, 10 Sous61103 
No. 2. 3.29 Livers, 31 Sous, 4 Deniers205101
Japon Silver▪pieces30 Sous00203 
Silver Ingots, No 1.24 Livers, 10 Sous11609 
2.8 Livers, 10 Sous, 7 Deniers012092 1/10
3.4 Livers, 5 Sous, 5 Deniers006043 ½
4.3 Livers, 10 Sous, 11 Deniers005033 3/10
5.3 Livers, 8 Sous, 8 Deniers005013 ⅕
6.1 Liver, 5 Sous, 1 Denier001102 3/10
7.1 Liver, 9 Deniers001062 7/10
8.16 Sous, 4 Deniers001022 ⅘
A Telle4 Livers, 5 Sous006042
Moscovy Gold20 Sous, 1 Denier, 1 Half-peny001060 [...]
Moscovy Silver1 Sous000003 ⅕

THE CONTENTS OF THE Persian Travels.

The First BOOK of Monsieur TAVERNER's Persian Travels. Of the several Roads from Paris to ▪spahan the chief City of Persia, through the Northern Provinces of Turky.

  • Chap. I. OF the Roads from France to the hither parts of Asia. and the places from whence they usually set out for Ispa­han. Pag. 1
  • Chap. II. Of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, which the Author kept in his first Travels into Persia. 3
  • Chap. III. A Continuation of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, from the Borders of Persia to Erivan. 10
  • Chap. IV. A continuation of the same Road from Erivan to Tauris. 15
  • Chap. V. A continuation of the Constantinopolitan Road from Tauris to Ispahan, through Ardeui and Casbin. 24
  • Chap. VI. The ordinary Road from Tauris to Ispahan, through Zangan, Sultany, and other places. 26
  • Chap. VII. Of the Road from Smyrna to Ispahan, through Natolia. 32
  • Chap. VIII. How the Author was rob'd near Tocat, and of a certain sort of a rare and fine Wool, which he first brought into France. 40
  • Chap. IX. Of the Road from Kerman, to Ispahan; and the fortune of Nazar Mahomet-Ali Beg. 42
  • Chap. X. Of the Caravansera's, and Government of the Caravans. 45
  • Chap. XI. Of the breeding, nature, and several sorts of Camels. 49
  • Chap. XII. Of the Coyns and Money of Persia. 50

The Second BOOK of the Persian Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER, containing the several Roads from Paris to Ispahan, the Capital City of Persia, through the Southern Provinces of Turky, and through the Deserts.

  • Chap. I. THe second Voyage of the Author from Paris to Ispahan, and first of his Embarking at Marseilles for Alexandretta. 53
  • Chap. II. The Description of Aleppo▪ now the Capital City of Syria. 57
  • [Page] Chap. III. Of the several Roads in general from Aleppo to Ispahan, and particularly of the Road through the Great Desert. Pag. 60
  • Chap. IV. Of the Road from Aleppo to Ispahan, through Mesopotamia and Assyria, which I travell'd in my third Voyage to the Indies. 66
  • Chap. V. A Continuation of the Road from Nineveh to Ispahan, toge­ther with the Story of an Ambassador call'd Dominico de Santis. 72
  • Chap. VI. Of the Road which the Author kept, when he travell'd the fourth time into Asia, to go from Paris to Ormus. And first of his Voyage from Marseilles to Alexandretta. 78
  • Chap. VII. A Continuation of the Road which the Author kept in the fourth Voyage into Asia, and particularly of his passage upon the Tigris from Nineveh to Babylon. 82
  • Chap. VIII. A Continuation of the Road from Bagdat to Balsara, and of the Religion of the Christians of St. John. 87
  • Chap. IX. A Continuation of the Road from Balsara to Ormus. 94
  • Chap. X. Of the Author's first Voyage, and the Adventures of the four French-men. 95

The Third BOOK of the Persian Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER, containing the Author's Sixth and Last Voyages, and the Roads through Turky into Persia, through the Northern Provinces of Europe. With a Description of several Countries, lying upon the Black and Caspian Seas.

  • Chap. I. OF the Author's sixth and last Voyage from his setting out of Paris, to his Landing at Smyrna. 99
  • Chap. II. A Continuation of the Author's sixth Voyage, as he travell'd from Smyrna to Ispahan. 102
  • Chap. III. The Road from Aleppo to Tauris, through Diarbequir and Van. 103
  • Chap. IV. Another Road from Aleppo to Tauris, through Gezire and other places. 108
  • Chap. V. The Road from Aleppo to Ispahan through the small Desert, and through Kengavea. 109
  • Chap. VI. Another Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, by the Euxine or Black Sea; with some Remarks upon the principal Cities thereabouts. 113
  • Chap. VII. The Road from Warsow to Ispahan, over the Black Sea, and from Ispahan to Mosco; with the names and principal Cities and Islands of Turky, according to the vulgar pronunciation, as they are call'd in the Language of the Turks. 115
  • Chap. VIII. Remakrs upon the Trade of the Island of Candy, and the principal Isles of the Archipelago; as also upon some of the Cities of Greece adjoyning; with a particular Relation of the present condition of the Grand Signor's Galleys, belonging as well to the Isles as to the Conti­ne [...]t. 118
  • Chap. IX. A Relation of the present state of Georgia. 123
  • Chap. X. A Relation of the present state of Mengrelia. 125
  • Chap. XI. Of Comania, Circassia, and of certain people which they call Kalmouchs. 126
  • [Page] Chap. XII. Of the Ceremonies and Customs of the people of Comania and Circassia. 129
  • Chap. XIII. Of the lesser Tartars, call'd Nogaies, bord'ring upon Coma­nia. 132

The Fourth BOOK of the Travels of Monsieur Tavernier, being a Description of Persia.

  • Chap. I. OF the extent of Persia, and its Division into Provin­ces. 141
  • Chap. II. O [...] the Flowers and Fruits of Persia, of Turquoises and Pearls. 144
  • Chap. III. Of the Beasts of Service, of the Fish and Fowl of Persia. 145
  • Chap. IV. Of the manner of Building in Persia. 147
  • Chap. V. A Description of Ispahan, the chief City of the Kingdom and Dominion of the King of Persia. 148
  • Chap. VI. Of Zulpha, a City separated from Ispahan by the River Senderou. 155
  • Chap. VII. Of the Religion of the Persians; of the great Feast of Hocen and Hussein, and the Camel Feast. 160
  • Chap. VIII. Of the Religion of the Gaurs, the Relicks of the ancient Persians, Adorers of Fire. 163
  • Chap. IX. Of the Religion of the Armenians, and of their principal Cere­monies; and how the Armenians Consecrate and Administer the Sacra­ment. 169
  • Chap. X. Of the Ordination of their Priesthood; and their Austerities. 170
  • Chap. XI. Of their Baptism. 171.
  • Chap. XII. Of the Marriage of the Armenians. 172
  • Chap. XIII. How the Armenians Bury their Dead. 173
  • Chap. XIV. Examples of the Constancy of the Armenians, in maintai­ning their Religion against the Persecutions of the Mahometans. 174
  • Chap. XV. Of the Author's Reception at the Court of Persia in his sixth and last Voyage, and what he did there during his stay at Ispahan. 177
  • Chap. XVI. Of the Honours and Presents which the Author. receiv'd from the King of Persia. 179
  • Chap. XVII. How the King was pleas'd to divertise himself in the Author's Company. 181

The Fifth BOOK of the Persian Travels of Monsieur TAVERNIER, being a Politick and Historical Description of Persia, with the Roads from Ispahan to Ormus.

  • Chap. I. OF the Genealogy of the Kings of Persia, of the last Ra [...]e.
  • Chap. II. Of certain particular Actions which denote the Virtues and Vices of the Kings of Persia, from Sha-Abas the first, to Sha-Soliman the present King. And first of Sha-Abas the Great. 202
  • [Page] Chap. III. Of what felt out most memorable in the Reign of Sha-S [...]fi the first; and particularly of the Death of Iman-Kouli Can, and his three Sons. Pag. 198
  • Chap. IV The Tragical and memorable Story of Ralph Sadler, Native of Zurich, in the Reign of Sha-Sefi, who had retain'd him in his Ser­vice. 207
  • Chap. V. Of some particulars under the Reign of Sha Abas the second. 199
  • Chap. VI. Of the misfortune of Mahomet-Beg, in the Reign of Sha-Abas the second. 212
  • Chap. VII. Of the Rebellion of the Prince of Jasque, a Vassal to the King of Persia, in the Reigns of Sha-Sefi the first, and Sha-Abas the second. 217
  • Chap. VIII. Observations upon the Reign of Sha-Soliman the present King. 218
  • Chap. IX. Of the Government of Persia. 219
  • Chap. X. Of the first of the three Orders or States of Persia, which compre­hends the King's Houshold, the Kans or Governours of Provinces, and the Souldiery. 221
  • Chap. XI. Of the second Order containing all those that belong to the Ec­clesiastical Law, and their Courts of Justice; and in general of all the Gown-men, such as are chiefly the Officers of the Chamber of Accounts. 226
  • Chap. XII. Of the third Estate of the Kingdom, comprehending the Trades­men and Merchants; as also the Trades, Manufactures, and Commodities of Persia. 229
  • Chap. XIII. Of the Justice and Policy of the Persians. 232
  • Chap. XIV. Of the Manners and Customs of the Persians. 234
  • Chap. XV. Of the Diseases of Persia, and the manner of Curing them. 239
  • Chap. XVI. Of the Division of Time among the Persians. 240
  • Chap. XVII. Of the Feasts and ordinary Diet of the Persians. 241
  • Chap. XVIII. Of the Marriages of the Persians. 243
  • Chap. XIX. Of the Death and Burial of the Persians. 244
  • Chap. XX. The Author departs from Ispahan to Ormus, and describes the Road to Schiras. 245
  • Chap. XXI. Of the City of Schiras. 247
  • Chap. XXII. A Continuation of the Road from Ispahan to [...] from Schiras to Bander-Abassi. 251
  • Chap. XXIII. Of the Island of Ormus, and of Bander-Abassi. 225
  • Chap. XXIV. Of the Roads by Land from Casbin to Ispahan, to the Fron­tiers of the Territories of the Great Mogul through Candahar. 257

THE CONTENTS OF THE Indian Travels.

The Figures of the Pieces of Gold, Silver, and Copper; and of the sorts of Shells and Almonds, that pass for Money over all Asia.

  • THe Money of Arabia. Pag. 1
  • The Money currant under the Dominions of the Great Mogul. 2
  • The Money of a King and two Raja's, all three Tributaries to the Great Mogul. 3
  • Pieces of Gold call'd Pagods, which are currant in the Territories of the King of Golconda, the King of Visapour, the Great Raja of Carnatica, the Raja of Velouche, and at the Diamond Mines. 4
  • The Money which the English and Hollanders Coyn in the Indies. 5
  • The Money of the King of Cheda and Pera. 6
  • The Money of Gold and Tin of the King of Achen, with the Money in Gold, Coyn'd by the King of Macassar, and the Celebes. And the Silver and Copper Money of the King of Camboya. 7
  • The Money in Gold, Silver, and Copper, of the King of Siam, Ibid.
  • The Gold and Silver Money of the King of Asem, Tipoura, Arakin, and Pegu. 8
  • Lumps or Pieces of Gold and Silver, which go for Money in the Kingdom of China, and the Kingdom of Tunquin. Ibid.
  • The Gold and Silver Money of Japon. 9
  • The Portraiture of the Silver Ingots of Japon, which go for Money. Ibid.
  • Money that represents the Figures of the twelve Signs; and which were Coyn'd during the twenty four hours, that Jehan-Guir, King of the Indies, permitted Queen Nourmahall, his Wife, to Reign in his stead. 10
  • The Gold, Silver, and Copper Money, which the Portugals Coyn in the East-Indies. 12
  • The Gold and Silver Money of Muscovy. 13

The First BOOK of the INDIAN Travels. What Roads to take in Travelling from Ispahan to Agra, from Agra to Dehly and Gehanabat, where the Great Mogul resides at present: And how to Travel also to the Court of the King of Golconda, to the King of Visa­pour, and to many other places in the Indies.

  • Chap. I. THe Road from Ispahan to Agra through Gomron, where is particularly describ'd the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Surat. Pag. 15
  • Chap. II. Of the Customs, Money, Exchange, Weight, and Measures of the Indians. 17
  • Chap. III. Of their Carriages, and the manner of travelling in India. 27
  • Chap. IV. The Road from Surat to Agra, through Brampour and S [...] ­ronge. 30
  • Chap. V. The Road from Surat to Agra, through Amadabat. 36
  • Chap. VI. The Road from Ispahan to Agra, through Candahar. 43
  • Chap. VII. The continuance of the same Road from Dehly to Agra. 48
  • Chap. VIII. The Road from Agra to Patna and Daca, Cities in the Pro­vince of Bengala, and of the quarrel which the Author had with Cha-Est-Kan, the King's Ʋnckle. 51
  • Chap. IX. The Road from Surat to Golconda. 60
  • Chap. X. Of the Kingdom of Golconda, and the Wars which it has main­tain'd for some few years last past. 63
  • Chap. XI. The Road from Golconda to Maslipatan, or Masalipatan. 69
  • Chap. XII. The Road from Surat to Goa, and from Goa to Golconda, through Visapour. 71
  • Chap. XIII. Observations upon the present State of the City of Goa. 74
  • Chap. XIV. What the Author did during his stay at Goa, the last time he went thither, in the year 1648. 78
  • Chap. XV. The Story of Father Ephraim, and how he was put into the Inquisition at Goa by a surprisal. 85
  • Chap. XVI. The Road from Goa to Maslipatan through Cochin, here describ'd in the Story of the taking of that City by the Hollanders. 88
  • Chap. XVII. The passage by Sea from Ormus to Maslipatan. 90
  • Chap. XVIII. The Road from Maslipatan to Gondicot, a City and Gar­rison in the Province of Carnatica; and of the dealings which the Author had with Mirgimola, who commanded the King of Golconda's Army. With a discourse at large concerning Elep hants. 91
  • Chap. XIX. The Road from Gondicot to Golconda. 100
  • Chap. XX. The Author's return from Surat to Ormus. 105

The Second BOOK of the INDIAN Travels. Con­taining an Historical and Political Description of the Empire of the Great Mogul.

  • Chap. I. A Relation to the last Wars of Indostan, which gives an insight into the present Estate of the Empire and Court of the Moguls. 106
  • [Page] Chap. II. Of the Sickness and supposed Death of Cha-Jehan King of India, and the Rebellion of the Princes his Sons. Pag. 108
  • Chap. III. Of the Imprisonment of Cha-Jehan, and how he was punish'd by Aurenge-Zebe his third Son, for the injustice he had done Prince Boulaki his Nephew, the Grand child of Jehan-Guir, to whom as to the Son of the Eldest Son, the Empire of the Mogul belong'd. 111
  • Chap. IV. Of the flight of Dara-Cha to the Kingdom of Scindi and Gu­zerat, of the second battle which he fought against Aurenge-Zebe, his being tak'n Prisoner, and Death. 114
  • Chap. V. How Aurenge-Zebe caus'd himself to be declar'd King, and of the flight of Sultan-Sujah. 116
  • Chap. VI. Of the Imprisonment of Sultan-Mahomed, Aurenge-Zebe's Eldest Son; and of Sultan Soliman Chekour, Eldest Son of Dara-Cha. 117
  • Chap. VII. Of the beginning of Aurenge-Zebe's Reign, and the Death of Cha-Jehan his Father. 120
  • Chap. VIII. Of the preparations against the Feast of the Great Mogul, when he is weigh'd solemnly every year. Of the Richness of his Thrones, and the magnificence of his Court. 122
  • Chap. IX. Some other observations upon the Court of the Great Mogul. 124
  • Chap. X. Of the Commodities which are brought, as well out of the Domi­nions of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visa­sapour, and other Neighbouring Territories. 126
  • Chap. XI. Of Diamonds, and the Mines and Rivers where they are found; and first of the Author's Journey to the Mines of Raolconda. 134
  • Chap. XII. The Author's Journey to the other Mines; and how they find the Diamonds there. 137
  • Chap. XIII. A Continuation of the Author's Travels to the Diamond Mines. 139
  • Chap. XIV. Of the diversity of Weights us'd at the Diamond Mines; of the pieces of Gold and Silver there currant; and the Rule which they observe to know the price of Diamonds. 140
  • Chap. XV. The Rule to know the just price and value of a Diamond of what weight soever, from three to a hundred, and upwards; a Secret known to very few people in Europe. 142
  • Chap. XVI. Of Colour'd Stones, and the places where they are found. 137
  • Chap. XVII. Of Pearls, and the places where they fish for them. 145
  • Chap. XVIII. How the Pearls are bred in the Oysters, and how they fish for them, and at what time. 146
  • Chap. XIX. Observations upon the fairest and largest Diamonds and Rubies, which the Author has seen in Europe and Asia, represented according to the Figures in the Plates; as also upon those which the Author sold to the King, upon his last return from the Indies; with the Figure of a large Topaz, and the fairest Pearls in the World. 148
  • Chap. XX. The forms of twenty Rubies which the Author sold to the King, upon his last return from the Indies. The first part of the Plate shews the weight, extent, and thickness of every Stone. 149
  • Chap. XXI. Of the Coral, and yellow Amber, and the places where 'tis found. 151
  • Chap. XXII. Of Musk and Bezoar, and some other Medicinal Stones. 1 [...]3
  • Chap. XXIII. Of the places where they find their Gold, both in Asia and America. 156
  • Chap. XXIV. The Relation of a notable piece of Treachery, whereby the Author was abus'd when he Embark'd at Gomrom for Surat. 157

The Third BOOK of the INDIAN Travels.

  • Chap. I. OF the particular Religion of the Mahometans in the East-Indies. Pag. 159
  • Chap. II. Of the Faquirs, or poor Mahometan Volunteers in the East-Indies. 160
  • Chap. III. Of the Religion of the Gentiles, or Idolatrous Indians. 161
  • Chap. IV. Of the Kings and Idolatrous Princes of Asia. 163
  • Chap. V. What the Idolaters believe touching a Divinity. 164
  • Chap. VI. Of the Faquirs, or poor Volunteers among the Indians, and of their Penances. 165
  • Chap. VII. Of the Idolaters Belief touching the State of the Soul after Death. 197
  • Chap. VIII. Of the Custom among the Idolaters to Burn the Bodies of their Dead. 168
  • Chap. IX. How the Wives are Burnt in India, with the Bodies of their deceas'd Husbands. 169
  • Chap. X. Remarkable Stories of Women that have been Burnt after their Husbands decease. 171
  • Chap. XI. Of the most Celebrated Pagods of the Idolaters in India. 173
  • Chap. XII. A Continuation of the Description of the Principal Pagods of the Indian Idolaters. 177
  • Chap. XIII. Of the Pilgrimages of the Idolaters to their Pagod. 179
  • Chap. XIV. Of divers Customs of the Indian Idolater. Ibid.
  • Chap. XV. Of the Kingdom of Boutan, whence comes the Musk, the Good Rhubarb, and some Furs. 182
  • Chap. XVI. Of the Kingdom of Eipra. 186
  • Chap.▪ XVII. Of the Kingdom of Asem. 187
  • Chap. XVIII. Of the Kingdom of Siam. 189
  • Chap. XIX. Of the Kingdom of Macassar, and the Ambassadors which the Hollanders sent into China. 191
  • Chap. XX. The Author persues his Travels into the East, and Embarks at Mengrelia for Batavia. The danger he was in upon the Sea; and his arrival in the Island of Ceylan. 194
  • Chap. XXI. The Authors departure from Ceylan, and his arrival at Batavia. 195
  • Chap. XXII. The Author goes to visit the King of Bantam, and relates several Adventures upon that Occasion. 196
  • Chap. XXIII. The Author's return to Batavia. His Revisiting the King of Bantam. And a Relation of several extravagancies of certain Faquirs in their return from Mecca. 199
  • Chap. XXIV. Of the War of the Hollanders, with the Emperour of Java. 202
  • Chap. XXV. The Author Buries his Brother; and is again quarrell'd with­al by the General of his Council. 203
  • Chap. XXVI. The Author Embarks in a Dutch Vessel, to return into Europe. 204
  • Chap. XXVII. The Holland Fleet arrives at St. Helens. The Descri­ption of the Island. 207

THE FIRST BOOK OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER'S Persian Travels, Containing the several ROADS From PARIS to ISPAHAN the Chief City of PERSIA.
Through the Northern Provinces of TURKY.

CHAP. I.
Of the Roads from France to the hither parts of Asia, and the Places from whence they usually set out for Ispahan.

A Man cannot travel in Asia, as they do in Europe; nor at the same Hours, nor with the same ease. There are no weekly Coaches or Wagons from Town to Town; besides, that the Soil of the Countries is of several natures. In Asia you shall meet with several Regions untill'd and unpeopl'd, either through the badness of the Climate and Soil, or the sloth of the Inhabitants, who rather choose to live miserably, than to work. There are vast Deserts to cross, and very dangerous, both for want of Water, and the Robberies that the Arabs daily commit therein. There are no certain Stages, or Inns to entertain Travellers. The best Inns, especially in Turkie, are the Tents which you carry along with you, and your Hosts are your Servants, that get ready those Victuals which you have bought in good Towns. You set up your Tent in the open Field, or in any Town where there is no Inn: and a good shift too in temperate weather, when the Sun is not too hot, or that it does not rain. In the Carvansera's or Inns which are more frequent in Persia than in Turkie, there are persons that furnish you with Provisions, and the first come are best served. As for Turkie it is full of Thieves, that keep in Troops together, and way-lay the Merchants upon the Roads, and if they be not very well guarded will certainly rob them: nay many times murder them. A mis­chief prevented in Persia by the well order'd convenience which is provided for Travellers. To avoid these dangers and inconveniences, you are oblig'd to stay [Page 2] for the Caravans, that go for Persia or the Indies, which never set out but at certain times, and from certain places.

These Caravans set out from Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo. And it is from one of these Cities that a Traveller must set out, that intends for Persia, whether he keeps company with the Caravan, or will hazard himself alone with a Guide, as once I did.

I will begin with Constantinople, from whence you may go either by Land or Sea: and either by Land or Sea there are two ways to go. The first of these by Land is that which I took with Monsieur Chapes and Monsieur St. Liebau, By the way take notice, that Vienna is the half-way near-upon between Paris and Constantinople. The second Road is less frequented, but is less inconvenient and less dangerous: for there are need of the Emperour's Pasports, which he does not grant very freely: besides that here is no fear of the Pirates of Tunis or Argier, as when you embarque from Marseilles or Ligorn. If you intend this way, you must go to Venice; from Venice to Ancona, from whence several Barques are bound every Week for Ragusa. From Ragusa you sail along by the Shore to Durazzo a Sea▪Port of Albania; from whence you travel the rest of the way by Land. From Durazzo to Albanopolis, distant three days journey, from thence to Monestier, just as far; from Monestier you may either take the left hand through Sophia, and Philippopolis, or the right through Inguischer, three days journey from Monestier, and ten from Adrianople, from whence in five days you reach Constantinople through Selivrea.

This last way is part by Sea and part by Land: but there are two other ways alto­gether by Land, above and below Italy, according to the distinction which Antiquity made of the two Seas that almost encompass it. You may embark at Venice, and sayling along the Gulf which is free from Pirates, you must double the Cape of Matapan, the most Southern Point of all Europe, to enter into the Archipelago. The other way is from Marseilles or Ligorn, from whence several Vessels are bound for the East. The safest way is to go along with the English or Holland Fleets, that u­sually arrive at Ligorn either in the Spring or in Autumn, and part just against the Morea, to the several parts whither they are bound. As the Wind serves, those Fleets sometimes make Sail between the Island of Elba and Italy, and by the Tower of Messina▪ sometimes below Sicily and Sardigna, within sight of Malta. Thus you must come within sight of Candy, whether you are bound for Constantinople, Smyrna, or Alexandretta, from whence it is but three days journey to Aleppo: from one of which three Cities, you must necessarily begin your journey, if you intend for Persia.

Some take Egypt in their way, using through Alexandria, Cairo, and Damiata, whence several Vessels are bound for Joppa; or St. John's of Aera, which is not far off: from thence to Jerusalem or Damascus, and from thence to Bagdat or Babylon.

If you will venture in a single Vessel not staying for the Fleets, you may hire a Vessel from Ligorn to Naples, from Naples to Messina, keeping along by the Shore, and lying a shore every night. I took this way, and went from Messina to Syracuse, where are to be seen the most remarkable footsteps of Antiquity. 'Tis like a City under ground, and near to it is a great Rock which has been made hollow, at the bottom whereof if a man whisper, they that are at the top may hear him. They call this Rock Dionysius the Tyrant's Ear: for being at the top, he easily understood what the People said of him below; and discovered the Counsels of the chief Men of Syracuse, whom he kept prisoners there. Syraecuse has nothing of that splendour which renown'd it when it was the Mistress of all Sicily, and when Greece, jealous of her power, made War upon her. But the Soil is very plentiful, and the Gallies of Malta very often take in their Provisions there. Near the City is a fair Convent of Capuchin Friers, going out of which, you may walk for half an hour between two very high Rocks, where there are several little Cells with every one a Garden, where the Friers sometimes retire, and it is certainly one of the most pleasing Solitudes in the World.

From Syracuse I went to Malta, where you must wait for some Ship that is bound for the East.

CHAP. II.
Of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, which the Author kept in his first Travels into Persia.

IT is seldom that any Caravans go from Constantinople into Persia; but from Bur­sa they go every two Months: Bursa is the Capital City of Bithynia, not a­bove three days journey from Constantinople, or a little more. These two Roads meet at Chabangi, where you may be from Bursa in two Days: and so I will only speak of the Roads from Constantinople to Ispahan. This Journey is to be under­taken either with the Caravan of Camels, or else ten or twelve Men in a Company, well mounted and well arm'd.

From Constantinople you cross over to Scutari, upon the Coast of Asia.

Setting out from Scutari, the first days journey is very pleasant, over Fields gayly painted with Flowers in their season. At first for some time together, one both sides the way, you see nothing but fair Sepulchers with their Pyramids, and you may easily discern the Womens Monuments from the Mens. For there is a Turbant upon the Pyramid of the Mens Sepulcher, but the Pyramids of the Womens Monuments are trimm'd with the Head-Attire which is worn by the Women of the Country. That Evening you must lye at Cartali, a Village of Bithynia, the next Day at Ge­bisa, antiently Lybissa, famous for the Tomb of Hannibal. In that place there are two good Inns, and two fair Fountains.

The third day you come to Isnich, which is thought to be the ancient Nicea; one part of the City is built upon the descent of a Hill, the other part upon a Plain that reaches to the Sea, and makes the Golf of Isnich. The Haven consists of two Moles made of Free-stone, and three great Enclosures encompass'd with Walls, which serve instead of so many Arsenals, wherein there are Store houses full of large Timber, for building Houses and Galleys. The Country round about being an excellent place for Hunting, and the Soil bearing rare Fruits, and rich in Wine, caus'd Sultan Amuratt to build a Seraglio in the highest part of the Town, from whence there is a prospect at the same time both over the Sea and the Country. The Jews inhabit the greatest part of the Town, dealing chiefly in Timber and Co [...]. When the Wind ferves, you may go from Constantinople to Isnich in seven or eight Hours, there being no danger in the passage.

The fourth Day you stay at Chabangi, a small Town built upon the side of a Lake call'd Chaban Gigul, where there are two Inns. From the beginning of the Lake for two Leagues together you travel partly over Mountains, partly by the Lake­side, where in some places the Horse will be up to the Belly. This Lake is not above ten Leagues in compass; but it yields great store of large Fish, insomuch that I have bought a Pike two Foot and a half long for three Sous. Many Emperours have had a design to make a Cutt out of this Lake into the Sea, for the more easie trans­porting to Constantinople the Timber which grows upon the Mountains near the Lake. And if the Grand Visier, who by a Miracle dy'd in his Bed, and left his Son suc­cessor to his Employment, had liv'd some Years longer, he had no question added this to the rest of those famous Wotks that eterniz'd his Memory.

Departing from Chabangi, you come to lye at Night upon the Bank of a River call'd Zacarat, which runs Northward and falls into the Black Sea. It is a River plentiful in Fish, and you cross over it with a wooden Bridge. There is neither Town, nor Inn in that place; but a League from the River is a great Town call'd Ada, the chiefest part of the Inhabitants whereof are Armemians. Thither we sent for excellent good Wine, and other necessary refreshments.

From that River to Cancoli, where you lye the next Night, and have your choice of four Inns; you travel all the day in the Mershes, over wooden Bridges and Causeys.

Tuskebasar is the next place, a small Village with two Inns. From thence to Car­gueslar, a great Town, with one Inn, built upon a River, where there is great store of Fish taken, which the Inhabitants call Bourma-balouky, that is to say, the [Page 4] Fish with the long Nose: It is speckl'd like a Trout; but of a better tast, and more esteem'd. Polia or Polis, is a City seated at the foot of several Mountains, the Inhabitants whereof are for the most part Greeks. These Mountains are very high, and extend themselves along the Road for Two days journey. They are full of several sorts of Trees, which are streight and tall like Firr-Trees: and divided by so many Torrents, which it would be hard to pass over, where it not for the Bridges that the Grand Visier Kuprigli caus'd to be built. In regard the soil of these Moun­tains is very fat, there would be no drawing for the Horses after great Rains or the melting of the Snow, had not the same Visier caus'd all the Ways to be Pav'd and Pitch'd, even as far as Constantinople. A Work of great charge, in regard there is not a Flint in any part of the [...]ountain, and for that the Stone is to fetch'd a great way off. There are abundance of Pigeons as big as Hens, and of an excellent tast, which not only pleas'd our Appetites, but afforded us very good Pastime to shoot them. Between the City and the Mountain, there is a Plain about two Leagues in length; near to which, there glides a River that waters it, and very much contributes to its fertility. It is an excellent Soil, and produces all things necessary for humane Life. Upon each side of the way I counded above Twenty Churchyards▪ For it is the custom of the Turks to bury near the Highway, be­lieving that the Travellers pray for the Souls of the deceas'd. Upon every Tomb, there is to be seen a Marble Pillar, half fix'd in the Earth: of which Pillars there are so great a number, of various Colours, that it is from thence conjectur'd, that there were a very great number of Christian Churches in Polia, and the parts there­abouts. They assur'd me likewise, that there was a vast quantity of these Pillars in the Villages up and down in the Mountains which the Turks every day pull down and set up their Tombs.

Bendourlour is a Village in the Mountains where there is one Inn.

Gerradar is beyond the Mountains, where there are two Inns.

Cargeslar has two Inns, and lyes in a good Country.

Caragaler is a Town where there are two Inns.

Cosizar is a Village with one Inn.

Tocia is a great City situated upon rising Hills, that joyn to very high Moun­tains. Upon the Winter West, there appears a fair Champain Country, water'd by a Stream that falls into a River of a greater bigness, call'd Guselarmac. Upon the highest of the smaller Hills toward the East, there is a Fortess, where a Basha resides; and in the Town is one of the fairest Inns upon the Road. The greatest part of the Inhabitants are Christian Greeks, who have the advantage to drink ex­cellent Wine, with which the Country furnishes them in abundanee.

Agisensalou stands upon a River, and there is an Inn and a fair Mosquee in it.

Ozeman is a little City seated at the foot of a Hill, upon which there stands a strong Castle, and below two very commodious Inns. The River Guselarmac, broad and deep, washes the South-side of the City, which you cross over one of the fairest Bridges that ever was seen. It consists of Fifteen Arches, all of Free­stone, and is a work that shews the Grandeur of the Undertaker. Somewhat at a distance from the Bridge stands Six Corn-Mills all together, with little wooden Bridges to go from one to another. This River falls into the Euxin Sea, about eight days journey from Ozeman.

Azilar is a great Town, where there are two Inns.

Delekiras is a great Village, with one Inn.

These Four days Journeys are very dangerous, by reason that the Ways are narrow, and commodious for Robbers. They are very numerous in this Country; and therefore understanding that we were way-laid, we sent and desir'd a Convoy of the Basha, who lent us fifty Horsemen.

Amasia is a great City, built upon an ascent in the hollow of a Mountain. It has no prospect, but only from the South over a fair Plain. The River that runs by it comes from Tocat, and throws it self into the Black-Sea, four days journey from Amasia. You cross it over a wooden Bridge, so narrow that not above three persons can go a-brest. To bring fresh Water to the City, they have cut a League into Rocks as hard as Marble, which was a prodigious Labour. On the West-side, upon a high Mountain, stands a Fortress, where they can come by no other Water than [Page 5] what they preserve in Cisterns when it rains. In the middle of the Mountain is a fair Spring, and round about it are several Chambers cut out of the Rock, where the Dervichs made their abode. There are but two Inns, and those very bad ones, in Amasia. But the soil is good, and bears the best Wine and Fruits in all Natolia.

Ainabachar, is the name of an Inn, distant a quarter of a League from a great Town where they fetch their Provisions.

Turcall is a great Town near to a Mountain, upon which there stands a Castle. The River that comes from Tocat washes the Houses, and we caught excellent Fish in it. In that place is another of the fairest Inns upon the Road.

From Turcall you may travel in one day to Tocat, where the Road from Smyrna to Ispahan meets.

Tocat is a good fair City built at the foot of a very high Mountain, spreading it self round about a great Rock that stands almost in the midst of the Town, upon the top whereof a high Castle commands the neighbouring parts, with a good Garrison in it. It is very ancient, and the remainder of three others that stood there in former times. The City is very well inhabited with Turks, who are the Lord Con­trollers, Armenians, Greeks, and Jews. The Streets are very narrow, but the Houses are indifferent well built; and and among several Mosquees, there is one very magnificient, which seems to be newly rear'd. There was also a very fair Inn going up, which when I last travell'd that way, was not quite finish'd. There is one thing more particular and more commodious at Tocat, which is not to be found in any Inns upon the Road, That round about all the Caravansera's in the Town, there are [...]odgings which they let out to Merchants, that desire to be by themselves out of the noise and hurry of the Caravans, whiles they stay at Tocat. Besides that, in those private Lodgings you have your liberty to drink Wine, and provide for the rest of your Journey; which is not so easily done in the publick Inns, where the Turks will have an eye upon the Merchants, to draw Money out of their pockets. The Christians have twelve Churches at Tocat, and there resides an Archbishop, that has under him seven Suffragans. There are also two Monasteries for Men, and two for Women; and for fourteen or fifteen Leagues round Tocat, the Country is all inhabited by Armenian Christians, but very few Greeks being intermix'd among them. The greatest part of these Christians are Tradesmen, and for the most part Smiths. A fair River runs about half a quarter of a League from the City, which rises near to Erzerom, and is cross'd at Tocat over a very beautiful stone Bridge. Upon the North side of the City, it waters a Plain three or four days Journey in extent, and two or three Leagues broad. It is very fertil, and replenish'd with fair Vil­lages very well peopl'd. A man may live very cheap at Tocat: the Wine is most excellent, and all sort of rare Fruit very plentiful. It is the only place in all Asia where plenty of Saffron grows, which is the best Commodity you can carry to the Indies, where a Pound, as the Years fall out, is worth thirteen or fourteen Every Frank being 2 s. sterling.Franks, though the Wax that preserves it, be as much in weight as the Saffron. This City, with the Lands belonging to it, usually is the Dowager Sultanesses Joynture. There is only an Aga and a Cady, that command there in the behalf of the Grand Signor: for the Basha, from whom they receive their Orders, lives at Sivas, which is the ancient Sebastia, and a very great City, some three days journey from Tocat. In short, Tocat is one of the most remarkable Thoroughfares in the East, where are continually lodg'd the Caravans from Persia, Diarbequer, Bagdat, Constantinople, Smyrna, Synopus, and other places; and here the Caravans turn off, as they are variously bound. They that are for Constantinople, take to the Winter West upon the right hand; they that are for Smyrna, incline to the Summer West, upon the left hand. When you set out either way out of Tocat, there is a Toll-gatherer that counts all the Camels and Horses that pass by, and exacts for every Camel a quarter of a Rixdollar, and for every Horse half as much. As for the Horses or Camels that carry the Passengers or their Provisions, they pay nothing. This con [...]ual concourse of the Caravans trolls the Money about at Tocat, and makes it one of the most con­siderable Cities of Turkie.

Setting out of Tocat to go to Erzerom, you discover a little Village so situated under a Hill, as if the Mountain lay atop of it; and between that Mountain and the River, the Road is very narrow where the Caravan is to pass. In this Road it was, that we met the Grand Visier returning from Hunting, with a Train of four [Page 6] hundred men: so soon as he perceiv'd us, he fil'd off all his men to give us liberty to pass by. But among all the Company, there was not above four Franks upon which he particularly cast his Eye; which made him send for the Caravan Bacchi to know who we were. The Caravan Bacchi, to avoid the ill Consequences of jealousie which the Visier might have of the Franks, at a time when the Grand Visier made War in Persia, told him we were Jews; at which the Visier, shaking his Head, reply'd only that we did not look like such, and happy it was for us that he took reply'd only that we did not look like such, and happy it was for us that he took no farther notice. For it was twenty to one, but that upon better consideration he might have sent after us to have stopt us. But when he came home to his Lodging he found a Capigi staying for him, with Orders from the Grand Signor to take off his Head, which were presently executed. For Amurath being troubl'd for the loss of his Army, had no way but to revenge himself upon the person that had the command of it.

Notwithstanding that the Caravans rest at Tocat, yet they stay likewise two or three days at Charkliqueu, which is not above two Leagues distant from it; for Charkliqueu is a great Town in a lovely Country, between two fertil Hills, where there grows excellent Wine. It is for the most part inhabited by Christians, who are generally Tanners. The fine blew Goat leather Skins being drest in Tocat, and the Parts thereabout. It is thought the Water contributes very much to their Art. For Tocat is as famous for the blew Goats▪ leather Skins, as Diarbequir and Bagdat are for the red, Moussul or the ancient Ninivch for the yellow, and Ourfa for the black. About two thousand Paces from this Town, in the midst of a Plain rises a vast Rock, upon the North-side whereof you ascend about nine or ten steps into a Chamber with a Bed, a Table, and a Cupboard in it, all hewn out of the Rock. Upon the West side you ascend other five or six steps that lead to a little Gallery, about five or six Foot long, and three broad, all hewn out of the Rock, though it be of an extroardinary hardness. The Christians affirm that St. Chrysostom made this Rock his retiring-place during his Exilement, and that he had no other Bed or Bolster than the Rock it self, in a place where they shew you the print of a Man's Body. Hence it is, that the Caravans, consisting for the most part of Christian Merchants, stay at Charkliqueu, to pay their Devotions to this Rock, where the Bishop of the place, attended by some Priests, with every one a Taper in their Hands, goes and says Mass. But the main Reason is, because there grows excellent Wine in this place, which being cheaper by half here, than it is at Tocat, obliges the Armenians to stop here, to provide themselves for the rest of their Journey.

Two Leagues from Charliqueu, you cross over very high Mountains, with Pre­cipices on both sides. It is the custom of the Armenians, when they hear of the approach of a Caravan, to ride out two or three days journey to meet their Coun­try-men and carry them fresh Provisions. These of Charliqueu coming to meet our Caravan, three of the Armenians took a large Morning▪draughts, which made them so Pot▪valiant, that they would needs ride before to the Town alone by them­selves; but by the way they were set upon by six Horse men that came from the North, where there are higher Mountains than those which we were to cross. Imme­diately the Thieves darted their Half-Pikes at the Armenians, in so much that two of them fell down mortally wounded, and the other sav'd himself among the Rocks, but the Thieves got their Horses and Goods, which were valu'd at ten thou­sand Crowns. The Caravan at the top of the Hill beheld the misfortune of those poor men which their own folly had brought upon them, but could not help them, by reason of the narrowness of the ways; besides, that the Thieves knowing all the by-turnings, were presently out of sight. And therefore it is a dangerous thing to leave the Body of the Caravans, either by staying too far behind, or running too fast before: and some have suffer'd for distancing themselves not above five hun­dred Paces from it.

The Caravans do not not make their Journeys all alike; but come to their Stages sometimes sooner, sometimes later, according as they meet with Waters and Inns, or places fit to pitch their Tents in, to which places the Natives bring Provision and Provender from the Mountains. There are some places where there is a neces­sity to provide Straw and Barley for two or three days. If you travel in May▪ when the Grass is high, it costs nothing to seed the Horses and Camels For as [Page 7] soon as the Caravan is lodg'd, the Servants go and cut the Grass from off the Hil­locks, where it is much better then upon the Plains. But while the Beasts feed only upon Grass they are much weaker, and cannot travel so far as at other times.

From the Mountain where the Armenians were set upon, you come to Almous, a little Village upon a River, which you cross, over a Bridge of Wood.

Going out of Almous, you cross a large Plain, at the end whereof you lodge upon the Bank of a fair River, call'd Toufanlou-sou, which falls into the River of Tocat.

Having pass'd this River, you ascend a high Mountain, which the People of the Country call Kara▪behir▪beguiendren, or, the Mountain that stops the Grand Signors; for it is very rugged, and you must of necessity alight to ascend it. In that bad Way two Horses that carry'd each of them two Bales of English Cloth burst under their Burthen, which prov'd excellent Food for several Tartars that were before us, and were pitch'd in the place where we intended to have lodg'd our selves; so that we were forc'd to go a quarter of a League farther. These Tartars when they heard of our two dead Horses, made immediately to the Mountain fifteen or sixteen of them with all joy imaginable to devour it. They flea'd the Horses, and when they came back (for I stay'd to see them) they brought every one a great piece of Flesh between the Saddle and their Horses backs. For by that means the Flesh mortifies, and bakes as it were, through the motion and heat of the Horse, and so they eat it without any more a-do. I saw one of them that took a piece of those Horses Flesh, and after he had beaten it soundly between two nasty Linnen Clothes, with a piece of Stick, set his Teeth in it, and devour'd it with a very greedy ap­petite.

Upon the top of the Mountain which I have mention'd, there is a Plain, and in the midst of the Plain a Fountain call'd Chesmé-beler, or, A Fountain of Christal; near to which, on the South-side, there stands a Village.

From the place where we lodg'd, we came to a little Town called Adras, the In­habitants whereof are all Armenians.

Aspidar is but two Leagues from Adras, and is but a Village.

Isbeder is another Village in the Mountains, where the Caravan generally stays one or two days; as well to pay the Custom, which is the fourth part of a Rixdollar upon every Camel, and half as much for every Horse; as for the excellency and cheap­ness of the Wine, where every Man provides for himself.

Twice we pass'd by and paid nothing, in regard that the Caravan was too strong for the Toll-gatherers; and were it not that they stay for the Wine, they might go directly forward without paying any thing.

Leaving Isbeder, we came to another great Town in the Mountains; all the Houses are hewn out of the Rock upon which it is seated, as are also all the Stair-Cases. From this Village, having pass'd a River, over a wooden Bridge, at the end ▪whereof there stands an Inn, you come to Zacapa, another Village, from whence through very narrow passages, where you are forc'd to unload the Camels, and carry your Goods upon Mens shoulders for thirty Paces together, you come to encamp in a little Plain. It lyes at the foot of a high Mountain, which they call Dikmebell, beyond which lies the Town Kourd Aga, after which you cross three Rivers; one fordable, the other over two Bridges, and then you come to a Village call'd Garmeru.

From Garmeru you go to Seukmen, another Village; from Seukmen to Louri; from Louri to Chaouqueu, which are two very handsom Towns.

I saw an Old man at Chaouqueu who was above a Hundred and Thirty Years old, who when Sultan Amurath besieged Bagdat, gave his whole Army as much Oats as serv'd them one whole day. In recompence whereof, the Sultan exempted him and his Children from all Taxes and Tolls for their Lives.

Leaving Chaouqueu, you come to a high craggy Mountain which is call'd Aaggi­dogii, or, The Bitter Mountain. The Ways being narrow, the Caravan is forc'd to travel single; and then it is that they count all the Horses, and all the Camels; every Horse and every Camel paying to the Caravan-Master a certain Duty, which amounts to a good Sum if the Caravan be numerous. One part of that Money is to pay seven or eight Armenians, that guard the Caravan all the way; another part [Page 8] defrays the Expences upon the Road; and the remainder is the Captain of the Ca­ravan's Profit.

Having pass'd this Mountain, you come [...] to lodge in a Plain which they call Gio­ganderesi, and from thence to Erzerom you meet only with three Villages by the way, Achikala, Ginnis, and Higia, which are the Caravan's Stages. During these three last days▪ journeys, you keep all along the Banks of Euphrates for the most part, which is yet but narrow, taking its source Northward of Erzerom. 'Tis a wonderful thing to see the vast quantities of large Asparagus that grow all along the River, with which you may load several Camels.

A League on this side Erzerom the Caravan is constrain'd to stop; For the Officer of the Custom▪House accompani'd with the Basha's Lieutenant, comes here and tyes all the Bales and Chests with a cross Cord, upon which he puts a Seal, to the end that when the Merchants come to the Town, they may not be able to take out any Bags of Money, or any pieces of Stuff on purpose to hide them till they go away. The particular Business of the Basha's Lieutenant in meeting the Caravan, is to see whether the Merchants be well provided with Wines. And if he desire any Bottles, whether it be then, or in the City, where they are not asham'd to visit every Merchant, there is no refusing them. For there grows no Wine at Erzerom, all that is drank there being a small Wine of Mingrelia, which is always green: which forces the Merchants to furnish themselves with Wine at Tocat, which they may do sufficiently to last them into Persia. The Officer of the Custom-House generally allows the Caravan three days to rest; during which time, he sends to the principal Merchants some Fruit and other small Refreshments, by which he is no loser. After the three days are over, he comes and opens all the Bales and Chests, and takes a particular account of all the Merchandizes. This Search and the changing of Beasts, causes the Caravan to stay generally twenty or five and twenty days at Erzerom.

Erzerom is a frontier Town of Turkie toward Persia. It is situated at the end of a large Plain environ'd with Mountains, the Plain being beautified with many fair Villages. If you take in the Castle and the Suburbs, it may pass for a City, but the Houses are ill built of Wood, without any neatness or proportion. There are some Remains of Churches and of the ancient Buildings of the Armenians, by which you may conjecture that it never was very beautiful. The Fortress stands upon a high ground, with a double Wall, square Towers close one to another, and a pitiful Moat. The Basha resides there but in a very ill House, all the Buildings about the Fortress being in a bad condition. In the same Enclosure there is a little rising Ground upon which they have rais'd a small Fort, wherein the Janisary-Aga lives, and where the Basha has no Power. When the Grand Signor has a mind to the Head of this Basha, or any other considerable Person in the Province, he sends a Capigi, with order to the Janisary to send for the Person to the little Fort, where the Execution is presently done. One Example hereof I saw in my last Travels into Persia: For the Basha of Erzerom not having sent Twelve thousand men so soon as the Grand Signor requir'd them for his Wars in Candy, the same Capigi that brought the Sentence of his Death, had the same Order for the Exe­cution of the Basha of Kars; and meeting this Capigi upon the Road in a Village, upon his return for Constantinople, he would needs shew me whether I would or no, the Heads of the two Basha's, which he was carrying to the Grand Signor in a Bag.

Between the first and second Gate of the Fortress are to be seen four and twenty Pieces of Cannon, most excellent Guns, but lying one upon another without Car­riages. They lye at Erzerom to be ready upon all occasions when the Grand Signor makes war against the Persians.

There are in Erzerom several great Inns; this City, like Tocat, being one of the greatest Thoroughfares in Turkie. The Country about it bears Wine, but not very good, and in regard the People are strictly forbid to drink Wine, the Merchants are forc'd to buy it very privately, for fear it should come to the know­ledge of the Cadi. Though it be very cold at Erzerom, Barly grows there in fourty days, and Wheat in sixty, which is very remarkable. The Customs paid there for the carrying out of the Gold and Silver, and upon all other Commodities, is very severe. Silk, that comes out of Persia, pays four and twenty Crowns for a [Page 9] Camel's Load, which is eight hundred Pounds. For in the mountainous Coun­tries a Camel's Load is no more; but in the plain and even Countries they make 'em carry above ten hundred weight. A Load of Indian Calicuts pays a hundred Crowns; but the Loads of Linnen are much heavier than those of Silk. As for other Commodities, they pay Six per cent according to their value.

From this Stage the Caravan sets forward to a Fortress call'd Hassan Kala, where you must pay half a Piaster for every Camel's or Horses Load going from Erzerom to Erivan, but returning you, pay but half as much.

Leaving this Fortress, you must go and lodge at a Bridge near to a Village which is call'd Coban-Cupri. Over this Bridge, which is the fairest in the whole Journey, you cross two Rivers which there meet, one is the Kars, and the other is a Stream that falls from a Mountain call'd Binguiel, both which disburthen themselves into the Aras. The Caravan usually stays a day or two at this Bridge; because the Cara­van divides it self at this place, some continuing on the High-road, others taking the Road of Kars, as well to avoid fording the Aras several times, as the paying a great Duty upon the great Road, where they exact four Piasters upon every Camel's Load, and two upon every Horse-Load, whereas at Kars you are dis­miss'd for half so much.

I went Kars Road twice; but it is longer, and more troublesome than the other. As soon as you leave the Bridge, for the first four days you travel over woody Mountains, and very desert Countries, where you meet but with one Village; but coming near Kars the Country is more pleasant, and well manur'd; bearing all sorts of Grain.

Kars is in 78 Deg. 40 Min. of Longitude, and 42 Deg. 40 Min. of Latitude; in a very good Soil. The City is very large, but thinly peopl'd, though Provision be very plentiful and very cheap. But the Grand Signor always choosing that place to rendezvouz his Army, whenever he intended to recruit it, and to lodge his People there which he sent to build Villages; the King of Persia has ruin'd all the Country, as he did at Sulfa, and in many other Frontier places, for nine or ten days journey together.

From Kars to Erivan the Caravan makes it nine days journey, and lyes where it can find most convenience, there being no certain Stages. The first days journey ends at a Monastery and a Village, the one no less deserted than the other. The next day you come to the Ruines of a great City, call'd Anikagae, in the Armenian Language the City of Ani, which was the name of an Armenian King that was the Founder of it. By the Wall, on the East-side, runs a rapîd stream that falls from the Mountains of Mingrelia, and empties it self into the River of Kars. This City was very strongly situated; being placed in a Mersh, where are to be seen the Remains of two Causeys that only lead to the Town. There are the Ruines of several Monasteries; among the rest two that are entire, suppos'd to be Royal Foundations. From thence to Erivan for two days jourhey, you meet with only two Villages; near the last of which you ride by the side of a Hill, whether when the Caravan passes by, the people bring Horses from several parts to be sold. The Great Road from the Bridge, where the Caravan parts, lyes thus:

Two Leagues from the Bridge, on the right hand toward the South, lyes a great Mountain which the People of the Country call Mingol. In this Mountain there are abundance of Springs, and from one side of it falls Euphrates, from the other side the River of Kars, which empties it self into the Aras fourteen or fifteen Leagues on this side Erivan. The Aras, which the Ancients call'd Araxes, falls from other Mountains Eastward of Mingol, which after many windings through the Upper Armenia, where it receives many other Rivers that swell its Streams, it discharges it self into the Caspian Sea, two days journey from Shamaki, upon the Frontiers of the ancient Medes.

The whole Country is inter-cut by the Rivers Aras and Kars, and several other Streams that fall into them, inhabited by very few, but what are Christians; those few Mahumetans that live among them being so superstitious, that they will not drink the Water of any of those Rivers, nor wash in them▪ believing them impure and defil'd by the use which the Christians make of them. They have their particular Wells and Cisterns by themselves, which they will not suffer a Christian to come near.

[Page 10] Comasour is the first Village where you lodge after you leave the Bridge of Choban-Kupri, going to Erivan.

Halicarcara is the next Stage to Comasour: this is a great Town also inhabited by Christians, but the Houses are built all under-ground like Caves. Coming thither the 7th of March 1655, the Snow was so deep that there was no travelling, so that we were forc'd to stay there eight days. But the Customer of Erzerom under­standing in what a bad condition we were, came in person with five hundred Horse to make way for us, and sent for the Country people round about to clear away the Snow. But it was not so much out of kindness to us, as for his own Interest. For a new Officer being to succeed him upon the 22d o [...] March, and our Caravan being very numerous, he would have lost above an Hundred Thousand Crowns, had we not come to Erzerom before that day. Many of the Passengers were almost blinded by continually looking upon the Snow, the colour whereof very much dims the Sight: for preservation whereof the Travellers are wont to wear black Cypress Hoods, made on purpose, over their faces. Others wear furr'd Bonnets fring'd about with Goats hair, which being long, falls over their Eyes, and does altogether as well as the Hood.

The Caravan is usually twelve days upon the Road, from Erzerom to Erivan. Leaving Halicarcara, you ford the Aras three times, and cross it the next day again: for it winds exceedingly. A League and a half from the place where you ford it the fourth time, upon the top of a high Mountain stands a Fortress call'd Kaguisgan, which is the last place which the Turks possess on that side. The Cu­stomers that live there come to the Caravan to take their Toll, which is four Piasters for every Camel loaden, and two for every Horse loaden. In the year 1655 the Caravan lodging about a League from the Fortress of Kaguisgan, the Mountains adjoyning being inhabited by Christian Armenians, there came to us a poor Bishop attended by fifteen or sixteen persons, among which there were certain Priests who brought us Bread, Fowl, and Fruit, desiring the Charity of the Merchants, who recompenc'd them to their satisfaction. About four or five Months after, this Bishop had one of his Eyes struck out by a Janisary. That wicked Fellow came to the Town where the Bishop liv'd, and lighting upon the Bishop, ask'd him for Money, which because the Bishop had none to give him, in a rage he stabb'd him in the Eye with his Dagger. Complaint was made to the Aga, who 'tis thought would have punish'd the Offender, but he fled, and lest the Bishop without remedy of satis­faction.

From the last place where we encamp'd near the Aras, we went and lodg'd the next day upon the same River, in the sight of a Village not above a quarter of a League. The Next day we cross'd the River that runs from Kars, and parts Turkie from Persia. The next day we stop'd upon the Banks of Aras, half a League from a little Town; and this is the last time you see this River which you are constrain'd to pass so often.

Leaving Aras, we came to lodge in a plain, in sight of a Town which is not far distant. The next day the Caravan lyes in the Field, and the next day it comes to a place where there are three Churches, whence it is but half a days journey from Erivan.

CHAP. III.
A Continuation of the Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, from the Borders of Persia to Erivan.

THE first Place worthy observation, entring into Persia through Armenia, is that which they call the Three Churches, three Leagues from Erivan; which Three Churches, are three Monasteries distant one from the other. The biggest and the fairest is the Residence of the Patri­arch of the Armenians. There is another to the South of that, about a Musket shot distant, and another a quarter of a League from it toward the East, which is a [Page 11] Nunnery for Virgins. The Armenians call this place Egm [...]asin, or the only Daughter, which is the Name of the chief Church. You may find in their Chronicles, That it began to be Built about three hundred Years after Christ, and that the Walls being rais'd to a good height, the Devil came in the Night and pull'd down what they built up in the Day; which he did for several Years: but that one Night Christ himself appear'd, and that from that time the Devil surceas'd to molest them any more; so that they finish'd the Church. It is dedicated to St. Gregory, whom the Armenians have in very great veneration. And there is a Table of Stone, whereupon, according to their Chronicles, Christ rested when he appear'd to St. Gregory. They that go into the Church, kiss this Stone with a very solemn Devotion.

The second is built in honour of a Princess that came with forty Virgins of Qua­lity to visit St. Gregory. This Lady an Armenian King caus'd to be thrown into a Well full of Serpents? but she receiv'd no harm. For she li [...]'d▪ therein 14 Years by a great Miracle, and from that time to this, the Serpents that breed thereabouts never did any harm. That idolatrous King had a design to have enjoy'd that Princess, who was very handsome, and all her Companions; but they overcame him by their Virtue: who thereupon, seeing he could not have his Will, put them all to Death.

The Custom of all the Armenians, as well those that come out of Persia, as those that travel into Persia, is to perform their Devotions at these Three Churches; and the Caravan stops usually five or six days, during which time they Confess, and receive Absolution from the Patriarch.

The Patriarch has under him forty seven Archbishops, and every Archbishop has under him four or five Suffragans, with whom he lives in a Convent, where there are several Monks under their Jurisdiction. So soon as they have said their Mass, which is generally done an Hour after Day, they all go to work, and to dig and delve for their living. The Revenue of the Patriarch is 600000 Crowns or there­abouts: for all the Armenian Christians that are above fifteen Years of age, ought to pay him yearly five Sous. However there are many that do not pay him, by reason of their poverty. Yet their defect is suppli'd by the rich, who sometimes pay him two or three Crowns a Head. But this Money does not stay in the Pa­triarch's Pocket: nay he is sometimes behind-hand; for he is engag'd to relieve the poor Armenians, who have not wherewithal to pay the Carage, which is an Annual Tribute that they owe to the Mahometan Princes, to whom they are subject: Other­wise necessity would force them to become Mahometans; and they, their Wives and Children would be liable to be sold, which the Grand Patriarch labours all he can to prevent. Every Archbishop sends him out of his Diocess what is necessary to be rais'd for that intent. So that the Patriarch does but only receive it with one Hand, and pay it with the other; making no profit to himself of a Revenue which he has out of 400000 Villages, which the Archbishop of St. Stephen's affirm'd to me to be under his Jurisdiction.

As I return'd from Persia in the Year 1655, I came to the Three Churches about the end of February; the Caravan stay'd there eleven Days, as well by reason of the great Snows that stop'd up the Ways, as for that the Armenians resolv'd to keep their Carnival there, and after that to perform their Devotions. The next day I went to visit the Patriarch, who was sitting cross-leg'd upon a Mat. There were four Arch­bishops, and nine Bishops sitting about him in the same posture, among whom there was one that spake very good Italian. I stayed with him three Hours; and while we were discoursing together, in came one of the Monks of the Covent, who had not spoken to any person whatsoever in Two and twenty Years, by reason of a Penance that was impos'd upon him. Never did Man appear so meager and de­formed; but the Patriarch sent for him, and by his Authority commanded him to break silence, which he did, by speaking at the same Instant.

The Saturday before Shrove-Sunday the Patriarch invited all the Caravan, as well Masters as Servants, to hear Mass the next day, and then to dine at the Covent. Mass being concluded, the People were brought into a long Gallery, about 15 or 20 Foot broad, there being a Table on both sides, made of several Stones, and Benches next the Walls. At the upper end of the Gallery stands a Table four Foot square, over which is a vaulted Roof sustain'd with four Pillars, which serves [Page 12] for a Canopy: in the midst whereof is a Chair set for the Patriarch, who from thence has a full view of both sides the Gallery; with two other Chairs of each hand, for two Archbishops: the other Archbishops, Monks, and Guests sate at the long Tables. The Meat which they brought us was several sorts of Pilaw, and se­veral Dishes of Fish, among the rest excellent Trouts. The Pilaw was brought in forty wide Plates, so well fill'd and so large, that they were every one as much as a Man could carry. They were all set down upon the Ground before the Patriarch; who then Pray'd and gave Thanks. Then six Bishops with Ladles took out the Meat out of the great Platters, and putting it into lesser, serv'd both the Tables. Every one had also his earthen Pot of Wine, which was very good, and was fill'd again when it was empty. The Patriarch and the two Archbishops eat nothing but two Eggs, and a few raw Herbs; no more did the other Archbishops that sate at the Table.

At the end of the Feast, a Bishop comes with a Paper and Pen and Ink in his Hand, and asks of every one what he pleases to Subscribe for the Benefit of the Church; then every one proposing, according to his Devotion, the Bishop writes down the Names of the Persons, and the Sum which they mention; which he comes and gathers the next day. There are some rich Merchants that will give two Tomans, but the meanest Servant will give an Or. The Bishop having done writing, the Ta­ble was clear'd, and then they brought us Melons and other Fruits. In a short while after the Bells rung to Evening Service, and the People went to Church.

After Evening Service the Patriarch sent for me to behold a Combat of Bufalo's, of which there are great store in that Country, some serving to Till their Ground, while the Female ones yield store of Milk, of which they make Butter and Cheese, and which they mingle with all sorts of other Milk: There are some of these female Beasts that will give two and twenty Pints of Milk a day.

They brought us into a wide Enclosure, to behold the Sport, wherein there were eight Bufalo's. To provoke them one against another, they shew them a Red Cloth, which puts them into such a Rage, that there were two that dy'd with the stroke of their Horns upon the place, and there were none of the rest which were not very much lam'd. The Sport being at an end, they bring a great quantity of Wood, which they pile together on purpose to set it on Fire. When the Wood was heap'd in as big a Pile as they intended, one of the Archbishops presented a Ta­per of white Wax to all the Company, both Masters and Servants, who every one agreed with him what they should give the next day for their Tapers. The Tapers being lighted, the Patriarch with a Stick like a Bishop's Crosier, march'd before, singing an Hymn, attended by all the Persons both Ecclesiastical and Secular, till they had in that manner walk'd three times about the Pile. When the Pile came to be lighted, there was great striving who should have the Honour. One of the Merchants offer'd a quantity of Oyl, for Lamps for the Church; another out-did him, and a third proffer'd more than he; and the Honour of Lighting the Pile was given to him that offer'd most. Immediately upon that every one put out his Taper: For they esteem it a most precious business; believing that the lighting of one of those Tapers in a Storm, and throwing it into the Sea, is a present Charm against Shipwrack. For say they, The Virgin Mary, forty days after she was brought to Bed, went to Jerusalem with Joseph and her Son; and going into the Temple met old Simeon, who taking the Child in his Arms, began to sing the Song, Lord▪ now let thy Servant, &c. the Song being ended, all the People began to cry that Christ was born, and to publish it about the City. Now in regard it was Night, every one ran out with Torches in their Hands, and some made Fires before their Doors, where Christ was to pass along. This Festival among the Armenians is like that of Candlemas-day; and they call it in their Language, Ter en Areche? Where is the Lord? The Armenians, Masters and Servants, drank all Night to make an end of their Carnival: while the Patriarch was busie in dressing up the Church with its gayest Ornaments.

I could not believe there had been so much Riches in the Christian Churches under the Power of the Mahumetans. It is not a hundred Years since this Patriarchal Church was in a much meaner Condition: But since the great Sha-Abas put the Armenians upon Traffick, they have very much enrich'd themselves: For as they go [...] great Gains; so they made great Vows, and gave largely to the Church▪ [Page]

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[...]a [...]er [...]ers Persian travels Pag. 13

[Page 13] wherein there are now as rich Ornaments as in any Church of Christendom. The Choir of the Church was hung round with a Venetian Tissue of Gold. The Pavement also of the Choir and the Body of the Church, together with the Steps to the Altar, were spread with rich Tapestry. For they all put off their Shooes before they go into the Church; nor do the Armenians kneel as in Europe, but stand all the while upright. When they hear Mass, they sit after the Mode of the Country, but when the Lessons are reading they stand up. All the Service-time their Heads are cover'd, unless at the Elevation of the Host, for then they take off their Bonnets, and kiss the Earth three times. There was upon the Altar a Cross, with six Candlesticks of Gold; and upon the Steps to the Altar four Candlesticks of Silver five foot high. After they had sung several Hymns, the Patriarch seated himself in a Chair cover'd with Silk Tapestry, four Archbishops sitting with their Backs to a Pillar at his right hand. The Service was solemnly perform'd by an Archbishop, with two Bishops on each side of him. After the Archbishop had made certain Prayers, he took the Book wherein he had read the Gospel and gave it the Patriarch, the Archbishops, Bishops, and all the People to Kiss. On the one side of the Cover of that Book there are two Relicks enchas'd, which are cover'd with Crystal, which was the side of the Book that was given to be Kiss'd. The Ceremony being ended, many went to Kiss the Patriarch's Hand, and so retir'd.

Ten Leagues from Erivan, toward the North, appears a great Lake, wherein there is an Island, upon which is built a very fair Covent. The Monks that live there, live so austere a Life, that they never eat Fish or Flesh above four times a Year: neither do they speak one to another, but upon those four Days. The rest of the Year they feed only upon Herbs, which they gather out of the Garden: for say they, it is not Fasting, to eat either Butter or Oyl. The Bread which they eat is brought from the neighbouring Villages: and the Island is replenish'd with all sorts of excellent Fruits.

On the one side of the Lake nearer to Erivan is a large Plain, wherein there are six Monasteries. One of which is entirely hewn out of the Rock, with the Pillars that sustain it, being seated in a very hard Rock. The Armenians call that Church Kickart in their Language, and the Turks in theirs Guicurghieche, that is, See and away. In this Church, according to the Traditions of the Armenians, is kept the Lance wherewith the Side of Christ was pierc'd; the Figure whereof I caus'd to be drawn upon the Place. The Armenians have this Lance in great Veneration, saying, that it was brought thither by St. Matthew.

Five Leagues from Erivan, towards the South-East, begins the Mountain Ararat; which will be always famous for being the resting-place of Noah's Ark. Half a Leaugue from that Mountain, where the Plain begins to grow level, stands a Church upon a little Hillock, close by which are several Pits like Wells. They report that it was into one of these Wells that Cerda, an Armenian King, caus'd St. Gregory to be thrown, because he would not Worship his false Gods. Between this Church and Erivan are to be seen the Ruines of the Ancient Artaxate, the Seat of the Kings of Armenia, which demonstrate that it has been a great City: besides, there appear the Ruines of a fair Palace.

Erivan lies in 64 Degrees, 20 Minutes of Longitude; 41 Degrees, 15 Mi­nutes of Latitude; in a most plentiful Country of all things necessary for Humane Life, but especially abounding in good Wine. It is one of the best Provinces of all Persia, and yields the King a very large Revenue, as well by reason of the goodness of the Soil, as for being the great Thoroughfare of the Caravans. The yearly Revenue of the Governour only, otherwise call'd the Kan of Erivan, amounts to above 20000 Tomans, which make 840000 Livres. This City ly­ing upon the Frontiers of both Empires, has been taken and retaken by the Turks and Persians, several times. By which means the old City being ruin'd, they have built a new one, 800 Paces on this side, upon a Rock, at the foot whereof, upon the West-side runs a rapid Stream: it is call'd by the Name of Sangui-Cija, and in many places it is deep and full of Rocks. You cross it, over a fair Bridge of three Arches, in which are built little Chambers, where the Kan retires in the heat of the day. It is full of Fish▪ especially Trouts, which nevertheless are dear enough. This River comes from a Lake called Gigaguni; about 25 Leagues from Erivan, toward the [Page 14] North, and falls into the Aras, that runs not above three Leagues off to the South. Though this City be fortified to the West by the River, yet it is never the stronger, by reason of the Hills on the other side which command it: and in regard it is built upon a rock, the Moats of the Fort are not above three or four Foot deep. In some places the City is secur'd with a double Wall with several Towers; but the Walls being only of Earth, as are most of the Houses, the Rain does more mis­chief, than the Cannon would do. That part of Erivan to the North-West, is a kind of Suburb, but far better inhabited then the City: for there live all the Mer­chants and Artificers, together with the Christian Armenians, who have four Churches there, with a Monastery. And of late years they have built also a very fair Inn in the same Quarter. In the City there only lives the Kan, with the Military Officers and Souldiers; the Kan's Lodgings lying upon the River. The Governour is a Person of great Power, and has always sufficient Forces about him to guard the Frontiers. The Summer being very hot at Erivan, he lyes in Tents upon the Mountains during the Heat. When a Caravan arrives, he is forc'd to give the King advice thereof: and if any Ambassador come thither, he is bound to maintain him at his own expence, and to cause him to be conducted to the Territories of the next Governour, who is oblig'd to do the same. So that Ambassadors are not bound to be at any Expenees in the Territories of the King of Persia. Four Leagues from the City are high Mountains, where the Natives that inhabit the hot and Sun▪burnt Countries toward Chaldea, come Twenty Thousand together, to seek out good Pasturage for their Cattel▪ and about the end of Autumn return again into their own Country. I cannot compare this Mountanious Tract, whether for its Valleys▪ and Rivers, or for the nature of the Soil, to any Part that I have seen, better than to that proportion of Switzerland, which is call'd the Country of Vanx: and there is a Tradition among the Natives, That certain people that inhabited between the Alpes and Mount Jura, and which compos'd a Squadron of Alexander's Army, having serv'd him in his Conquests, seated themselves in this part of Armenia, which they found so like their own Country. From Tocat to Tauris the Inhabitants are for the most part Christians. Which large Tract of Ground being that which the Ancients call'd the Province of Armenia, 'tis no wonder to meet with fifty Arme­nians for one Mahometan. There are many ancient Armenian Families in Erivan, which is their native Country; but they are well us'd by the Governours, who being far distant from the Court, do what they please. This City not being far remote from the Province from whence the Silks come, is the place where all the Buyers and Sellers resort. But neither in Erivan, nor in any other part of Persia are the Merchants put to open their Bales at the Custom-Houses, as in Turkie. They only pay certain Duties toward securing the Highways; which Duties they call Rade­ries, and those tha [...] gather them Raders.

The Kans or Governours of Provinces in Persia are civil to Strangers, especially to those that they like, or that shew them any thing of Curiosity. The first time that I went into Persia I took a young Watchmaker with me, and coming to Erivan, I carried him to the Kan who was then Governour. It was at a time when Watches were very rare in Persia; and the Kan, understanding what▪ Trade the Young Man was of, told us he was the first Watch-maker that ever had been in Persia: Thereupon he brought the young man a Watch to mend, and that he might have the pleasure of seeing him work, he lodg'd us in a Chamber next his own, and made us drink with him every day; for he was a true Toper, and com­pell'd us to drink with him from four in the Afternoon 'till near Midnight, in a place which he had made on purpose, in his Garden, to take off his Glasses.

This was he, that having deliver'd Erivan to Sultan Amurat, went along with him to Constantinople, and became his Favourite for teaching him to Drink. Amurat left a Garrison of 22000 Men in the City; but Sha-Shefi the Persian King begirt it presently with a strong Army; and planting him securely under one of the Hills that command the City, he batter'd it incessantly with eight Pieces of Cannon: the fourth day he made a Breach, and though he had the repute of a Coward, he was the first at the Assault, and took the City: and because they would not yield at his Summons, he put all the Garrison to the Sword. For which Amurat, was quit with Sha-Shefi afterwards, though not in so noble a way; for entering a Victor into Bagdat, he put all the Persians to the Sword, after he had given them his word to the contrary, and promis'd to spare their lives.

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[figure]
The Platform of Erivan and the Suburbs.
  • [Page 15]A. The Town and Fort.
  • B. The Suburbs, inhabited by the Armenian Christians.
  • C. The Church.
  • D. The Covent.
  • E. The River of Sangui-cija.
  • F. The Stone Bridge.
  • G The Highway for the Caravans.
  • H. The Fort which Sha-Sefi built to batter the City.
  • I. The River that falls from the Mountain.
  • K. The Highway to T uris.
  • L. The way to [...]efl [...] the chief City of Georgia; and the way to the Mountain where th [...] [...] of [...] twice a Summer to drink.
  • M. The Market places, for [...] of [...].

CHAP. IV.
A Continuation of the same Road from Erivan to Tauris.

IT usually takes up ten days journey for the Caravan to go between Erivan and Tauris; and Naksivan is almost in the mid-way between both. The first days journey you travel through large Plains sow'd with Rice, and water'd with several Rivulets. The next day you contiue to Travel through Plains of the same nature, in sight of the Mountain Ararat, which is full of Mona­steries, leaving it upon the South. The Armenians call this Mountain Mesesoufar, The Mountain of the Ark; because the Ark of Noah rested upon it. It is as it were unfasten'd from the other Mountains of Armenia, and from the half-way to the top, it is continually cover'd with Snow. It is higher than any of the neighbouring Mountains; and in my first Travells I saw it for five days Journey together. So soon as the Armenians discover it, they kiss the Earth, and lifting up their eyes to Heaven, say their Prayers. Yet you are to take notice, that the Mountain is hid in Clouds for two or three Months together: In the plains that you cross in this second days journey, to the Southward a League and a half from the High­way, is to be seen a work of great Art; being the Ruines of a Magnificent Castle, where the Kings of Armenia were wont to reside in the time of their Hunting Divertisements; more especially when they continu'd their sports at the Mallard and Heron. The next day we lodg'd near to a Village where there was good Water, which constrain'd the Caravan to stay there; there being none to be met with for ten Leagues farther. The next day you must Travel one by one through the Pass of a Mountain, and cross a large River nam'd Arpason, which falls into Aras. It is fordable when it is low, but when the Snow melts and swells the stream, you must go a League out of your way to the Southward to cross it, over a Bridge of Stone. From thence you go to lodge near a Village call'd Kalifakiend, where you are forc'd to fetch you Water a good way off. The first days journey is through a Plain, at the end whereof you meet with an Inn, call'd Kara-bagler, standing upon a Rivulet; which was finish'd in 1664. The Head of this Rivulet springs three or four Leagues higher toward the North; and half a League below Kara-Bagler, the Water congeals and petrifies; and of those Stones is the Inn built. The Stone is very slight; and when they have need of it, they make Trenches all along the Stream, and fill them with the same Water, which in eight or ten Months turns into Stone. The Water is very sweet, and has no bad tast; yet the Country-men thereabouts will neither drink it, no water their Grounds with it. The Arme­nians say, that Sem the Son of Noah caus'd the Rock to be hollow'd, out of which this River issues; which four or five Leagues from its Head, and two from the Inn, falls into Aras. From this Inn to Naksivan is but a small Journey. Naksivan, [Page 16] according to the Opinion of the Armenians, is the most ancient City of the World▪ built about three Leagues from the Mountain upon which the Ark of Noah rested: from whence it also takes its Name; for Nak in the Armenian Tongue signifies a Ship, and Sivan, resting or reposing. 'Twas a great City, now wholly ruin'd by the Army of Sultan Amurath. There are the Remains of several rare Mosquees, which the Turks have destroy'd; for the Turks and Persians destroy one anothers Mosquees as fast as they fall into one anothers possession. This City is very ancient, and the Armenians report, that it was in this place where Noah went to live, when he went out of the Ark. They say further, that he was Buried here; and that his Wife has a Tomb at Marante upon the Road to Tauris. There runs a little River by Naksivan, the Water whereof is very good; the Spring whereof is not far distant from the Head of the River of Karabagler. The Armenians drove a great Trade in Silk formerly in this Town, which is now very much abated: however, there is a Kan which has the Command there. All the Country between Erivan and Tauris was wholly destroy'd by Sha-Abas King of Persia, and the first of that Name; to the end that the Armies of the Turks, not meeting with any subsistance, might perish of themselves. To this purpose, he sent all the Inhabitants of Zulfa and the Parts adjoyning into Persia, Old and Young, Fathers, Mothers, and Chil­dren, with which he planted new Colonies in several parts of his Kingdome. He sent above 27000 Families of Armenians into Guilan, whence the Silks come; and where the harshness of the Climate kill'd abundance of those poor people, that were accustom'd to a milder Air. The most considerable were sent to Ispahan, where the King put them upon the Trade of Silk, and lent them Commodities, for which they paid upon the return of their Markets, which suddenly set the Ar­menians upon their Feet again. These are they that Built the City of Zulfa, which is only separated from Ispahan by the River of Senderou, calling it New Zulfa, to distinguish it from the old City, which was the Habitation of their Ancestors. A third part of the people were dispers'd into other Villages between Ispahan and Sciras. But the old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans: so that now you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in all those fair Plains, which their Fathers were sent to manure.

Among the Ruines of Naksivan appear the Ruines of a great Mosquee, which was one of the most stately Buildings in the World: which some say was built in memory of N [...]ah's Burying-place. As you depart out of the City, near to the River that runs by it, appears a Tower, which is an excellent piece of Architecture: It is compos'd of four Duomo's joyn'd together, which support a kind of a Pyramid, that seems to be fram'd of twelve little Towers; but toward the middle it changes its figure, and lessening like a Spire, ends in a Point. The Building is all of Brick, but as well the out-side as the in-side is over-spread with a kind of Varnish of Parget, wrought into Flowers, like Emboss'd work. 'Tis thought to have been an Edifice, set up by Temur-leng when he had Conquer'd Persia.

Between Naksivan and Zulfa, on each side, as well to the North as to the South, there are ten Covents of Christian Armenians, distant about two or three Leagues one from the other. They acknowledge the Pope, and are govern'd by certain Religious Dominicans of their own Nation. And to keep up their Religion, they send from time to time to Rome certain Children born in the Country, to learn the Latin and Italian Tongues, and other necessary Sciences. It is thought there are in this Quarter above six thousand Souls that absolutely follow the Doctrine of the Church of Rome; only that they sing the Office and the Mass in the Armenian Tongue, that all the People may hear and understand them. The Archbishop, being chosen, is sent to Rome to be confirm'd. He resides at a great Town, which is one of the most lovely places in all Asia; the Wine and Fruits that grow there are very delicate, besides the abundance of all other things necessary for Humane Life. Every Covent stands near a great Village: the chiefest where I have been twice, is Aba­ [...]ener, the second Abraghonnex, the third Kerna, the fourth Soletak, the fifth Kouchkachen, the sixth Giaouk, the seventh Chiabonnez, the eighth Araghouche, the ninth Kauzuk, the tenth Kisouk, which lyes upon the Frontiers of Curdistan or Assyria: Here it is, that the Armenians believe St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew to have been Martyr'd, of which they pretend to shew some Relicks at this day, Many Mahometans came thither out of Devotion, especially such as are troubl'd [Page 17] with Feavers. There are two or three of those Convents, where they civilly entertain such Christians as come out of Europe; though the Monks there are very poor. They also live very austere lives, feeding upon nothing but Herbs. That which makes them so poor, is the often change of Tyrannical Governours, whom they are oblig'd to present with large Gifts But in regard they cannot give much, those Governours have no kindness for them; for which reason, being instigated by those other Armenians who are able to oblige them, they use them so severely, that they are often forc'd to complain to the King; which I have many times seen done at Ispahan.

A League and a half from the chief of these Covents there is a high Mountain, separated from all the rest, which rises like a Sugar loaf, as doth the Pike of a Tena­riff. At the foot of this Mountain are certain Springs, that have the virtue to heal those that are bit by Serpents; in so much that Serpents carry'd to that place will dye immediately.

When the Caravan is ready to set out from Naksivan for Zulpha, which is not above a days journey from thence, the principal Armenians usually go out of the way to the Covent of St. Stephen, which lyes to the South.

Now the Road from Naksivan to St. Stephen's lyes first to a great Village call'd Ecclisia, where live the richest Armenians, that drive a great Trade in Silk, and have built them a very fair Church.

Two Leagues from Ecclesia you must cross the River Aras in a Ferry-Boat, being as it were fqueez'd between two Mountains in that place: Once I went over upon the Ice. About two Musket shot from thence, you must cross over a Bridge, another River that salls into the Aras. From the foot of the Bridge you begin to ascend a little Hill, at the top whereof you meet with a great Village, call'd Shambé, all the Inhabitants whereof, as well Men as Women, grow Mad at 18 years of age; but it is such a madness that it is not mischievous. Some believe it to be the Punishment of Heaven, for that their Forefathers in these Mountains persecuted St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew.

From hence to Stephen's it is not above a League, but the Way is very trouble­som. St. Stephen's is a Convent built not above 30 years ago. It stands upon the Mountains, in a barren place, and of difficult access. But the reason why the Armenians chose that place before any other, is because that St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew retir'd thither in the time of their Persecution. They add, that St. Matthew did a Miracle in that place; for that there being no Water there before, he only struck his stick upon the Ground, and presently there arose a Spring. This Spring is about half a quarter of a League from the Convent, under a Vault with a good Door to it, to keep the Water from being wasted. The Armenians go to visit this Spring in great Devotion, having laid the Water into the Covent with Pipes. They also say, that in this place they found several Relicks which St. Bartholomew and St. Matthew lest there, to which they add a great many others; among the rest a Cross, made of the Basin wherein Christ wash'd his Disciples Feet: In the middle of the Cross is a white Stone, which as they report, if you lay upon a Sick person, will turn black if the person be likely to dye; and recover its former whiteness after the death of the party.

A law Bone of St. Stephen the Martyr.

The Scull of St. Matthew.

A Bone of the Neck, and a Bone of the Finger of St John Baptist.

A Hand of St. Gregory, who was the Disciple of Dionysius the Areopagite.

A little Box, wherein they keep a great number of pieces of Bones, which they believe to be the Relicks of the Seventy Two Disciples.

The Church is built in the form of a Cross, as are all the Churches of the Arme­nians; in the middle whereof rise [...] a fa r Duomo, round about which stand the twelve Apostles. Both the Church and Covent are of Free stone, and though the whole Edifice be not very big, there has been abundance of Gold and Silver wasted upon the Walls: Many Armenian Families have been very much endamag'd thereby; for the Women were so devout, that unknown to their Husbands they sold their Jewels, and their very Cloaths to defray the Expences of Building.

The first time that I was at St. Stephen's, in the company of some Armenians, two Bishops, attended by several other Monks, came out to meet us, and led us [Page 18] into a great Hall, where we were very well treated. For it is the custom of the Armenians, a little before Meals to present their Guests a large Cup of Aqua-Vitae, with Sweet-meats of all sorts, besides Citron and Orange-peels candy'd, in seven or eight Porcelan-dishes, laid in a great China Basin. This is a little Prelude to excite the Appetite; for the Armenians, both men and Women, will empty great Cups of Aqua-Vitae. After Dinner they go to Church, where they sing certain Hymns: when you return, there are a sufficient number of Mattresses or Quilts to lye upon; for they use no other sort of Beds over all Asia: only at Night you spread a Carpet upon a Quilt, and shut the Door. We saw not the Archbishop all that Evening, only at Church.

About Midnight all the Bells rang, and every body rose to go to Church. I belieye it was more than usual, because it was Shrovetide; for both the Office and the Missa were both concluded by break of day. Between eight and nine in the Morning the Cloth was laid; before which time we saw abundance of the Neigh­bouring Country people, who brought Wine, Fruits, and other Provisions, and presented all to the Archbishop.

While we were at Breakfast news came that a certain Bishop was dead, in his return to the Three Churches; whither he was sent by the Patriarch to gather certain Duties due from the Villages. Immediately the Archbishop rising from the Table with all his Assistants, and having made a Prayer for the Dead, sent a Bishop and six Monks to fetch the Corps; who returning a little after Midnight, the Body was presently laid in the Church upon a Carpet spread upon the Ground, with the Face turn'd toward the Altar. In the mean time, a great number of Wax-candles were lighted, and all the rest of the Night two monks watch'd by turns to Pray for the Dead. Early in the Morning the Archbishops, the Bishops, and all in Religious Orders, said the Office for the Dead, which lasted half an Hour; and at the end of the Mas [...] they brought the Corps to the Altar, so that they made the Feet of the Corps to touch it. Having so done, they took off the Linnen Cloth that cover'd his Head, at which time the Archbishop anointed him in six places with the Holy Oyl, saying certain Prayers every time. Then they cover'd him again, and said other Prayers which lasted half an Hour. These Ceremonies perform'd, they carry'd the Corps out of the Church with Crosses and Banners, and every one a Taper in his Hand. As the Corps pass'd by, one of the Bishops put a Paper in his right hand, containing these words, I came from the Father, and I return to the Father. Being brought to the Grave, upon a little Mountain near the Covent, and set down, they said other Prayers which lasted a quarter of an hour. In the mean time a Bishop going down into the Grave, took away all the Stones and made the place smooth, after▪ which the Corps was let down wrapt in a large Linnen Sheet. Then the Bishop, according to ther custom, rais'd his Head a little higher than his Body, turning his face to the East. Which being done, the Archbishop and Assistants took every one a handful of Earth, which the Archbishop blest, and giving it to the Bishop, he strew'd it over the Body. Then the Bishop coming out again, the Grave was fill'd up.

From St. Stephen's there is a descent for a League together to Aras, by the side whereof you are to keep along till you come to Zulpha, where you come into the high Road again. There is another way quite over the Mountain, which is the nearer way by a League, but 'tis very troublesom and toylsom, and therefore the less frequented.

But to return to the High Road from Naksivan; half a League from Naksivan you meet with a River which falls into Aras, which is to be cross'd over a Stone-Bridge of 12 Arches, though there be but little Water, unless it be when the Snow melts, or the Rains fall. In a Meacow, next the Bridge, where we lodg'd one time that I travell'd that way, there is a Spring of luke warm Water, which will loosen the Belles of them that drink it. At this Bridge it is that the Toll-gatherer comes and takes his Duties, when the Caravan stays not at Naksivan. You must pay ten Abassi's for every Camel's Loading, or nine Livers, which is for the se­curing the Highways. These Duties are demanded in many places of Persia with­out searching the Packs. The Governours also in their Provinces are made to answer for every Robbery committed: which makes it so safe travelling in Persia, that you need not keep with the Caravan, unless you will your self.

[Page 19] From this Bridge to Zulfa is but one days journey; which Town being altogether ruin'd, shews the reason wherefore the Caravan lodges upon the Bank of the River five hundred Paces on this side.

Zulfa, the ancient Habitation of the Armenians which Sha-Abas carried into Persia, is a Town squeez'd between two Mountains, through which the Aras runs, leaving but little Land on either side. It carries no Boats till about two Leagues below, (for upward it will hardly bear a piece of Timber) and in regard the Country grows low and extends it self into Plains, there is no fear of Rocks, the course of the Stream being very quiet. There was a fair Stone-Bridge, which Sha-Abas caus'd to be broken down, when he wholly destroy'd the Town, that it might be no harbour for the Turks. Neither by the Ruines, nor by its Situation, doth it appear to have been a City of any ancient Beauty; the Stones were clapt unskilfully together without Morter, so that the Houses were more like Caves than Houses. The North-West side was most inhabited, there being nothing on the other side worth taking notice of. The Lands about Zulfa being very fertil, there are certain Armenian Families return'd, who live very quietly. Cogia Nazar, one of the chief Armenians that went out of Zulfa, growing rich by Trade, and being in great reputation with Sha-Abbas, and Sha-Sefi his Successor, who made him Kelonter, or Chief Judge of the Armenian Nation, built two great Inns, for the Honour of his Country, in Zulfa, upon each side of the River one. He spent above an hundred thousand Crowns, but dying left two remarkable Pieces of Work unfinish'd.

Half a League on this side Zulfa, before you cross a Torrent that falls into Aras, you may take your choice of two ways to go to Tauris. The one upon the right hand, leading to the South East, which is the ordinary Road; the other upon the left hand, toward the North East, which we took eight or ten in company together on horseback, the last time I went to Ispahan. We left the Caravan, that takes the great Road, and never goes the other way, because it is full of Rocks and Stones that spoil the hoofs of the Camels. However I was willing to see a new Country, which I shall describe before I come to the great Road.

From the Torrent where we left the Caravan, we went forward, and lay at a Village not above a League and a half off.

The next day, after we had kept along by the Banks of the Aras for five or six Hours, we came to Astabat, which lyes a League from the River, where we staid above two Days to divert our selves. This is but a little City, but a very neat one; where there are four Inns, and every House has its Fountain. The great plenty of Water makes the City very fruitful in all things; more especially in good Wine. This is the only Country in the World that produces the Ronas, for which there is a vast utterance all over Persia and India. The Ronas is a Root that grows in the Earth like Liquorice, and is not much bigger. The use of it is to dye Red, and this is that Red which gives that beautiful tincture to all the Calicuts that come out of the Mogul's Country. Though the Roots which are pull'd out of the Earth are very long, yet they cut them into pieces not above as long as a Man's Hand, for the better accommodation of Carriage. It is a wonderful thing to behold at Ormus whole Caravans laden with this Ronas, which they Ship off from thence to the Indies.

The Root is full of Juyce, and yields a very high Tincture; for I remember that an Indian Vessel that was laden with it, being cast away in the Road of Ormus, where the Bags of Ron [...]s floated, the Sea look'd of a red colour for several days.

Departing from Astabat, it behov'd us to provide our selves with Straw and Barley for our Horses, understanding that we should meet with none all that days journey. From thence we travell'd upon a descent for an hour together to the River Aras, which we cross'd in a Boat; and all the rest of the day we travel'd through Mountains, over Torrents and Stones. That Evening we lay upon the Bank of a small Stream.

The day following, after we had travel'd through a spacious Valley for two or three hours, we ascended a high Mountain, at the top whereof we met with two or three pitiful Houses, where we stopt that day.

The next, which was the fifth after, we left the Caravan, we travel'd upon a [Page 20] descent for two or three hours, till we came to a great Village neatly situated, where there grows excellent Fruit. There we repos'd for an hour or two; and from thence we came to a great Stone-Bridg on a River where there is no Water but when the Rains fall. It falls into the Lake Roumi, but the Water of the River is so sowr and ill tasted, especially when it is low, that it is not to be drunk. About a quarter of a League from the Bridge are three long Stones set in the Ground like Pillars: the Natives say that they were placed there for a Monument, in the same place where Darius the Son of Hystaspes was elected King by the cunning of the Gentleman of his Horse: from whence to Tauris is but half a League. The Moun­tains of the Medes which we cross'd in this Road, and those which run along toward the ancient Parthians, are the most fertil in all Persia. They bear Corn and Fruit in abundance; for upon the high Mountains there are fair Plains sow'd with Wheat, which are extraordinary fertil. The Springs which rise there, and Rains which fall give a fresher beauty and a higher tast to what grows there, more than in any other part of Persia that wants Water; and the products of those Fields are of a higher price.

Now for the great Road. The Caravan having cross'd the Stream where we left it, lodges the next Night upon the Banks of Aras, over which it ferries the next Mor­ning. It does not go thorough Zulfa, though it be so near it; because that on the other side of the City, there are three Leagues of Way very bad and unfre­quented. For which reason you must leave Zulfa on the right hand, which is not much out of the way. After two hours travel you go by a Bridge which is call'd Sugiac; after which you come upon Heaths encompass'd with high Rocks. All this days journey you meet with no Water, but only one little Fountain, and the Water is so bad that the Beasts will hardly drink it.

The day following you travel through an even Country, but very barren: where you meet with nothing but a forlorn Inn; though it be a place where Cost has been bestow'd, and built all of Free-stone, that was fetch'd a great way off. The next Stage is Marante, famous for the Burying-place of Noah's Wife. The Town is not very big; resembling rather a Thicket than a City: but the situation is very pleasant, in the middle of a fertil Plain adorn'd with several well peopl'd Villages. This Plain does not extend above a League round about Marante, the Country beyond it being all barren. However it is not altogether unprofitable: for being a continual Heath, it affords feeding for the Camels, which are there bred for the Caravans. Which is the reason that there are so many Camel-Masters at Sugiac and Marante, who furnish great part of the Road. At Marante you must pay thirteen Abassi's, or four Crowns for every Camel's Load, for the security of the Road.

Leaving Marante, you lodge the next night a League from Sophiana in a bushy Plain, where the Water is worth nothing; after you have travell'd a mix'd Country, barren enough, where you meet with but one Inn in a Valley: but it is a very fair one. Sophiana is an indifferent large City, which you cannot see till you come within it, by reason of the great number of Trees planted in the Streets and round about it, which makes it look rather like a Forest than a City.

The next day, which is usually the tenth days journey from Erivan, the Caravan, having cross'd fair, large and fertil Plains, arrives at Tauris. Those Plains are water'd with several Streams that fall from the Median Mountains; but the Water is not all of the same goodness, for there is some which cannot be drunk.

In the mid-way between Sophiana and Tauris, lyes a Hill, from whence you have a prospect over those Plains, upon which the Army of Sultan Amurath Encamp'd, when he besieg'd Tauris. The news coming to Sha-Sefi King of Persia, that he had burnt it, and was marching further into the Country with a hundred thousand Men, Let him come, said he, without any disturbance, I know how to make the Turks pay for their Invasion without any great trouble. They were then not above fifteen days march from Ispahan, when Sha-Sefi, turn'd the course of all the Streams both before and hehind, which only run from certain Springs, and are brought in Cutts or Chanels into the Inland-parts of Persia, where there are no Rivers: By which means the whole Army of the Turks perish'd for want of Water in those vast un­water'd Countries where they had engag'd themselves too far.

Tauris lyes in 83 Degrees, 30 Minutes of Longitude; and 40 Degrees, 15 Mi­nutes of Latitude, in an open place where there is not a Tree to be seen; and [Page 21] environ'd with Mountains on every side, but only upon the West. The further [...] Mountain is not above a League from the City; but there is one which almost touches it, being only separated from it by the River. 'Tis a good Country, and fruitful in Corn; there is good Pasturage, and great store of Pulse. Some think that Tauris was the ancient Ecba [...]ane, the Metropolis of the Empire of the Medes. It is at this day a great City and well peopl'd, as being the Mart for Turkie, Muscovy, the Indies, and Persia, There are an infinite number of Merchants, and vast quantities of all sorts▪ of Merchandize: particularly of Silk, which is brought out of the Province of Guilan, and other places. There is also a great Trade for Horses, which are handsom and cheap. Wine, Aqua-vitae, and indeed all sorts of Provisions are cheap enough; and Money trolls about in that place more than in any other part of Asia. Many Armenian Families have got great Estates there by Trade, and understand it better than the Persians. A little River, the Water whereof is very good, runs through the middle of Tauris; it's call'd Schein­kaïe, over which there are three Bridges to cross from one part of the City to the other.

The most part of the Buildings in Tauris are of Bricks bak'd in the Sun; the Houses not being above one or two Stories high at most. The tops of the Houses are terrass'd; the Roofs within are vaulted, and plaister'd with Earth mix'd with chopt Straw, which they whiten afterwards with Lime. In the year 1638 the City was almost ruin'd by Sultan Amurath; but it is almost all rebuilt again. There are in it Bazars, or Market-houses, which are well built, and many Inns very commodious, two Srories high. The fairest is that of Mirza-Sadé Governour of the Province, who caus'd it to be built with a Market-house adjoyning, to which he has added a Mosquee and a Colledge, with good Revenues.

The great Trade of Tauris renders it renown'd over all Asia: for it has a con­tinual Trafsick with Turks, Arabians, Georgians, Mengrelians, Persians, Indians, Muscovites, and Tartars. The Bazars or Market-houses, which are cover'd, are always full of Goods: for there are some which are peculiar to the Handicraft-Trades; the most part whereof are Smiths, such as make Saws, Axes, Files, and Steels to strike Fire, with Tobacco-stoppers belonging to them. Some there are that make Pad-locks: for the Eastern People fasten their Doors only with wooden Bolts. There are also Turners, that furnish the neighbouring Parts with Spinning-Wheels and Cradles: and some Goldsmiths, that make trifles of Silver. But there is abundance of Silk-weavers that are Artists, and work very neatly; and indeed there are more of those than of any other Trade. Here it is that they dress the greatest part of the Shagrin-Skins that are vended so plentifully all over Persia; for there are none unless it be the Country-people, but wear Boots or Shooes of Shagrin-Leather. This Leather is made either of the Hides of Horses, Asses, or Mules▪ and only of the hinder part of the Hide: but the Asses Hide has the best grain.

There are to be seen at Tauris, Ruines of the stately Edifices round about the great Piazza, and the neighbouring parts: they have also let run to ruine four or five Mosquees of a prodigious height and bigness. The most magnificent and the biggest stands as you go out of the Town, in the Road to Ispahan. The Persians will not come near it, but look upon it as defil'd, and a Mosquee of He­reticks, in regard it was built by the Sounnis, or the followers of Omar. 'Tis a vast Structure fairly built, the Front whereof is fifty Paces broad, with an ascent of eight Steps. It is lin'd without with Brick-work varnish'd with different Co­lours; and adorn'd within with very fair Painting A l'antique, and abundance of Cifers and Arabian Letters in Gold and Azure. Upon two sides of the Fore-front are rear'd two Minarets or Towers very high, but not very wide, yet with Stairs to go up to the top. They are lin'd with varnish'd Brick-work, which is the usual Ornament of the Persian Buildings: and at the top stand two Cupola's, form'd like the Turbants which the Persians wear. The Gate of the Mosquee is not above four Foot wide, cut out of a great transparent white Stone, four and twenty Foot high, and twelve broad. Entring at the Door of the Mosquee, you come into a spacious Duomo, thirty six Paces in Diameter, rais'd upon twelve Pillars within, and sup­ported by sixteen without, which Pillars are very high, and six Foot square. Below there is a Balustrade or Rails that run round about the Building, with Doors to go [Page 22] from one side to the other: and the Foot of every Pillar, which is of white Marble, is hollow'd into little Niches equal with the Floor, where the People put their Shooes, when they go farther to their Devotions. The inside of the Walls is varnish'd in Squares of several Colours, with Flowers, Cifers, and Arabian Letters intermix'd, and wrought in Emboss'd work, so well painted, so well gilded that it seems to be but one piece of Work, cut out with a pair of Scissars. From this Duomo you pass to another lesser, but more beautiful in its kind. The lower pa [...]t is of transparent white Stone, of the same nature with that in the Front, cut in great Panes like a Door that never opens. This Duomo has no Pillars, but eight Foot high, it is all of white Marble, where are to be seen Stones of a prodigious length and bredth: The inside of the Vault is a violet Enamel, painted with all sorts of Flowers in Flat-work, but the outside of both the Duomo's is cover'd with varnish'd Brick-work, and Flowers emboss'd A la Moresque. Upon the first the Flowers are black upon green; upon the second, white Stars upon black: which diversity of Colours is very pleasing to the Eye.

Near the Door out of which you enter into the lesser Duomo, on the left hand, stands a Chair of Walnut-tree curiously-carv'd, and fasten'd to the Wall; it stands upon a Platform rais'd six steps high, without any Canopy. On the right hand stands another Chair of the same Wood, and an exquisite piece of Workmanship; with a kind of State over it of the same Wood, fasten'd to the Wall. There is a little Rail about it; and the Platform is four steps high. On the South-side of the Mosquee there are two white transparent Stones, which when the Sun shines upon them look red: And sometimes after the Sun is set, you may read at those Stones by the reflection of the Sun-beams.

Just against the Mosquee on the other side is another Front, which is the only Remain of a ruin'd Building. It was the abode of the Sheck Iman, or the Chief Priest. There had been large Baths which belonged to it, but they are all destroy'd; some others there were of less note, which are not lookt aster.

In the great Piazza of Tauris and in the parts adjoyning, stands a sair Mosquee, a Colledge, and a Castle, which fall to decay; these Buildings being forsaken; by reason they were made use of by the Sounni's, which were followers of Omar. Near the same Church is a ruin'd Church of the Armenians, whither they say St. Helena sent the true Cross. There is another Mosquee, which was formerly a Church dedicated to St. John Baptist, where they say one of his Hands was pre­serv'd a long time.

The Capuchins have a very convenient House at Tauris; for Mirza-Ibrahim Go­vernour of the Province, whose credit is equal to the Kan of Tauris, which is the chiefest Command in Persia, favours him very much with his protection. This Governour has made himself very considerable at Court▪ and very much respected by the King for his indefatigable pains, and his extraordinary agility in augmenting the King's Revenue: having found out such ways for that purpose, as never entred into the thoughts of any that preceded him in the the same Employment. He is very curious to learn all the Noble Sciences, which is a quality very rare among the Per­sians: He also takes great delight in the Mathematicks and Philosophy, discoursing often with Gabriel de Chinon, Governour of the Capuchins Covent in Tauris. But the great desire which Mirza-Ibrahim had, to have his two Sons taught by the said Gabriel, was the chief motive that made him so savourable to that Covent. He bought the Friers a place to build their House, and liberally furnish'd them for the Expence of the Work.

When the Sun sets and rises, there are a certain Company of People, who are oblig'd to make a hideous noise with Drums and Trumpets in the Meidan, or great Piazza of the City. They stand upon one side of the Piazza in a Gallery somewhat rais'd, which is a Custom observ'd in all the Cities under the Persian Government.

As you go out of Tauris upon the North-side, there is a Mountain close by, there being only the River between it. The name of it is Einali-Zeinali, and for­merly there stood upon the top of it a fair Hermitage of the Armenians, which the Mahometans have converted into a Mosquee. At the bottom of the Mountain stands a Fortress and a Mosquee, which they let go to ruine, because they were built by the Ottomans. A little farther upon the brink of the Precipice stands a Mona­stery, near to which are two Caves, where are certain Sepulchers and Marble Pillars [Page 23] lying along up [...]n the Ground. There are also in the Mosquee certain Tombs of the ancient Kings of the Medes, the Remains whereof shew that the Work was very Excellent.

Upon the Road from Tauris to Ispahan, about half a League from the utmost Gardens, between several knaps of the Mountain which you leave upon the right hand, upon the top of the highest of all, where there never was any Water, and where it is impossible to bring any, appears a Bridge Fifty paces long, the Arches whereof are very fair ones, but it falls to decay. It was a Mollah that built it, out of what design no person new: nor can you come to Tauris upon that side, but you mu [...]t see that Bridge, because there is no other way, there being nothing but Water and Precipices on either hand. Afterwards he confess'd that he built it out of meer Vanity, knowing that Sha-Abbas the first of that name, was to come to Tauris. The King indeed came some time after, and seeing an unprofitable Bridge upon the top of a Mountain, he demanded who built it, and what was his design. To whom the Mollah return'd this answer, Sir, said he, I built that Bridge, that when your Majesty [...]me to Tauris, you might inform your self from the mouth of him that built it. By which it appear'd that the Mollah had no other ambition than to oblige the King to speak to him.

A League from Tauris to the West, in the middle of a field, stands a great Brick Tower, call'd Kanhazun. It is about fifty Paces in Diameter, and though it be half ruin'd, yet it is very high. It se [...]ms to have been the Dungeon of some Castle, there being very high Walls round about it; which though they be but of Earth, nevertheless appear to be very ancient. It is not certainly known who built this Tower, but the Arabian Letters upon the Gate afford us some reason to conclude that it was a Mahometan structure. In the year 1651 there happen'd a terrible Earthquake in Tauris and the parts thereabouts, by which many houses were over­turn'd, and this Tower then cleaving from the top to the bottom, a good part of it fell down, and fill'd up the hollow within-side.

Besides the little River that runs by Tauris, there is another bigger to be cross'd about half a League from the [...]ity, over which there is a very fair Stone-Bridge: Near to it stands a Sepulcher, cover'd with a little Duomo, where the Persians say that the Sister of Iman Riza lyes interr'd; and they have it in great veneration. The River that runs under the Bridge comes from the Mountains of the North, and falls into the Lake Roumi, thirteen or fourteen Leagues from Tauris. They call it Aggi­sou, or Bitter▪water; for the Water is very bad, and without any Fish. The Lake which is fifteen Leagues in compass, has the same quality, the Water being blackish: the Fish that happen into it out of other Rivers that fall into it, presently become blind, and in a short while are found dead by the Shoar. This Lake takes its name from a Province and a little City, which are both call'd Roumi, being not above Eleven Leagues from Tauris.

In the middle of the Lake, upon the way that leads to a little City call'd Toko­riam, there is a little Hill that rises insensibly, the ascent whereof is very smooth, and out of it there rise many little Springs. The farther they run from the Head, the wider grow the Streams. And the Earth which they water is of two distinct qualities; the first Earth that is digg'd serves to make Lime: the next to that is a hollow spungy Stone, th [...] is good for nothing: but under that again is a white transparent Stone, which you may see through as through Glass, which being smooth and polish'd serves to adorn the Houses. This stone is only a congelation of the Waters of these Streams; for sometimes you shall meet with creeping Animals congeal'd within. The Governour of the Province sent one piece to Sha-Abbas, as a great present, wherein there was a Lizard congeal'd of a Foot long. He that pre­sented▪ it to the Governour had Twenty Tomans, or three hundred Crowns; after­wards I offer'd a thousand for the same Piece. In some parts of the Province of Mazandran, where the Enxin Sea stretches farthest into the Persian Territories, these congeal'd Stones are to be found, but not so frequently as near the lake Roumi; and you shall many times find pieces of Wood and Worms congeal'd in the Stones. I brought away a Camels loading of these Stones; and left them at Marseilles; till I could find what use to put them to.

CHAP. V.
A Continuation of the Constantinopolitan Road from Tauris to Ispahan, through Ardevil and Casbin.

FRom Tauris to Ispahan the Caravan makes it generally twenty-four days journey.

The first day you cross over dry Mountains, and four Leagues from Tauris you meet with one of the fairest Inns in Persia. This Inn Sha-Sefi caus'd to be built; it is very convenient, and large enough to lodge a hundred persons with their Horses. Over all Persia, especially from Tauris to Ispahan, and from thence to Ormus, you meet every day with Inns at an equal distance.

The next day you descend a Mountain, in very rugged and narrow way. At the foot of this Mountain there are two ways for the Merchants to choose that will go to Ispahan. They that will go the ordinary road and the direct way through Kom and Kachan, leave a Lake upon the left hand that parts the two Roads; and they that will go through Ardevil and Casbin, two other good Cities, leave the Lake upon the right hand, and coast along by the side of the Mountain. From Tauris to Ardevil it is not above a dozen Leagues; and having pass'd the Lake, the Country is very good: Which is the Road I intend to describe first.

Ardevil being at so small a distance from Tauris, lyes almost in the same Degrees and Minutes of Longitude and Latitude. This City is famous, as well for being the first Market of Silks that come from Guilan, from which it is not far off; as also for the Sepulcher of Sha-Sefi, the first of that name, King of Persia. The avenues to it are very pleasant, being as it were Alleys of great Trees, which are call'd Tchinar, planted in a streight line, at a due distance▪ It is of a moderate bigness, and seated in a lovely opening of the Mountains. The next to the Cities, which is call'd Sevalan, is the highest in all Media. The Houses of Ardevil are built of Earth, as are most of the Houses in the City of Persia: but the Streets are very uneven, dirty, and narrow. There is but one which is handsom, at the end whereof is built the Armenian Church. A little River runs through the middle of the City, which descending from the neighbouring Mountains runs from East to West. It is by Industry brought into many Cuts to water the Gardens, and in many places there are very fair Trees planted, which are very delightful to the Sight. The Meydan or Market-place is a very great one; more long than round; where stands a very fine Inn, upon one side, which the Kan caus'd to be built. There are several others in several parts of the City, which have the Prospect over several lovely Gardens, especially that which belongs to the King; to which you go through a long and stately Walk of four rows of Trees, at the end whereof stands a large Gate that gives you entrance. Though the Country about Ardevils be proper to bear Vines, yet there are none thereabouts; nor is there any Wine made till about four or five Leagues from the City. The Armenians that dwell in the City are very well stor'd with it; though there be no place in all Persia, where there is so much Caution to be us'd, either as to the Importing it, or the Drinking it; both which must be done very privately: Which proceeds from the Mahometan Superstition; the Persians having so peculiar a veneration for that place, that they believe it a sin to suffer Wine to be publickly drank therein.

The people come in Pilgrimage from all parts of Persia to the Sepulcher of Sha-Sefi; which together with the vast Trade of Silk, makes Ardevil one of the most considerable Cities of all Persia. There are several other Buildings added to the Mosquee wherein he lyes interr'd; the Entry whereof faces, the Meydan, to which it is joyn'd upon the South-side with a large Portal. The Gate is chain'd with Chains fasten'd a cross with great Rings; which if any Criminal Offender can but touch, and enter into the first Court, he is safe; for no person can apprehend him. This is a large Court, yet more in length than breadth, without the Wall whereof that looks upon the Market-place, several Shops are built for Merchants and Tradesmen.

[Page 25] Out of this Court you pass into another which is less, and pav'd with broad Stones, with a Rivulet running through the middle. The Entry into it is through a Door, fortifi'd with Iron Chains like the former▪ and is made at a corner of the great Court upon the left hand. It brings you presently under a Portico▪ where there are fair Balconies rais'd after the fashion of the Country▪ Those Balconies are full of several People; either Pilgrims, or persons whose Crimes constrain them thither for Sanctuary. In that place you must leave your Stick and your Sword, before you go any farther; and give something besides to a Moullah, who is always attending there with Books.

In that second Court through which the Rivulet glides, on the one side are Baths, on the other Granaries for Rice and Corn; and upon the left hand, at the end of the same Court, there is a little Door which brings you to a place where the Royal Alms are distributed to the Poor, Morning and Evening; being just against the King's Kitchin. This Gate is cover'd with Plates of Silver; and in the Kitchin there are about thirty Ovens contriv'd in the Wall, with as many great Caldrons to dress Pilaw and other Food, as well for the Poor as for the Officers of the Mosquee. While these Alms are distributing, the Master-Cook, who commands all the rest, sets upon a Chair cover'd with Plates of Silver, and sees that every thing be done in order. He sees to the measuring out the Rice every day for the Kettles, and causes the Victuals to be divided in his own sight: For there is an excellent Oeco­nomy in the King's House.

At the end of the Portico beyond the first Court there are two Gates, one beyond another, both cover'd with Plates of Silver, between those two Gates on the right hand appears a little Mosquee, where are the Tombs of several Persian Princes of the Blood Royal. You must have a great care not to tread upon the Thresholds of the Gates; for it is a Crime not to be expiated without a severe Punishment. From hence through a little Ile, you come into the Body of the Church, richly hung with Tapestry, and set about with high Desks, where lye a great many Books, wherein the Moullahs, or Doctors of the Law read continually, having Stipends to Officiate in the Mosquee. At the end of the Body of the Mosquee, is a little Octagonal Monument, like the Choir of a Church, in the midst whereof stands the Monument of Sha-Sefi. It is only of Wood, but curiously carv'd and inlaid. It exceeds not the height of a Man of an ordinary stature▪ and seems like a great Chest, having four Apples of Gold set up at each corner. It is cover'd with a Crimson Satin purfl'd with Gold; and all the other Tombs that are by it, are cover'd with Silks as rich. As well in the Choir as in the Body of the Church, there are abun­dance of Lamps, some of Gold, some of Silver; but the biggest of all is of Silver; gilded and vermilion'd, and neatly engrav'd. There are also six great Branches of a curious sort of Wood, cover'd with Silver, with great Wax Candles in them, which are never lighted but at their great Festivals.

From the Duomo where stands the Tomb of Sha-Sefi, you go under a little Vault, which encloses another Monument of another King of Persia, whose Name I could not learn. It looks like another great Chest, curiously wrought, and cover'd with Satin. The Roof of the Mosquee is adorn'd within with a Painting of Gold and Azure, a la Moresque; on the out-side, with a fair Varnish of several Colours, like the stately Mosquee at Tauris.

In the adjacent Parts round about Ardeüil are several Monuments worth a Man's sight, being very ancient; and some which are ruin'd, shew by what remains the care wich they took to enrich them with curious Workmanship. A quarter of a League from the City stands a Mosquee, in which are the Tombs of the Father and Mother of Sha-Sefi. It is a fair Structure, with Gardens and Courts, in one of which there is a very clear Fountain where they keep Fish.

Ardeüil is not only famous, as I have said already, for the Royal Sepulchers which are in it, and for the Pilgrimages which have been made to it from all parts of Persia; but the numerous Caravans of Silk, which sometimes consist of eight or nine hun­dred Camels, add very much to its Grandeur. For being near to Guilan and Sha­maqui, from whence those vast quantities of Silk come; and for that the Road from both those places, to Constantinople and Smyrna, lyes through this City, there is a continual confluence of Merchants, and all sorts of Merchandizes are here to be had as well as at Tauris.

[Page 26] From Ardeüil to Casbin you travel through a good Country; for every three of four Leagues you meet with little Rivers that fall from the Northern Mountains, and water the Earth. The Caravan is usually five days between Ardeüil and Arion, between Arion and Taron two, between Taron and Casbin two more. Half a League on this side Taron you must cross a great River over a stone Bridge, and half a League beyond you come to Kalkal.

Arion is a little City, Taron and Kalkal are two great Towns; and there are but these three places in all Persia where there grow any Olives, or that they make any Oyl. Leaving Kalkal, you travel over a Plain [...]or three hours, at the end whereof is a Way which you you cannot get over in less than four hours. The way is so bad that the Horses and Mules can hardly get up; but for the Camels, they must take the lower Road, which is also very tedious, and full of Stones, which the Torrents tumble down, and it is three or four Leagues about. When you are up, the Country is level, and you have not above three Leagues to Casbin.

Casbin lyes in 87 Degrees and 30 Minutes of Longitude, and 36 Degrees and 15 Minutes of Latitude. It is a great City, the Houses whereof are low and ill built; except seven or eight, which are next to the King's Gardens. It has no Walls, and indeed the best half of the City is in Gardens. There are three Inns, with Market-places round about; one of the three being large and commodious. It is inhabited altogether by Mahometans; or if there be any Christians, they are very few.

The Soil about Casbin produces Pistaches. The Tree that bears that is never bigger than a Walnut-tree of ten or twelve years old. The great quantity of Pista­ches that are exported out of Persia come from Malavert, a little City twelve Leagues from Ispahan, toward the East. These are the best Pistaches in the World, and the Country being of a large extent, produces them in such abundance, that it furnishes all Persia and the Indies.

Leaving Casbin, you come to a little Village where there is but one Inn; and you travel that day six Leagues through Countries fertil enough, and well water'd.

The next day you travel through a good Country, and in nine or ten hours you come to Denghé. This is a great Village at the foot of a Hill, through which there runs a fair River. It abounds with excellent both White and Claret Wine, where the Travellers take care to replenish their Bottles. But generally they never lye here; being desirous to go a League farther, for a good Inn's sake, which makes it a handsom Stage.

At this Town of Denghé it is where the two Roads from Tauris to Ispahan meet: the first, through Ardeüil and Casbin, I have already describ'd. Hither also come the Caravans that go for the Indies through Meshéhead and Candahar, and where they leave Ispahan Road to take the left-hand Way, which carries them Eastward.

CHAP. VI.
The ordinary Road from Tauris to Ispahan. through Zangan, Sultanie, and other places.

VVE must now return again to the Lake six Leagues beyond Tauris, where they that will take the ordinary short way through Zan­gan and Sultanie, leave the left hand way of Ardeüil and Casbin. This Lake is usually full of large red Ducks, which are very good Meat.

From thence, after twelve or thirteen hours travel, in which time you meet with three Inns, you come to Karashima, a large Town in a deep Valley, that seems to be well manur'd. There is in it only a small Inn built of Earth, the Doors whereof [...]re so low, that the People are forc'd to creep upon their knees to get in.

The next day you come to another large Village call'd Turcoma, where the Soil is fertil, though it be very cold. There are several Caravansera's built like a long [Page 27] Alley cover'd, which are only of Earth, the Men lying at one end, and the Horses at another.

The next day you travel over an uneven and desert Country, and in eight hours time you come to Miana, a little City situated in a Marsh, where you pay a Toll for Guarding the Highways. In this City is one of the fairest Inns in all Persia.

Two hours after you leave Miana, you must cross a River, over a fair Bridge which runs to decay; the Arches whereof are hollow within; it is built of Brick and Free-stone, being near as long as Pont neuf in Paris. This Bridge stands almost at the foot of a Mountain call'd Kaplenton. Sha-Abas caus'd all the way to be Pav'd, because the Land is so fat and sloughy, that when it thaws, or that the least Rain falls, it is impossible for the Caravan to pass. Besides, there are a sort of Camels in Persia, that when it comes to rain in a deep Soil, are not able to keep their Legs: nay through the weight of the Burthens which they carry, their very Qua [...]ters will rive from their Shoulders, and their Bellies will burst. So that before the way was pav'd, they were forc'd to spread Carpets in the most slippery ways where those Camels were to pass: which must be still done in some places, where the Pavement is worn away.

At the lower part of the descent toward Ispahan, upon the knap of a Hill which stands by it self, appears an old forsak'n Fortress: it is near the Highway, and a River, which falls into the Caspian Sea, after it has cross'd the Province of Guilan, where it is cut into several Chanels. But generally the Corn and Fruits which grow in Persia by the help of Water forc'd into Chanels, are of little esteem, and much cheaper than those that grow in the Provinces whose Fertility is not Arti­ficial. Moreover, that sort of forc'd Grain will not keep above a Year; and if you keep it longer, it breeds a Vermin that eats it. 'Tis the same thing if the Corn be ground; and more than that, there breeds a Worm in the Flower, that makes it so bitter that 'tis impossible to eat it.

On this side the Mountain Kaplenton appear at a distance two others very high, one toward the North call'd Saveland, another toward the South call'd Sehand: there is a third, which cannot be seen in Ispahan-Road, being two far out of the way, near the City of Hamadan. These three Mountains are full of Springs, from whence most of the Streams do fall that water Persia: And the Persians do say, that formerly there were many more of these Springs, but that about a hundred Years ago several of them have been dry'd up, or otherwise no body can tell what is become of them.

There are several Villages near the Mountain that pay nothing to the King, but are oblig'd to send him a certain quantity of Rice and Butter, for the use of the Mosquee at Ardeüil. They have also one great Priviledge, That if a Man commits a Murther, and flyes to any of these Villages, he cannot be apprehended, nor can the King himself punish him.

Leaving the River that runs at the foot of the Mountain Kaplenton, you come to a fair Inn call'd Tshamalava, built some years ago: and for thirteen hours after▪ travelling over a very barren Country, you meet with another Inn, which is call'd Sartcham, standing in a very desert place: which makes the Raders, that lye there to secure the Highways, very insolent, finding themselves so far from any Towns or Villages.

From Sartcham you come to a River, by the Banks whereof you travel a good while, till you come to an Inn which is call'd Digbé, near a large Village. The Structure is very handsom, the lower part being of Free-stone undulated with red and white, and very hard.

The next day you travel a very uneven Country, till you fall into a deep Valley, at the end whereof you meet with Zangan, a great Town and ill built. How­ever, it has a very fair Inn, which when I went last to Ispahan was so full, that I had like to have lain abroad in the Rain, but for the Courtesie of two Ar­menians. From Zangan you go to an Inn, where you must pay the Duties due to the Kan of Sultanie.

Sultanie is a very large City, which you leave half a Mile from the Road, near to a Mountain. Formerly it had in it very beautiful Mosquees, as may be easily conjectur'd by the Ruines that remain. Many Christian Churches also were con­verted [Page 28] into Mosquees; and if you will believe the Armenians, they will tell you, that there were in Sultanie near eight hundred Churches and Chapels.

Three Leagues from Sultanie stands an Inn, and a League farther a great Town call'd Ija, where there is another very commodious Inn, and most excellent Wine.

From thence you go to Habar, an ancient City and of a large extent, but very much ruin'd, inhabited by Armenians for the most part: Here, for the good Wines sake the Travellers stay to recruit their Bottles.

From Habar, after seven hours travel you come to a Village call'd Partin. From Zangan to Partin you reach in two days. It stands in a fertil Plain, where there are several other Villages. It is not above three Leagues broad, being enclos'd on each side, to the East and West, with a row of high Mountains.

Having pass'd this Plain, you come to a barren Country and ill inhabited, which lasts all the day, till you come to Saxava. You pass by the Ruines of a Village, where there are but two Houses standing, with the Tower of a Mosquee, which is very high and slender. Then you come to a Mud-wall'd-Inn, built some few years since; and near to that a Castle call'd Khiara, upon the peek of a Hill, but very ill built.

Sexava is a little City in a Soil that bears excellent Nuts. The Inns that are there being built of Earth, and being but little, are very handsom and covenient, their number supplying the defect of their smalness.

From Sexava, after seven hours travel, you come to a great Inn, call'd Idgloup, which was formerly a nobler place than now it is, standing alone in a Field. Three Leagues from thence you meet with another spacious Inn, call'd Cochkeria; and four hours farther you come to the Inn Denghé, where the two Roads meet which I spake of in the foregoing Chapter.

From Denghé to Kom are three days journey, over a barren, dry, and desert Country, where there is no Water but Cistern-water, except in some very few places, where it is very good. Four Leagues from Denghé is a fair Inn; and three Leagues farther stands another, about a Mile from a Village to the South, where there grows excellent good Wine, white and red. From this last Inn to Sava is not above three hours travel with the Caravan.

Sava is a good City in a fertil Plain, where there are several Villages. The greatest Trade of the Town is in little grey Lamb-skins, the curl whereof is very neat, of which they make Furrs. Two or three Leagues beyond Sava the Country is very well manur'd, and after you have forded a River half a League from the City, after two hours travel you come to one of the fairest Inns in all Persia, which was finish'd when I went last to Ispahan. From thence to Kom it is about seven or eight hoúrs journey, through a dry and sandy Road: but half a League on this side Kom the Land is very good and fruitful.

Kom is one of the great Cities of Persia, in a fat Country abounding in Rice. There grow also excellent Fruits, particularly large and excellent Granates. The Walls are only of earth, with little Towers close one to another; and the Houses being only of Earth, are never the hand somer withinside. At the entry into the Town, you must cross a River, over a stone Bridge, and then turning to the right hand over a fair Key, you come to an Inn very well built and very convenient.

That which is most remarkable in Kom is a large Mosquee, no less in veneration a­mong the Persians, than the Mosquee of Ardeüil. There it is that you may see the Se­pulchers of Sha-Sefi and Sha-Abas the Second; as also the Tomb of Sidi-Fatima, the Daughter of Iman-Hocen, who was the Son of Haly and Fatima-Zuhra the Daughter of Mahomet. The great Gate of the Mosquee answers to a Piazza more long than broad, where stands an Inn and certain Shops, which without-side are somewhat beautiful. One of the sides of the Piazza is clos'd up with a low Wall, over which appears the Shore, and a River which you cross at the end of the Piazza. Over the great Portal of the Mosquee stands an Inscription, in Letters of Gold, in the praise of Sha-Abas the Second. The first place that you enter into is a Court of more length than breadth, which may be term'd a Garden, in regard that on each side of the Alley in the middle, which is pav'd, there are several square Beds of Flowers, yellow Jasmin, and other Plants; which are rail'd in by a Rail that runs all the length of the Alley on each side. It is not an easie thing for the Christians to [Page 29] get in to this Court, especially such whose Habits and Aspect they do not like: But as I cloth'd and carry'd my self, I never was deny'd entrance into any place ei­ther in Persia or India.

In this first Court on the left hand as you enter, are little Chambers, where they that receive the Alms, which by the Foundation of the Mosquee are to be distri­buted every day, come and eat their proportion, and then go their ways. Those Chambers serve as an Asylum to those that cannot pay their Debts, as at the Mosquee of Ardeüil. Neither are these Priviledg'd places like ours, where they that retire must live at their own Charge: For in Persia they are sed at the expence of the Mosquee; and being in that manner freed from Care, their Friends more easily bring their Creditors to Composition.

Out of the first Court you pass into a second, which is larger, and all pav'd; and from that into a third, which is square, and rais'd like a Terrass. You enter into it through a large Gate, at the end of an open Passage, where stand the Lodgings of the Moullah's.

Out of that Court by an ascent of Brickwork of ten or twelve Steps, you enter into a fair Court, which is also rais'd like a Terrass; in the midst whereof is a fair Fountain. It is continually fill'd by little Pipes of Water which run into it, and is empty'd by others that carry the Water into several parts of the whole Enclosure. There are some Buildings in this Court, but one of the sides of it is taken up with the Front of the Mosquee, which is no displeasing Structure. There are three large Gates belong to it, very well expanded, according to the mode of the Country; with a Brick-wall before, about the height of a Man, with Holes in it for Light, made like a Lozange. The Threshold of the middle Gate is Cover'd with a plate of Silver; and between these three Gates and that of the Duomo, are several Doctors that hold Books in their hands, and read perpetually.

This Mosquee is Octagonal, and at every angle is a small wooden Door of Walnut­tree, varnish'd with grey and yellow. The Tomb of Sidi-Fatima is at the farther part of the Mosquee, there being only room for one Man to pass between the Wall and the Tomb. It is encompass'd with a large Silver Grate, sixteen Foot square; the Bars whereof are round, and knob'd in those places where they cross each other; it is lighted by several Lamps of Gold and Silver: which altogether is very pleasing to the Eye. The inside of the Mosquee, to the elevation of the Angles that support the Duomo, is compos'd of square Tiles varnish'd over with divers Colours; and the Cupola of the Duomo, as also the Vault of the Portico of the Mosquee, is a Moresco piece of Painting in Or and Azure. Upon each side of the Mosquee, and near the side where the Tomb of Sidi-Fatima stands, appears a great Hall, where the Royal Alms are distributed to the Poor, which consist of Pilaw and other diet, very well drest. From this Tomb you turn to the left hand toward an Ascent, distant five and twenty or thirty Paces; and at the top of this Ascent is a Door, over which there is an In­scription in Honour of Sha-Abas the Second. The Door being open'd, shews you the place where the Body of that King reposes: and through another Door with a Grate in it, you may discover, under a small Duomo, the Tomb of Sha-Sefi his Father; which is cover'd with a Carpet of Cloth of Gold. They were conti­nually at work upon the Tomb of Sha-Abas, which they said, they would make very famous.

I had not been two hours in Kom, but a multitude of People ran by the Inn Gate, all in extraordinary hast. Asking what the matter was, they answer'd me, that it had been a day long design'd for the two Prophets to fight. Thereupon I went to the Piazza, which was so crowded, that I had much ado to get to see. In the first place a sufficient number of Tumblers and Puppet players, divided into two Bands, kept the middle of the Piazza, and made a sufficient Ring for the Combat. Each Band held a Bull by the Horns, one of which they call'd Mahomet, and the other Haly: and whether it where by accident, or by the cunning of the Bull-Masters, after an obstinate Combat, wherein the Beasts foam'd again with heat and rage; Mahomet at length quit the Field, and yielded Haly the Victory. Then all the People shouted for joy, and all the Piazza was fill'd with the noise of Flutes and Hautboys; and every one coming as if it were to adore Haly, cry'd out, Behold the Works of God, that Haly has made! At length they bring the Bull Haly under a Gate, with his Head turn'd toward the People; where after they [Page 30] have rub'd him to refresh him, after a Combat so courageously maintain'd, every one sends him Presents, which are all the Tumblers profit. The Kan or Governour of Kom, who was present with a hundred Horses richly trap'd to behold the Sight, sent the Bull a Present of 50 Tomans, or 750 Crowns. They who accompany'd him, and the chief Inhabitants of Kom, gave him some a Garment, others a Girdle. Neither did the meanest of the People spare to send or carry him Fruits, or other things, according to their abilities.

The Kan was a Lord who was very civil, and there was no Stranger that did not commend his behaviour, in regard he was so obliging.

So soon as I came to the place, whether it was that he perceiv'd me with a Dutch­man that I had brought along from Constantinople, or whether any one had inform'd him that there were Strangers near him, he sent for us, and after he had ask'd us some Questions concerning the occasion of our Travelling, he sent for a Seat and caus'd us to sit down. Then he ask'd us whence we came, and what we did at Ispahan; to which when we had answer'd him, that we went to wait upon the King, he ap­proved our Intention, complaining that we had not given him advice of our Arrival. In the Evening he sent us several Delicacies, among the rest, six fair Melons, and four Bottles of excellent Wine.

He appear'd to me so brave and generous a Person, that I was very much trou­bled afterwards for his being in dis▪favour with the King, and his death, which ensu'd. For this Kan finding the Walls of the City, which were only of Earth, and the Bridge over the River to be out of repair, without writing to the King, of his own head, laid a slight Imposition upon every Basket of Fruit that was brought into the City. Now there are in all the Cities of Persia, persons who are hir'd to take an account every Week what the Commodities may be worth, and to take care that no more than such a Toll be laid upon any thing; which they tax among themselves, and when they had set the Rate, they cause it to be cry'd at the beginning of every Week. Sha-Sefi then reign'd, it being the year 1632. The King being inform'd by these people of the Impost which the Kan had set upon Fruit without his knowledge, was so enrag'd against him, that he caus'd him to be brought in Chains to Ispahan, where he us'd him with a strange severity. For at that time the Son of the Kan stood at the King's Elbow, it being his Office to give him his Pipe and his Tobacco, which is a very honourable Employment in Persia. When the Kan came, the King caus'd him to be carry'd to the Gate of the Palace, in the presence of all the People, and then commanded his Son to pull the Hair of his Father's Mustaches by the roots from his Skin. After that he commanded him to cut off his Nose and his Ears; after that to put out his Eyes, and lastly to cut off his Head. When he had done the Execution according to the King's pleasure, he commanded him to go and take possession of his Fathers Government, and allowing him an experienc'd Old Man for his Lieutenant, he sent him to Kom with these words; If thou govern'st no better than this dead Dog has done, I will put thee to a more cruel Death than this.

Leaving Kom, for four hours you travel over a fair Champain Country, after which you come to a fair Village with five or six Inns in it. Beyond that is nothing but Sand, till you come to a place call'd Abschirim, or Fresh-water, where there are three Inns at a Distance from any Villages. From Abschirim to Cachan is six hours journey through a Corn Country, and stor'd with great Villages.

Cachan is a large City, well peopl'd, and furnish'd with all things necessary for humane subsistance: There is an old Wall about it which is faln down in many places, so that there is no need of seeking for Gates to get into the City. On that side which looks toward Ispahan the Soil is good, and produces great store of Fruit and Wine, which the Jews take care to make. It is reckon'd that there are in Cachan a thousand Families of Jews; in Ispahan about six hundred; but in Kom there are not above nine or ten. Not but that there are many Jews in Persia, but those that live in Ispahan, Cachan and Kom, boast themseves particularly of the Tribe of Judah.

There are an abundance of Silk-Weavers in Chachan that are very good Work­men, which make all the best purfl'd Sattins mix'd with Gold and Silver, that come out of Persia. There they also coyn Money, and make Copper-vessels, which they vend in great quantities at a good distance off. The Market-houses are very fair [Page 31] ones, and well vaulted, the Inns large and convenient: but there was one among the rest which was very magnificent, near the King's Gardens, at the entry of the City. As well the Inn as the Gardens were made by the order of Sha-Abbas, the first of that Name, who was at a vast charge. The Inn is above a hun [...]ed Paces square, built of Brick two Stories high, containing twenty-six vaulted Chambers of a reasonable bigness. It was a Structure too fair to be so little regarded, as now it is, being much faln to deca [...]. In the middle of the Court was a Fountain to receive Water, which is spoil'd. The Persians and Turks are of that bad humor, rather to build new Houses than to repair old Buildings. For which reason they have since built at Cachin four or five Inns, as fair and commodious as that of Sha-Abas. This Custom is grown to that height, that the Children are so far from taking care to repair the old Houses where their Parents liv'd, that they will not so much as live in them after their decease, covetous of the honour of building Houses for themselves.

Before we le [...]ve Cachan you must take notice, that as you are to travel from that City to Guilan, you cannot avoid travelling thorough Plains for twelve hours together, which are all pure Salt; and there is nothing to be met with by the way, but one Cistern; nor can the Water which is in it be otherwise than very bad.

Leaving Cachan, you cross a Plain of three Leagues, after which you enter in among the Mountains, where you come to a very fair Inn of Brick. From thence you descend a pleasant Vale, where you travel a long time by the side of a Ri­ver, over a ver [...] narrow way. At the end of the Valley you meet a great Wall, which crosses it, and joyns the two Mountains together. This Wall is above a hundred Paces long, above thirty Foot thick, and fifty high. It was the Work of the Great Sha-Abas, whose design it was to stop the Waters that fall from the Mountain, and to make a Receptacle for Water in that place, to serve his occasions. At the foot of the Wall there is a Sluce, which being let down keeps in the Water; but is pull'd up to let out the Water over all the neighbouring Lands to the Plain of Cachan. From this Receptacle to Coro [...] is about two hours travel.

Corou is a very large Village, and well peopl'd, in a Soil environ'd with high Mountains, and planted with great store of Walnut-trees. The Houses consist but of one low Story, being built of Flint-stone; but the Inn therein is very fair and commodious. This Village consists but of one Street, but it is almost half a League long, and very troublesom in the Winter, by reason of a great River that runs through it▪ and the great quantity of Stones that lye in the way. All about this Village, as in several other places of Persia, there are a great number of Sha­ [...]ales; which are a kind of Foxes, that in the night time make an ugly noise; for if but one cry, all the rest will make answer, and set up a howling.

From Corou you must travel three Leagues between Mountains, after which you have but twelve Leagues to Ispahan. It is a continued Plain that extends it self beyond the City, and in many places the Soil is very good. At every three Leagues end you meet with Inns. The first is call'd Achaha-Acacamala; the second, which is the half-way between Corou and Ispahan, is call'd Michiacour. This place consists not only of one Inn, for there are many others, so that it resembles a large Vil­lage. From Michiacour you come to Aganura, another Inn, but ill built; and from Agan [...]ra, after you have travel'd three Leagues through a fat and fertil Country, you come to Ispahan.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Road from Smyrna to Ispahan, through Natolia.

SMyrna is at this day for Trade, whether it be by Sea or Land, one of the most celebrated Cities of all the Levant, and the greatest Market for all sorts of Commodities which are transported out of Asia into Europe, or out of Europe into Asia. Hither all the Western Fleets are most regularly bound, that came formerly no farther than Ligorn, and from whence, at times most regularly appointed, the [...]airest Caravans set out.

This City lyes in 50 Degrees of Longitude; and 38 Degrees, 45 Minutes of Latitude; at the bottom of a Gulf in the Archipelago, which is seven Leagues in length, upon the right side of the Isthmus which begins to form the Peninsula of Clazomene, right against the Island of Schio. It lyes in that part of the Lesser Asia, which the Greeks possess'd, under the Name of Iconium; at a distance almost equal, between Ephesus and Sardis; and was one of the seven Churches mention▪d in the Revelation of St. John. It is at this day a great City, built like an Amphitheater, upon the descent of a Hill that looks toward the Summer-West. But it is neither so great, nor so beautiful as formerly it was, as may be easily conjectur'd by the Ruines of certain Edifices that remain upon that Hill, which from the middle to the top, where the ancient City stood, are altogether uninhabited. There are also to be seen the Walls of a fair Castle, and above that the Ruines of an Amphi­theater, where they say St. Polycarp was expos'd to fight with Lions. This Am­phitheater was not in the form of those other, which are usually round; for it con­tain'd but half a Circle, being left open to the Sea-side. The Turks have almost quite destroy'd it: making use of the Stones to build a Fort two Leagues from the City, upon the Gulf, where the passage is very narrow; which the Ships are forc'd to salute as they inter in, and to speak with when they sail ou [...] ▪ Moreover, that they might not be put to send for Stones a-far-off, they consulted whether they might not make use of the Stones of the Christians Monuments, as also of those of the Jews, which are near the Shor [...] ▪ But they took very few, whether out of kindness to the Tombs, or whether they did not think them so proper for use as the Stones of the Amphitheater. This Castle had not been long built, but upon an occasion very remarkable. In the last Wars of the Turks with the Venetians, the Ottoman Fleet having been beaten in the Archipelago, the G [...]and Signor resolv'd to re-fit another to Sea, and thereupon sent to all the parts of his Empire▪ where he knew any English or Holland Vessels usually were wont to ride, to sollicit them to serve him for his Pay. More particularly [...]e aim'd at those Vessels which were in Smyrna, where there were generally more than in any other Port. But the Captains, who rejected his Proposition of fighting against the Ven [...]tians, believing that he would put some force upon them, suddenly▪ hois'd Sail and got away; it being at a time when he could not keep them in, having no Castle then built to command them. The Grand Visier nettl'd at the refusal of the Captains, as an affront done to his Master, and to see that the Ships could come in and go out, without any let or▪ molestation, bethought himself (to the end he might keep them for the future und [...] subjection) of building a Fort upon the Gulf, in such a part where the Vessels must necessarily touch; where now there lye great Cannons level with the Water, which no Vessel can escape. Ever since the Convoys will not come to Smyrna, as they were wont to do, but lye out at Sea, out of the reach of the Fort.

Near to the Sea are yet to be seen some Remains of a Church, two sides whereof seem to have been distinguish'd into Chappels by little Walls, which are yet standing: But the Natives doubt whether they be the Ruines of a Church dedicated to St. Poly­carp, or of an ancient Temple of Janus.

Smyrna has been oftentimes ruin'd either by the Wars, or by the Earthquakes which often happen there. One time that I staid there, there happen'd one, which did not last long, but was very terrible. About sixty Paces from the Sea are to be discern'd the Ruines of great Walls two Foot under Water; and at the end of the [Page 33] City that looks toward the Winter-West, near to the Sea, appear the Ruines of a Mole, and certain ancient Magazines.

The English Merchants have dig'd among the Ruines of Smyrna, and have found great store of [...]air Statues, which they transported into their own Country. There are still found some or other every day; but when the Turks find any, they disfigure them presently. It may be conjectur'd, that there was one of a prodigious bigness, by a great Toe broken off of some one, and for which I paid sufficiently, out of the desire I had to buy it. I sent it to Paris to a Person of Quality, who look'd upon it as a great Curiosity. This Toe was of a hard white Stone, and well shap'd, and by the proportion whereof, the Figure could not be judg'd to be less than the Colossus of Rhodes.

Upon that side of the City where the Mole was, stands an old Castle of no defence, at the foot whereof the Sea makes a small Creek, where sometimes the Gallies of the Grand Signor lye.

The City is well peopl'd containing no less than fourscore and ten thousand Souls. There are reckon'd no less than 60000 Turks, 15000 Greeks, 8000 Armenians, and about six or seven thousand Jews. As for the European Christians that Trade there, their number is very small. Every one of these Nations has the exercise of their Religion free to themselves. The Turks have in Smyrna fifteen Mosquees, the Jews seven Synagogues, the Armenians but one Church, the Greeks two, and the Latines three. There are also French Jesuits, and Italian Observantins, or a sort of Grey Franciscans. The Turks, the Greeks, the Armenians, and Jews live upon the Hill; but all the lower part toward the Sea is inhabited only by the European Christians, English, French, Hollanders, and Italians. The Greeks have also in the same Quar­ter an old Church, and some few small Houses, where Sea-men make merry.

All these different People of Europe are generally known in Smyrna by the Name of Franks. Every Nation has its Consul: and the French Consul has two Vice-Consuls under him; the one at Scalanova, the other at Chio.

Scalanova, or the New Port, is two Leagues beyond Ephesus, and being a good Haven, the Vessels were wont to unlade there; but the Turks would not permit it any longer. For that Place being the Dowry of the Grand Signor's Mother, the Vice-Consul agreed with the Governour of Scalanova, who permitted the Transpor­tation of Goods to Smyrna, which is not above three little days journey with the [...]aravan: A thing that spoil'd the Trade of the City, and injur'd the Officers of the Custom-House. Whereupon they Petition'd the Grand Signor that no more Goods might be unladed at Scalanova: so that now no more Vessels go thither, unless it be to take in fresh Victuals.

Chio is one of the greatest Islands in the Archipelago, of which in another place: but the Vice-Consul that lives there has no more business there than the other at Scalanova; for the Vessels that touch there, neither unlade no [...] export any Goods from thence.

The Quarter of the Franks is only a long Street, one side whereof lyes upon the Sea; and as well for the Prospect, as for the convenience of Unlading Goods, the Houses upon the Sea are much dearer than those that lye upon the Hill.

The Soil about Smyrna is fertil, and abounds in all things necessary for humane support; but particularly in good Oyl and good Wine. There are Salt-Pits also half a League from the City, toward the North. The Sea affords great store of good Fish; Fowl is very cheap; and in a word, Smyrna is a place of great plenty. There is a lovely Walk all along the Sea to the Salt▪Pits, where generally abundance of People walk in the Summer-time to take the fresh Air: and there being more liberty at Smyrna than in any other part of Turkie, there is no necessity of taking a Janisary along, when a man goes abroad. If a man loves Fowling, it is but [...]aking a Boat, which lands him two or three Leagues from the City, toward the Mountains, where there is so much Game that he can never return empty. For the value of three Sous you may buy a red Partridge at Smyrna, and all other Fowl is proportionably cheap.

But if Smyrna have these great advantages, it has also its inconveniences: the Heats are very excessive in Summer, and indeed they would be insupportable, were it not for the Breezes that come off the Sea: these Breezes rise about ten in the Morning, and continue till the Evening; but if they [...]ail, 'tis very bad for the [Page 34] Inhabitants. Besides, there hardly passes a Year but the City is infested with the Plague, which however is not so violent as in Christendom. The Turks neither fear it nor flie it, believing altogether in Predestination. Yet I believe, if the Inha­bitants of Smyrna would take care to drain away the standing Puddles that gather in the Winter about the City, they would not be so frequently molested with the Plague as they are. It is most rife in May, June, and July; but the malignant Fevers that succeed it in September and October are more to be fear'd, more People dying of them than of the Pestilence. In all my Travels I never was in Smyrna at these unfortunate Seasons. There is no Basha in that City; it being govern'd only by a Cady, who is not so severe to the Christians as in other places: For should he abuse his Office, Constantinople is at hand, where you may complain to the Mufti, and have relief; who for some good Present may be easily perswaded to depose the Cady, as being glad of the opportunity to displace him, and to put another in his room.

The Customs of Smyrna yield a great Revenue to the Grand Signor, being paid there very exactly. But were there a certain Rate put upon Commodities, the Mer­chants, who would otherwise be losers, would not study so many ways as they do to deceive the Customers: For those Customers lay what Price they please upon Com­modities, valuing that at a thousand Crowns, which perhaps is not worth three hun­dred, being absolute Masters of the Rate. In my last Voyage to Smyrna, four Dutch Women that went thither in our Ship from their own Country, carry'd a-shoar under their Coats whatever I had of rich Merchandize: for the Turks have such a respect for that Sex, that they will not so much as offer to search them. If a man be tak'n in stealing Customs, there is no other punishment than to pay double.

The Trade of Smyrna is very great, and the principal Merchandizes which the Franks transport from thence, are raw Silk, which the Armenians bring out of Persia; Chamlet-yarn, and Chamlet or Goats-hair, which come from a little City call'd Angouri, fifteen or sixteen days journey from Smyrna; Cotton twisted; Skins and Cordovans of several colours; Calicuts, white and blew; great quantities of Wool for Mattresses, Tap'stries, quilted Coverlets, Soap, Rhubarb, Galls, Va­lanede, Scammony, and Opium; which four last Commodities are to be had in the Countries near to Smyrna, but not in great quantities. The Caravans come generally to this Town in the Months of February, June, and October; and depart again to the Countries from whence they came the same Months.

Ephesus not being above a day and a halfs journey from Smyrna, on Horse-back-I took an opportunity to go thither. There were twelve of us that joyn'd together, Franks and Hollanders, who took three Janisaries along with us, and three Horses to carry our Provision.

We travel'd this little Journey in the Summer, and setting out of Smyrna about three of the Clock in the Afternoon, we rode through a Country part Plains, and part Hills, till we came to a great Village, where we sup'd.

After we had staid there three hours, we took Horse and travel'd till Midnight, to avoid the Heats: By the way we met with nine or ten Arches, very narrow; which we could not conjecture to be any thing else than the Ruines of some Aque­duct. From thence to Ephesus the way is very pleasant, through little Thickets watred with Rivulets.

A quarter of a League from Ephesus you meet with another Mosquee, which was formerly a Christian Church, built out of the Ruines of the Temple of Ephesus. This Mosquee stands enclos'd with Walls, and you must ascend up to it by two Ascents of twelve Steps a-piece, which bring you to a large Passage. From thence you enter into a large Cloyster, the Arches whereof are sustain'd with Marble Pillars of several colours, delicately wrought; and the lower part of the Gallery, which runs along three of the sides, that consists of great Squares of Stone. The Mosquee takes up the fourth side upon the left hand, the Gate being in the middle. The Mosquee it self is a wide Arch, supported by five Columns, all of most exquisite Work. There are four of Marble, and every one of a different Colour; but the fifth is a most rare piece, being of Porphyry, aed the bigness of it makes it so much the more to be admir'd.

Ephesus does not look like a City, being so absolutely ruin'd, that there is not a House standing. It was built upon the descent of a Hill, in a situation not much [Page 35] unlike that of Smyrna, at the foot whereof runs a Rivulet, after it has made a thousand Maeander [...] in the Meadows. The City seems to have been very large, for you may discern upon the top of the Gates the compass of the Walls, with several square Towers, some of which are still standing: and there is one very remarkable, having two Chambers in it, one of which is a very fair one, the Walls and Pave­ment whereof are Marble.

The famous Temple of Diana stood at the bottom of the Hill, near one of the Gates of the City. There remains nothing of it at present but the great Portal, which is entire. The Vaults of the Arches under ground stand to this day, and are very large, but all full of nastiness. We went in with Lanthorns; and though you must creep to get in, by reason that the Wind has almost stopt up the Hole, by gathering the Dust about it, yet when you are in, you may go upright; for the Arches are high and fair, and little the worse. Near the Gate lye four or five Columns upon the Ground, and near to that a Fountain, ten Foot in Diameter, and two deep. The People of the Country report, that it was the Fountain wherein St. John Baptiz'd the Christians. For my part, as I have seen in the Indies several Pagods and Edifices much more beautiful than ever the Temple of Ephesus could be; I believe it rather to have been a Basin wherein the People put their Offerings, of which there are several such that belong to the Indian Pagods. The Greeks and Arme­nians, but above all the Franks, when they go to Ephesus always endeavour to break off some piece of that Basin, to carry it away with 'em as a Relick: but the Stone is so hard, that they can break off but very little at a time.

Not far from the Temple appears another Gate of the City, over which there lyes a great Stone seven or eight Foot square, with an emboss'd Figure of Q. Curtius that Famous Roman, who threw himself, Horse and A [...]ms into the gaping Earth, for the good of his Country. Many Merchants have offer'd Money for liberty to carry it away, but cannot obtain leave. About five hundred Paces from Ephesus is the Grotto which they call the Seven Sleepers, at the bottom of the same Hill where the City was built.

From Ephesus we went to Scalanova, which is not above two Leagues off. By that time you come half the way, the little River that runs by Ephesus falls into the Sea, in the mouth whereof there are always a great number of Greek Barks fishing for Sturgeon. Of the Spawn of this Fish they make Caveare, and drive a great Trade in it in those Parts: then they take the most delicate and smallest Entrails of that Fish, which they fill with the same Spawn, of which they make a kind of a flat Pudding, as long as a Bisket, which they call Botargo. This they dry in the Smoak, and cut it afterwards in slices to eat. Upon this and the Cuttle-fish the Grecks ge­nerally feed during their Lent, which is very austere.

Scalanova is a Port of which I have already spoken, and thither we came by seven a Clock in the Evening; where the Governour of the Place, more civil than usually the Turks are accustom'd to be, made us very welcom.

In the Evening one of our Janisaries had quarrel'd with one of our Servants, who thereupon had beaten him; and therefore he complain'd to the Fellow's Ma­ster, who not giving him that satisfaction which he desir'd, thereupon the Turk study'd to be reveng'd upon the whole Company. For this reason, upon some pre­tence or other, he went before, the better to bring about his design. We staid till the Morning, and then departed early from Scalanova, and by Noon we came with good Stomachs to the Mosquee near Ephesus, where we had been the day before: And some of the Company thought it a very convenient place to dine in, i'the shade; thereupon we sent for our Provisions, with a Boracho of Wine, and ano­ther of Water, and fell to eating in the Passage into the Mosquee, not dreaming any harm. We had not been long at it, when we perceiv'd two or three Turks about two hundred Paces off, who came from a Village very near to the Mosquee. I knowing the custom of the Country better than they, told them, that they were certainly coming to pick a quarrel with us, and therefore caus'd them to hide the Bottle of Wine immediately; for it was then Turks Ramezan, or Lent; during which time Wine is strictly forbidden. These two ill-contriv'd and ill clad Fellows were the Janisaries of the place, whom the Cadi had▪sent, upon the information of our Janisary (who knowing we had eaten in the same place before, as indeed we had done, made no question but we would do so again) thinking to surprize us [Page 36] as we were drinking Wine, in a place which they esteem Sacred, and by conse­quence was among them accounted an act of Sacriledge. Christian Dogs, cry'd they, when they came near us, to eat and drink in a Mosquee, and profane a holy place as you do, at a time that renders the offence more criminal! No, cry'd I, answering for the rest, we drink no Wine, we drink nothing but Water, and you may tast it, said I to him that was the most busie; with that I caus'd a Glass to be pour'd out and giv'n him; and I gave one of the Turks a private wink, who understanding it was a promise of gratuity, turn'd about to his Comrades, and cry'd, 'Tis very true, they drink no Wine. However in regard they had Orders to bring us before the Cady, there was no contending. Thereupon I and three others undertook to answer for all the rest. The Cady revil'd us as bad as the Janisary at first; but he was not only surpriz'd, but very much troubl'd, when they all unanimously affirm'd that we drank no Wine, believing they were confederates with us. But I had cunningly slipt eight Ducats into the Hand of the Turk to whom I had made a sign with my Eye, who over-joy'd at so plentiful a gratuity, had over-perswaded his Comrades not to say any thing against us. The Cady, though he did not like their Testimony, yet call'd for Coffee for us, according to the custom of the Country, and sent us to his Lieutenant; who having been often greas'd in the Fist by the Smyrna-Merchants, receiv'd us very kindly, and told us that the Cady was but newly come to his Place, and was needy; however a small matter would content him. There­upon we gave the Lieutenant twenty-five Ducats, who most certainly went snips with the Cady, and so return'd us to our Company, who were much afraid we would not have come off so.

We were resolv'd to return to Smyrna not the same way we came, and so we took another Road, which was a very pleasant way, partly over firm Sands, and partly thorough Meadows, where we met with several narrow Dikes very well Pav'd. Then we cross a rugged high Mountain, and lay in a Mahumetan Barn.

The next day we return'd to Smyrna, having finish'd our small Journey to Ephesus in five days. When we told the Consuls how the Janizary had betray'd us, they made their Complaint to the Janizary Aga and the Cady, who, for his punishment put him out of the Consul's service, which is an advantageous Employment. For besides that the Consul's Janizaries are exempt from the Duties of War, they are well plac'd; for there is never a Merchant that is not beneficial to them some way or other; especially at good times, as New-years-day and other Festivals. Nor could the Janizary have been more severely punish'd; for the Turks love Money above all things in the World.

But to return to our matter. The Rendezvouz of all the Caravans is generally two Leagues from the City, near a Town call'd Pongarbachi. The day of their setting out being fix'd, every one provides himself for his Journey, and meets the Evening before at the place appointed, to be ready at the hour.

From Smyrna to Tocat, is thirty-five days journey with the Caravan, and the last time I went we made it thirty-eight from Pongarbachi.

The first day we travel'd eight hours through a Country whose prospect was not unpleasing, leaving some Villages more than a League from the Road; and we lodg'd in a Park, near the River Pactolus; which is a small River, the Sand whereof shines, and is of several colours. Which caus'd Antiquity to call Pactolus Golden-Sanded. It falls from the Mountain Tmolus, and after it has water'd the Territory of Sardis, mixes with the River Hermus, that throws it self into the Archipelago through the Gulph of Smyrna. The Mouth of it is not above two or three Leagues from the City, toward the North.

The next day in six hours we came to Durgout, a little City in a Plain. All Christians that live not in the Territories of the Grand Signor, and pass that way, once a Year pay Carrage, or a Tribute of four or five Crowns: but the Franks are exempt, both at Durgout and over all Turkie. There resides a Bashae in this City; and we were constrain'd to stop there a whole day, because the Caravan that comes from Persia arriv'd at that time, so that they were fore'd to change their Camels.

The third day, after five hours travel in extremity of Heat, we came to lodge near a paltry Village.

[Page 37] The fourth day we travel'd six hours, and stop'd near to a small River. In the Morning we pass'd over the Ruines of the ancient Sardis, the Capital City of Lydia, and Seat of King Croesus. There were still to be seen the Ruines of a large Palace and two fair Churches, with a great number of Pillars and Corniches of Marble. This City having held out six Years against the Army of Temur-leng, who besieg'd it; so soon as he had taken it, in revenge he utterly destroy'd it. There is a Village near Sardis of the same Name, where stood the City, which was one of the Seven Churches mention'd in the Revelation. The fifth day we rode for seven hours through a Country, but ill manur'd, and took up our Stage in a Plain upon the side of a River.

The sixth day we pass'd by the Walls of the ancient Philadelphia, call'd at present Allachars, which was also one of the Seven Churches of Asia. There is something of Beauty still remaining in those Walls, and the City is very large, but ill peopl'd. It is situated upon four little Hills, at the foot of a high Mountain over-looking a fair Plain to the North, that produces excellent Fruit. To witness its Antiquity, there is yet the Ruines of an Amphitheater, with certain Sepulchers▪ from whence the Inhabitants report that the European Christians took out the Bodies that were buried there, and transported them into Europe, believing them to be the Bodies of Saints. It is now all destroy'd, but re-built of Earth by the Turks after their mode. It was formerly one of the principal Cities of Mysia, and in regard it was alway very subject to Earthquakes, the most part of her Inhabitants liv'd in the Country. The last time I travel'd that way, in the year 1664, the seventeenth of June, the Turks were feasting and rejoycing upon the News, as they said, which they had receiv'd, of the defeat of the Christians in Candy. But the News was false, and only con­triv'd to encourage the People; for the Grand Signor was then making Levies in those Parts. We lodg'd that day, after seven hours travel, upon the Bank of a small River, a League and a half from Philadelphia.

The seventh day we travel'd eleven hours over a Mountain, where those Trees plentifully grow that bear Galls, and Valanede, which is the shell or rind of an Acorn, that Curriers make use of to dress their Leather. We lodg'd in a Meadow on the top of a Mountain which is call'd Ijagli-bogase, or, The Mountain of Robbers.

The eighth day we continu'd our Journey over the same Mountain, which is a very barren Country where there is no Provision to be had. We travel'd but six hours, and lodg'd near a River in a Plain call'd Sarroucabaqui.

The ninth day the Caravan travel'd thorough dry Lands, where there is not one Village to be seen, and lodg'd near a Bridge built over a River call'd Copli-sou, in the Plain of Inahi.

The tenth day, after we had travel'd eight hours over an uneven and barren Coun­try, we stopt in a Valley near a River call'd Bana-sou, the Water whereof is not good. In the Night there arose a Tempest that put us all in a disorder, and the Rain that fell was as cold as if it had been in the depth of Winter. We were wet to the Skins, and were forc'd to throw Coverlets over the Bales to keep the Goods from being spoyl'd.

The eleventh day we travel'd through a pleasant Country, between Vales adorn'd with a most delightful Verdure; and we were in view as we pass'd along of certain hot Baths, though very little regarded. We lodg'd upon the Banks of a small River, by the side whereof we had travel'd for some hours.

The twelfth day we continu'd our Road for six hours between the same Vallies, and lodg'd by a River.

The thirteenth day, we travel'd eight hours▪ and stop'd near to a Village in a Country call'd Doügasse.

The fourteenth, after a Journey of seven hours we pass'd by the Walls of Aphiom-Carassar, that is, The Black City of Aphiom or Opium; because it has a Prospect over a fair and large Country well cultivated, where they sow great store of Pop­pies, whence they draw their Opium or Aphiom, as the Turks call it.

Aphiom-Carassar, is a great City, dirty and ill built, the ancient Name whereof I could never learn, for the Greeks and Armenians are very ignorant. But ac­cording to all probability and the situation of the place, it ought to be the ancient Hi [...]rapolis situated upon the Maander, a famous River of the Lesser Asia, that [Page 38] winds and turns the most of any River in the World. And indeed we are the more to seek, in regard the Turks change the ancient Names according to their own custom and pleasure, and give no other Names to Rivers than that of the principal City through which they pass; or else deriving their Names from the Colour of their Sands. There is to be seen in that City an ancient Castle of Free-stone upon the Point of a high Rock, separated from the Mountains that are next it toward the South, which make a Semicircle. All the Armenian Christians, Subjects to the King of Persia, passing thorough Aphiom Carassar must there pay Carrage, from which they are not exempted, though they have paid it before at Erzerom or elsewhere. The Caravan does not stop at Aphiom-Carassar, as well for that there are no Inns but what are ruin'd, as for that about a League farther there is a place where you have excellent Fish, and very cheap, and they of the City bring Barley, Straw, and other things which the Caravan wants. The Caravan therefore that day lodges upon the Banks of Maeander, which is to be cross'd over a Bridge not far distant from a small Village. In this River are great store of Crawfish and Carps; and the Fisher­men will be sure to attend upon the Caravan. I have seen some Carps there above three Foot long.

The fifteenth our Caravan began to part it self, some for Tocat, some for the Road to Aleppo; the one part taking the right-hand. Road toward the Winter-East, for Syria; the other the left-hand. Road North-East, for Armenia.

After we were parted, we travel'd two or three hours in sight of one another. They that go to Aleppo, fall into Tarsus, where St. Paul was born, and from Tarsus to Alexandretta. But we continu'd our Road to Tocat, and after we had cross'd a great Plain, having travel'd six hours, we lodg'd in a Mershy place near a small Village. There is one thing remarkable in this Road as in many others, which manifests the Charity of the Turks. For in most of the high Roads, that are far from Rivers, they have set up Cisterns, whither when the Rains fail, the neigh­bouring Villages bring Water for the Travellers, who would else be very much distress'd.

The sixteenth we travel'd eight hours through a very even Country, but ill ma­nur'd; where we saw a little City call'd Boulavandi. There are some Mosquee's, which the Turks have built out of the Ruines of the ancient Greeks Churches, from which they have taken Pillars of Marble, and other pieces of Architecture, to adorn their Sepulchers without any order at all, which you meet with very often upon the high Roads; the number is the greater, because they never lay two Bodies in one Grave. There is also in this City an Inn, cover'd with Lead, which is all the Beauty of it; nor do Travellers make any use of it but only in foul weather. We lodg'd a League and a half from the City, and staid there all the next day.

The seventeenth we travel'd eleven hours through a mix'd and uneven Country, and came to lodge in a Village where there are not above three or four Houses, though there be excellent Pasturage about it. There is no Water, but what is drawn out of three deep Wells; for which reason the place is call'd Euche derin-gi [...].

The eighteenth we travel'd not above five hours through desert Countries, and took up our Stage in a king of a Bog, near a pitiful Village.

The nineteenth, after we had travell'd eight hours through spacious desert Plains, we pass'd through a large Village, the Inhabitants whereof were gone with their Cattel into the Mountains, for the cool Air, during the Summer time, according to custom. There is an indifferent handsom Mosquee of Free-stone; and indeed the Village, the Name whereof the People told me was Tshaciclou, has been much bigger than now it is, as may appear by the Ruines. In two hours after we came to lodge beyond it in a Meadow, near a Rivulet.

The twentieth we cross'd over desert Plains, but which seem'd to have been for­merly well manur'd; and after ten hours travel, we stop'd in a Bottom near a bad Water.

The twenty-first, for ten hours the Country was all barren and desert, and we came to lodge at the end of a long Plain, near two Wells, the Water whereof was good for nothing.

The twenty-second we travel'd through the fore-mention'd Plain, and met with little Valleys where there was very good Pasturage. The Caravan stop'd near to a pitiful Village, and a nasty Well.

[Page 39] The twenty-third we travel'd not above five hours; because it was the time of the Turks Beiram, or Easter, which our Caravan, consisting of Turks, would needs solemnize. That day we travel'd through an indifferent good Country, and well till'd, where we discover'd several fair Villages; and we lodg'd upon a rising Ground, from whence we had a very fair and far distant Prospect.

The twenty-fourth we travel'd six hours, and came to lodge in a Meadow where the Water was bad. Near to that place, we discover'd a Plain that extends it self eight or ten Leagues in length, though it be not above one or two in bredth: it seem'd like a Lake; and indeed it is only a salt Water congeal'd, and thickn'd into Salt, which you can hardly dissolve but in fair Water. This Lake furnishes almost all Nato [...] with Salt; where you may buy a Waggon load drawn by two Bufalo's for 45 Sous. It is call'd Douslag, or The Place for Salt; and the Basha of Couchahar, about two days journey from it, gets by it 24000 Crowns a Year. Sultan Amurath caus'd a D [...] to be [...]ut quite thorough it when his Army march'd to the Siege of Bagdat, which he took from the Persian.

The twenty-fifth we travel'd nine or ten hours, and met not with one Village, the Country being all desert. We lodg'd upon a rising▪ Ground, near a good Foun­tain call'd Cara-dache-cesmé, or, The Fountain of the Black Stone.

The twenty-sixth we pass'd through a great Village call'd Tshekenagar, in a pleasant situation, but very ill built; and after we had travel'd eight hours, we came to lodge in a delightful Meadow, near another Village call'd Romcouché.

The twenty-seventh we travel'd nine hours through Countries full of Licorice, and having pass'd a great Town call'd Beserguenlou, we lodg'd in a Meadow.

The twenty eighth we cross'd a great River call'd Jechil [...]irma, over a long well built stone Bridge. At the end of the Bridge call'd Kessré-kupri stands a great Village, wherein the greatest part of the Houses are built under Ground, like Foxes Holes. We put on farther, and after seven hours travel, we lodg'd below another great Village call'd Mouchiour, where there are abundance of Greeks, which they constrain ever and anon to turn Turks, The Country being inhabited by Christians, and fit for the Plantation of Vines, there is Wine good store, and very good, but it has the scent of the Wines of Anjou. The Village is well situated but ill built, most of the Houses being under Ground, in so much that one of the Company riding carelesly, had like to have faln into a House.

The twenty-ninth we rode for seven hours through a pleasant Country, where we saw several Villages; near to one of which the Caravan lodg'd in a Meadow, close by a Fountain.

The thirtieth we rode through a flat Country, well manur'd, and stop'd near a River wherein there was but very little Water: it is call'd Cara-sou, or, The Black River. For two or three days together, at every two Leagues distance we observ'd little Hillocks of Earth artificially rear'd, which they told us were rais'd during the Wars of the Greeks to build Forts upon, for Watch-Towers.

The thirty-first we travel'd a very uneven Country, but abounding in Wheat, and after we had travel'd nine hours, we lodg'd in a Meadow, near a River, which we cross'd next Morning before day, over a stone Bridge.

The thirty-second, after we had travel'd eight hours, we lodg'd by a River, where we saw a great number of Turcomans: They are a People that live in Tents like the Arabians, and they were then leaving that Country to go to another, having their luggage in Waggons drawn by Bufalo's.

The thirty-third we met again with Mountains and Woods, which we had not seen in 18 days before, which had constrain'd us to carry▪ Wood upon our Camels to dress our Provision: We were very sparing of it, and sometimes made use of dry'd Cows dung or Camels dung, when we came near the Waters where they were wont to drink. We travel'd eight hours that day, and lodg'd in a Meadow where the Grass was very high, yet where there had been Houses formerly standing.

The thirty-fourth we forded a deep and rapid River call'd Jangou, from the Name of the Town next to it. A little above the place where we forded it, we saw a ruin'd Bridge, which had been built over it.

The thirty-fifth we travel'd eight hours through a fair Valley well manur'd, and upon the left hand we left a Castle rais'd upon a Rock. The Caravan lay that night upon a rising Ground near a Village.

[Page 40] The thirty-sixth we travel'd through the same Valley for eight or nine hours longer; in this Valley were several pleasant Villages, but we lay by a small Ri­ver.

The thirty-seventh we travell'd six hours among the Mountains, where there are some very narrow Passages, but store of Water; and we lay in a Vale abounding in Pasturage.

The thirty-eighth we rode for four or five hours over a rugged Mountain in craggy way, at the foot whereof we met with a Village call'd Taquibac; from whence it is but five Leagues to Tocat. And these are all the Roads from Paris to Ispahan, through the Northern Territories of Turkie.

CHAP. VIII.
How the Author was robb'd near Tocat, and of a certain sort of rare and fine Wool which he first brought into France.

TAquibac is the place where the Persian Caravan uses to meet, when it departs from Tocat to Smyrna, and this is the only place in all the Road where a Traveller ought to stand upon his guard; by reason of Thieves who haunt these Quarters, and are great Masters in their Trade. Once as I came out of Persia they would needs give me a tast of their Art, notwithstanding all the care I took. There were three or four of us that would needs ride before with our Servants to Taquibac, in expectation of the Caravan which was to come the next day; where we set up our Tents upon the Bank of a small River. I had then a good many Bales of Wool, with which I made as it were a double Wall about my Tent: so that there was but one passage between the Bales, for one Man. In four of these Bales I had a quantity of Musk in lead'n Boxes, to the value of ten or twelve thousand Crowns: which Bales I put within-side, so that they touch'd the Tent and my Beds-head. Next Night, it being very dark, the Thieves came, and finding the outward Bales smell so strong of Musk, they thought one of those Bales would be a considerable Booty. The Bales were all ty'd together with a Cord that kept them fast; nor was it easie to undo them, without a noise. They wak'd me with their bustle at first, and I sent out my Servants to see if they could catch them; but they will lye so close upon their Bellies, that in such a dark Night as that was 'tis impossible to discover them. Thereupon my Servants went to sleep again, and the Thieves to their Work; and having with a great deal of ingenuity cut the Cord, they carried away the two Bales. In the Morning four or five of us with a Camel-driver for our Guide pursu'd them, and in half an hour we met with the marks of the Robbery; for the Rogues being mad that they found nothing but Wool, which they thought to be of no great value, scatter'd it in the High-way for two or three Leagues together: so that I caus'd it to be pickt up again, and lost not above fifteen or twenty Pound. I speak this to caution the Marchants that carry Bales of Silk or other rich Commodities, to beware of these Thieves; for they will come creeping upon their Bellies, and then cutting the Bales with great Razors, will presently empty a Bale of one half of the Goods.

'Tis true, the Wool was of no great value for their use; but it was a sort of rare and very fine Wool, which I carry'd out of Persia to Paris, where such fine Wool was never seen. As to the place where it is to be had, I met with one of the Gaures, or Persians that adore the Fire, who when I was at Ispahan in the year 1647 shew'd me a Sample of it, and inform'd me that the greatest part of this Wool comes from the Province of Kerman, which is the ancient Caramania; and that the best Wool is to be met with in the Mountains that are next to the City, that bears the name of the Province: That the Sheep in those Parts have this particular property, that when they have fed upon new Grass from January till May, the Fleece falls off of it self, and leaves the Sheep naked, and their Skins smooth, like a Pig's that is scalded off; so that there is no need of shearing them, as with us: after they have [Page 41] gather'd it, they beat it, and the course Wool breaking, the fine only remains. That if you transport it, before you make it into Bales, you must throw Salt-water upon it, which keeps the Worms out of it, and preserves it from rotting. Now you must take notice that they never dye this Wool, it being naturally of a clear Brown, or a dark Ash-colour; and that there is very little of it White, which is also much dearer than the other, as well for that it is scarce, as because that the Mufti's, the Moullah's and other persons belonging to the Law never wear any Girdles or Vails (wherewith they cover their Heads when they pray) but White: for at other times they wear them about their Necks, as the Women do their Scarfs.

Into this Province of Kerman almost all the Gaures are retir'd, and they are they that only Trade in this Wool, and have the whole Manufacture of it. They make those Girdles of it which they use in Persia; and some Pieces of Serge, which are al­most as fine and transparent, as if they were of Silk. I brought over two Pieces into France, and presented one to the late Queen Mother, the other to the Prin­cess of Orleance.

I could not drive any Trade in this Wool till the year 1654, returning out of the Indies by Sea from Sura [...] to Ormus. To which purpose, I departed from Ormus, and took Guides along with me to shew me the way to Kerman, whither I could not get on Horseback in less than twenty-seven days. I dare say that Alexander the Great did not march this way into the Indies: for in the whole extent of the Country there is no Water to be met with but in some certain places, and in the hollow of some Rocks, where there is not enough neither to water eight or ten Horses. Besides, in some places a man is constrain'd, by reason of the Mountains, to fetch a great compass about; for a Foot-man that makes his way through those Rocks, shall go farther in half an hour than a Horse-man can do in four.

Kerman is a large City, which has been often ruin'd by being several times taken and re-taken; nor is there any thing handsom in it, but only one House and a Garden, upon which the last Kans have bestow'd a vast expence to make the place delightful. They make there a sort of Earthen ware which comes very near to Porcelan, and looks as neat and as fine. As soon as I arriv'd, I went to visit the Kan, who made me very welcom, and gave order to the Gaures to furnish me with Bread and Wine, Pullets and Pigeons, which in those parts are fat, and as large as little Capons. The Gaures are they that make the Wine; and to make it more sweet and pleasant, they take away the Stalks, and never press any thing but the meer Grape.

The Kan was but newly entred into the possession of his Government, and being desirous, according to the custom of the new Governours, to have a noble Sword and Dagger, with a rich Furniture of his Horse, which requir'd some Jewels, I presented him with a Diamond worth eight hundred Crowns, which he caus'd to be set in the end of the handle of his Dagger. He also desir'd to have of me as many more Jewels as came to seven or eight hundred Livres: and by the Present and the Bargain I facilitated my purchase of the Wool which I intended to buy. Two days afteer he invited me to his Entry-Feast, which he made for the cheif of the City; and knowing I wanted a Mule, he sent me one well worth a hundred Crowns. This is the Noblest Carriage in all Persia, which the great Personages choose before Horses, especially when they are in years. But it was not the Kan alone who was civil to me. A young Lord, who liv'd in Kerman, and was at the Feast, whose Father had been formerly Kan himself, took great delight to discourse with me concerning my Travels; and offer'd me his service in a very obliging man­ner. Now the Persians are very curious, and great admirers of the Rarities of Forein Countries: which inclination led the young Lord to enquire of me whether I had any Fire-Arms, telling me he would content me for them to my satisfaction. The next Morning I presented him with a Carbine, and a pair of Pistols that pleas'd him exceedingly; and a little Watch, for which I would take no Money, whereat he seem'd to be not a little troubl'd. However he sent me a stately Horse worth about two hundred Crowns, or twelve Tomans. This young Lord was of a clear humour, civil, accomplish'd, generous, and did every thing with a good grace. So that when he sent me the Horse, he sent to entreat me withal, if I did not like that Horse, to come and choose which I lik'd best in his Stable.

[Page 42] By the favour of this Lord and the Kan, I made good the Purchase that I intended. For the People began to murmur (knowing what a Parcel I had got together) and told the Kan that I would carry away all the Cloth out of the Country, so that they should have none to set the Poor on work. Thereupon the Kan sent for me, and for those reasons told me I must buy no more. To send off the blow, I made answer, That it was the King of Persia's desire to try if we could make as fine Cloth of his Wool in France, as they did in England and Holland; and that if-it succeeded, I should bring French Workmen into Persia, and so by settling the Trade in his own Country, free him from the Charge of forein Manufacturers. This silenc'd the Kan, so that I still bargain'd for more. But when I was return'd to Ispahan, the People of the Country would not keep touch with me. However, I wrote so home to the Kan, threatning withal to complain to the King, that he fearing the King's dis­pleasure, forc'd the Natives to send me my Bargain to Ispahan.

CHAP. IX.
Of the Road from Kerman to Ispahan; and the Fortune of Nazar Mahomet-Ali-Beg.

FRom Kerman to Ispahan is no less than five and twenty days on Horseback. In those places where there is any Water, the Conntry is very good; but those places are very rare; for the Road is generally Sandy, and offensive to the Eyes. The Chiefest comfort to a Fraveller is, that every Evening he meets with an Inn, where there are Cisterns, which is a great refreshment in those desert Countries. The most part of those Inns were built some Years since by the special care of Mahomet-Ali-Beg Nazar, or Grand Master of the King's House and Treasury; a Person the most Virtuous of any that Persia can boast of for many Years. He was Generous, and favour'd the Franks in all things, for he lov'd them exceedingly. He faithfully serv'd his King, and defended the People against the Oppression and Insolencies of the Great ones; which drew upon him the hatred of many: but still he preserv'd himself by his syncerity and prudence; as by the following Story will remarkably appear.

The Great Sha-Abas the First, being one day a Hunting in the Mountains far out of sight from his followers, met a young Lad playing upon a Pipe by an Herd of Goats. The King asking him some Questions, he answer'd him to the purpose to every one, not knowing who he was. The King surpriz'd at his Repartees, made a sign to Iman-couli-Kan Governour of Schiras, who was just come up to him, not to tell the Goat-herd who he was. After that he proceeded to ask him other Que­stions; to which the young man answer'd so smartly, that the King could not choose but stand in an amaze. Thereupon the King ask'd the Kan what he thought of the Goat-herds Wit? Who answer'd, that he believ'd if the Boy were taught to Write and Read, he might do good service to his Majesty. Upon that the King immediately caus'd him to be sent to School, where the young Lad being naturally of a solid Wit, clear Judgment, and happy Memory, grew so accomplish'd, and so well acquitted himself of several Employments which his Majesty bestow'd upon him, that the King advanc'd him to the Office of Nazar, or Grand Master of the House, and did him the honour to call him Mahomet-Ali-Beg. The King ob­serving his fidelity, and good management of all things, sent him twice Ambassador to the Great Mogul, and both times was extreamly pleas'd with his Negotiation. Ma­homet lov'd Justice, and would not stoop to be corrupted by Presents: A thing which is very rare among the Mahumetans. This great Integrity of his made all the Lords of the Court his Enemies, especially the Eunuchs and the Women, who have always the King's Ear. But while Sha-Abas liv'd, there was no person that durst open his lips against the Nazar, so much was he in favour, and that justly, with the King. Sha-Sefi succeeding his Grandfather Sha-Abas, and being very young, the Nazar's Adversaries thought they had now a fair Game to play. Thereupon the [Page 43] Eunuchs, who are always at the King's Ear, suggested to him many things to the disadvantage of the Grand Master; but whatever they said, the King gave little heed to their Tales. At length, one day when the King was looking upon certain Skains and Daggers set with precious Stones, one of the Eunuchs told him those were trifles, and then desir'd his Majesty to send for a Scimeter that the Grand Signor had sent Sha-Abas, all over set with Diamonds. True it is, that the Grand Signor had sent a rich Scimiter toSha-Abas; but Sha-Abas had defac'd it long before Mahomet's time, and had made a noble Jewel of the Stones that adorn'd it. There­upon this Scimitar was sought for in the Treasury, where Mahomet was chief Offi­cer; but not being to be found, the King was troubl'd, finding it registred in the Book of Presents. Then certain Eunuchs and Grandees of the Court took their opportunity to rip up Mahomet's Life; they represented to the King how many Inns, Bridges, and Dikes Mahomet had built at his own charge; what a House he had rear'd for himself, fitting for his Majesty to live in: and aggravated withal, that he could not do such great things as those, without purloining notably from the Publick Stock; for which he should do well to call him to an account. As they were thus discoursing, Mahomet came into the Presence, to whom the King (not receiving him as he was wont to do) spoke some hard words about the Scimiter that could not be found: telling him withal, that he would see if the all rest of the things in the Treasury were agreeable to the Register, and then gave him fifteen days time to give in his Account. Mahomet not at all mov'd, reply'd to the King, that if his Majesty pleas'd he might come to the Treasury to morrow: and withal be­sought him so to do, though the King a second time gave him fifteen days. There­upon the King did go to the Treasury next morning, according to Mahomet's desire, and found all things in good order; having heard before what became of the Sci­miter. From thence he went to Mahomet s House, who made the King a mean Present: For it is the custom, that he whom the King honours with a Visit, must make a Present to his Majesty. After the King had receiv'd it, he walk'd up and down, and viewed the Chambers, Halls, Parlours and Rooms of State; and wonder'd to see them so ill set out with plain Felts, and course Carpets; whereas in other Lords Houses a man could not set his Foot upon any thing but Cloth of Gold and Silk. For the King, as they had set the Nazar out, expected to have found other things; which made him admire at so great a Moderation in so high a degree of Honour. Now at the end of a Gallery, there was a Door lockt with three great Padlocks. Of this the King took no notice: whereupon the Meter, who is the White Eunuch, and chief of his Chamber, as he came back, shew'd the King the Door that was so strongly Padlock'd; which made the King so curious to have it open'd: withal, asking Mahomet what he had got there lock'd up with so much care? Oh Sir, said he, it behoves me to keep that lockt, for there is all the Estate I have in the World. All that your Majesty has seen in this House is yours, but all that is in that Chamber is mine, and I dare assure my self, your Majesty will be so gaacious as never to take it from me. Those words inflam'd the King's curiosity so, that he commanded the Door to be open'd: But he was strangely surpriz'd, when he saw nothing more within than Mahomet's Sheep-hook, that lay upon two Nails, his Scrip wherein he us'd to put his Victuals, his Bottle for his Water, his Pipe, and his Shepherd's Weeds, all hanging against the Wall. The Nazar beholding the King's astonishment at such a Sight, Sir, said he, when the King Sha-Abas [...]ound me in the Mountain keeping Goats, then that was all I had, and he took nothing from me: I beseech your Majesty that you would not deprive me of these things neither; but rather, if you please, let me resume them again, and fall to my old calling. The Kin [...] touch'd at so high a piece of Virtue, caus'd himself to be disapparel'd, and gave his Habit to the Nazar, which is the greatest Honour that the King of Persia can bestow upon a Subject. Thus Mahomet continu'd and dy'd honourably in his Employment. This brave Person was the Protector of all the Franks in Persia: and if any one had done them wrong, upon complaint he did them Justice immediately. One day as I was shooting Ducks, upon the River of Ispahan near the Nazar's Gardens, with two Servants, some of the Nazar's people that did not know me set upon me, and would have taken away my Gun; which I would not let go till I had broke the Stock about the Shoulders of the one, and f [...]ung the Barrel at the other's Head. Thereupon I took some of the Franks [Page 44] along with me, and complain'd to the Nazar: He testifi'd his sorrow for what had happen'd, and gave us evident Proofs thereof, by the blows which he caus'd to be laid upon those that had done me the injury.

Another time, Sha-Sefi being upon his return from Guilan, his Tents were set up near Zulfa in Armenia, where the King staid to hunt two or three days. Now among the rest of the Courtizans that follow'd the Court, to divertise the King with Dancing and Mummery, there was one who was perfectly handsom, to whom the King had already sent Presents; which could not be unknown to any Lord i'the Court. But the Nazar's Son, for all that, being in the heat of Youth, got this Courtizan to his Tent, and there lay with her: which came to his Father's Ears next day. The Nazar, whether out of his zeal to the King, or whether it were an effect of his prudence to prevent the King's anger, which would have certain­ly been the death of his Son, caus'd him to be drub'd, after the manner of the Coun­try, and bastinado'd all over, till the Nails of his Toes dropt off, and that his Body was almost a perfect Gelly. Which when the King understood, together with the Young Man's Crime, he said no more, but that the Nazar had done wisely by punishing his Son himself, to prevent his Justice.

But to return to the Road from Kerman to Ispahan. The first day that I set out from Kerman, at my Stage in the Evening I met with a rich Moullah, who seeing I had Wine, civilly offer'd me some of his Ice to cool it. In retaliation, I gave him some of my Bottle. He invited me to his House, which was well built, with a handsom Garden with Water in it. He entertain'd me with Spoon-meat, according to the mode of the Country; and when I took my leave, he fill'd my Baracho with very good Wine.

The following days I saw nothing worthy observation; the Country being as I have already describ'd it.

Yezd lyes in the Road, almost in the mid-way between Kerman and Ispahan, in 93 Deg. 15 Min. of Longitude, and 13 Deg. 45 Min. of Latitude. It is a great Town in the middle of the Sands, that extend themselves for two Leagues round it: so that when you leave Yezd you must take a Guide, for upon the least Wind the Sand covers the Highway, whereby a man may be apt to fall into Holes, which seem to have been either old Cisterns, or the Ruines of ancient Buildings. Between the Town and the Sands there is a little good Soil, which produces excellent Fruits, but above all, Melons of several sorts: the Pulp of some is green, of others yellow and vermilion; and some there are, the meat whereof is as hard as a Renneting. There are also very good▪ Grapes, and good Wine; but the Governour will not permit the Inhabitants to make Wine. Some therefore they dry, and of the rest they make a kind of Confection to eat with Bread. There are also abundance of Figs, which are large and well tasted. They distil vast quantities of Rose-water, and another sort of Water with which they dye their Hands and Nails red, which they squeeze out of a certain Root call'd Hina. There are three Inns i'th▪ City, and several Bazars or Market-places cover'd and vaulted, which are full of Mer­chants and Workmens Ware-houses. They also make at Yezd several Stuffs of Silk intermix'd with Gold and Silver, which they call Zerbaste; and another sort of Stuff of all pure Silk, call'd Daraï, like our smooth strip'd Taffata's. Other Stuffs they made, half Silk half Cotton; others all of Cotton, like our Fustians. They make also Serges of a particular Wool, which is so fine and delicate, that it looks hand­somer, and is much better than Silk.

Though I had nothing to do, I staid in Yezd three days, because I met with some Armenians of my acquaintance. In which time I found the general Opinion to be true. For certainly the Women of Yezd are the handsomest Women in all Persia. There is no Feast made, but five or six of them come to divertise the Guests with Dancing, who are generally none of the meanest Beauties and Conversations among them. However it comes to pass, the Persian Proverb is, That to live happy, a Man must have a Wise of Yezd, eat the Bread of Yezdecas, and drink the Wine of Schiras.

CHAP. X.
Of the Caravansera's, and Government of the Caravans.

THE Caravansera's are the Eastern Inns, far different from ours; for they are neither so convenient, nor so handsom. They are built square, much like Cloysters, being usually but one Story high; for it is rare to see one of two Stories, A wide Gate brings you into the Court; and in the midst of the Building, in the front, and upon the right and lest hand, there is a Hall for Persons of the best Quality to keep together. On each side of the Hall are Lodgings for every man by himself. These Lodgings are rais'd all along the Court two or three Steps high, just behind which are the Stables, where many times it is as good lying as in the Chamber. Some will rather lye there in the Winter, because they are warm, and are roof'd as well as the Chambers. Right against the Head of every Horse there is a Nich with a Window into the Lodging-Chamber, out of which every man may see how his Horse is look'd after. These Niches are usually so large, that three men may lye in them; and there it is that the Servants usually dress their Victuals.

There are two sorts of Inns. For some are endow'd; where you may be re­ceiv'd for Charities sake; others, where you must pay for what you call for. There are none of the first, but between Buda and Constantinople. Nor is it lawful for any others to build such, but only the Mothers and Sisters of the Grand Signor, or such Viziers, and Basha's as have been three times in Battel against the Christians. In these Inns, which are built out of Legacies, there is a very good allowance of Diet to Travellers▪ and at your departure you have nothing to do but to thank the Benefactor. But from Constantinople to Persia, there are none of those endow'd Inns; only such where you have nothing but bare Walls. It is for you to provide Utensils for your Kitchin, and a Bed to lye on: as for Provision, the people bring Lambs, Pullets, Butter, and Fruits in their seasons: or else you may buy it, provided before-hand by the Master of the House. There you also meet with Barley and Straw for the Horses, unless it be in some few places that I have been at upon the Road. In the Country you pay nothing for your Chambers; but in the Cities you pay something, though it be but a small matter. Usually the Caravans never go into the Towns, which are not able to contain so many People and Horses. When you come to your Quarters every one looks after his own Chamber, for there is no regard to Poor or Rich: sometimes out of Breeding, or out of Interest, an ordinary Tradesman will give way to a great Merchant; but no man is permitted to leave the Chamber which he has once made choice of. In the night the Inn-keeper shuts up his Gates, being answerable for all things that shall be lost; for which reason he keeps a Guard about the Inn.

As for the Persian Caravansera's, they are more commodious, and better built than those of Turkie, and at more reasonable distances, throughout almost all the Country. By which description of Inns it is easie to observe, that though these Caravansera's are not so commodious for the Rich as our European Inns, yet they are more convenient for the Poor, to whom they never refuse to give admittance: no person being oblig'd to eat or drink more than he pleases; but every one being allow'd to spend according to his Stock, without grumbling.

You may travel in Turkie or Persia, either with the Caravan, or else in company, ten or twelve together, or else alone with a Guide. The safest way is to go with the Caravan, though you are longer upon the Road, by reason of the slowness of their march, especially when the Caravans consist of Camels.

The Caravans are as it were great Convoys, which consist of a good number of Merchants, that meet at certain times and places, to put themselves into a con­dition to defend themselves from Thieves, that are very rise in Troops in several desert places upon the Road. These Merchants choose among themselves a Caravan-Bashi, who orders them how they shall march, assigns the places of lodging at night, and who with the chief of the Caravan, is a kind of Judge of the differences that [Page 46] fall out by the way. There is no honest man that covets the employment; for the Caravan-Bashi, being to discharge several small duties upon the Road, however he behave himself, is still suspected for his fidelity. When the Turks are most nume­rous, they make choice of a Turk; when the Armenian Merchants are most, they choose an Armenian.

There are two forts of Caravans. There are Caravans which consist of Camels, which are the most usual; in regard that Camels are cheap, and for that some Camels will carry as much as three Horses, others as much as four or five. But among the Caravans of Camels, there are several Horses and Mules, which the Merchants themselves ride upon; it being very tedious to ride upon a Camel when he only goes a foot-pace, but very pleasant when he goes upon his large trot. There are other Caravans that consist only of Horses; and among these, if the Merchant have none of his own, he may hire one. The Servants ride upon those Horses that are least laden; but at Smyrna you may meet with several good Horses very cheap, from thirty to sixty Crowns. As for those persons that are either unwilling or unable to be at any expence, they make use of Asses, of which there are enow to be had. Above all things, you must take care to provide Pack-Horses to carry your Wine; for the Camel-Masters being Mahometans, will not permit you to lade their Camels with any such Liquor; that Beast being particularly consecrated to Mahomet, who so strictly forbad the use of Wine. You put your Wine in Bottles made of wild Goats Skins, with the hairy side turn'd innermost, and well pitch'd within. There are some of these Bottles from which they take off the Hair; but they are not so good, as being seldom without holes.

These Camel-Masters are an insolent sort of people, which you shall never know how to deal with, unless you can bring them to punishment. There was one that play'd me some of his jades tricks in the Road from Smyrna to Tauris; but when I came to Escrivan, I complain'd to the Kan, who presently caus'd a hundred Bastinado's to be giv'n him upon the spot. Nor is there any other way to bring those Scoundrels to reason, especially at Smyrna and such other places, where the Merchants have their Consuls, who upon the least complaint to the Cady have Justice done them imme­diately. The examples of some of these Camel-drivers that have been paid off, keep the rest in good decorum; and they will be very tractable for a good while after.

The Journies of the Caravans are not equal; sometimes not above six hours travel, sometimes ten, and sometimes twelve; it being the convenience of Water, which is not every where to be met with, that is the Rule of Lodging the Caravan. At all times the Caravan travels more by night than by day; in Summer to avoid the heat, and at other times, that you may be sure to have day enough to set up your Tents. For if the Caravan should come to pitch in the night, it would be impossible for them to find where to set up their Tents, to dress and look after their Beasts, make ready their Kitchins, and provide things necessary for so large a Company. True it is, that in the depth of Winter and in the great Snows, they seldom set out till two or three hours after midnight; and that sometimes they stay till day-break. But in Summer, according to the Journey which they intend, they set out either at midnight, or an hour after Sun-set. The last time I went from Smyrna the Caravan consisted of six hundred Camels, and almost the same number of Horse. Sometimes their number is greater, so that the Camels going but by one and one after another, a Caravan seems to be an Army; and whether it be in travelling or lodging, they take up a world of Ground. Now by reason they travel all night in Asia, it happens that the Air is indifferent wholsom; and that the Travellers, that lye for the most part upon a Carpet spread upon the Ground, find themselves very little inconve­nienc'd by it.

The Camels that go into Persia through the Northern Provinces of Turkie, travel like Horses in a Cart, by seven and seven; they are ty'd together by a Cord about the bigness of a Man's little Finger, and a Fathom long; fasten'd to the Pack­saddle of the Camel that goes before, and to the Head-harness of the Camel that follows. Those little Cords are made no stronger, to the end that if the Camel before should chance to fall into any hole, the Camel behind should either keep him up, or else not be pull'd in after the other. And to the end that the Camel-driver who leads the foremost, may know whether the other six follow him or no, the last Camel has a Bell about his Neck, which if it cease to ring, 'tis a sign that [Page 47] some one of the small Cords is broken, and that a Camel has got a mischance. The seventh Camel generally carries the Provisions. For if a Merchant have six Camels laden, he is generally allow'd one to carry his Provision; if he have but three, he is allow'd but half a Camel's load; but if he have nine or twelve, he pays nothing for the carriage of his Provisions of Food, or any thing else that he pleases. Every Merchant with his Servants rides by the Camels that are laden with his Goods, especially in the dark nights; for there are a subtil sort of Thieves, that have a trick to cut the two Cords behind and before, and without any noise drive the Ca­mel out of the way; for having no Hoofs, his Feet cannot be shod, and consequently he makes no noise. As well Merchants, as others, Camel-drivers and Servants, keep themselves from sleeping sometimes by singing, and sometimes by taking To­bacco, and sometimes by discourse.

The Caravan lyes in such places as they think most convenient, chiefly near to the Water-side. When the Sun is set, the Shaoux, who are a sort of poor people, are diligent to guard the whole Field, and take care of the Goods. They walk up and down, and either in the Arabian or Armenian Dialect they cry one to another, God is one, and he is merciful; adding from time to time, Have a care of your self. When they see that the time grows near to set out, they give notice to the Caravan-Bashi, who gives order to bid them cry, Saddle your Horses; and after that, to cry again, Load. And it is a strange thing to consider, that upon the second Cry of the Shaoux every thing is ready upon an instant, and the Caravan begins to set for­ward in great order and great silence. Every one takes care to be ready, for it is dangerous to be left behind, especially in those Countries which are haunted with Thieves. The Wages of these▪ Shaoux is the fourth part of a Piaster for a Bale from Smyrna to Erivan.

When the Stages are long, and that they believe that they shall not get thither by ten or twelve in the morning, every one carries two small Wallets on each side his Horse, and when they come to the place where they intend to Break-fast, they spread a Carpet upon the Ground and fall to.

When you go from Constantinople, Smyrna, or Aleppo with the Caravan, it be­hoves all people to carry themselves according to the mode of the Country; in Turkie like a Turk, in Persia as a Persian; else would they be accounted ridiculous, nay sometimes they would hardly be permitted to pass in some places, where the least miscarriage makes the Governours jealous, who are easily perswaded to take Strangers for Spies. Always, if you have upon the Road but an Arabian Vest, with a mean Girdle, whatever Clothes you wear under, there is no danger of passing any where. If you wear a Turbant, you must of necessity shave off your Hair, else it will never stay upon the Head. As for Beards, they never mind them in Turkie, the greatest being accounted the handsomest; but in Persia they shave their Chins, and wear their Mustaches: and I remember I have seen one of the King of Persia's Porters, whose Mustaches were so long, that he could tye them behind his neck, for which reason he had a double Pension. More than that, you must provide your self of Boots according to the custom of the Country: they are made of red, yellow, or black Cordovan, lin'd with Linen cloth; and in regard they never reach higher than the Knee, they are as convenient to travel in as Shooes. As for Spurs, they never wear any; for the Iron at the upper end of the Stirrop, which is four-square, serves to spur the Horse: so much the better, because it is the custom of all Asia to ride very short.

Before you set out, you must provide your self of several Houshold-Goods, espe­cially of those Bottles that are call'd Matares, which are made of Bulgary-Leather; every man carries his own at the Pummel of his Saddle, or else fasten'd to the Crupper of the Saddle behind. Besides these you must buy Borracho's; the most serviceable things in the World; for they will never break, and will hold above fifty Pints at a time. The smaller Bottles serve to put Aqua-vitae in: and the Leather whereof they are made, has that peculiar to it self, that it keeps the Water fresh. Then you must provide Food, and make a provision of Rice and Bisket as far as Tocat: For as for Pullets, Eggs, and such like things, you meet with them almost every where; as also with Provision for your. Horses, and new Bread, unless in some few places. You must also carry a Tent with all its appurtenances, with a Mat­tress; and Clothes to cover the Horses at night, especially in the time of the [Page 48] deep Snows, wherein you shall find them almost buried the next mor­ning.

When the Caravan comes near the place where it intends to stop, every Mer­chant rides before to take up a convenient place for himself and his Goods, for which he covets a rising Ground, that if it should happen to rain, the Water may run from the Bales. They also in that case lay Stones under the Bales, and a Cloth over them; and the Servants make a Ditch about the Tent for the Water to run into. But if it be fair weather, there is no care tak'n to set up the Tent: or if it be, 'tis folded up after Supper; to the end the Owners may have the more liberty to look about them, and may be in a better condition to look after the Thieves. But if there be any likelihood of foul weather, the Tent is let stand till the first Cry of the Shaoux. The Horses are ty'd before the▪ Tent with Cords fasten'd to a Nail, and their hinder Legs are ty'd with other Cords, to the end they may not stir out of their places. If it be not seasonable for them to eat Grass, you must buy Barley, and Straw of the Country-men that come to serve the Caravan, their being no Oats neither in Turkis nor Persia.

In dressing your Victuals, you must follow the custom of the Country; which is, to make a Hole in the Ground, and then kindling a Fire in it, to set the Pot over it.

But the greatest inconvenience which Trevellers suffer with the Caravans is this, that when they come▪ Waters, which are only Wells, or Cisterns, or Springs, where only two or three lade up Water at a time. For after▪ the Caravan is lodg'd, the Merchants shall be forc'd to stay for Water two or three hours together; for they that belong to the Beasts of Carriage, will not suffer any person to take any Water, till the Camels, Horses, Asses, and Mules are all serv'd. Nor is there any contending with these Camel-drivers and Muleters; for as they are a rude sort of people, a Man runs the hazard of his Life by contesting alone: of which one Example may suffice for all.

Setting out one day from Bander-Abassi, for Ispahan, with a Merchant of Babylon, as we came to the Inn where we lay the first night, which was call'd Guetchy▪ the Merchant commanded one of his Slaves who was a Cafer of Mozambique, to fetch him some fresh Water at the Cistern, to drink: The Cafer went thither, and return'd without any Water, telling his Master, that the Camel-drivers and Mu­leters threaten'd to beat him, and would not let him come near the Cistern. The Merchant either ill advis'd, or not knowing the custom, bid him go back, and kick those that refus'd him. Whereupon the Cafer returning, and finding the same resistance as before, began to give ill language to the Camel-drivers, so that one of them happen'd to strike him. Upon that the Cafer drawing his Sword, ran him into the Belly, so that he fell down dead: Thereupon the whole Rabble fell upon him, bound him, and carry'd him back to Bander-Abassi for the Governour to put him to death. The Master of the Cafer, accompany'd by several Merchants, went to the Governour and represented to him the insolence of those people, and how the business had happen'd. Upon which the Governour took the poor fellow out of their hands, and caus'd him to be kept safe; after that, he caus'd ten or a dozen of those Muleters to be seiz'd, and orderd'd them to be soundly bastinado'd, for hindring a Merchant's Servant from fetching Water for his Master. He also put others in Prison; who had not been releas'd so soon, but at the request of those Merchants whose Goods they carry'd, and who stood in need of their service. The Governour▪ spun out the business, on purpose that the rest might be gone: but as soon as they were all departed except the two Brothers of the party slain, he told them, he could not do them Justice, because their Brother belong'd to Schiras; so that all that he could do, was to send the Criminal thither. The Master of the Cafer being rich, and loving the Slave, made hast to Schiras, to tell his Story first to the Kan. And I remember, two days jourey yon this side Schiras we met in the High way abundance of poor people, the kindred of the party slain, who were staying for the Cafer, to carry him before the Kan, and to demand Justice. Two o [...] three Leagues also from Schiras I met the Father and Mother, together with the Wife and Children of the deceas'd, who seeing me pass along, fell at my Feet and recounted to me their Grievances. I told them by my Kalmachi, that their best and surest way was to take a piece of Money of the Cafer's Master, and so to put up [Page 49] the business. This Proposal, that would have been accepted in Christendom, was rejected by those poor Mahometans; in so much that the Father tore his Beard, and the Women their Hair, crying out, That if it were the custom of the Franks to seil the Blood of their Kindred, it was not their custom so to do. When the rest of the kindred came with the Cafer to Schiras, the Kan did all he could to persuade the Widow to take Money; but not being able to over-rule her, he was forc'd to give the Cafer into their hands: and how they us'd him I cannot tell, being con­strain'd at the same time to pais from Schiras for Ispahan.

CHAP. XI.
Of the breeding, nature, and several sorts of Camels.

THE Female Camel bears her Burthen eleven Months; and her Milk is a sovereign Remedy against the Dropsie. You must drink a Pint of it every Day for three Weeks together: and I have seen several Cures wrought thereby at Balsara, Ormus, and in other places in the Persian Gulf, upon several English and Holland Mariners.

So soon as a Camel comes into the World, they sold his Feet under his Belly, and make him lye upon them; after that they cover his Back with a Carpet that hangs to the Ground, laying Stones upon each side▪ so that he may not be able to rise; and thus they leave him for fifteen or twenty days. In the mean time they give him Milk to drink, but not very often; to the end he may be accustom'd to drink little. This they do also to use them to lye down, when they go about to Lade them; at which time they will fold their Legs and lye down so obediently, that it is an admirable thing to consider. So soon as the Caravan comes to the place where it is to lye, all the Camels that belong to one Master will range themselves in a Circle, and lye down upon their fore Feet; so that [...]is but untying one Cord that holds the Bales, and they will slide off gently from each side of the Camel. When 'tis time to lade again, the same Camel comes and crouches down between the two Burthens, and when they are fasten'd, gently rises up with the Burthen again; which is done without any trouble or noise. When the Camels are unladen, they let them go a­field to feed upon the Heath and Bushes, and half an hour before Sun set they return of themselves, unless any one happen to wander, which they will call again with a certain Cry which is natural to them. When they return, they range themselves in a Circle, and the Muleters give to every one little Balls of Barley­meal kneaded, as big as two Fists. The Camel though he be of a large bulk, eats very little, contented with what he meets with upon the Heaths; where he more especially looks for Thistles, of which he is a great lover. But it is more admi­rable to consider with what patience they▪ endure drowth: For one time that I cross'd over the Deserts, where we were 65 days upon the Road, our Camels were nine days without Drink. But what is more wonderful is this, that when the Ca­mel is in the heat of Generation, he neither eats nor drinks for 40 days together; and he is then so furious, that without great care you cannot avoid being bitten by him: And whereever he bites, he carries away a piece of the Flesh. At that time issues out of their Mouths a white Foam, besides that there appears on each side of their Chops two Bladders large and swell'd, like the Bladder of a Boar.

In the Spring time all the Camel's Hair falls off in three days. The Skin remains bare, and then the Flies are very troublesom. There is no way but to Tar them all over▪ though it be a ventrous thing to come near them at that time.

A Camel must be drest as well as a Horse; but the Camel keeper never uses any Curry-comb, but only beats him all over with a small Wand, as Carpets are wont to be dusted. If a Camel be hurt or gall'd under the Pack▪ saddle, they never apply any thing to it, but only wash it well with Urine, without using any other Re­medy.

[Page 50] There are two sorts of Camels; the one which is proper for hot Countries, the other for cold Countries.

The Camels in hot Countries, such as go from Ormus to Ispaehan, cannot travel if the Ground be dirty and slippery; for their Belldies burst, while their hinder Quarters rive from their Bodies. These are small Camels, that carry not above five or six hundred Pound weight; but they are kept for little, and endure Thirst a long time. They do not tye them Head to Tayl, as they do the great ones, but let them go as they please themselves, like a Herd of Cows. The Camel-driver follows them singing, and sometimes playing upon his Pipe: the louder he sings and pipes, the faster the Camels go; nay they will stand still when he gives over his Musick. When the Camel-drivers come to a Heathy Ground, they will give them leave to seed for half an hour, taking their Tabacco the while; and then singing them together again, they set forward. The Camels bred in the Deserts are handsom, but very tender, so that they must be gently us'd, and never be put upon long Jour­nies. However, they eat and drink less than others, and endure thirst more pa­tiently.

The Camels of cold Countries, such as those that travel from Tauris to Constan­tinople, are large Camels, that carry great Burthens, and will pull themselves out of the dirt. But in fat Grounds and slippery Ways the Drivers are fain to spread Carpets, sometimes an hundred one behind another; otherwise their hinder Quarters are also apt to rive from their Buttocks; but if the Road be slippery for too great a distance together, there is no way but to tarry 'till it be dry'd up and fair. These Camels usually carry a thousand Pound weight: but if the Merchant has any hank upon the Camel driver, he will lay upon every Camel fifteen hundred weight, thereby making two of three Burthens. This the Merchants do, when they come near the Custom-Houses, especially that of Erzerom, which is the most severe. The Merchant does this for his own Profit: So that when the Customer mistrusting, de­mands how so many Camels come to travel empty, he makes answer, that they were Camels that carry'd Provision: But the Customer most commonly winks at that good Husbandry of the Merchant, for fear of losing his Custom, and obliging the Merchant to take another Road.

There is as much knavery among the Camel drivers, as among our Horse-Coursers. For I remember, that being once at Casbin, a Persian Merchant, thinking he had bought eight good Camels, was deceiv'd in four which he thought the best. He verily believing they had been fat and in good case, but they were only blown up. For those Cheats have a trick to cut a Hole near the Tail, of which the Purchaser takes no notice, and which they know neatly how to sow up again: In this Hole they will blow till they have pust up a lean Camel, that he shall appear as fat and plump as the soundest that ever fed: whereby they often deceive the quickest sights, especially when the Hair is all off, and that the bare Skin is all rub'd over with Tar.

CHAP. XII.
Of the Coyns and Money of Persia.

IN the first place, you must take notice that there are no Pieces of Gold coyn'd in Persia, but only some few, to be thrown among the People when a new King ascends the Throne: which Pieces are neither currant among the Mer­chants, nor of a certain Price. When the Solemnity is over, they who get the Pieces, are not so curious to keep them, but carry them to the Changer, who gives them the value in currant Money. These Pieces of Gold may be worth five A Frank is worth 2 s. Ster­ling.Franks, about the fineness of Almain-Ducats. Once I receiv'd ten thousand of them of one Merchant, at a prefix'd rate; for their value is uncertain.

In the second place observe, That the Silver in Persia is good, whether it be in Barrs, or in Plate, or in Money, and it is taken for its goodness. For when a [Page] [Page]

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[Page 51] Merchant enters into Persia, whether it be at Erivan or Tauris, where the Money is coyn'd, he is oblig'd to tell what Silver he carry's, to the end it may be melted down and stamp'd with the King's Stamp; under a great Penalty, if discover'd to be a concealer. But if a Merchant's affairs will not permit him to stay at Erivan, or at Tauris; and that he think it better to carry his Money to the Mint of Ispahan; 'tis but taking a Note from the Master of the Mint either at Tauris or Erivan, to attest that he has declar'd the truth of what he carries, and it is excuse enough.

But they that can cunningly carry their Silver to Erivan, when the Season is to go to the Indies, make a great profit of the Real; for the Merchants that go to the Indies will give them thirteen and a half, or fourteen Shayez a piece, for as many as they have. But there are few Merchants that carry their Silver to Ispa­han; in regard the Masters of the Mints upon the Frontiers will be sure to present them with a good piece of Silver Plate, rather than let them carry away their Bullion to Ispahan, to have the benefit of Coynage themselves.

They that traffick into Guilan for Silks carry their Silver to Teslis, where the Master of the Mint gives them 2 per Cent. profit for their Silver. The reason is, because that which he gives them for it is a little sophisticated; but it passes currant all over Guilan.

In the third place, you must observe, That upon the pieces of Silver, as well for the King's Duty as the Coynage of the Money, there is requir'd 7 ½ per Cent. But upon the Copper Money, not above one half, or 1 per Cent. at most. Whence it comes to pass, that when a Workman has need of Copper, rather than lose time in going to buy it, he will melt down his Casbeke's.

There are four several pieces of Silver Coyn; Abassi's, Mamoudi's. Shaet's, and Bisti's: but as for the Bisti's, there are very few at present.

The Copper pieces of Coyn are call'd Casbeké, of which there are single and double.

The single Casbeké is worth five Deniers and a Half-peny of our Money.

The double Casbeké is valu'd at eleven Deniers.

Four single Casbeké's, or two double ones, make a Bisti.

Ten single Casbeké's, or five double ones, make one Shayet in value.

Two Shayet's make a Mamoudi.

Two Mamoudi's make an Abassi.

The Real or Crown of France is worth three Abassi's and one Shayet; and counting a Real at sixty Sous, an Abassi is worth eighteen Sous, six Deniers. Though to say truth, three Abassi's and one Shayet make three Half-pence more than the Crown.

Number 1, and Number 2. Are two pieces, which upon one side bear the Names of the twelve Prophets of the Law of Mahomet, and in the middle this In­scription, La I [...]lah allah Mahomet resoul Allah, Ali Vaeli Allah: on the back-side, The Conquerour of the World, Abas II. gives us permission to coyn this Money in the City of Cashan.

Num. 1. Makes five Abassi's; and counting our Crown at thirteen Shayet's, it comes to four Liveres, twelve Sou [...], six Deniers.

Num. 2. Makes two Abassi's and a half of our Money, or forty-six Sous and one Farthing.

Num. 3. Is an Abassi, which comes to eighteen Sous, six Deniers.

Num. 4. Is a Mamoudi, worth nine Sous and a Farthing.

Num. 5. Is a Shayet, worth four Sous, seven Deniers, one Half-peny.

Num. 6. A Bisti, worth one Sous, ten Deniers.

Num. 7. The Copper Coyn, call'd Casbeké, worth five Deniers, one Half-peny.

These Coyns, unless it be the Casbeké, bear no other Inscription, but only the Name of the King reigning when they were coyn'd; the Name of the City where they were coyn'd; with the Year of the Hegyra of Mahomet.

Though all Payments are made in Abassi's, as well at Ormus and other parts of the Gulf belonging to the King of Persia, as in the Island▪ of Bahren, where is the great Fishery and Market for Pearls; yet there is no mention made but only of Larins.

[Page 52] The Larin is describ'd in the Money of Arabia. Eight Larins make an Or; four and twenty made a Toman.

An Or is not the name of a Coyn, but of a Sum in reck'ning among Merchants. One Or is five Abassi's.

A Toman is another Sum in payment: For in all Persian Payments they make use of only Tomans and Ors; and though they usually say that a Toman makes fifteen Crowns, in truth it comes to forty-six Livres, one Peny and ⅕.

As for pieces of Gold, the Merchant never carries any into Persia, but Alman-Ducats, Ducats of the Seventeen Provinces, or of Venice; and he is bound to carry them into the Mint so soon as he enters into the Kingdom; but if he can cunningly hide them, and sell them to particular persons, he gets more by it. When a Mer­chant goes out of the Kingdom, he is oblig'd to tell what pieces of Gold he carries with him; and the King's people take a Shayet at the rate of a Ducat, and some­times they value the Ducat at more. But if he carrie's his Gold away privately and be discover'd, all his Gold is confiscated.

The Ducat usually is worth two Crowns, which in Persia justly comes to twenty­six Shayets; but there is no price fixt in that Country for Ducats. For when the season is to go for the Indies, or that the Caravan sets out for Meccae, as well the Merchants as the Pilgrims buy up all the Ducats they can find out, by reason of their light­ness; and then they rise to twenty-seven, and twenty-eight Shayets, and sometimes more, a piece.

The end of the Roads from Paris to Ispahan, through the Northern Provinces of Turky.

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: Containing the several ROADS From PARIS to ISPAHAN, the Capital CITY of PERSIA; Through the Southern Provinces of TURKY, and through the DESERTS.

CHAP. I.
The second Voyage of the Author from Paris to Ispahan: and first, of his Embarking at Marseilles for Alexandretta.

THE Road from Constantinople to Erivan, which with all those o­ther Roads through the Northern Provinces of Turkie, the first time I travel'd into Persia, I have amply describ'd. It behoves me now to treat of the Southern Provinces, and of those through the Deserts, where there are several Emirs, or Arabian Princes, of which several are very potent: For there are some of them that can bring 30000 Horse into the Field, five of which I have had the honour to discourse, and to oblige them with small Presents; in recompence whereof they sent me Rice, Mutton, Dates▪ and Sherbet, as long as I staid among them.

I embark'd at Marseilles in a Holland Vessel that carry'd five and forty Guns, from thence we set sail for Malta. At Malta we staid twelve days to carine the Vessel, and to take in fresh Victuals. Among the rest we bought two thousand Quails, for there are a prodigious quantity in the Island: but in two or three days we found five or six hundred of them destroy'd by the Vermin that pester'd the ship.

From Malta we set sail for Larneca, a good Road in the Island of Cyprus, to the West of Famagofta, which is not above a days journey from it by Land. As we were making into the Road, about two or three hours after midnight, we perceiv'd a Vessel close upon us, and both the Ships Company began to cry out, for fear of f [...]lling foul one upon another; but the Vessel sheer'd clear without any harm on either side.

[Page 54] In the morning we cast Anchor, and went-ashear. It is a good half League from the Road where the Consuls and Merchants, both English, Hollanders, and French, live in a very pitiful Village. However there is a little Monastery of Capuchins, who officiate in the Chapel of the French Consul; and another of Religious Italians, that depend upon the Guardian of Jerusalem. We staid but two days at Larneca; the Captain having nothing to do but to inform himself what business they might have for him at his return; it being usual then to take in spun and unspun Cottons, together with course Wool for Mattresses.

From Larneca 'till we came in view of the Coast of Syria, we had the Wind very favourable; but at length coming to prove a little contrary, instead of carrying us to Alexandretta, it cast us to the Northward, two or three Leagues higher, upon the Coast of Cilicia, toward a Town call'd Païasses. Half a League from that City ly [...]s a vast Rock, and between that Rock and the Land runs a very high Sea: And here it was that the people of the Country believe that the Whale cast up Jonas again; though the common Opinion reports it to have been done near Joppa in Palestine. All along that Coast from Alexandretta to Païasses, and farther, the way is so narrow and straiten'd by the Mountain, that in some parts the Camels and Horses must dip their Feet in the Sea: and yet you must pass that way of necessity, travelling from Syria to Constantinople. Between Alexandretta and Païasses it was, that the Chevalier Paul, in a Vessel that carry'd only three hundred Men, miss'd but little of surprising the Caravan that every Year carries the Tribute of Egypt to Con­stantinople, which since hath never been sent by Sea for fear of the Maltesi. This Knight had landed his Men, and laid them in Ambuscade; but unfortunately his Design was discover'd, so that the Caravan, that might have been easily surpriz'd, stood upon their Guard.

We were near the Coast, when we discover'd a Skiff with fifteen or sixteen Turks, that were sent by him that commanded four Galleys of Rhodes to demand the Customary Present from our Captain. Those Galleys then anchor'd at Païasses, and had there discharg'd themselves of their Provisions of War for Bagdat, which the Grand Signor was going to besiege. And it is the custom, that when the Great Turk's Galleys are out at Sea, that whatever strange Vessel passes by them must send them a Present, either willingly or by force. When the Basha of the Sea, who is the Admiral of the Turks, is in Person at Sea, the Vessel which he meets is not excus'd for 2000 Crowns: so that when he sets out from Constantinople to cruise, the Vessels of the Franks do all they can to avoid him. There are some that will seek to escape in sight of the Galleys, but it has cost them dear. And it happen'd, that one day the Wind slackning, they boarded a Vessel of Marseilles, the Captain and Notary whereof were both seiz'd, and drub'd 'till their Bodies were almost bruis'd to a Gelly, and they had like to have dy'd upon it, without being the better in their Purses; for the rudeness of the Chastisement did not excuse them from paying the Money which was demanded. Whether our Captain knew any thing of this Example, or whether it were out of his natural heat of Valour, he laugh'd at the Skiff-men, bidding them be gone, and telling them he had no Presents for them but Cannon-Bullets. Thereupon the Men return'd to their Galleys, who soon deliver'd us from the true fear we were in, that the gallantry of the Captain had drawn us into an inconvenience. For while we kept the Sea close by the Coast, to observe the Countenances of the Turks, they weigh'd Anchor, and turn'd their Prows toward Rhodes. However, before they left us they sent us a Broad-side, and our Captain, whatever we could say, sent them another, which render'd us more guilty. For the Turks pretend that when their Navy is at Sea, or only one Squadron, and that a strange Vessel is in sight, she is bound to come as near as the Wind will permit her without being hal'd, for which they will otherwise make the Commander pay very severely. The Consuls and Merchants of Aleppo understanding what had pass'd very much blam'd the Captain, fearing a worse consequence of the business▪ But by good fortune the miscarriage was stifl'd and never went farther.

The same day the Wind veering to the West-North-West, we sail'd into the Road of Alexandretta, where we came to an Anchor, about a quarter of a League from the Land. Upon the advice which they have out of Christendom, so soon as they of Alexandretta discover a Vessel, and know what Colours she carries▪ the Vice-Consul of the Nation to which the Vessel belongs, fails not to advertise the [Page 55] Consul of Aleppo, by a Note which is carry'd in four or five hours, though it be more than two or three days journey on Horse-back. For they tye a Note under the Wing of a Pigeon, who is taught what to do, and she flies directly to the place whence she was brought. For more surety, they usually send two, that if the one should miscarry i▪the dark, which has many times happen'd, the other may supply the defect.

Alexandretta is nothing else but a confus'd heap of paltry Houses, inhabited by the Greeks, who keep little Fudling-schools, for the Mariners and others, the meaner sort of the people: for the Merchants lye at the Vice-Consuls of the Nation. There were but two then, the English Vice-Consul and the French; who had each of them a very convenient dwelling. However▪ they must be men who love Money at a strange▪rate, that accept of those Employments. For the Air, like that of Ormus, is generally so bad▪ especially in the Summer, in so much that they who do not dye, cannot avoid very dangerous Distempers. If there be any so strong that they can hold out for three or four Years, and can accustom themselves to a bad Air, they do well to stay there; [...] for them to betake themselves to a good Air, is to hazard their Lives. Mr. Philips the English Consul has been the only Person that ever liv'd two and twenty Years at Alexandretta: but you must know he was a brisk merry Man, and of an excellent temper of Body; and yet for all that he had been forc'd to be cauteriz'd. That which renders the Air so bad, is the great quantity of standing Pools and Plashes in the neighbouring Plains, extending to the East and South; but when the great Heats begin to approach, the most part of the Inhabi­tants retire to a Village call'd Belan, upon the next Mountain to the City, where there are very good Waters and excellent Fruits. They come also thither from Aleppo, when there is an appearance of a Pestilence; and yet there are few people in this Village who are not troubled with a sort of Fever, that makes their Eyes look▪ yellow and hollow; which they never can remedy as long as they live.

About half a League from Alexandretta, on ▪the right hand of the High way, just against the Mersh on the other side, is a Tower whereon are to be seen the Arms of Godfrey of Bulloign. In all likelihood it was built for the defence of the High-way, which is enclos'd between these two Merches, whose Exhalations are [...]ery noxious.

It is but three little days journey from Alexandretta to Aleppo, and some well mounted have rid it in two. The Franks are not permitted to go thither on Foot. For before that Prohibition, in regard the way was short, every Sea-man that had a hundred Crowns, more or less, went on Foot to Aleppo, and got easily thither in three days, with little expence. Now because they had but little Money to spend, and were willing to dispatch their business, they would not stand to give Four or Five in the Hundred extraordinary for what Goods they bought, which was of dangerous consequence to the Merchants. For you must observe, that when the Ships arrive, the first man that either out of rashness or ignorance, gives two Sous more for a Commodity that is not worth a Crown, sets the Price, and causes all the whole Commodity to be sold at that rate. So that the Merchants that lay out ten or twelve thousand Crowns together, are very careful lest those Saylors should get before them, and enhance the Price of the Market.

To remedy which inconvenience, the Merchants obtain'd an Order, That no Strangers should be permitted to go a-foot from Alexandretta to Aleppo, but that they should be bound to hire Horses, and to give for every Horse six Piasters thi­ther, and six back; which expence would soon eat out the Profit of a poor Mari­ner's small Sum.

Usually you stay at Alexandretta three or foor days, as well to rest your self, as to make some little Provisions for your Journey to Aleppo. For though you meet with good Stages at Evening, yet the Janisaries will be very glad to eat by the way.

Setting out from Alexandretta, we travel'd over a Plain to the foot of a Mountain which is call'd Belan. There is a wide Gap in the midst of this Mountain, which giving liberty to the North-East Wind, when it blows hard, doth so enrage the Road of Alexandretta, which is otherwise very calm, that no Ship can ride there at that time. In so much that all Ships that happ'n to be there when the Wind rises, presently weigh, and get out to Sea, for fear of being cast away. Almost at [Page 56] the top of the Mountain you meet with an Inn; but though it be very fair one, with Fountains round about it, yet Merchants never stop there, but go on a little farther to a Grecian that speaks good Italian, and whose entertainment is indifferent good, considering the Country. When you go away, you give him a Crown for your accommodation, which is the manner at other Stages, by a custom, which the Franks themselves having establish'd, will never be left off.

Descending down the Mountain you discover the City of Antioch, built upon a Hill. Formerly the Road lay through that City▪ but the Janizaries of the place exacting a Piaster from every person that travel'd that way, that Road is now disus'd. Antioch once made more noise in the World, being fal'n to ruine ever since the Chanel, that ran from the City to the Sea, where Galleys might ride, has been stop'd up by the Sands that have encroach'd upon the Mouth of the Haven.

When you are at the bottom of the Hill toward the North, you discover a Castle built upon a Hill standing by it self, from whence you have a prospect over a good part of the Plain of Antioch. It is about fifteen Leagues long, and three broad, in that part where the Road lyes. Somewhat more than half the way, you meet with a long Causey parted by several Bridges, by reason of certain Rivulets that cross it, without which the Road were hardly passable. The frequent Revolts of Baegdat and Balsara, which the Grand Signor has been forc'd so often to besiege, caus'd the Grand Visier in the Reign of Achmat to undertake this Causey, which together with the Bridge was finish'd in six Months, that was lookt upon as a Mi [...]a­cle. This was done for the more easie passage of the Artillery, and other Provisions of War, that were brought out of Romania and Greece to the Siege of Baegdat, which could never have been done, but for this Causey. At the end of this Causey stands a Bridge, very long and strongly built, under which runs a River, which, with the other Rivulets that wind about the Plain, forms a Lake toward the South, that is call'd the Lake of Antioch. [...] This Lake affords a great Revenue, by reason of the Eels that are caught there, which are taken two Months beofre Lent, and transported to Malta Sicily, and other parts of Italy.

This Plain is very full of Olive-Trees; which produces that great Trade of Soap, that is made at Aleppo, and transported into Mcsopotamia, Chaldea, Persia, and the Desert; that Commodity being one of the most acceptable Presents that can be made to the Ar [...]bians. Sallet Oyl is also in great esteem among them: so that when you make them a Present of it, they will take off their Bonnets, and rub their Heads, their Faces, and their Beards with it, lifting up their Eyes to Heaven, and cry in their Language, God be thank'd. Therein they have lost nothing of the ancient custom of the Eastern People, of which there is often mention made in Holy Scripture.

About a League and a half beyond the Plain, you meet with a Rock, at the foot whereof is a little deep Lake, wherein they catch a world of Fish that are like our Barbels. I have kill'd them with my Pistol; and found them to be of an excellent tast; though they are not regarded at Aleppo.

Two hours after you fo [...]d a River which is call'd Afrora; though if it have hap­pen'd to rain, you must stay 'till the Waters are fal'n. Having past the River, upon the Banks whereof you stay to feed your self and your Horses, you come to lye at a poor Village call'd Shaquemin, where there is an Inn. Here the Country-people bring Provisions of Food to the Travellers; and whether you eat or no, you must pay a Piaster, according to the custom which the Franks have establish'd. After you have pass'd the Plain of Antioch as far as Shaquemin, the Horses in Summer are so terribly tormented with a sort of great Flies, that it were impossible to travel three or four hours together, were it not for going out of the Road, either to the right, or to the left, and riding through the Fields, which are full of those Burrs that our Clothworkers make use of: For in regard they grow as high as the Crupper of the Horse, they keep the Flies off from stinging and tyring the Ho [...]es.

Leaving the Village of Sh [...]q [...]e [...]in, the Road lyes among Stones; and for half this tedious way, for two or three Leagues round about, you see nothing but the Ruines of ancient Monasteries. There are some of them which are built almost a [...] of Free-stone; and about half a days journey toward the North, quite out of the Road, stands the Monastery of St. Simeon the Stylite, with the remainder of his so

[Page]

[Page] The Prospect of Aleppo.

Pag. 1▪

[Page 57] famous Pillar, which is still to be [...]een. The Franks that travel to Aleppo, usually go out of their way to see that place. That which I find most entire and worthy observation among the Ruines of those Monasteries, is the number of arch' Cisterns of Free-stone, which time has not defac'd.

From Shaquemin you come to dine at a Village call'd Angare, where every Travel­ler is entertain'd for his Piaster, as at the other Stages. Between the other Villages it is ten hours journey; but between the Angare and Aleppo, but three. We alighted at the French Consul's House, at what time the Customers came presently to search our Cloak-bags; after which we went to the Quaiss [...]ry, which is a place where all Strangers are at the expence of half a Crown a day for themselves, and a quarter so much for every Servant, and are well entertain'd.

CHAP. II.
The Description of Aleppo, now the Capital City of Syria.

ALeppo is one of the most famous Cities in all Turkie, as well for the bigness and beauty of it, as for the goodness of the Air, and plenty of all things; together with the great Trade which is driv'n there by all the Nations of the World. It lyes in 71 Deg. 41 Min. of Longitude, and 36 Deg. 15 Min. of Latitude, in an excellent Soil. With all the search that I could make, I could never learn how it was anciently call'd. Some would have it to be Hierapolis, others Beroea: And the Christians of the Country agree with the latter. The Arabian Historians that record the taking of it, call it only Aleb, not mentioning any other name. Whence this Observation is to be made. That if the Arabians call it Aleb, others Alep; the reason is, because the Arabians never use the Letter P in their Language. This City was taken by the Arabians in the fifteenth Year of the Hegyra of Mahomet, which was about the Year of CHRIST 637, in the Reign of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople.

The City is built upon four Hills, and the Castle upon the highest that stands in the middle of Aleppo, being supported by Arches in some places, for fear the Earth should tumble and moulder away from it. The Castle is large, and may be about five or six hundred Paces in compass. The Walls and Towers, though built of Free-stone, are of little defence. There is but one Gate to enter into it from the South, over a Draw-bridge, laid over certain Arches cross a Moat about six or seven Fathom deep. There is but one half of it full of Water, and that a standing Puddle to boot; the rest is a meer dry Ditch; so that it cannot be accounted a wholsom place. However there is Water brought into the Castle through a large Pipe from the Fountains in the City: and there is a strong Garrison kept in it.

The City is above three Miles in circuit, and the best half of it is unmoated; that Moat there is not above three Fathom deep. The Walls are very good, and all of Free-stone; with several square Towers, distant one from the other about four­score Paces; between which there are others also that are less. But these Walls are not all of them of an equal height, for in some places they are not above four Fathoms from the Ground. There are ten Gates to enter into the City, without either Moat or Draw-Bridge; under one of which there is a place that the Turks have in great veneration; where they keep Lamps continually burning, and report that Elisha the Prophet liv'd for some time.

There is no River that runs through Aleppo; and but only a small one without the City, which the Arabians call Coïc. However, though indeed it be but pro­perly a Rivulet, yet it is very useful to water the Gardens, where grows an abun­dance of Fruit, particularly Pistaches, much bigger, and better tasted than those that comes from the parts near Casbin. But though there be no River, yet there are store of Fountains and Receptacles of Water, which they bring from two places distant from the City.

[Page 58] The Edifices, neither publick nor private, are very handsom, but only within­side; the Walls are of Marble of several colours, and the Cieling of Foliage Fret-work, with Inscriptions in Golden Letters. Without and within the City there are six and twenty Mosquees, six or seven whereof are very magnificent, with stately Duomo's, three being cover'd with Lead. The chiefest and largest of all, was a Christian Church which they call'd A [...]hha, or Listen'd unto: which is thought to have been built by St. Helen. In one part of the Suburbs also stands another Mosquee, which was formerly a Christian Church; in that there is one thing worthy observation. In the Wall upon the right side of the Gate there is a Stone to be seen two or three Foot square, wherein there is the figure of a hand­som Chalice, and a Sacrifice over the hollow of it, with a Crescent that covers the Sacrifice, the two Horns whereof descend just upon the brims of the mouth of the Chalice. One would think at first that those Figures were in Mosaïc. Work: but it is all Natural, as I have found with several other Franks, having scrap'd the Stone with an Iron Instrument, when the Turks were out of the way. Several Consuls would have bought it, and there has been offer'd for it 2000 Crowns; but the Basha's of Aleppo would never suffer it to be sold. Half a League from the City lyes a pleasant Hill, where the Franks are wont to take the Air. On the side of that Hill is to be seen a Cave or Grotto, where the Turks report that Haly liv'd for some few days; and for that there is an ill-shap'd figure of a Hand imprinted in the Rock, they farther believe it to be the Hand of Haly.

There are three Colledges in Aleppo, but very few Scholars, though there be Men of Learning that belong to them, who have Salaries to teach Grammar, and their odd kind of Philosophy, with the Grounds of their Religion, which are the Principal Sciences to which the Turks apply themselves.

The Streets of the City are all pav'd, except the Bazar's, where the Merchants and Handicraft-Tradesmen keep their Shops. The chiefest Artists, and the most numerous are Silk and Camlet-Weavers.

In the City and Suburbs there are about forty Inns; and fifty publick Baths, as well for Women as for Men, keeping their turns. 'Tis the chiefest Pastime the Women have to go to the Baths; and they will spare all the Week long to carry a Collation, when they go at the Weeks end to make merry among themselves, in those places of privacy.

The Suburbs of the City are large and well peopl'd, for almost all the Christians have their Houses and Churches there. Of which Christians there are four sorts in Al [...]ppo, I mean of Eastern Christians, that is to to say, Greeks, Armenians, Jacobites or Syrians, and Maronites. The Greeks have an Archbishop there, and are about fifteen or sixteen thousand in number; their Church is dedicated to St. George. The Armenians have a Bishop, whom they call Vertabet; and are about twelve thou­sand in number; their Church is dedicated to the Virgin. The Jacobites being about ten thousand, have a Bishop also; and their Church is likewise dedicated to the Virgin, as is that of the Armenians. The Maronites depend upon the Pope, not being above twelve hundred; their Church being consecrated to St. Elias. The Roman Ca­tholicks have three Churches, serv'd by the Capuchins, Carmelites, and Jesuits. They reckon that in the Suburbs and City of Aleppo there are about 250000 Souls.

There is a vast Trade at Aleppo for Silks and Camlets, but chiefly for Gall-Nuts, and Valanede, which is a sort of Acorn-shell without which the Curriers cannot dress their Leather. They have also a great Trade for Soap, and for several other Commodities; the Merchants repairing thither from all parts of the World. For not to speak of the Turks, Arabians, Persians, Indians, there are several English, Ita­lians, French, and Hollanders, every Nation having their Consul to carry on their In­terests, and maintain their Priviledges.

Nor does this place happ'n to be so great a Mart, through the convenience of the two Rivers of Tigris and Euphrates, as some have writt'n; by which they say such vast quantities of Commodities are transported and imported out and into the City. For had that been, I should never have cross'd the Desert, coming from Bagdat to Aleppo; nor at another time, going from Aleppo to Balsara. And as for Euphrates, certain it is, that the great number of Mills built upon it, to bring the Water to the neighbouring Grounds, have not only render'd it unnavigable, but made it very dangerous.

[Page 59] I must confess, that in the year 1638 I saw a great part of the Grand Signor's Army, and several Boats full of Warlike Provisions fall down the Stream, when he went to besieg [...] it: but when they were forc'd to ta [...]e away all the Mills that are upon the River; which was not done without a vast trouble and expence. As for Tigris, it is not navigable 'till beyond Babylon down to Bal [...]ara, where you may take Water, and be at Bal [...]ara in nine days. But the Voyage is very inconvenient, for at every Town which the Arabs have upon the River, you must be hal'd, and be forc'd to leave some Money behind you. Som [...]times indeed the Merchants of Moussul and Bagdat; and others that come out of Chaldea to T [...]ade at Bal [...]ara, carry their Goods by Water from Bagdat; but in regard the Boats are only to be tow'd by Men, it takes them up a Voyage of seventy days. By this you may judge of the time and expence of carrying Goods by Water up the River Euphrates to Bir, where they are to be unlad'n for Aleppo.

In short, if the convenience of Morat-sou (for so the Turks call Euphrates) were to be had, and that Goods might be transported by that River, the Merchants would never take that way: for the Arabian Princes, with their People and their Cattel lying all the Summer long upon the Banks of the River, for the sake of the Water and the Grass, would make the Merchants pay what Toll they pleas'd them­selves.

I saw an Example of this, coming one time from Babylon to Aleppo. In all which Road we met but with one of those Arabian Princes, who lay at Anna: yet he made us pay for every Camel's Load forty Piasters. And which was worse, he detain'd us above five Weeks, to the end his Subjects might get more of our Money by selling us their Provisions. The last time I pass'd the Desert, I met another of these Arabian Princes together with his Brother, both young Men: He would not let us go a step farther, unless we would exchange two hundred Piasters in specie for Larins, the Money of the Country; and he forc'd us to take them what ever we could urge to make it appear how much we should lose by them. And indeed we said as much as we could, for the dispute lasted two and twenty days to no purpose; might overcoming right. By this you may guess what the other Arabians would do, who are not a jot more civil; and whether the Merchants would get by taking the Road of Euphrates.

The City is govern'd by a Basha, who commands all the Country from Alexan­dretta to Euphrates. His Guard usually consists of three hundred Men, and some years ago he was made a Vizier. There is also an Aga or Captain of the Cavalry, as well within the City as without, who commands four hundred Men. There is another Aga who has under him seven hundred Janisaries, who has the charge of the Gates of the City; to whom the Keys are carry'd every Evening, neither has he any dependance upon the Basha. The Castle is also under another Commander▪ sent immediately from Constantinople, who has under him two hundred Musketeers, and likewise the charge of the Cannon; of which there are about thirty Pieces; eight great Guns, the rest of a small size. There is also another Aga or Captain of the City, who commands three hundred Harquebuzes; beside a Son-Bashi, who is a kind of Provost of the Merchants, or Captain of the Watch, going the round every Night with his Officers though the City and Suburbs. He also puts in Execution the Sentences of the Basha, upon Criminal Offenders.

In Civils there is a Cadi, who sits sole Judge, without any Assistants, of all Causes as well Civil as Criminal; and when he has condemn'd any Man to Death, he sends him to the Basha, together with his Accusation, with whom the Basha does as he pleases. This Cady makes and dissolves all Contracts of Marriage; all Acts of Sale and Purchase pass in his presence. He also creates the sworn Masters of every Trade, who make their inspection that there may be no deceit in the Work. The Grand Signor's Duties are receiv'd by a Tefterdar, or Treasurer-General, who has under him several Receivers in divers places.

In matters of Religion, the Muf [...]i is the Chief, and the Interpreter of the Law, as well in relation to the Ceremonies, as in all Ecclesiastical differences. Among these Interpreters of the Law there is a Chieke or Doctor, appointed to instruct those that are newly converted to Mahumetanism, and to teach them the Maxims and Cu­stoms of their Religion.

Three days after I arriv'd at Aleppo, Sultan Amurat made his Entry, going to [Page 60] his Army, which was upon its march to the Siege of Babylon. Now you must take notice, that nor far from Aleppo, toward the East, there stands a House inha­bited by the Dervies, which are a Religious Order among the Turks; though it formerly belong'd to the Monks of St. Basil, and was a fair Covent. It is still in good repair, the Walls of the Chambers, Halls, and Galleries being all Marble. All the Dervies of this House went half a League from the City, as far as Mount Ozelet, to meet the Grand Signor; and the Superiour, at the Head of the rest, having made a Speech to his Highness, two Dervies came and made their obeisance in particular. Which being perform'd, from that place to the Castle of Aleppo, for half an hours march together; they went just before the Grand Signor's Horse, turning round continually with all their might, 'till they foam'd again at the Mouth, and dazl'd the Eyes of those that beheld them. There are some of these Dervies that will turn in that manner for two hours together, and glory in that which we account folly.

While the Grand Signor staid at Aleppo, the Basha of Cayro came thither with a thousand Janisaries: And indeed, there never was a sight of Men more active, or better order'd. Every one of them had Scarlet Breeches that reach'd down to their Ancles, with a Turkie-Robe of English Cloth, and a Wast-coat of Calicut painted with several Colours. The most part had Buttons of Gold and Silk; and as well their Girdles as their Scimitars were adorn'd with Silver. The Basha march'd at the Head of this Magnificent Regiment in a modest Garb; but the Harness of his Horse was as rich as his Habit seem'd to be careless, having spar'd for no Cost to appear before the Grand Signor in a stately Equipage.

There is a necessity for a Man to stay some time at Aleppo, as well to dispose of his Affairs, and in expectation 'till the Caravan be ready, unless he will venture himself alone without a Guide, which I have done more than once. And thus much for Aleppo, next to Constantinople and Cayro, the most considerable City in all the Turkish Empire.

CHAP. III.
Of several Roads in general from Aleppo to Ispahan, and par­ticularly of the Road through the great Desert.

THere are five principal Roads from Aleppo to Ispahan, which being added to those other Roads which I have discrib'd through Natolia, make seven Roads into Persia, parting from Constantinople, Smyrna, or Aleppo.

The first of the five Roads, setting out from Aleppo, is upon the left hand, to­ward the Summer-East, through Diarbck and Tauris. The second directly East, by Mesopotamia, through Moussul and Amadan. The third upon the right hand, toward the Winter-East, through Bagdat and Kengavar. The fourth somewhat more to the South, crossing a little Desert, through Anna, Bagdat, and Balsara. The fifth through the great Desert, which is an extraordinary Road, never travel'd but once a year, when the Merchants of Turkie and Egypt go to buy Camels. Of these Roads I intend to treat distinctly, and in several Chapters. And first of the Road through the great Desert.

The Caravans that go to Balsara this way never set out 'till the Rains are fal'n, that they may not want Water in the Desert: and the Rain seldom holds up 'till December. This Caravan, with which I travel'd, set out upon Christmas-day, con­sisting of about six hundred Camels, and four hundred Men, Masters and Servants together: the Caravan-Bashi being only on Horse-back, and riding before, to find Water, and convenient places to lodge in.

I must confess I had the convenience my self to ride my own Horse, which I kept all the while I was at Aleppo. A liberty permitted the Franks only at Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo▪ for at Damas, Seyde, or Cayro, none but the Consuls are suffer'd [Page 61] to keep Horses: others can only keep or hire Asses, which stand ready in the publick Streets at all times.

The next day we dislodg'd by day-break, and by noon we came to a place where there were five Wells, about five hundred Paces distant one from the other. The Water was excellent, and caus'd us to replenish our Boracho's: and about four a Clock in the Afternoon we lay at a place where there was no Water.

The next day near noon we met▪ with two Wells, but the Water was not good, and only the Camels drank of it, there we also lodg'd that night.

Having now travel'd two days in the Desert, I will describe it in a few words. You begin to enter upon it two or three Leagues from Aleppo, where by de­grees you meet with nothing but Tents instead of Houses. It stretches out to the Winter-East, all along the Euphrates to Balsara, and the Shoar of the Gulf of Persia; and upon the South to the Chain of Mountains that divides it from Arabia Petr [...]a and Arabia the Happy. These Deserts are almost quite thorough nothing but Plains of Sand, which in some places lye looser than in others; and are hardly passable till the Rains are but newly [...]al'n, and have knit the Sands together. 'Tis a rare thing to meet with a Hill or a Valley in these Deserts; if you do, there is as surely Water, and as many Bushes as will serve to boyl a little Rice. For thoughout the whole De­sert there is no Wood to be found; and all the Bavins and Charcoal that you can load upon Camels at Aleppo, will not last above eight or ten days. Therefore you must take notice, that of six hundred Camels that pass through the Desert, there are scarce fifty laden with Merchandize, which is generally course Cloth, some little Iron Ware, but chiefly black and blew Calicuts, which the Arabians make use of without ever whitening them. All the other Camels are only laden with Provision, and all little enough; so many People being to travel for so many days through so long a Tract of Ground where there is nothing in the World to sustain Life and Soul together.

For the first fifteen days travel we met with Water but once in two days, and sometimes not above once in three days. The twentieth day after we set out from Aleppo, the Caravan lay at a place where there were two Wells, and the Water very good. Every one was glad of the convenience of washing his Linnen, and the Ca­ravan-Bashi made account to have staid there two or three days. But the News that we receiv'd, caus'd us to alter our Resolutions. For we had no sooner giv'n order to dress our Suppers, when we saw a Courier with three Arabs, all mounted upon Dromedaries, who were sent to carry the news of the Taking of Babylon to to Aleppo and other Cities of the Empire. They stop'd at the Wells to let their Beasts drink; and immediately the Caravan-Bashi, and the principal persons of the Caravan made them a small Present of dry'd Fruits and Granates. Who thereupon were so kind as to tell us, that the Carriage which carried the Baggage belonging to the Grand Signor and his Train being tyr'd, his Officers would be sure to seize upon ours, if they should chance to meet with us: they advis'd us moreover not to come near Anna, lest the Emir should stop us.

Upon this news, we departed three hours after midnight; and keeping directly to the South, we put our selves into the midst of the Desert.

Eight days after we came to lye at a place where three Wells, and three or four Houses. We staid there two days to take fresh Water, and we were just setting forward again, when thirty Horsemen well mounted came from one of the Emirs, to tell the Caravan Bashi that he must stop his Caravan. We staid impa­tiently for him three days; and at length he came, and was presented by the Cara­van-Bashi with a piece of Satin, half a piece of Scarlet Cloth, and two large Cop­per Cauldrons. Now although those Cauldrons could not but be very acceptable to an Arabian Prince, who most certainly had none such in his Kitchin, vet he did not seem contented with his Present, and demanded above four hundred Crowns▪ We contested seven or eight days to have kept our Money in our Pockets, but in vain, so that we were forc'd to rate one another, and to raise him his Sum; which being paid, he treated the chief of the Caravan with Pilaw, Honey, and Dates, and when he went away, give them five or six Sheep ready boyl'd.

Three days after we had lest this Arabian Prince, we met with two Wells near certain old decay'd Brick Buildings. The Water of those Wells was so bitter, that the Camels would not drink it: however we fill'd our Boracho's, thinking [Page 62] it would have left its bitterness by being boyl'd: but we found the contrary.

From those two Wells that were good for nothing, we travel'd six days before we met with any Water, which with their three days before, made nine; and all that time the Camels never drank, as I have hinted already. At the end of nine days we cross'd a Hilly Country for three Leagues together, at the feet of three of which Hills there were three standing Pools. The Camels, that smelt the Water half a League off, put themselves upon their great trot, which is their manner of running, and no sooner came to the Pools but they crouded in all together, which caus'd the Water to be thick and muddy. Thereupon the Caravan-Bashi resolv'd to stay there two or three days together, 'till the Water was setl'd. Here we had also the opportunity to boyl us some Rice, there being good store of Bushes that grew about the Lake. But above all, the People were over joy'd that they had an opportunity to make Bread, which they do after the following manner. First they dig a round Hole in the Ground, half a Foot deep, and two or three in diameter, which they croud full of Bushes, and then set them on fire, covering them with Bricks or Stones 'till they are red hot. In the mean while they prepare their Dough upon a Sofra, or round piece of Copper, which serves at other times for Table and Table-Cloth to eat upon. Then they take away the Ashes and Bricks, and making the Hole very clean, put in their Dough, and covering it again with the hot Bricks or Stones, leave it so 'till the morning. The Bread thus bak'd is very well tasted, not being above two Fingers thick, and as big as an ordinary Cake.

While we stay'd at the three Ponds, I spent my time in killing Hares and Par­tridge, of which there was very great plenty in those parts. The night before we departed we fill'd our Baracho's again, the Water being very good and clear; though it be nothing but Rain water preserv'd in those Cavi [...]ies, which in the Sum­mer are dry again.

But now the Caravan-Bashi, seeing we had travel'd already nine days without finding any Water, resolv'd to leave the South, and to keep to the West; and if he met not with Water in two or three days, to take to the North-East, or Winter-East, in quest of the River Euphrates.

Two days after we had chang'd our Road, we pass'd between two little Hills, where we met with a Pond, near to which were two Arabians, each with his Wife and Children, tending a Herd of Goats and a Flock of Sheep. They told us they were going toward Moussul, and put us in the best Road to find Water; and indeed, from that place to Balsara, we never travel'd three days together, but we met with enough.

Five days after we had left those two Arabians, we discover'd a large Palace all of Brick; which shew'd some probability, that the Country had been formerly sow'd, and that the Bricks had been bu [...]nt with the Straw. To the Palace belong'd three large Courts; in every one of which were fair Buildings, with two Stories of Arches, one upon another. Though this large Pile was standing, yet no body liv'd in it, nor could the Arabians, (very ignorant in Antiquity,) tell us by whom it was built. Before the Gate of the Palace there is a Lake with a Channel, the bottom whereof is brick'd, as also the Arch, which is even with the Ground. This the Arabians believe to have been a conveyance of Water from Euphrates: which surely could never be, in regard that Euphrates is above twenty Leagues distant.

From that Palace we kept to the North-East, and after we had travel'd five days, we arriv'd at a pitiful Town, formerly call'd Cufa, now Meched-Ali, where Ali, Mahomet's Son in-law lyes buried in a plain Mosquee. Generally there stand four Tapers lighted about the Tomb, and certain Lamps burning over-head, which are fasten'd to the Roof.

Though the Persians have Ali in so much veneration, yet they rarely go in Pil­grimage to his Tomb. The reason is, because that there being no way to come at it, but through Bagdat, which is under the Dominion of the Great Turk, there is a demand of eight Piasters from every Pilgrim; which is an Imposition that no way pleases the King of Persia. Sha-Abas scorning that his Subjects should be tributary to the Turks, endeavour'd to divert them from this Pilgrimage by another sort of Devotion, which he set up at Meshéed, upon the Road from Tauris to Candahar. Nor have the Kings his Successors been less unwilling to give their Subjects leave to visit their Prophet Ali, taking it for an Affront to pay Tribute to the Grand Signor. [Page 63] Which is the reason that this Mosquee is no more enrich'd by the Persians. For besides the Lamps and Tapers that burn continually, there are only two Moullah's that read the Alcoran according to custom. In this Town there are only three or four bad Wells of brackish Water, and a dry Chanel, which they say Sha-Abas made to bring the Water of Euphrates to the Town for the benefit of the Pilgrims. As for Food, we met with nothing but Dates, Grapes, and Almonds, which the People sold at a dear rate. When any Pilgrims come thither, which is very rare, and that they want Victuals, the Sheck causes a distribution to be made among them of Rice boyl'd with Water and Salt, and a little Butter pour'd atop. For there is no Pasturage for Cattel, and by consequence there can be no store of Food.

Two days journey from Ali's Town, by nine of the Clock in the morning we met two young Arabian Lords, that took upon them the name of Sultans. They were two Brothers, one of the age of seventeen years, the other of thirteen: and as we pitch'd our Tents, they pitch'd theirs close by us; which were of a very fine Scarlet Cloth; and among the rest there was one cover'd with Purple Velvet, lac'd with a rich Galoon-lace. So soon as they were settl'd in their Tents, the Caravan-Bashi and I went to wait upon them; who understanding that there were Franks in the Caravan, ask'd me whether I had any Curiosities to sell them; but when I made them answer that I had nothing worthy their Purchase, they would not believe me, and therefore commanded the Caravan Bashi to fetch my Trunks, that they might be open'd in their presence. While the were opening, one of the chief persons about those Princes would not suffer any of the rest of the Arabs to come near, for though most of the Arabs are great Thieves, yet some of them are persons of great integrity. Now I had in my company a young Painter, who had in his Chest several engrav'd Cuts, part Landskips, part Figures, together with the Pictures of certain Courtisans drawn to the Wast. The young Lords made choise only of twenty of those Courtisans, which I would have presented to them, but they gave me to understand, that they knew how to pay for what they had, and especially the youngest, who seem'd to be very generous; him I pleas'd in an extraordinary manner; for his Teeth being very foul, I order'd a Chirurgeon that I carry'd along with me at the same time to clean them, which he did to the great satisfaction of the young Prince. Thereupon they sent me and my Train, of their best Victuals they had. The Caravan Bashi presented them with half a piece of Scarlet, and two pieces of Tissue of Gold and Silver. When we were ready to go, the young Sultan gave me twelve Ducats for my Pictures, and sent the Caravan-Bashi and my self two Frails of the best Dates that we had met with since we left Aleppo.

About midnight the Princes dislodg'd, and took to the North toward Euphrates. We set forward after them, driving Northward toward the same River. After we had travel'd four days we met one of the most potent Emirs of Arabia, who coming from the South, and going Northward, was to cross the Road that we kept. He was about fifty years of age, well made, and of a comely presence. He had not then above two thousand Horse, of thirty thousand which we heard had pass'd by some days before. Behind the two thousand Horse were fifty Camels that carry'd his Women; their Cajavas being cover'd with Scarlet-cloth fring'd with Silk. In the midst of these Camels there were six encompass'd with Eunuchs, the Fringes of the Cajavas being Silk, Silver, and Gold. The Arabians do not seem to be jealous of their Wives, as in Turkie and other places; for they led their Camels by our Caravan, never requiring us to retire, as is the custom in other places. They lodg'd a quarter of a League off, where we thought to have pitch'd, for the conveniency of two or three Ponds, which they depriv'd us of. This Arabian Prince had a great number of lovely Horses richly harness'd: others he had that were neither sadl'd nor bridl'd, yet the Riders would turn them with a Wand which way they pleas'd, and upon a full gallop would stop 'em, by only holding them by the Hair. He had some Horses of an excessive price; and this is to be observ'd, that they are never shod.

The Caravan-Bashi believing he could not escape scot-free from so powerful a Prince, among the Merchants of the Caravans found out a rich Saddle, with Bridle and Stirrups, which were all set out and garnish'd with massy Silver, with an [Page 64] embroider'd Quiver full of Arrows, together with a Buckler, the whole coming to about eleven or twelve hundred Livers; and adding to these of his own a piece of Scarlet, four pieces of Tissue of Gold and Silk, and six pieces oi Tissue of Silver and Silk, made a Present of all together to the Emir. But he refus'd all, demanding only two bundred thousand Piasters for Larins: which exchange being no way for the Merchants profit, rais'd a great dispute. But at length, considering that it was in his power to stop and starve us there, we only endeavour'd a Composition; which was obtain'd. Thereupon he took the Present, which perhaps he would not else have done. For two days that we staid to weigh the Money, he sent Provisions to the chief of the Caravan; and at our departure, he sent u [...] twelve Frails of Dates, and four young Camels that might be worth about forty Crowns a-piece.

Two days after we met a Schek, who among the Arabians is one of the chief of the Law. He was going to Mecca, cross some part of Arabia the Happy, with a Train of ten or twelve Camels. He staid all night with us, and one of his Servants having been dangerously wounded about two days before with a Musket-bullet, my Chirurgeon drest him, and gave him Salve and Tents, for which he was extreamly thankful. He sent me to Supper a great Dish of Pilaw, and the next day a whole Sheep. The Caravan-Bashi likewise presented him with two Ells of Scarlet.

The next we met with nothing worth observation, but the day following we met another Emir, of about Five and Twenty years of age▪ who came from Euphrates, and was travelling into the Happy Arabia. He had with him about five hundred Horse, and three hundred Camels that carry'd his women. He pre­sently sent to know what Caravan it was, and understanding that it consisted of many Franks, among whom their was a Chirurgeon: He sent again to desire the Caravan Bashi to follow with the Caravan, to the place where he intended to pitch his Tents, which was not far out of the way. We did not think to have gone so far that day, but he led us to the best water in all the Desert. The Princes Tent being set up, he sent for my Chirurgeon, with whom I went along to know what his pleasure was. He had upon his left Arm a Tetter, with a most filthy Scab as broad as a Crown piece; and this went and came at certain times in the year. He presently ask'd the Chirurgeon whether he could cure him? to whom the Chirurgeon made answer, that the cure was not impossible, provided he knew where to get such remedies as were convenient: For had he said, he could have abso­lutely cur'd him, the Emir would have carry'd him away with him, without any farther Ceremony. Thereupon he would have giv'n the Chirurgeon five hun­dred Crowns to have bought Medicines. But I made answer, that the cure would not cost so much, and that if the Chirurgeon could meet with proper Drugs, I would lay out the Money my self. The Emir content with that answer, sent one of his chief People to Balsara, to come back with the Chirurgeon, when he had bought his Medicines. He himself staid there three days in expecttion of him; but after we had pretended to seek for what we wanted, up and down the Town (for we enquir'd for such things as we knew were not to be had) we sent him back word that we could not find what we look'd for, and desir'd his excuse, in regard the attendance of the Chirurgeon would be of no use, where he had not proper remedies; which was the only way we could think of, to get cleverly rid of him.

The next days Journey after we had left the Arabian Prince, was through a Country altogether uninhabited; but the day following, which was the sixty­fifth and last day of our being in the Desert, we met after some time, with the ruines of some houses on both sides the way; which made us conjecture, that some great City had stood formerly in that place.

At length we came to Balsara, which I shall describe in another place.

While I stay'd at Balsara, which was about three weeks, an Ambassador from the Great Mogul arriv'd there, who from Constantinople went to Bagdat to congra­tulate the Grand Signor for the Conquest of that City, which he had taken in so short a time. The Emperour presented him with three sately Horses, and a little Watch, the Case whereof was set with Diamonds and Rubies. But the Ambas­sador not knowing what belong'd to that little Engin, winding it up the wrong way, broke the string. Coming to Balsara he sent to the Carmalites to desire them to mend his Watch; for he fear'd the loss of his head, should he return to his [Page 65] Master, and not shew him the Watch entire. It was at their House that i then lay; and therefore not knowing what to do with it, they desir'd▪ me to shew my skill: Thereupon I put on a new string. But the Ambassador, when he understood to whom he was beholding, though it were but a trifle, profer'd me all the service and kindness imaginable. Thereupon the Carmelites and Augustin Fryars desir'd me to request of the Ambassador in their behalf, that he would obtain the Great Turks protection for them, in case he took Balsara, that their Houses and Churches might be preserv'd; which I did, and obtain'd by his means full pro­tection from the Grand Visier. But they had no need of it, for the Turks did not make any attempt upon Balsara, hearing that the Persians were advancing; besides that the rainy season was at hand, which will not permit an Army to keep the Field: So that had Bagdat held out eight days longer, the Grand Signor would have been constrain'd to have rais'd the Siege.

Having spoken of the Arabian Horses, I must needs say, that there are some that are valu'd at a very high rate. The Mogul's Ambassador gave for some three, four, and six thousand Crowns, and for another he offer'd eight thousand Crowns, but the Horse would not be sold under t [...]n, and so he left it. When he was got home into the Indies, and had presented the Mogul those Horses which he had carry'd along with him, being very lovely Creatures; he told his Master how he had offer'd eight thousand Crowns for a Horse more beautiful than any of them; but because the Owner would not let him go under ten, he left him. The King incens'd that his Ambassador has stood for so small a Sum, when it was for one of the greatest Monarchs in the World, upbraided the poorness of his Spirit, and banish'd him for ever from his presence, into a Province far distant from the Court. Thereupon the King wrote to the English to buy him the Horse, who accordingly did so, and brought him to Surat, where the Governour-repaid them their Money. But the Horse dy'd at Brampour.

Nor must I forget, that while I was at Balsara, twice there flew by such a pro­digious number of Locusts that a far-off they appear'd like a Cloud, and darkn'd the Air. They pass by Balsara four or five times in the year, the Wind carrying them into the Desert, where they alight, and most certainly dye. Should they not be thus wind-driv'n, there could nothing live upon the Earth in some parts of Chal­dea. They swarm all along the Persian Gulf, and when the Vessels come to Ormus at the time of the year, there are little Shops where people sell Locusts fry'd in Butter to those that love that sort of Diet. Once I had the curiosity to open the Belly of a Locust six Inches long, and found therein seventeen little ones that stirr'd; whenee it is easie to guess how those Infects come to be so numerous, especially in hot Countries.

There are several Barks that go from Ormus to furnish both of the Persian Gulf, where the people eat neither Bread nor Rice. I agreed with the Master of one of these Barks, and made my agreement that the Bark should not be above half laden; for generally they lade them too deep, and in foul weather they are forc'd to throw half the Freight over-board, to▪ save the rest.

From Balsara to the mouth of the River Euphrates, it is reck'nd to be twenty Leagues of Fresh-water. We staid seven whole days for a Wind, which proving favourable, we came to Brander-ric, in forty-eight hours. This is the place where you must land, if you intend for Persia, unless you are bound for Ormus. Brander­ric consists only of five or six little Fishers Hutts; which Hutts are only Hurdles set one against another, and cover'd over, where they and their Families live. To the same place come Asses lad'n with Dates, which I was forc'd to hire for want of Horses.

We were six days upon the Road from thence to Cazerom. This is a Mountainous Country, where there is Wood enough; but you must lodge in the Fields, for there are no Inns upon the Road. The way is pleasant in some places, along the Banks of several Rivulets, and through verdant Groves stor'd with great quantities of Turtles. We kill'd a good many; which we eat, part with Pilaw, instead of Henns; some we rosted, making Sticks to serve for Spits.

Cazerom is a little Gity ill built, where there is but one Inn, and that none of the most inviting to Strangers neither.

From Cazerom to Schiras it is five days journey. The Road lyes over very craggy [Page 66] Mountains, which had been impassable, but for the Liberality of Ali Couli-Kan, Governour of Schiras. He made Ways where there were none before, and joyn'd Mountains together by Bridges, in Countries which otherwise had been inaccessible. In the midst of the Mountains is a wide gap or discontinuance, from whence a Plain extends it self of about twenty Leagues in circuit. It is inhabited by Jews only, who are Silk-Weavers. In these Mountains you met with Tents, where the Chalde­ans sojourn, that come for cool Air and Pasturage in the Summer.

Coming to Schiras, I took Horse there for Ispahan, which I arriv'd in nine days. The Country over which you travel, between these two Cities, is part Plains, part Mountains; part wild, and part manur'd. Three days journey from Schiras you pass the Mountain of Mayen, a little City where there is nothing worthy observa­tion. Two days journey from thence you enter upon the Plains of the Province of Cuscuzar, where the King of Persia keeps his Race-Horses. The next day I arriv'd at Yesdecas, where the best Bread in Persia is made. This is a little City upon a Rock, wherein there is a very fair Inn: at the foot whereof runs a little River that glides into the Valley, wherein grows that excellent Corn which is utter'd in Bread from that City.

In three days I went from Yesdecas to Ispahan. This was the first Road from A­leppo to Ispahan.

CHAP. IV.
Of the Road from Aleppo to Ispahan, through Mesopotamia and Assyria, which I travell'd in my third Voyage to the In­dies.

I Departed from Paris in my third Voyage to the Indies upon the sixth of December 1643, and went to Ligorn, where I found the D [...]h Fleet ready to set Sail for the Levant. The Vessel wherein I embark'd seeming▪ rather a Man-of-War than a Merchant-Man. We pass'd through the Chanel of Messina, and lay there at an Anchor four days before the City. From thence pas­sing by the Morea, we enter'd into the Archipelago, where the Fleet parted, ac­cording as every Ship was bound. Our Ship sayl'd directly for the Port of Alexan­dretta, but though the Wind were favourable, we were stop'd for some time by a Pirate that met with us off the Eastern Point of Candy. We endeavour'd to have got clear of him; but the Pirate gaining upon us, we made ready. Thereupon the Pirate gave us three Broad-sides, that went over the Ship without doing us any harm: which we answer'd by as many from our Ship, the first whereof brought his Fore-mast by the Board; and the third Shot went through the Fore-castle and kill'd him some Men, as far as we could discern. At that very instant one of our Mariners cry'd out from the Top-mast-head, A Sail from the South. Thereupon the Pirate left us, and made Sail after her: and we, glad of such an escape, pursu'd our Voyage to Alexandretta, where we happily arriv'd; from whence I took Horse for Aleppo, as I have already describ'd.

The sixth of March I departed from Aleppo in the company of two Capuchin Friars, Father Raphael and Father Yves, and the Venetian whose name was Dominica de Sanctis.

From Aleppo to Bir, where you cross the Euphrates, it is four days journey for the Horse-Caravan. The Country is well wooded, and well manur'd.

The seventh of March the great Rains that fell hinder'd us from getting to the usual Stage, so that we could not gain Telbechar, another Town, where there is no Inn: which constrain'd us to stop a League on this side, and to go to a Cave that was able to contain three hundred Horse. This is a Cave where the Bedouins or Feeders of Cattel thereabouts oft retire, who live after the manner of the Arabs, either in Rocks or in poor Hutts. The Cave has been hollow'd from time to time, there being several Niches in it like little Chambers. Our Caravan-Bashi fearing [Page 67] some Ambuscade, rode thither before to view the place, but finding it empty and free, we rested there that night, and the next came to lye at M [...]zara, which is only a small Village without an Inn: Neither was there any thing remarkable upon that Road. O [...]ly that near the Cave, in the Mountain, there is very good Water: And formerly upon the Mountain stood a Castle, of which some ruines are still re­maining. From the top of the Mountain there is a fair Prospect as far as you can see, over very fair Plains on every side, and in several places very good Land, water'd by divers Channels which are brought from the River Euphrates. All the Rivolets also that you cross from Aleppo to Bir come from the same River.

The fourth day after we parted from Aleppo, being the ninth of March, we came to the banks of Euphrates. Bir is on the other side of the River; and because that sometimes the Goods cannot be unladen all in a day; their is a fair and large Inn, to defend the Merchants from the Bedoüins, which would else disturb and rob them, were not they and their Goods in that manner secur'd▪

You cross the Euphrates in large Ferry Boats, and as soon as you are got over the other side of the River, the Customer and his Officers comes and tells the Bales, and writes down the names of the Merchants to whom they belong. The Caravan does not lye in the Town, which is built like an Amphi [...]he [...]tre upon the brow of a very craggy Mountain, but passes forward over a scurvy Road on an Inn upon the top of the Mountain. Near the Inn there are several Chambers cut out of the Rock, where they that cannot get room in the Inn are forc'd to lye. That Evening the Custom-Officer comes to receive his duties, being two Piasters upon e [...]ery load of Goods, whether upon Horse or Mule, though the Mules carry more than the Horses; and half a Piaster for every Beast that carries Provisions. But for Saddle Horses or Mules there is nothing demanded.

The Bir, or Berygeon, as the Natives call it, is a large City for an Eastern City, situated upon the brow of a Hill. Below upon the River stands a Castle that de­clares its Antiquity; it is half as long as the City, but narrow, and without any other Fortification, saving only a Tower that scours the River, in which there are eight or nine pitiful Culverins. In the highest part of the Town stands another Castle where the Governour resides, who is an Aga, whom some call a Basha, having un­der him two hundred Janisaries, and four hundred Spahi's. The City [...] ill built▪ as are the most part of the Cities of Turkie: But there are an extrordinary plenty of all things, excellent Bread, good Wine, and great store of the best sort of Fish.

The tenth day after we had travel'd elev'n hours in the first Lands of Mesopo­tamia▪ that lye between the two Rivers Euphrates and Tigre, which at present they call Diarb [...]k, we came in the evening to Sharmley. This is a very good Town, with a fair Inn, and Baths round about it. About twice Musquet-Shot from thence, stands a Mountain alone by it self, like Montmartre near Paris: Round about it are Plains, and at the top of it stands a Fortress, with a Garrison of two hundred Spahi's, by reason that the Arabs sometimes cross Euphrates, and make incursions upon that side. In the year 1631, the Grand Visier returning from Bagdat, where he had lost the greatest part of the Grand Signor's Army, not being able to take the City; fearing the loss of his head if he return'd to Constantinople, and knowing himself to be in great esteem among the Souldiers, resolv'd to quarter himself upon this Mountain, and to erect a Fortress to secure himself from the tempest that threaten'd him. No doubt but if he could have brought about his design, he might have made himself Master of all Mesopotamia, and would have put the Grand Signor to a great deal of trouble. For if you intend for Aleppo, whether it be from Tauris, Mossul, or Bagdat, unless you travel thorough the Desert, you must pass through Sharmley, under the command of this Fortress, for Provision and Wa­ters sake. The work was gone so far forward, that there was a good defence rais'd, and the Visier had already enclos'd all the Mountain together with the Inn, with a Wall almost twenty foot thick, and three fathom high, when he was strangl'd by those in whom he most confided, the Grand Signor having gain'd them either by threats or by rewards.

The eleventh, after a Journey of ten hours we came to Ourfa, where the Cara­van usually stays eight or ten days; for here it is that they live that hire the Horses and the Mules, who have always some business in this place. We lay at an Inn [Page 68] three or four hundred paces distant from the City toward the North. When the Inn is full, the rest retire into the Grotto's which are near at hand, and are very good quarters. Here the Toll-gatherer presently comes and counts the Bales with­out op'ning them. They that carry any Sacks must pay for half a Load; if not, he op'ns the Sack to see if there be any Merchandise therein, for then the Merchant must pay the whole duty.

Ourfa is the Capital City of Mesopotamia, built as they say, in the same place where Abraham liv'd, and where stood the ancient Ed [...]ssa, where the people of the Country report, that King Abdgarus generally kept his Court. There are still to be seen the ruines of a Castle; from whence they add, that the same King sent to CHRIST for his Picture, and offer'd him his Kingdom and his people to defend him against the Jews; whom he understood to be his Enemies. The Chronicles of the Armenians report, that Abagarus was their Country-man, and that in his Reign they began to be Christians, and to be Baptiz'd by the hands of an Apostle, whom CHRIST sent to that Prince after his Resurrection. Neither is this Castle yet so far ruin'd, but that there is still to be seen a spacious Hall, and three or four hand­som Rooms with some relicks of Mosaick work. I was curious to see what ever was remarkable in this City. And first they led me to a large Fountain which re­sembles a Fish-pond, the Spring whereof is under the Foundations of the principal Mosquee, which was built in honour of Abraham. The Christians of the Coun­try say, that it was in that place where he pray'd, before he went about to Sacri­fice his Son Isaac, and that two Springs of Water arose from the two places where he rested his knees, which now feed the large Fountain I have made mention of. It is pav'd with Free-stone, and so full of Fish, that if you throw them in a little Bread, they will follow you from place to place as you walk by the side of the Pond. There is no medling with them; for the Turks have a great veneration for those Fish, which they call Abraham's Fish. Besides that, the place about the Fountain where the water wid'ns it self to water all the City, is cover'd with very fair Carpets, for about twenty paces in bredth. This Fountain at length falls into a little River that runs by the Walls. As for the Grotto where the two Springs rise, there is no going into it before you have pull'd off your Shooes, and it is a great favour for a Christian to see it; such a favour as cost me six Piasters. I also saw the Church, under the portal whereof, they say, St. Alexis liv'd seventeen years a private life. It stands in the middle of a Church-yard, in the highest part of the Town, in the possession of the Armenians. But their principal Church is about a quarter of an hours walking from the City, built by St. Ephren, who is there buried. The Monastery stands yet entire, enclos'd with fair Walls. In the Church I saw a large Bible in Armenian Characters. The Sepulchre of St. Ephren is in a Cave at the foot of the Mountain, to which there also belongs a Chappel, where they keep three or four Lamps continually burning. There are other Grotto's up and down the Mountain, where are to be seen very ancient Sepulchers of the Christians. The City of Ourfa is seated in a good soil, very well manur'd, which extends it self out of sight to­ward the East. There are several pleasant Gardens near the walls, water'd by little Channels brought thither by Art. The soil produces good Wine, so that a man may live as well at Ourfa, as in any part of Turkie. While I stay'd there, I kill'd abundance of Feldfares in those Gardens; and indeed there is great store of wild Fowl all the Country over. The Walls of the City are of Freestone, with Battlements and Towers; but within, the houses are small, ill built, and ruinous: And there are several void spaces in the City, which makes Ourfa to look rather like a Desert than a Metropolis. The City is Govern'd by a Basha, who has under him a hundred and fifty Janisaries, and six hundred Spahi's, standing more in need of Cavalry than Infantry, by reason of the Incursions of the Arabians, especially in harvest time. In short, Ourfa is the place where they dress such great quantities of Cordovan Skins, by reason of the waters particular to the Country, which give them that peculiar beauty. The Yellow Skins are drest at Ourfa, the Blew at Tocat, and the Red at Diarbequir.

The twentieth of March, we set out of Ourfa, and after a Journey of six hours, we lay at a pittiful Village where the Inn was fal'n all to decay. There is a Foun­tain of excellent water by it, which is all the convenience of the place, for there is no Provision to be had.

[Page 69] The twenty-first we travel'd nine hours, and came to lye near several Caverns which are very deep; at the [...]ntry whereof there are little Rooms, which are sup­pos'd to be the places where the People of the Country liv'd that fed their Cattel thereabouts. There is also Rain-Water to be had in some of the Concavities of the Rock. Half this days journey you must pass over Rocks, where it is almost impos­sible, and very dangerous to keep your Horses back.

The twenty-second, having travel'd elev'n hours, we lodg'd near a Cavern, having forded a River that runs at the foot of it. There are two great Grotto's on each side, where Travellers take up their Quarters, and whither the Natives of the Country bring Provisions both for Horse and Man. The Toll-gatherers, coming from a Fort about three Leagues distant from these Caverns, here exact two Piasters and a half for every Horse and Mules Load; and search your Sacks, to see if there be no Merchantable Goods therein. About half the way of this days journey you meet with a City quite deserted by the Inhabitants; and about an hours march after that, with Tombs of Stone, in the middle whereof stands a Cross, with Armenian Cha­racters.

The twenty-third we travel'd elev'n hours, and lay at Dadacardin. This appears to have been a great Town, but is all ruin'd: nor is there any thing remaining but a long Stone [...]ridge very well built, under which runs a River that is very broad when it overflows. The People of the Country have no other Habitations than the Hollows of Rocks; yet they bring to the Travellers Hens, Butter, Cheese, and other Provisions; which they sell very cheap.

The twenty-fourth we travel'd nine hours, and lay at a place call'd Cara, built upon a Hill. The Caravan lay at the Inn; but the two Capuchins and I lay at a private Christian's House, who carry'd us to the Church, where was then the Ver­tabet or Bishop of Merdin. It was a pitiful poor Church, where they had nothing but two Planks supported with four Sticks instead of an Altar▪ They dare not leave any Furniture in it, but as soon as the Priest has said Service, he must have a care to take away every thing, as well the Planks as the Covering of the Altar, which was only a Painted Cloth: For the Turks that travel that way, if it be foul weather, will break open the Door, put their Horses there, burn the Altar, and take away whatever they find.

In the Village where we lay, there was a Pond, the sides whereof were sur­rounded with fair Free-stones, which were fetch'd from the Christian Churches, and the Tombs of the Christians thereabouts. Among the rest, there was one very large Stone, with an Epitaph upon it in large Latin Letters; whereby we knew it to be the Tomb-stone of a Norman Gentleman, who had been a Captain of Foot. The Bishop inform'd us, that it is recorded in the Armenian Stories, that the French were a long time in this Country, at what time the Christians were Masters of Syria. This Country is all a large Plain, about twenty Leagues in length; which might be well manur'd, and make the Inhabitants rich, did not the Tyranny of the Turks, and the Incursions of the Arabs, reduce them to the utmost degree of Poverty.

The twenty-fifth, after we had travel'd eight hours, we lay at a Village call'd Cousasar, where there was no Inn. There were formerly three great Monasteries, a quarter of a League one from the other. The Turks have ruin'd two, all but the Steeples of the Churches that belong'd to them. The third, which stands all entire, and is the fairest Pile of Building, serves for a Mosquee. They have made Shops round about the Cloysters, in the middle of which is a fair Spring of Water.

The twenty seventh we lay still at Cousasar, being the place where you must pay the Customs of Diarbequir, which is not above two days journey off, amounting to two Piasters and a fourth part, for every Load of Merchants Goods.

Merdin is not above two Leagues from Cousasar. This is a little City seated upon a Mountain, with good Walls, and a fair Fountain replenish'd from the Castle; which stands upon the North-side, in a place yet higher, that commands the City; where there lives a Basha, who has under him two hundred Spahi's, and four hun­dred Janizaries. Merdin is the place where was born the Lady Maani Gioerida, the first Wife of Pietro de la Valle, so well known for his famous Travels.

As for Cousasar, which is a large Village, it is inhabited for the most part by Ar­menian Christians and Nestorians. The Armenians perform Divine Service in their own Language; the Nestorians in the Chaldaïc. The latter shew'd me two Bibles [Page 70] in a large Volume, in the same Language, writt'n in Vellum, all the Capital Letters being in Gold and Azure. They seem'd to be very old; and one of their Priests told me, that it is 937 years ago since one of them was writt▪n; the other not above 374 since. When Service is done, they put them in a Chest, and hide them under Ground. I would have giv'n 200 Piasters for the oldest, but they durst not sell it, in regard it belong'd to the Church, and was not at their disposal.

The twenty-seventh, after we had travel'd nine hours, we arriv'd at Karasara, which had been formerly a great Town, and no doubt inhabited by Christians; as appears by seven or eight Churches half ruin'd, though the Steeples are little the worse. They stand at a good distance one from the other; and upon the North▪side of one of those Churches there is a Gallery, at the end whereof, through a little Door you descend about a hundred Steps, every Step being ten Inches thick. When you come under the Church, you meet with a larger and bigger Vault, supported with Pillars. The Building is so contriv'd, that there is more light below than in that above; but▪ of late years the Earth has st [...]p'd up several Windows. The great Altar is in the Rock; on the right side whereof is a Room, which receives the light from several Windows contriv'd in the Rock. Over the Gate of the Church was a great Free-stone, wherein were certain Letters that I could not read. On the North-side of the same Church under Ground are to be seen two great Cisterns, each four hundred and fifty Paces long; with two great Arches, sustain'd with several Pillars. Every year they fill them with the Water that falls from the next Mountain, and makes a kind of a River. A quarter of a League from the Church, you descend the Mountain for above a hundred Paces together among the Rocks, on each side whereof are Rooms cut out of the Rock. Upon every Door there is a Cross; and in every Room as it were a Bench, and a Table, with a little place about the length of a Man, like a Bedsted, all cut out of the Rock. At the bottom of the Rock is a Hall, round about the Wall whereof is a Bench to sit on. The Roof is all plain, without any Arch; in the middle whereof there is a Hole to the top of the Moun­tain: but in regard it gives no light, 'tis very probable 'twas only made to let out the Smoak when they drest their Meat; or else to let in the fresh Air, as I have seen in many Villages upon the Persian Gulf. Upon the highest of those Mountains stands a paltry Village, where they buy their Victuals. But before the Caravan arrives, certain Merchants ride before to inform themselves from the Herdsmen, whether they know of any Thieves in the Grotto's, that often hide themselves there in expectation of Prey.

In the year 1638, Sultan Amurat going to besiege Babylon, march'd this very way, as well to see these Ruines, as to give order for the demolishing a Fort that stood not above two Leagues off of Karasera, which the Thieves of the Country made their place of retreat. He also at the same time caus'd the Road to be clear'd for four days journey, by ord'ring the Stones to be pickt up and laid in heaps, all along the Road. He also built a Bridge over the River. And indeed, that March of the Grand Signor was very advantageous to all Travellers that pass this way.

The twenty-eight we travel'd eight hours, and came to Nesbin, anciently Ni­sibis. Two or three hours travel on this side, near the Road, is a kind of Hermitage, being a small Room enclos'd with Walls, the Door whereof is so low, that a Man must creep upon his Belly to get in. Three or four Jews went and perform'd their Devotions at this Hermitage, believing it to be the place where the Prophet Elisha was buried.

The Country from Cousasar to Nesbin is a large Plain, where for the first days journey you shall see no other green Herb upon the Ground but only Pimpernel; the Roots whereof are so large, that there are some a Foot and a half in diameter. The next day, the Fields are cover'd with a large thick Leaf, the Root whereof is bulbous, and as big as an Egg. There are also great store of yellow, red, and violet Flowers, Tulips of several colours, Emonies, and single Daffadillies. But in general Mesopotamia is a very barren Country, and there are very few places that can be better'd by Art or Industry.

Nesbin is only the Shadow of the ancient Nisibis, being now only a large Village; the Inhabitants whereof are Christians, both Armenians and Nestorians. Our Ca­ravan lodg'd a little beyond, in a Church-yard adjoyning to one of the Armenian Churches. The next day, hearing people sing, I went to the Church with the two [Page 71] Capuchins, where I saw an Armenian Bishop, with his Miter, and a wooden Crosier, accompany'd with several Priests and a good Congregation. When Service was done, after some few Compliments between us, he led us down un [...]er the Church into a Chapel, where he shew'd us the Sepulcher of St. James Bishop of Nisibis. In the Church-yard is a Stone about a Foot thick, and six high; upon which were laid several Candles of Wax and Tallow, which the Poor offer in their Necessities, but especially in their Sicknesses. They believe that Stone to have been the Pedestal for the Statue of some Saint, which the Turks have defac'd: so that they give the same Honour to the Pedestal, as they would have giv'n to the Statue. There arc also some Roman Characters to be seen, but half worn out, and spaces brok'n off in some parts: so that I could not learn, in Honour of whom that Statue was erected. Half a League from Nisbin runs a River, which you cross over a Stone-Bridge. In the way to the River are several pieces of Wall, with an Arch, which made me con­jecture, that formerly the City extended as far as the River.

Twice Musket-shot from the River you meet with a Stone half buried, upon which are written certain Latin Words; whereby it appears that it was the Tomb­stone of the General of an Army that was a French-man: but I could not read his Name, which time had defac'd. The same Bishop inform'd us, that formerly the Moors having besieg'd City, there came such a prodigious company of strange Flyes, and did so torment both Men and Horses, that they were forc'd to strange the Siege. You must pay the same Toll at Nisbin as in other places, that is, two Piasters and a half for every Mule or Horses Load. We lay there three days toge­ther, to furnish our selves with Provisions 'till we came to Moussul, which is five days journey from Nisbin; the Country between being altogether desert and uninha­bited. There is no Water to be sound but in two places, and that not very good neither; near to which you shall see some few Herdsmen grazing their Cattel.

The first of April we departed from Nisbin; and after we had travel'd eleven hours, we lay near to a River, whither certain Shepherds brought us Hens to sell.

The second we travel'd ten hours, and lay at a paltry Town, where we met with nothing to eat.

The third we travel'd thirteen hours, and lodg'd by a pitiful Fountain, the Water whereof was hardly good enough for our Horses.

The fourth we travel'd ten hours, and came to lodge by the Bank of a little River, near to which appear'd the Ruines of a Bridge and a Castle.

The fifth we travel'd eleven hours, to reach Moussul, which is not far from the ancient Niniveh.

Moussul is a City that makes a great shew without, the Walls being of Free-stone; but within it is almost all, ruin'd having only two blind Market-places, with a little Castle upon the Tigris, where the Basha lives. In a word, there is nothing worth a Man's sight in Moussul, the place being only considerable for the great concourse of Merchants; especially the Arabians and Curds, which are the Inha­bitants of the ancient Assyria, now call'd Curdistan, where there grows great plenty of Galls, and for which there is a great Trade. There are in it four sorts of Christians, Greeks, Armenians, Nestorians, and Maronites. The Capuchins had a pretty Dwelling upon the Tigris; but the Basha laying a Fine upon them, because they went about a little to enlarge it, they were for'd to quit it. The City is go­vern'd by a Basha, that has under him, part Janizaries, part Spahi's, about three thousand Men.

There are only two scurvy Inns in Moussul, which being full when we came, I caus'd my Tent to be set up at the Meydan, or great Market-place.

Now to say something in general of the difference of the two Rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, in reference to their Course and Waters: I observ'd that the Water of Euphrates appear'd somewhat red; and that the Stream was not so swift as that of Tigris, which seem'd to be whitish, like the Loire. As for its Course, Euphrates runs a far longer way than Tigris. But now let us cross the Tigris, over a Bridge of Boats, to view the sad Ruines of a City that has made such a noise in the World; though there be now scarce any appearance of its ancient splendour.

Niniveh was built upon the left Shoar of the Tigris, upon Assyria-side, being now only a heap of Rubbish extending almost a League along the River. There are [Page 72] abundance of Vaults and Caverns uninhabited; nor could a man well conjecture whether they were the ancient Habitations of the people, or whether any houses had been built upon them in former times; for most of the houses in Turkie are like Cellars, or else but one Story high. Half a League from Tigris stands a little Hill encompas'd with Houses, on the top whereof is built a Mosquée. The people of the Country say 'twas the place where Jonas was bury'd; and for that place they have so great a veneration, that no Christians are suffer'd to enter into it, but pri­vately, and for Money. By that means I g [...]t in with two Capuchin Fryars; but we were forc'd to put off our Shooes first. In the middle of the Mosquée stood a Sepulchre, cover'd with a Persian Carpet of Silk and Silver, and at the four cor­ners, great Copper Candlesticks with Wax Tapers, besides several Lamps and Ostridge-Shells that hung down from the Roof. We saw a great number of Moores without, and within sat two Dervi's reading the Alcoran.

About a Musket-Shot from Moussul toward the North-East, stands a great Ruin'd Monastery, enclos'd with high Walls, the greatest part whereof is still to be seen.

We stay'd ten days at Moussul, and having provided all things ready for the rest of our Journey, we set forward for Ispahan.

CHAP. V.
A Continuation of the Road from Nineveh to Ispahan: Together with the Story of an Ambassador, call'd Dominico de Santis.

HAving pass'd the Tigris, we stay'd three quarters of an hours Journey from Nineveh for some Merchants that were to go along with the Cara­van. The way which we took was not the usual Road to Persia; but it was a way wherein there were less Duties to be paid; and besides, it was a short cut, the Caravan making but fifty-eight days Journey between Aleppo and Ispahan. From the very banks of the River to the place where we Lodg'd that Evening, we saw nothing but continu'd Ruines, which makes me believe, it was the place where the ancient Nineveh stood.

We staid two days near the Mosquée, where according to the tradition of the Turk, Jonas was bury'd, and made choice of a Curd, or Assyrian, for our Cara­van-Bashi, though the people are generally Thieves, and must be carefully look'd after. But it was a piece of Policy, because we were to cross the ancient Assyria, now call'd Curdistan; the Language of which Country is a particular Speech.

In the two first days Journey we cross'd two small Rivers that fall from the Moun­tains, and empty themselves into Tigris. Our first Journey was through a plain Country all along by the side of a little River; and the second Evening we lodg'd by the side of a great River that falls from the Mountains toward the North, and running to the South, discharges it self into Tigris It is call'd Bohrus, being a very rapid Stream, full of Fish, but more especially excellent Trouts. The Caravan was two days passing that River, by reason there were no Boats. For the people are forc'd to tye long Perches four five together one upon another, which the Natives call a Kilet. They make it four-square, and put underneath it about a hundred Goat-Skins full of wind, to the end the Kilet may not touch the water. Besides the Merchant must be careful to spread good store of thick Felts over the Kilet, of which he must be provided to keep off the Water, lest the Bales that sink the Kilet should take wet. At the four corners are four Perches that serve for Oars, though they avail but little against the force of the Tide; so that you must be forc'd to hale the Kilet four or five hundred Paces a'this side up the River, and then row down the Stream to the place where you intend to Land the Goods. When the Goods are Landed, the men are forc'd again to draw the Kilet by main strength out of the water, to take away the Goat-Skins which are then to be lad'n upon the Mules appoin­ted to carry them. As for the Horses, Mules, and Asses, as well those that carri'd [Page 73] the Goods, as those upon which the men ride; so soon as the Herds men thereabout see a C [...]ravan coming, they flock to the River-side. Those people that wear nothing but a course piece of Linen or a Goat-skin to cover their nakedness, take off their Cloaths and wind them about their Heads, like a Turbant. Then every one [...]yes a Goat skin blow'd up under his Stomach; and then two or three of the most expert mounting the same number of the best Horses, which are brid [...]'d, put themselves first into the Water, while others follow them swimming, and drive the Horses before them; holding the Beast by the Tayl with one hand, and switching him with the other. If they find any Horse or Ass that is too weak, they tye a Goat-skin under his Belly to help him. Considering which difficulties, it cannot take up less time than I have mention'd to get over a Caravan of five or six hundred Horses.

The Caravan being thus got over, for two or three days has but a very bad Road. The first days journey the Horses were continually in the Water up to the mid-leg; and the second, and part of the third we travel'd through a very desert Country, where we met with very little food for our Horses, and only a few Brakes to boy [...] our Rice. Having got over this bad way, we came to a River call'd the great Zar [...]e, over which we pass'd upon a Stone-Bridge of nine Arches. They report that this Bridge was built by Alexander the Great, in his March against Darius. A quarter of a League to the South▪East, two Rivers meet, which empty themselves into Tigris. Lea­ving the Bridge, we came to a Town call'd Sherazoul, built upon a rising Ground, upon three Redoubts. There resides a Basha, who must be brib'd with a small Present to let the Caravan pass; we lay by the Banks of a River, and staid there two days. From thence we travel'd one days journey over dry Mountains, not finding any Water. But the next day we came into a pleasant Plain, stor'd with Fruit-trees. This was the Plain of Arbele, where Alexander defeated Darius; containing about fifteen Leagues in all. It is water'd with several Rivulets, and in the middle of the Mountain rises a little Hill about half a League in circuit. It is all over cover'd with the fairest Oaks that ever were seen; and on the top are the Ruines of a Castle, that seems to have been a sumptuous Structure. The Country-people say that Darius staid there while his Captains gave Battel to Alexander. Three Leagues from thence, near a great Mountain toward the North, are to be seen the Ruines of another Castle and several Houses, where they add, that Darius secur'd some of his Wives when he lost the Battel. This Castle is seated in a most lovely Prospect. At the foot o [...] the Mountain rises a Spring, which a quarter of a League off swells into a River that bears good big Boats. It runs winding about the Mountains to the Southward; so that two days journey from the Hill, you cross it near a Town call'd Sherazoul, over a fair Stone-Bridge of nine Arches, whereof the Great Sha-Abas caus'd three to be brok'n down after he had tak'n Bagdat.

This City of Sherazoul is built after another manner than any other of the Cities in those parts, being all cut out of a steep Rock for a quarter of a League together; so that you must go up to the Houses by Stairs of fifteen, or twenty steps, some­times more, sometimes less according to the scituation of the place. The people have no other Doors to their Houses than only a thin round Stone, like a Mill stone, which they will roll away when they go in or out, the sides of the Wall being so cut as to receive the Stone like a Case, being level with the Rock.

The tops of their Houses are like Niches in the Mountain, where the Inhabi­tants have contriv'd Caves to keep their Cattel in: So that we judg'd it to be built for a place of safety to secure the Inhabitants from the Incursions of the Arabians and Bedouins of Mesopotamia.

We came to Sherazoul upon Easter-Eve, and staid there three days to refresh our selves, after a Lent which we had kept very sparingly. Here I found certain Springs that rose up in large Bubbles, which after I had mix'd with two Glasses of Wine and drank up, I found to have a Purgative quality, having a kind of Mineral [...]ast. These Springs boyl up near the side of a River call'd Altun sou, or, The River of Gold, that falls into the River Tigris, three days journey on this side Bagdat.

The next day we lay at a pitiful Town, upon the Frontiers of Turkie and Persia.

The next day, being the fifth after we set out from Nineveh, we pass'd over [Page 74] several Fens and hot Waters, that part the two Empires. Entring thus into Persia, we met with a high Mountain cover'd with fair Oaks, which bear the Gall-Nuts, so high, that the Caravan was some hours ere it could get to the top. As we ascend­ed, but especially when we were up, we heard several Muskets go off. At first we thought the people had been hunting the wild Boars or Stags, of which the Moun­tains are full: but the report of the Guns being too loud and too thick for Hunters, we stood upon our guard; and I believe we should have mended our paces, had we known what was intended us. Besides, I remember'd that the Country people would not sell any thing but for Powder and Bullet, which the Caravan-Bashi advis'd me not to let them have, for fear they should make use of it against our selves. From the Mountain we descended into a fertil Plain, water'd with several Rivers; and night approaching, we set up our Tents, not fearing any thing, because we were in the Dominions of the King of Persia, where there is so much security in travelling. After that we sent our Servants to the Tents of the Country-men, but they brought us nothing but Bread made of Acorns, than which the poor people thereabouts eat no other. This Acorn is about the bigness of our Nuts; and once I met with a Branch that had thirty Acorns, and twenty-three Gall-Nuts, all at one time growing upon it.

The Province which we travel'd through then, compos'd the greatest part of the ancient Assyria. But now to come to the Story of Dominico de Santis the Venetian. He had Letters of Credence from the Pope, the Emperour, the King of Poland, and the Republick of Venice, to the King of Persia; and he went in the Caravan through the Grand Signor's Territories, never discovering himself who he was; but coming into Persia, he took upon him without fear the Title of Ambassador from the Commonwealth of Venice.

From the Plain where we lodg'd, it is two days journey to a good [...]g Town, to which belongs a Fortress, where the Governour of the Province has a Lieutenant, with about two thousand Horse under his Command. The Fortress is upon the right hand toward the South, after three hours riding upon the High-way. To this Lieutenant, the Caravan-Bashi was according to duty bound to give notice of the Arrival of the Caravan, and an account of the Persons and their Merchandize. This Venetian was a person ill fitted for the quality of an Ambassador, being a person of no Parts; which made me wonder that such great Princes, and so wise a Commonwealth, should send such a person upon a Concern of that importance. For the Grand Signor then assailing Candy, he was sent to excite the King of Persia to engage him in a War against the Turk, thereby to keep off the Storm that threaten'd Christendom. Thereupon I told the Ambassador, that it was necessary for him to give the Commander of the Fort first notice of his coming, to the end he might give advice thereof to Solyman Kan Governour of the Province, whose duty it was to advertise the King. Thereupon he requested me to send my Inter­preter, which I did. Upon whose intelligence the Lieutenant of the Fort came to Compliment the Ambassador on the behalf of the chief Commander, and to conduct him to the Castle.

Thereupon the Ambassador, my self, and my Interpreter, together with some Armenian Merchants went with him, travelling for three hours over the Mountains. By that time we came half the way, as we pass'd through a Wood, we heard as it were some person give a Whistle; at which when the Lieutenant perceiv'd us to be somewhat startl'd, he carry'd us to the place from whence the Whistle came, where we saw a Serpent about as big as a Man's Thigh, and about twelve Foot long, whose head was squeez'd between two Trees, that put him to pain. From that Mountain we descended into a pleasant Plain, where the Commander of the Fortress staid for us under his Tent. He had set it up by the side of a River, under the shade of several great Walnut-trees. So soon as he saw us, he rose from his great Silk Tapestry Coverlet, and saluted us in a most civil manner, telling us, that assuredly Sha-Abas, his Master, would be very glad to hear that the Monarchs of Christendom had sent him an Ambassador, and that be would write to Solyman Kan, whose duty it was to advertise the Emperour. Thereupon he wrote and dispatch'd away a Messenger, giving him order to tell the Deroga, or Judge of the Town, through which we were to pass, that he should make Provision for us and out Horses 'till we came to the Governour. After he had ask'd us several Questions [Page 75] concerning the War between the Grand Signor and the Venetians, how many thou­sand men he had as well by Sea as Land, and what number of Galleys and Ships? wherein we satisfy'd him according to the best of our knowledge. After he had civilly treated us, he sent his Lieutenant back with us again to the Caravan. About ten a Clock the next night we dislodg'd, and the Lieutenant and six Souldiers attended upon us▪ who told us he had order not to leave us, 'till he had brought us to Solyman Kan.

The next night we lodg'd between two Hills, among several Tents of Herds-men. Here it was that the Commander had order'd that we should be treatrd by the De­roga. A Deroga, as I have said, is the Judge of a Village: But this Deroga was chief of many Families, some of which were of Mesopotamia, others of Arabia. These are all Herdsmen that never live in Houses, but retire with their Ca [...]tle to the holes in the Rocks, where partly Nature, partly Art, have contributed to make them convenient Habitations.

So soon as we were alighted, four ancient men came and led the Ambassador and my self to the Deroga's Tent. It seem'd to consist of many Rooms, with a Hall in the middle, spread with Persian Carpets. He caus'd us to sit down upon Cushions, and then presented us with a Pipe of Tobacco, and Water to wash our Feet. Af­ter he had nobly treated us, and that we were upon taking our leaves, the Deroga was very much troubl'd that we had made a small Present to his Son; telling us, that it was a crime for him to take any thing of the King's Guests, especially from Strangers that had come so long a Journey.

The next day we lodg'd in a place where there was such a prodigious quantity of Lillies that the Ground was almost cover'd with them. There were none that were white, being for the most part of a fair Violet colour, with a streak of Red in the middle of every leaf; they are like our Lillies, but much bigger. And to drink the infusion of the Roots of these Lillies, especially those whose Leaves are blackest, for fifteen days together, is a most Sovereign remedy against the [...]ox. Not long after came a Person of a goodly Aspect, who seem'd to be an Arabian, but he spoke the Persian Language, whom Solyman Kan had sent to Compliment the Ambassador. He carry'd us to the Tent which the Governour had caus'd to be set up in a Garden near the Town, where he also Lodg'd the Capuchins. The Ambassa­dor also sent to Compliment the Kan by my interpreter; an [...] when the hour was come that we were to set forward, he gave order to six of the Captains of his Ca­valry to accompany the Ambassador. The House where the Governour liv'd in, was one of the most beautiful in Persia. And as for the Governour himself, we found him in a Gallery that look'd upon the Garden, the Floor being all spread [...]ver with Tapestry of Gold and Silk, with large Cushions of Cloth of Gold all along the Wall. After some Questions and discourse concerning the Affairs of Europe, they serv'd in Supper, which consisted of several Dishes; but no Wine was to be had; our drink being only Sherbet and the juice of Granates, with Sugar for those that desir'd it. We were a long time at Supper, for 'tis the custom of Persia that when one man rises, another takes his place and falls too, in so much that the Master of the Feast must have the Patience to stay 'till several have tak'n their turns; and when every one has done, the Cloth is tak'n away without any more to do. Here the Ambassador committed an absurdity; for there are no Silver or Gold Spoons in Persia, but only long Wooden Ladles that reach a great way. Now the Ambassa­dor reaching his Ladle to a Purslane-Dish full of Pottage that was scalding hot, clap'd it presently into his mouth; but finding it so hot that he could not endure it, after several scurvy faces, he threw it out of his mouth again into his hand, in the presence of all the Company.

After we had stay'd five days at Sneirne, the Caravan-Bashi signifi'd his desire to pursue his Journey. Thereupon the Ambassador took his leave of the Governour, presenting him with a Watch and a pair of Pistols; who in retaliation presented the Ambassador with a stately Horse, and a Colt of two years old. The next day we dislodg'd, and▪ pursu'd our Road to Amadan, which is not above three days Journey from Sneirne.

Amadan is one▪ of the largest and most considerable Cities of Persia, seated at the foot of a Mountain, where do arise an infinite company of Springs that do water all the Country. The Land about it abounds in Corn and Rice, wherewith it furnishe [...] [Page 76] the greatest part of the neighbouring Provinces. Which is the reason that some of the Persian Statesmen hold it very inconvenient for the King of Persia to keep Bagdat, as well by reason of the vastness of the Charge, as also for that it draws from Amadan that which should supply other Provinces. On the other side, it is easie for the Grand Signor to hold it, by reason of the neighbourhood of Mesopo­tamia, Assyria, and the Arabs, Enemies to the Persians: by which means Provi­sions are very cheap, which the people would not know where to put off, if the King of Persia were Lord of Bagdat.

We staid at Amadan about ten days, by reason of the Rains; during which time the Caravans cannot travel. While we tarry'd there, we were visited by several Babylonian Christians, who were glad to see that we had escap'd the Clutches of the Basha of Bagdat, who had giv'n order to the Basha of Karkou, and the Bey of Sharaffou that commands the Frontiers of Turkie, to seize us, and carry us back [...]o Bagdat. For which we might have thank'd the Ambassador, and a malicious Rabbi, that came along with us in the Caravan from Aleppo [...] who finding the Feast of the Tabernacles to be at hand, and that we had a great way to Ispahan▪ left us at Ni­niveh, to keep the Festival with the Jews of Babylon. Where that he might insi­nuate himself into the Basha's favour, he inform'd him that there was a Fringuiz in the Garavan, whom he look'd upon as a Spy, and that he was an Envoy into Persia from the Commonwealth of Venice; for he carry'd no Merchandize, but had three Chests full of rich Habits, and several other things, which he took for Presents to the Persian King. For out of vanity or folly, the Venetian had several times open'd his Chest and expos'd his Gallantry to view. And yet he was so clutch-fisted and niggardly in every thing, that when there was any occasion to reward the Kan's Ser­vant, or any of the Country-men that brought us the Dainties of the place, it came all out of my Pocket. So that I left him to my Interpreter and the two Capuchins; and with three Servants and a Guide, after I had staid at Amadan three days, I took Horse for Ispahan.

When I came there, the Nazar or Master of the King's Houshold hearing I had left an Ambassador behind me with the Caravan, enquir'd of me what manner of Person he was, but I pretended I had but little converse with him, unwilling to discover his mean Spirit. The Evening before his Arrival the Nazar sent to give the Fringuiz notice in the King's Name, that they should be ready to go meet the Ambassador the next day; which we did, and brought him into the City and through Ali's Gate, that joyns to the King's Palace. Now 'tis the custome for all Ambassadours to salute that Gate, by reason of a white Marble Stone made like an Asses back, and which serves for a Step: being, as they report, brought an­ciently out of Arabia, where Ali liv'd. So soon as you have strid over that Stone without touching it, which were a great crime, you enter into a kind of a Gallery, where there are Rooms on each side, which serve for a Sanctuary for Criminals, which the King himself cannot fetch out of that place. That day that the new King receives his Ensigns of Royalty, he goes to stride over that Stone; and if by negli­gence he should chance to touch it, there are four Guards at the Gate, that would make a shew of thrusting him back again.

But now the Master of the Ceremonies being ready to conduct the Ambassador to the Apartment alotted him, as an Ambassador that came from three great Mo­narchs, and a potent Commonwealth, he desir'd to lodge at the House of one Pietro Pentalet, descended from Venetian Parents; whereupon the Master of the Ceremonies conducted him thither, and caus'd his Dinner to be brought him. While we were eating, I counted thirteen Languages spoken at the Table; Latin, French, High-Dutch, English, Low-Dutch, Italian, Portuguez, Persian, Turkish, Arabic, Indian, Syriac, and Malaye, which is the Language of the Learned, that is spoken from the River Indus to China and Japan, and in all the Islands of the East, like Latin in Europe; not reck'ning the little Moresco or Gibbrish of the Country. So that it is a difficult thing to observe what is talk'd in one Company, where the Discourse begins in one Language, is pursu'd in another, and finish'd in a third: and for the Turks and Armenians, they never speak above three or four Languages at most.

Now to shew you the Civility of the Persians; the Master of the Ceremonies came to the Ambassador and told him, that if he did not like the Cookery of the Persians, he had Order from the [...] who is as the Grand Vizier in Turkie, to offer him [Page 77] Money instead of Diet, to the end he might dress his own Meat as he pleas'd him­self. Upon which the covetous Ambassadour accepted his offer, and two hours after there was a Bag brought him of 50 Tomans. which amount to about 800 Crowns. The Franks being offended at his baseness, slighted the Ambassador, and left him to keep House by himself, which was poor enough God knows; an Onion or A Turnep serving his turn for a Meal. Some days after, he had audience of the King, to whom he presented his Letters Credential from the Pope, the Emperour, the King of Poland, and the Commonwealth of Venice. Those from the three last were well receiv'd, because the Seals were of Gold, and for that the Paper was embelish'd with curious Flourishes; but the Pope's Letters were rejected with scorn because the Seals were only of Lead, as the Bulls are usually seal'd; and for that the Writing was very plai [...] ▪ For the Kings of Persia, who are very nice, love things that are gay to the Eye; otherwise they look upon themselves to be affronted. Dominico de Santis had better have taken upon him the meaner quality of an Envoy, than the title of an Ambassador, unless he had known better how to behave himself; especially being so eclips'd as he was by a real Ambassador that arriv'd at Ispahan some time after. All the Franks went forth to meet him, and the Master of the Ceremonies made him the same proffers as he had done to the Venetian: but he nobly answer'd, That what­ever it were that the King of Persia [...]ent him, he should take it for a very great Honour: otherwise, if he would have eaten Gold, the King his Master would have allow'd him 30 M [...]les Load. Such persons as behave themselves with decency and at good grace, are the persons that the Christian Princes should send into Persia, who are the most refin'd Wits, and the best Politicians of all Asia.

To conclude the Story of the Venetian, I will give you his Character. An Indian naturally of a good Wit having embrac'd Christianity and an Ecclesiastical Life, went to Rome to compleat his Studies which he had begun at Goa; whether, the Pope, taking an affection to him, sent him afterward as his Vicar. Dominico de Santis being▪ then at Rome, put himself into his service, and follow'd him into the Indies, where I saw him the first time I went, in a mean condition. Upon his return to Venice, where he was in no credit before, he made people believe that he understood the Trade of Asia; whereupon some particular Merchants trusted him with some Goods, which were cast away at Seide. Thus poor and bare he return'd to Goa, where he got 800 Crowns by a charitable Contribution. From thence he travel'd to Ispahan, where he fell into the acquaintance of Father Rigordi a Jesuite, with whom he went into Poland: where making his brags of the great knowledge he had of the Affairs of Persia, the King gave him that Commission which I have already mention'd. The Emperour follow'd his Example, and the Commonwealth of Venice did the same: and to give the more lustre and authority to his Embassy, they got the Pope to joyn with them. But alas! both Dominico de Santis, and all such persons as he, that go into Asia without Brains and good Behaviour, do but prostitute the Reputation of the Princes that send them. Such another was Father Rigordi, who after he had been thrust out of Goa by the Portugals, went to Ispahan, where he insinuated himself by a Proposition which he made of Marrying the King of Persia, who was then a very young Prince, to the Dutchess of Orleance. Under which pretence he was well receiv'd and treated by the King; from whom he also receiv'd some Presents by virtue of that Proposal, which was good sport to the Dutchess when she heard of it.

As for the Venetian, the Atemadoulet, who was very glad to be rid of him, desir'd the Muscovite Ambassador, who was then upon his return home, to take him along with him, which he did as far as the Caspian Sea, where they take Shipping for Astracan; but there the Muscovite told him he could carry him no further: thereupon he was forc'd to come back to Ispahan, and so to travel to Goa, whence the Portugals shipt him home for Charities sake. But when he came to Venice, he was so far from being well receiv'd, that the Senate had like to have punish'd him severely for giving so bad an account of his Negotiation.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Road which the Author kept, when he Travell'd the fourth time into Asia, to go from Paris to Ormus. And first of his Voyage from Marseilles to Alexandretta.

I Set out from Paris in the company of Monsieur d' Ardiliere the eighteenth of June, 1651. and arriv'd at Marseilles the sixteenth of July. On the twenty-sixth of August we set Sail, with a favourable North-West Wind that blew very briskly the two next days; but at length it grew so very slack, that coming about to the North North-East, we made for Sardinia. Upon the second of September by Sun▪rising, we discover'd the Western Coast of Sardinia, six Leagues from the Land. About Noon the Wind chopping about again to the North West, we held on our first Course; and upon the third of September, we descry'd the Island Galita upon the Coast of Africa. On the fourth we discover'd the Island of Zambino before Tunis, and about Evening Cape Bon, which is the most Southerly Point of all Africa. The fifth we had a sight o [...] the Isl [...]nd of Pantalaria, and the Coast of Sicily. The sixth we discover'd the Island of Goza, and the seventh the Castle that bears the same name.

We landed at Malta upon the day of the Nativity of the Virgin, which is a great day among the Maltesi, upon which they give thanks to God, for that the Turks rais'd their Siege upon that day.

The Grand Master goes to the Church of St. John, accompanied with all the chief Commanders in their Robes of Command, and the greatest part of the Knights. All the Country-men and Citizens are up in Arms upon that day, and march to the Inn call'd the Auvernian▪house, with the Knight that goes to fetch the Standard. This Knight is clad in a Cassock of Crimson Velvet, with a Cross of the Order, be­fore and behind. He wears a Helmet upon his head, and carries the Standard upon his shoulders; and by him marches the Grand-Master's Page, who carries a Sword in one hand, and a Dagger in the other, both very richly Embellish'd, and giv'n the the Order by CHARLES the fifth. The Page that carry'd the Sword and Dagger was the youngest Nephew of Pope Innocent the tenth. The Souldiers and Ci­tizens marching before to the Church door make a Lane for the Knight and the Page to pass on to the Altar, where the Knight makes three bows, and having done as much to the Grand-Master, places himself on the right hand of the Grand-Masters Chair, and the Page on the lest. Then the Mass and the Musick begins, and while the Gospel is reading, the Grand-Master takes the Sword and the Dagger out of the Page's hand, and holds them with the points upward all the remaining part of the Mass. During the Elevation of the Host, the Knights repeats the [...]ame Ceremony as at the beginning; and then the Bells ring, the great Guns go off, and the Soul­diers give three Vollies. Mass being ended, the Grand-Master retires, accom­pany'd as before, only that he is then attended by all the Ecclesiastical persons of the City, and coming out of the Church, he proceeds with all the Infantry marching before him toward our Lady's of Victory, where they all go in procession. While they make a stand in that place, the Souldiers give another Volley, which is an­swer'd by all the Canons in the Town, as also from the Ships and Galleys. After that they return to St. John's; and the Infantry Guard the Standard back to the Inn, while the Grand-Master goes to his Palace.

The ninth we view'd the Fortifications, which are stor'd with very fair pieces of Canon.

The tenth we saw the Pages perform their Exercises before the Grand-Master, which are generally vaulting and handling their Arms, both Musquet and Pike.

The elev'nth we view'd the Arsenal, where I was assur'd that there were Arms for twenty thousand men, being in good order, and rarely well look'd after.

The next [...] day we visited the Infirmery, where the sick are serv'd in Plate, as well the poor as ric [...].

[Page 79] The twentieth we set Sail, having the Wind at West-South-West, and a fresh gale; so that upon the twenty-third we discover'd the Coast of the Morea, to which we approach'd so near, as to descry Navarin. In the Evening we saw the City of Coron, where there is a great Trade for Sallet-Oyl. From thence it was that the Great Turk Embarqu'd for Candy in the year 1645.

The twenty-fourth the Wind was at East▪North-East. In the Morning we disco­ver'd the Cape of Matapan, which is the most Southern Point of Land in Europe, lying in the Morea, and at Noon the Island of Chergigo.

The twenty-fifth we drew near Cyprus, and descry'd a Mountain in that Island call'd Cam [...]liere, with some other Promontories toward the South.

From the twenty-seventh day 'till we came to Alexandretta, we perceiv'd the Sea to be all over cover'd with Pumice-stones, which happen'd from an Earth­quake that had for some time before swallow'd up the Island of Santorini. Some think that it proceeded from the abundance of Sulphur, of which that Country is full, which took Fire, and was the death of above 750 of the Islanders, that were partly buried in the Ruines, and partly dy'd out of fear. They that remain'd alive became black like Charcoal; and the Vapours that ascended out of the Abyss sully'd all the Silver as far as Constantinople; the noise of the Earthquake being heard as far as Smyrna.

The twenty-ninth by break of day we discover'd the Island of Cyprus.

The first of October by eight in the Morning we came to an Anchor before Salines, which is one of the Ports of Cyprus, where our Consuls live. Here I ask'd several of the Christians of the Country, how they did to live and pay their Carage? Who told me that it was with a great deal of difficulty, in regard the Island was very bare of Money; which was the reason that many Christians turn'd Mahometans, to avoid paying their Carage, which is a Tribute that the Grand Signor lays upon all Christians throughout his Dominions. He exacts from the poorest fix Piasters a Head; but there are some that pay a hundred, or a hundred and fifty: and this Tribute is due so soon as ever they come to be eighteen years of age.

The Island of Cyprus is one of the most considerable in the Mediterranean Sea, more to the East than any of the rest; bearing the title of a Kingdom, as being 500 Miles in circuit. It is not all of the same bredth, being of a triangular form, the sides whereof are very unequal. To it there belong several Capes or Promon­tories, the principal whereof are St. Epiphanio, toward the West; Cape de Gate, toward the South; Cape Diegrega, toward the North-East; Cape Cormachiti, toward the North; and Cape St. Andrew, upon the most Eastern Point of the Island. The principal Roads are that of Salines or Larneca, that of Paphos, and that of Cerines or Cerigni. The Haven of Famagosta signifies nothing as to great Ships, there being none but small Vessels that can ride there. The Venetians had formerly made a small Mole there to harbour their Gallies; but it is now quite ruin'd. The Road of Cerines is that where the Barks and Galliots lye that come from Caramania, and Payasses; and where the Basha's land that are sent as Governours of the Island from Constantinople, who reside generally at Nicosia. That City is almost in the middle of the Island, and was formerly a very large one, as appears by the compass of the ancient Walls. The new Walls are well terrass'd within-side, and in a good posture of defence. There are three Gates belong to the City; that of Famagosta, that of Paphos, and that of Cerines. The City it self is no uncomely place; the Venetians having adorn'd it with many fair Palaces, which the Turks demolish every day, out of hopes to find hidd'n Treasure therein, and sell the Stones to build new Houses. The Cathedral that goes by the name of Santa Sophia is an ample and fair Structure, of which the Turks have now made a Mosquee, together with one more, which was formerly a Monastery belonging to the Austin ▪Fryars. The Greeks have there four Churches, and the Franks two; that is to say, the French Missionary Capuchins, and the Italian Missionary Soccolans. The first have a Church didicated to St. James, the others another, which is call'd Holy Rood Church. The Armenians also have another belonging to them, which is a very neat Building, which was formerly a Monastery of the Carthusians. There it is that there is a Tomb, adorn'd with several Sculptures of Religious Nuns, especially an Abbess with a Cross in her Hand, the Writing about the Stone being in French Characters. The City is seated in a temperate Air and a fertil Soil, abounding with Water. It extends more in length than bredth, [Page 80] having been anciently nine Miles in compass; but the Venetians to make it stronger, reduc'd it to the circuit of three. The Work of the Fortification was so neat, and such a proportion observ'd in all things, that the most famous Engineers esteem'd it one of the most stately Fortresses in the World, when Selim the Second sent an Army against it, under the Command of Mustapha his Grand Vizier.

Famagosta is a Sea-Town upon the East-side of the Island, and the chief Bulwark of it. It is kept in good repair, the Castle within being in form of a C [...]ttadel. The Turks have converted into Mosquees the Churches of the Christians, who are not suffer'd to dwell in the City. They have only the liberty to come thither in the day, and to open Shops, which they shut up again at night, and then go home to their Houses in the neighbouring Villages. The City is govern'd by a Bey, who has no depen­dence upon the Governour of the Island, who is oblig'd to maintain a Galley for the guard of the Coast.

Cerines is another little City, but without any defence, the Walls thereof being all tumbl'd to ruine. Only there is a Fortress toward the Sea, well built, with a Garrison in it. There is also a handsom Monastery of Religious Greeks, built somewhat after the French manner; wherein there are some of the Cells which stand so upon the Sea, that they can fish out of the Windows. The Fields about it bear Cotton, which is the chief Revenue of the Monastery. There is only the Fort of Cerines upon the North, where the Island does not lye so open as toward the South and East; which besides by that of Famagosta, are guarded by the Forts of Salines, Limisso, and Paphos. The Inhabitants of the Island are for the most part Greeks, especially in the Villages. They are clad after the Italian manner, both Men and Women; the Men wearing Hats like the Franks, and retaining their ancient Customs as much as is po [...]ible for them to do. The Trade of the Island lyes in Cotton wool, which is the best in all the East; and some Silk, which is neither good, nor very plentiful. However the Island is fertil enough, did it not want In­habitants enough to till it. As for Bread, Wine, Cheese, and Milk, they are all very cheap, and there is Oyl enough to serve the Island. But for the Wine, it is trans­ported out of the Island to all the places of Trade not far distant. The best grows at the foot of Olympus, and is a delicious fort of Drink. The Country between Nicosia and Famagosta produces Cotton, of which there grows also some between Paphos and Limisso. The chief place where the Silk is made is call'd Cytherea, a large Town water'd with a fair River that runs from the Mountain of Venus. The River turns several Mills, which are the chief Revenue of the Island. There is Silk also made between Paphos and Limisso; upon the Road between which two places you meet with a Town call'd Piscopi, where are to be seen several Aquaeducts, that carry'd the Water into the Rooms and Magazines were the people formerly made Sugar. But since the Island was tak'n from the Venetians, one of the Basha's that was sent as Governour, burnt up all the Sugar-Canes in the Country. Toward the Sea shoar near Limisso, is to be seen one of the fairest Gardens of Cyprus, which they call Shiti; to which there belongs a magnificent House, and a Grove of Orange-Trees. It was built by a rich Venetian, who had a good Estate in Lands there­abouts.

In Cpprus the people take a vast number of Birds as big as a Lark, especially near the Mountain of the Holy Cross. In the Months of September and October the Country-people of the adjacent Villages make themselves little Hut [...]s in the Fields, where usually those Birds are wont to light, and feed upon the Seed of an Herb that grows there; which when it is dry, the people daub over with Lime twigs. But this they never do but when the North-West Wind blows, and that the weather be very cold; for with a Southerly Wind they never take any. These Birds are ac­counted great Dainties by the Venetians, who make no great Feasts in Carnival-time wherein they do not set these Birds upon the Table, pil'd up in Dishes like a Pyramid. They buy them up every year; being first prepar'd fit for exportation by the people, who having pull'd off their Feathers, parboyl them, and pickle them up in Barrels with Vinegar and Salt. When they are to be eat'n, they are set upon a Chasing dish, between two Dishes. Sometimes there are above a thousand Barrels exported out of the Island; and indeed, were it not for this Trade, the poor people would see but very little Money.

Upon the Mountain of the Holy Cross stands a Church of the same name; upon [Page 81] which the report of the Country goes, that St. Helena returning from Jerusalem left a piece of our Saviour's Cross with the Christians of Cyprus, who built a Church there, by means of the Liberality of the same Princess. Afterwards those of the Town of Leucara took it from hence, and carry'd it to their Church, where I saw it. The piece is as big as the Palm of a Man's Hand, set in a great Cross of Latten, emboss'd with several Figures.

In the Kingdom of Cyprus that there is an Archbishop, and three Suffragans. The Archbishop takes upon him the Title of Nicosia; to which Famagosta belongs with all the Country between Nicosia and Famagosta, with the Territories of Nicosia and all the Villages round. He has a House about a League from Nicosia, where the chiefest of his Revenue lies. Some years since he caus'd the high Altar of the Church to be painted and guilded, being a neat piece of Workmanship. Thus the Archbishop has under his Jurisdiction all the middle part of the Island, and some part toward the East. The Bishops are the Bishops of Paphos, Larneca, and C [...]rines.

The Greeks are very much addicted to the observation of their ancient Customs and Ceremonies; and generally their Masses are very long. Upon Sundays and Holy-days they rise between one and two of the Clock in the Morning to sing Mat­tens. To which purpose there is a Clerk that goes from door to door and knocks with a Hammer, to wake the people, and then cries out with a loud voice, Chri­stians go to Church. The men and old women fail not to go as being more zealous; but the maids and young women never go out of doors in the night for fear of the Turks. There are seven or eight Villages, the I [...]habitants whereof are Maronites, who came from Mount Libanus, and speak Arabic at home, but Greek among the Islanders. They follow the Romish Religion, and have their Churches peculiar to themselves.

The Island of Cyprus is no wholesom Air, being subject to the spoil of a sort of Locusts, that some Summers destroy all their Fruit and Corn During the heats they hover in the Air, which they will darken with their number like a thick Cloud; but when the North Wind blows, it carry's them into the Sea, where they perish.

There are in Cyprus three sorts of colour'd Earth, a Grey black, a Red, and a Yellow; of which the Venetians fetch away great quantities for their courser sort of Painting. There's also a Mine of White Alome, which is the stone call'd Dami­antlius. 'Tis thought that the Ancients had a way to spin this Alome into a kind of Cotton, and so to make out of it a certain sort of Cloath that would not consume in the Fire, but only be the more perfectly whiten'd thereby. The Indians formerly bury'd the dead bodies of their Kings deceas'd in Shrouds of this kind of Linen, and then putting them into the Fire, found the bodies all reduc'd to ashes, but the Cloth whole; out of which they took the ashes, and carefully put them into an Urne, which was prepared for their preservation.

When the Basha of Cyprus has a mind to view the Fortress of Famagosta, he sends to give the Bey, who is Governour thereof, notice of it. For it is at the Gover­nours choice whether he will give him admission or no. The Basha Hali-Giorgi, being a comely old man of above a hundred and two years of age, setting out of Nicosia in his Litter with about two hundred Horse, when he was come within half a League of Famagosta, the Governour of the place sent his Lieutenant with a hundred Horse to Compliment him, and to conduct him to the Town. Immediately they took upon them the Guard of the Basha's Litter, who was not permitted to tak [...] along with him above eight or ten of his principal Officers. The Canons roar'd at his entry, and he was treated magnificently, but he lay not in the Town, be­ing conducted back by the same party to the place where they met him in the Morning.

Upon the third day of October we set Sail about three a Clock in the Morning with a West-North-West Wind, and about Noon we were within sight of Famagosta, into which place we could by no means be admitted, by reason of the Wars be­tween the Turks and Venetians. But as far as I could discern a far off, there is no easie access to the Port, and for the City I could descry no part of it.

The fourth by break of day we got sight of the Coast of Syria, Cape Canger, and the Gold of Antioch, and about Evening we arriv'd in the Rood of Alex­andretta.

[Page 82] From thence we went to Aleppo, and stay'd there from the seventh of October to the thirteenth of December.

On the thirteenth we set forward for Nineveh, and with little variation of the Road which I have already describ'd in my third Voyage from Paris. We arriv'd the second day of February at Moussul or Nineveh, where we stay'd 'till the fifteenth, 'till the Kilets or Boats of the Country could be got ready. Our Kilet carry'd thirty Pas­sengers, and sixty hundred of Aleppo Weight, or thirty three thousand pound of Paris Weight, upon which the Tigris bore us from Moussul to Babylon.

CHAP. VII.
A Continuation of the Road which the Author kept in the Fourth Voyage into Asia, and particularly of his passage upon the Tigris from Nineveh to Babylon.

THE fifteenth of February we put off from Moussul, and after we had swam six hours, we came to lye near a hot Bath, about a Musket-shot from the Tigris. It was throng'd with Sick people that came thither for their Recovery. We kept our selves upon the Watch all night; but for all we could do, the Arabs stole two Coverlets from a Merchant, and a Turk's Cloaths that was gone into the Bath.

The sixteenth, after we had row'd about five hours, we came to a huge Dam; it is 200 Foot wide, and makes a fall in the River of about 20 Fathoms steep. The Arabians said that Alexand [...]r the Great made it to turn the course of the River; others will have it, that Darius caus'd it to be made to hinder the passage of the Ma­cedonians by Water. However, we were forc'd to land our selves and our Goods, and to lade them upon Horses which the Arabs brought us.

The passing this Dam is worthy observation. For it is a thing of wonder to see the Kilet all of a sudden fall above sixscore Foot, and yet to be kept by the Leather-Bottles still above Water. The Water-men that guide the Boat, tye them­selves and their Oars fast to a Pearch bent like a Semicircle, to defend themselves from the force of the Water. And indeed this is the Dam that renders Tigris un­navigable.

The Kilet being come to the place where we expected it, we put our Goods aboard, and lay in the same place upon the Bank of the River. For the Arabs, if they perceive the Merchants asleep, cut the Cords of the Kilet, and setting it a drift, swim after it, and rifle away what they please.

The seventeenth, after three hours rowing we met with the River Zab, that empties into the Tigris, upon C [...]aldea ▪side. Half a League above the River stands a fair Castle of Brick upon a little Hill; but no body dwelling in it, it runs to ruine. We were twelve hours that day upon the Water, and came to lye at a place which was full of Wood, where we made great Fires, and shot off our Muskets often in the night to scare the Lions.

The eighteenth we were upon the Water eighteen hours, and lay upon the Bank of the River, upon Assyria-side. That Evening the Arabs brought us Milk-Meats, and fresh Butter. They swim from the other side of the River with a Boracho under their Stomachs, and another upon their Heads, wherein they bring their Commo­dities; for which they will have no Money, but only Tobacco, or Bisket, or Pepper.

The nineteenth, in four hours time we met with a River call'd Altum-sou, or The River of Gold. It flows from the Mountains of the Medes, and I travel'd by the side of it for threee days together, returning from Tauris to Aleppo, and passing the Tigris to Mesia. The Water of the River is of an excellent tast, and it falls into Tigris upon Assyria-side. All along the Tigris, on the same side, are great store of Bituminous Springs, and other Streams of hot Water that smell of Sulphur. All that [Page 83] day we saw none but Arabs and Curds marching along the Banks of the River, the Curds upon Mesopotamia side, and the Araebs upon Assyria side. They were at War, and both sides march'd in very good order. The Young men went formost with Bows and Arrows, and some Muskets, but several Half-Pikes. Next to them their Wives, Virgins, and Children, with their Cattel, Herds, and Camels; after which march'd the Old men in the rear. As well the Curds as the Arabians sent out Horse-men to scout upon the high Grounds; for as soon as they find any advantage, they present­ly swim their Horses over the River and sall on. Now because we would not trust those sort of People, we row'd nineteen hours to avoid 'em.

The twentieth we were eleven hours upon the Tigris, and came to lye at a Town call'd Tigris, upon Mesopotamia side. There belongs to the Town a Castle half ruin'd, and yet there are still some handsom Chambers to be seen. Upon the North and East, the River serves for a Moat; but upon the West and South it has a deep Artificial one pav'd with Free-stone. The Arabians say that formerly it was the strongest place in all Mesopotamia, though it be commanded by two Hills not far from it. The Christians dwelt half a League from the City, where the Ruines of a Church and part of a Steeple are still to be seen, whereby it appears to have been a a considerable Pile of Building.

The twenty-first, after we had row'd three hours, we met with a Town upon Assyria side, which was call'd Am [...]t-el-tour, from the name of a person that lyes inter'd in a Monastery, whom the people account to be a Saint. Therefore is it a place of great Devotion among them, so that great numbers of Votaries go thither in private. That day we were twelve hours upon the Water, and lay upon the Banks of the River.

The twenty second, having been upon the Waters two hours, we met with a great Chanel cut ou [...] of Tigris to water the Lands, which runs up as far as just over­against Bagdat, and there falls into the Tigris again. Coming thither, we landed upon Chaldea side, by reason that there were certain Turks with us, who would of necessity perform their Devotions at a place call'd Samatra. In the same there is a Mosquee not above half a League from the River; to which many Mahometans pay their Devoirs, especially Indians and Tartars, who believe forty of their Pro­phets to be buried there. When they knew us to be Christians, they would not permit us, no not for Money, to set our Feet in it. About five hundred Paces from the Mosquee stands a Tower very ingeniously built. There are two Stair-cases without, that belong to it, made twirling like a Periwinkle-shell: one of which Stair-cases was built deeper into the Tower than the other. I would have taken better notice of it, could I have been permitted to have come nearer it. Only I observ'd that it was made of Brick, and that it seems to be very ancient. Half a League from thence appear three great Portals, that look as if they had been the Gates of some great Palace. And indeed it is not improbable but that there was some great City thereabouts; for, three Leagues all along the River there is nothing to be seen but Ruines. We were twelve hours that day upon the Water, and lay upon the Banks of Tigris, according to custom.

The twenty-third, we were twenty hours upon the Water, and all the day long we saw nothing upon either side of the River but pitiful Hutts made of the Branches of Palm-trees, where live certain poor people that turn the Wheels, by means whereof they water the neighbouring Grounds. We also met that day with a River call'd Odoine, that falls into Tigris upon the side of the ancient Chaldea.

The twenty-fourth, we were twenty two hours upon the Water together, never stirring off from the Kilet. The reason is, because the Merchants having tak'n out os the Kilet, all their Money and the best part of their Merchandizes, give them to the Country people▪ who carry them very faithfully to Bagdat, whither they to sell their own Commodities: which the Merchants do, to avoid the payment of Five in the Hundred, in the City. I trusted them also with several things of which they gave me a very good account, as they did to others, being contended with a small matter for their pains.

The twenty-fifth, about four of the Clock in the Morning we arriv'd at Bagdat, which is as usually call'd Babylon. They open the Gates by six, and then the Customers come to take an account of the Merchandize, and to search the Merchants themselves. If they find nothing about 'em, they let the Merchants go: but if [Page 84] they have any thing about 'em which ought to pay, they carry the persons to the Custom-House, where they write down the quantity of the Goods, and let them go. All the Merchandize upon the Kilet is carry'd thither also, which the Mer­chant fetches away again in two or three days, paying the Custom: All which is done in very great order, without any noise or disturbance in the least.

Though Bagdat usually bear the name of Babylon, yet it is at a great distance from the ancient Babylon, whereof in due place. But now for Bagdat, as it stands at this day.

Bagdat is a City seated upon the River of Tigris, on the Coast of Persia, and se­parated from Mesopotamia by the same River. It lyes in 33 Deg. 15 Min. of Ele­vation. The Chronicles of the Arabians report that it was built by one of their Calisfs nam'd Almansour, in the year of the Hegyra of Mahomet 145, and of Christianity 762, or thereabouts. They call it Dar-al-sani, that is, the House of Peace. Some say it deriv'd its name from a Hermitage that stood in a Meadow where the City now stands, whence it was call'd Bagdat, or, a Garden bequeath'd. About forty years ago digging up the Foundations of an Inn, the Work-men found a Body entire, habited like a Bishop, with a Censor and Incense by him. And in the same place several Cells of Religious Houses shew'd themselves: which makes it very probable, that where Bagdat is built there was anciently a great Monastery, with several Houses where the Christians inhabited. The City is about fifteen hun­dred Paces long, and sev'n or eight hundred broad, and cannot possibly be above three Miles in circuit. The Walls are of Brick, and terrass'd in some places, with large Towers like Bastions. Upon all these Towers there are mounted about sixty pieces of Cannon, the biggest whereof carries not above a five or six Pound Ball. The Moats are wide, and about five or six Fathom deep. There are not above four Gates; three upon the Land-side, and one upon the River, which you must cross, over a Bridge of thirty-three Boats, distant one from the other about the bredth of one Boat. The Castle is in the City, near to one of the Gates call'd El-Maazan, upon the North side. It is partly built upon the River, encompass'd only with a single Wall, terrass'd in some places; and adorn'd with little Towers, upon which are planted about a hundred and fifty Cannon, but without Carriages. The Moat is narrow, and not above two or three Fathom deep, neither is there any Draw-Bridge before the Gate. The Garrison consists of three hundred Janisaries, commanded by an Aga. The City is govern'd by a Basha, who is generally a Vizier. His House is upon the side of the River, making a fair shew; and he has always ready at com­mand six or seven hundred Horse. There is also an Aga that commands three or four hundred Spahi's. They have besides another fort of Cavalry which is call'd Gin­guliler, that is to say, Men of Courage, commanded by two Aga's; and usually there are about three thousand in the City and the Towns adjoyning. The Keys of the Gates of the City and the Bridge-Gate are in the custody of another Aga, who has under him two hundred Janisaries. There are also six hundred Foot men, who have their particular Aga, and about sixty Cannoneers, who were at that time commanded by an expert Artist that went by the name of Signor Michaël, who pass'd for a Turk, though he were born in Candy. He put himself into the Grand Signor's service, when he went to besiege Bagdat, in the year 1638. Though the Turk had the good fortune to carry the City in a small time; not so much by virtue of the Breach which Signor Michaël had made in the Wall, as the Sedition and Revolt that happen'd at the same instant, the Story whereof was thus in short.

The Kan that sustain'd the brunt of the Siege at first, was originally an Armenian, and his name was Sefi-couli▪Kan. He had commanded the City a long time, and had defended it twice from the Army of the Turks, who were not able to take it before. But the King of Persia having sent one of his Favourites to command in his room, who had enter'd upon his Command before the Cannon had made the Breach, the old Kan finding himself displac'd by the Commission of the new Governour, rather chose to dye, than survive the Affront which was put upon him. To which purpose he sent for his Servants, the Officers of the Army, his Wife and Son▪ and taking three Cups of Poyson in his Hand, he commanded his Wife, if ever she lov'd him, now to shew the marks of her affection by generously dying with him. He gave the same exhortation to his Son; and so all three together drank up the Poyson, which procur'd their speedy death. The Souldiers, who had a great love for their Governour, [Page 85] having beheld so dismal a Spe [...]acle, and knowing the Grand Signor was preparing for a general Assault, would not obey their new Kan, but began to act like Re­volters; and to that purpose they agreed to deliver up the City, upon condition they might march away with their Arms and Baggage: but the Turks did not keep their words. For so soon as the Turks were got into the City, the Basha's told the Grand Signor, that to weak'n the force of the Persian, it was necessary for him to put to the Sword all the Souldiers that were in the City: and thereupon there were above twenty thousand massacr'd in cold Blood. The Turks had seiz'd upon the Capuchins Mansion, but Signor Micha [...]l chief of the Canonneers, got it to be restor'd them again.

As to the Civil Government of Bagdat, there is none but a Cady, who does all, acting even the Musti, with a Skiekelaston or Tefterdar, who receives the Revenues of the Grand Signor. There are in it five Mosquees, of which two are indifferently well built, and adorn'd with Duomo's cover'd with varnish'd Tiles of different colours. There are also ten Inns, all ill built, except two, which are reasonably convenient. In general, the City is ill built; there being nothing of beauty in it but the Bazars, which are all arch'd; else the Merchants would not be able to endure the heats. They must also be water'd three or four times a day; for which office several poor people are hir'd upon the publick charge. The City is full of Trade, but not so full as it was, when in the hands of the King of Persia: for when the Turk took it, he kill'd most of the richest Merchants. However there is a great confluence thither from all Parts; whither for Trade, or for Devotions sake, I cannot tell: because they that follow the Sect of Haly, do believe that Haly liv'd at Bagdat. Besides, all they that are desirous to go to Mecca by Land, must pass through Bagdat, where every Pilgrim is forc'd to pay four Piasters to the Basha. You must take notice that there are in Bagdat two sorts of Mahometans, the first are call'd Rafedi's, or Here­ticks; the second, Observers of the Law, in all things like those at Constantinople. The Rafedi's will by no means eat or drink with a Christian, and very hardly with the rest of the Mahometans: o [...] if they do happen to drink out of the same Cup, or to touch them, they presently wash themselves, as believing themselves unclean. The others are not so scrupulous, but eat and drink and converse with all the World. In the year 1639, after the Grand Signor had tak'n Bagdat, a Rafedi who was a Carrier of Water not only refus'd to give a Jew to drink, who desir'd it of him in the Market-place, but abus'd him also in words. Thereupon the Jew com­plain'd to the Cady, who immediately sent for him, and caus'd his Boracho and his Cup to be brought along with him; when he came before him, he ask'd for his Cup, and gave the Jew to drink, and then made the Porter drink also out of the same Cup: After that, he order'd the Rafedi to be Bastinado'd, and this Lesson to be taught him while he was chastising, That we are God's Creatures, as well Mahometans, as Christians and Jews. This has made them less zealous in their Superstition, though they are the chiefest part of the Inhabitants of the City.

As to their Funerals, I have particularly observ'd, that when the Husband dyes, the Wife pulls of all her Head▪gear, and lets her Hair fall about her Ears; then she all besmears her Face with the Soot of a Kettle, and having so done, frisks and leaps about after such a ridiculous manner, as from others would rather produce laughter than tea [...]s. All the kindred, friends and neighbours meet at the House of the deceas'd, and stay for the Celebration of the Funeral. At what time the Wo­men strive to out-vie one another in a thousand Apish tricks, clapping their Cheeks, yelling like mad people; and then of a sudden setting themselves to dance to the sound of two Drums, like those which the Tabor-and-Pipe▪men carry, upon which the Women beat for a quarter of an hour. Among them there is one more ac­custom'd to this fool'ry than the rest, that fills your Ears with mournful Dinns; to which other Women make answer, by redoubling their Cries, which may be heard at a great distance. It would then be a vain thing to seek to comfort the Children of the deceas'd; for they seem to be so much beside themselves, that they are not in a condition to hear any thing. And they are oblig'd to carry themselves in that manner, unless they intend to run the reproach of not having any kindness for their Parents. When the Corps is carry'd to the Grave, abundance of poor people go before with Banners, and Crescents at the ends of Sticks, singing most dismal Dirges all the way. The Women are not to be at the Interment, who are not [Page 86] to go abroad but only upon Thursdays, when they go to the Sepulchers to Pray for the Dead. And because that by their Law the Husband is▪ oblig'd to lye with his lawful Wife upon Thursday-night or Fryday-night, upon Wednesday-morning the Women go to the Baths, where they perfume their Heads and Bodies with a sweet Water. They may go abroad sometimes at the other seasons, when their Husbands give them leave to visit their Kindred; but then they are to be wrapt up from Head to Foot, that it is impossible for their Husbands themselves to know them if they meet 'em i'the Streets. By the way take notice, that the Persian Women, unless they be such as are very poor, would rather stay within all the days of their Lives, than go abroad without a Horse. And it is a certain sign to know a Curtisan from an honest Woman; for that the Curtisans put their Feet in the Stirup, and the honest Women only in the Stirup-leathers. The Women of Bagdat are very richly habited, after their fashions; but they are not contented to wear their Jewels about their Necks and Wrists, for they hang them like Bracelets about their Faces, and will bore holes in their Ears to put in a Ring. The Arabian Women only bore the separation between the two Nostrils, where they wear hollow Rings, as well to spare cost as for lightness; for some are so big, that you may almost thrust your Fist through them. Beyond all this, the more to beautifie themselves, they make a round Ring about their Eyes with a certain sort of Blacking: And as well Men as Women, in the Desert, put the same near their Eyes, to preserve them, as they say, from the heat of the Sun.

Of Christians there are three sorts: Nestorians, who have a Church; Armenians and Jacobites, who have none, but go the Capuchins, who administer the Sacra­ments to them. The Christians go in Devotion to a Chappel, about a short quarter of a League from the City, dedicated to a Saint whom they call Keder-Elias, paying a small Fee, for admission, to the Turks, who keep the Keys. Two days journey from the City stands another ruin'd Church in a pitiful Village, where they say, that St. Simon and St. Jude were both Martyr'd and Buried. If a Christian dyes, all the rest come to his Burial, and returning home, find a Supper prepar'd to welcome them; the next day they return to the Grave, and pray for the deceas'd; and the third day there is a Dinner for all comers and goers. Sometimes there will be a hundred and fifty persons at a Burial. They repeat the same Ceremonies for the seventh, fifteenth, thirtieth and fortieth days afterwards; having a great veneration for the Dead, for whom they pray too often. This custom of Feasting is very in­convenient for the Poor; for they being desirous to imitate the Rich, run themselves sometimes so far in Debt, that they are forc'd to sell their Children to the Turks to discharge themselves.

There are several Jews also in Bagdat, but more that come every year in Devotion to visit the Sepulcher of the Prophet Ezekiel, which is a day and a halfs journey from the City. In short, since the taking of Bagdat by Sultan Amurat, the number of Inhabitants cannot be less then fifteen thousand Souls; which shews that the City is not peopl'd according to its bigness.

About a day and a halfs journey from the Point of Mesopotamia, at distance almost equal between Tigris and Euphrates, there appears a vast Heap of Earth, which the people call to this day Nemrod. It stands in the midst of a wide Plain, and may be discover'd a great way off. The vulgar sort believe it to be the Remains of the Tower of Babel; but there is more probability of the Arabians Opinion, who call it Agartouf, and believe it to have been built by an Arabian Prince, who always kept a Beacon at the top to assemble his Subjects together in time of War. This Heap of Earth was about three hundred Paces in circuit; but it is not easie to guess at the ancient height, the rest being fall'n to ruine, but ▪only eighteen or twenty Fathom. It is built of Brick dry'd in the Sun, every Brick being ten Inches square, and three thick. The Building is thus rais'd. Upon every row of Canes or Reeds bruis'd to pieces and mix'd with Wheat-straw, and spread an Inch and a half thick, lye seven orders of these Bricks with a little Straw between each; then another Bed of Reeds, and six rows of Bricks; then a third with five rows, decreasing in that manner 'till you come to the top. The form of it seems to have been rather square than round; and in the highest part of that which remains there appears a Hole like a Window; if it were not rather an Out-let for Water, or a Hole for the Scaffolding. In short, according to the Description of Moses there

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[Page] Persian Trauels Page 87

THE PLATFORME OF BAGDAT

The Suburbs in Mesopotamia

[Page 87] is no likelihood that this should be the Remains of the ancient Tower of Ba­bel.

The Plane of the City of Bagdat, which is to be compass'd, as well by Land as by Water, in two Hours.
  • A. The Ground-Plot.
  • B. The Fortress.
  • C. The Gate call'd Maazan-capi.
  • D. The New Bulwark▪
  • E. The Port where the Grand Signor erected his first Batt'ry, Anno 1638.
  • F. The Old Bulwark.
  • G. The Gate in the Wall.
  • H. The Old Bulwark.
  • I. The Place where Amurat rais'd his second Batt'ry, when he made the Breach, and took the City.
  • K. The Gate in the Wall.
  • L. The Old Bulwark.
  • M. The The Old Bulwark.
  • N. Cara-capi, or the Black Gate.
  • O. The Old Bulwark.
  • P. Sou-capi, or the Water-Gate.

CHAP. VIII.
A Continuation of the Road from Bagdat to Balsara; and of the Religion of the Christians of St. John.

THE fifteenth of March we hir'd a Bark from Bagdat to Balsara. And we observ'd, that a little beyond Bagdat the River Tigris divides it self into two Arms; the one which runs through the ancient Chaldea, the other keeps its course towards the Point of Mesopotamia; these two Arms making a large Island, cross'd by several small Chanels.

When we came to the place where Tigris divides it self, we beheld as it were the compass of a City that might have formerly been a large League in circuit. There are some of the Walls yet standing, upon which six Coaches may go a▪brest. They are made of burnt Brick, every Brick being ten Foot square, and three thick. The Chronicles of the Country say, that these were the Ruines of the ancient Ba­bylon.

We follow'd that Arm of Tigris that runs along the Coast of Chaldea; for fear of falling into the hands of the Arabs, who were then at War with the Basha of Babylon, denying to pay the ordinary Tribute to the Grand Signor. We were ten days upon the Water in our passage from Bagdat to Balsara, and lay every night upon the Water, dressing our Victuals in the Bark. For when we came to any Villages, we sent our Servants a shoar to buy Provisions, which we had very cheap. Now the Towns we met with upon the Shoar were these▪ Amurat, where there stood a Fort of Brick bak'd in the Sun; Mansoury, a great Town▪ Magar, Gazer, and Gorno. At this last place Euphrates and Tigris meet together: where are also three Castles to be seen; one upon the Point where the two Rivers meet, which is the strongest, and were the Son of the Prince of Balsara then commanded; the second upon Chaldea side; and the third upon Arabia side. Though the Customs be there exactly demanded, and paid, yet they never search any person. The Tides come up to that place: so that having but fifteen Leagues to Balsara, we got thither in sev'n hours, having both Wind and Tide.

All the Country between Bagdat and Balsara is inter-cut and parted by Dikes, like the Low Countries; the two Cities lying a hundred and sixty Leagues one from [Page 88] the other. It is one of the best countries in the possession of the Grand Signor, being stor'd with large Meadows and excellent Pasturage, where are bred infinite numbers of Beasts, especially Mares and Bufalo's. The Female Bufalo's go twelve Months, and yield so much milk, that there are some that will give two and twenty Pints. And there is so large a quantity of Butter made, that in some Vil­lages upon the Tigris, we saw sometimes five and twenty, sometimes twenty Barks lad'n with Butter, which the people sell all along the Gulf of Persia, as well upon Arabia, as Persia side.

Half the way betwixt Bagdat and Balsara, we perceiv'd several Pavilions set up in the Meadows along by the side of the River. Upon enquiry we heard that the Tefierdar was come from Constantinople to gather the Grand Signor's duty's. For from Bagdat to Gorno, for all the Bufalo's as well Male as Female, there is to be paid a Piaster and a quarter for every head once a year; which is worth yearly to the Grand Signor a hundred and fourscore thousand Piasters. Every Mare also pays two Piasters, every Sheep ten Sous; which if the Country people were not very cunning would be worth fifty thousand Piasters more than it is.

After this we came to Gorno, a Fortress upon the point where the two Rivers meet, besides two other small Castles upon each side, so that there is no passing without leave. Upon the Fort of Gorno, which was well furnish'd with Cannon, we saw the Prince of Balsara's Son, who was Governour of the Fort. And here it is that the Account of the Customs is taken. But though they are very exact in searching the Barks, they are very civil, for they search no body. However lest any Goods should be hid between the Planks of the Ships, over which they generally throw Fagots and Canes, the Customers bring a great Piercer, with which they bore the sides of the Bark quite through for the discovery of conceal'd Goods. The Goods are Register'd at Gorno, but the Customs are always paid at Balsara, according to the accompt giv'n from the Fort.

The same day entring into the Chanel that is cut out of Euphrates to Balsara, we met the chief of the Holland Factory taking his pleasure in a Boat cover'd with Scarlet, who took me with him to Balsara.

Balsara stands upon the side of Arabia deserta, two Leagues from the Ruines of a City, which was formerly call'd Beredon, and anciently stood in the Desert, to which the Water was formerly conveigh'd out of Euphrates in a Brick Chanel still to be seen.

By the Ruines it appears to have been a great City, from whence the Arabians fetch away the Bricks and sell them at Balsara. The City of Balsara is half a League from Euphrates, which the Arabians in their Language call Shetel-arch, or the River of Arabia. The Inhabitants of the City have made a Chanel to it about half a League long, which bears Vessels of 150 Tuns; at the end where­of stands a Fort, so that no Vessel can get into the Fort without leave. The Sea is above fifteen Leagues upward beyond Gorno. The Country is so low, that were it not for a Dam that runs along the Sea-shoar, it would often be in danger of being drown'd. The Dam is above a League in length, and built all of Free-stone so strong, that the fury of the waves can do no injury, though it lie open to a Boystrous Sea.

It is not above a hundred years since Balsara belong'd to the Arabians of the Desert, and had no commerce with the Nations of Europe. For those people were contented to eat their own Dates, having so great a quantity, that they only live upon them. 'Tis the same thing all along the Gulf on each side; for from Balsara to the River Indus for above six hundred Leagues together, and all along the Coast of Arabia to Mascaté, the poor sort of people know not what it is to eat Rice, but live upon Dates and Salt-fish dry'd in the wind. The Cows eat no Grass, and though they go abroad in the fields, they find little or nothing among the bushes which is proper for them to eat. But every Morning before they drive them to the Field▪ and when they return home, they give them heads of fish and Date-nuts boil'd together.

The Turks having had War with the Arabians took Balsara; and yet because the Arabians always hover'd about the Town, and made booty of all they could lay their hands on, they were forc'd to come to an agreement with them, that the Arabs should quietly enjoy all the Desert, 'till within a League of the City; and that the [Page 89] Turks should remain peaceable Masters of the City, where they have a Basha for Governour. But this Treaty endur'd not long; for in the middle of the City there is a Cittadel, call'd Aushel Basha, or the Basha's Court, which the Turks built; so that the Garrison being Turks and the Inhabitants Arabians who could not endure to be curb'd, they oft-times quarrell'd with the Turks and came to blows. There­upon the Arabians of the Desert came to the relief of the Citizens and besieg'd the Basha in the Fortress. At length because there could be no such agreement made, but that one party or other took an occasion presently to break it, there was one Basha whose Name was Aiud, who after many contests and revolts which had almost tyr'd him▪ resolv'd to rid himself of the trouble, and sold his Government for forty thousand Piasters to a rich Lord in the Country, who presently rais'd a sufficient number of Souldiers to keep the people in awe. This great man took upon him the name of Efrasias Basha, being the Grandfather of Hussen Basha, who was Gover­nour at the time when I pass'd through before. This Efrasias threw off the Turkish yoak, and took upon him the title of Prince of Balsara. As for the Basha that sold his Government, he no sooner arriv'd at Constantinople, but he was strangl'd. But after Amurath had taken Bagdat, the Prince of Balsara was glad to feed him conti­nually with Presents that chiefly consisted in Horses, which are very beautiful in that Country. The Great Sha-Abas having taken Ormus, sent a powerful Army under the Command of Inian-Kouli-Kan Governour of Shiras, to take in Balsara. Whereupon the Prince finding himself too weak to resist so great a Pow'r, made an agreement with the Desert Arabians to break down the Dam that stops the Sea. Which being per­form'd, in came the Sea tumbling fifteen Leagues to Balsara, and four Leagues be­yond it, which constrain'd the Persians, surrounded with water, and hearing at the same time of the death of Sha-Abas, to raise their Siege. Since that inundation, se­veral Lands and Gardens have been utterly barren, or have born very little, by reason of the Salt which the Sea has left behind.

The Prince of Balsara has enter'd into Leagues with several strange Nations, so that whencesoever you come, you may be welcome. There is so much liberty and so good order in the City, that you may walk all night long in the Streets without mo­lestation. The Hollanders bring Spices thither every year. The English carry Peper and some few Cloves; but the Portugals have no Trade at all thither. The Indians bring Calicuts, Indigo, and all sorts of Merchandizes. In shor [...] there are Mer­chants of all Country's, from Constantinople, Smyrna, Aleppo, Damascus, Cairo, and other parts of Turkie, to buy such Merchandizes as come from the Indies, with which they lade the young Camels which they buy in that place; for thither the Arabians bring them to put them to sale. They that come from Diarbequir, Mou­ssul, Bagdat, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, send their Merchandizes up the Tigris by Water, but with great trouble and expence. In regard the Boats are to be tow'd by men, that cannot go above two Leagues and a half in a day, and against the Wind they cannot stir, which makes them oft-times between Balsara and Bagdat to be above sixty days, nay there have been some that have been three months upon the Water.

The Customs of Balsara amount to five in the hundred, but generally you have some favour shew'd you, either by the Customer or the Prince himself, that the Merchant does not really pay above four in the hundred. The Prince of Balsara is so good a Husband, that he lays up three millions of Livers in a year. His chiefest Revenue is in four things, Money, Horses, Camels, and Date-trees; but in the last consists his chiefest wealth. For all the Country from the meeting of the two Rivers to the Sea, for the space of thirty Leagues together, is all cover'd with these Trees▪ nor does any one dare to touch a Date, 'till he has paid for every Tree three fourths of a Larin, or nine Sous French. The profit which the Prince makes upon money, proceeds from this, that the Marchants that come from abroad are oblig'd to carry their Reals to his Mint, where they are Coyn'd and converted into Larins, which is worth to him eight in the hundred. As for his Horses▪ there is no place in the world, where there are more fit for travel, or handsomer shap'd; for there are some that will travel thirty hours together and never draw bit, especially the Mares. But to return to the Palm-Trees it is worth observation, that there is more Art to bring up those Trees than any other. The Natives dig a hole in the ground▪ wherein they heap a great quantity of Date-nuts in a Pyramidical form, the top [Page 90] whereof ends in one single Nut, which being cover'd with Earth produces the Palm-tree. Most of the people of the Country do say, that in regard there is among the Palm-trees the distinction of Male and Female, that therefore they must be planted one by another, for that otherwise the Female Tree will bear no Fruit. But others affirm that nicety to be unnecessary; and that it suffices, when the Male is in Blossom to take a Flower from the Male, and put it into the Heart of the Female a little above the Stem; for unless they should do so, all the Fruit would fall off before it came to maturity.

There is at Balsara a Cady that administers Justice, and who is establish'd by the authority of the Prince that commands there. In the City are also three sorts of Christians, Jacobites, Nestorians, and Christians of St. John. There is also a House of Italian Carmelites; and there was a House of Portugal Austin-Friars, but they have forsak'n the Town ever since their Country-men quitted the Trade.

The Christians of St. John are very numerous at Balsara, and the Villages there­abouts; who anciently liv'd by the River of Jordan, where St. John Baptiz'd; and from whom they took their Name. But since the time that Mahomet conquer'd Palestine, though Mahomet ▪formerly gave them his Hand and his Letters of Pri­viledge that they should not be molested, nevertheless they that succeeded the false Prophet resolv'd to extirpate them all; to which purpose they ruin'd their Churches, burnt their Books, and exercis'd all manner of cruelties upon their per­sons: which oblig'd them to retire into Mesopotamia and Chaldea, and for some time they were under the Patriarch of Babylon, from whom they separated about a hundred and sixty years ago. Then they remov'd into Persia and Arabia, and the Towns round about Balsara; as Souter, Despoul, Rumez, Bitoum, Mono, Endecan, Calafabat, Aveza, Dega, Dorech, Masquel, Gumar, Carianous, Balsara, Onezer, Zech, Loza. Nor do they inhabit City or Village by which there does not run a River. And many of their Bishops have assur'd me, that the Christians in all the foregoing places make above five and twenty thousand Families. There are some among them who are Merchants; but the most part of them are Trades-men▪ especially Gold­smiths, Joyners, and Lock-smiths.

Their Creed is full of fables and foul errours. The Persians and Arabians call them Sabbi, a People that have forsak'n their own Religion, to take up a new one. In their own Language they call themselves Mendai Jahia, or Disciples of St. John, from whom, as they ascertain us, they have receiv'd their Faith, their Books, and their Traditions. Every year they celebrate a Feast for about five days, during which time they go in Troops to their Bishops, who Baptize them according to the Baptism of St. John.

They never Baptize but in Rivers, and only upon Sundays. But before they go to the River they carry the Infant to Church, where there is a Bishop who reads certain Prayers over the Head of the Child; from thence they carry the Child to the River, with a Train of Men and Women, who together with the Bishop go up to the knees in Water. Then the Bishop reads again certain Prayers out of a Book which he holds in his Hand, which done he sprinkles the Infant three times, saying, Beesmebrad er-Rabi, Kaddemin, Akreri, Menbal el gennet Alli Koulli Kralek; or, In the Name of the Lord, first and last of the World and of Paradise, the high Creator of all things. After that, the Bishop reads something again in his Book, while the God­father plunges the Child all over in the Water; after which they go all to the Parents House to feast. If any tax their Baptism for insufficient, in regard the Three Persons of the Divinity are not nam'd therein, they can make no rational defence for them­selves. Nor have they any knowledge of the Mystery of the Holy Trinity, only they say that Christ is the Spirit and Word of the Eternal Father. They are so blind as to believe the Angel Gabriel to be the Son of God, begotten upon Light; yet will not believe the Eternal Generation of Christ, as God. Yet they confess he became Man, to free us from the Punishment of Sin: and that he was conceiv'd in the womb of a Virgin without the knowledge of Man, by means of the Water of a certain Fountain which she drank of. They believe he was crucifi'd by the Jews; that he rose the third day; and that his Soul ascending up to Heaven, his Body remain'd on Earth. But like the Mahometans they corrupt their Faith, by saying, that Christ vanish'd when the Jews came to take him, and that he deluded their cruelty with his Shadow.

[Page 91] In the Eucharist they make use of Meal or Flow'r, kneaded up with Wine and Oyl: For, say they, the Body of Christ being compos'd of the two principal parts, Flesh and Blood, the Flow'r and the Wine do most perfectly represent them; besides, that Christ at his Supper made use of Wine only, and not of Water. They add Oyl, to signifie the benefit we receive by his favour of the Sacrament, and to put us in mind of our Love and Charity towards God and our Neighbour. To make this Wine, they take Grapes dry'd in the Sun, which they call in their Lan­guage Zebibes, and casting Water upon them, let them steep for so long a time. The same Wine they use for the Consecration of the Cup. They make use of Raisins, in regard they are more easie to be had than Wine; the Persians, espe­cially the Arabians, under whose Government they live, not permitting, nor indeed allowing them the use of it. Of all people that follow the Law of Mahomet, there are none so opposite to other Religions, as these Persians and Arabians about Balsara. The words of their Consecration, are no other than certain long Prayers, which they make to praise and thank God, at the same time blessing the Bread and Wine, never making mention of his Body and Blood; which they say is not at all necessary, because God knows their intentions. After all the Ceremonies are ended, the Priest takes the Bread, and having eaten some of it, distributes the rest to the People.

As to their Bishops and Priests, when any one dyes, who has a Son, they choose him in his place; and if he have no Son, they take the next a-kin that is most capable and best instructed in their Religion. They that make the Election, say several Prayers over him that is elected. If he be a Bishop, after he is receiv'd, and that he go about to Ordain others, he ought to fast six days, during which time he continually repeats certain Prayers over him that is to be ordain'd Priest, who also for his part fasts and prays all the said time. And whereas I say the Father succedes the Son, it is to be observ'd, that among the Christians in those Parts, both Bishops and Priests marry, as do the rest of the people; only if their first Wife dye, they cannot marry another unless she be a Virgin. Moreover, they that are admitted to Ecclesiastical Function, must be of the race of Bishops or Priests; and their Mothers must have been always Virgins when they were marry'd. All their Bishops and Priests wear their Hair long, and a little Cross wrought with a Needle.

When there is any Wedding to be, the kindred and persons invited go toge­ther with the Bridegroom, to the House where the Bride lives. Thither comes the Bishop also, and approaching the Bride, who is sitting under a Canopy, he asks her if she be a Virgin. If she answer that she is so, he makes her confirm it by an Oath. After which he returns to the Guests, and sends his Wife with some other skilful Women to make an inspection. If they find her to be a Virgin, the Bishop's Wife returns and makes Oath of it; and then they all go to the River, where the Bishop re-baptizes the Couple to be marry'd. Then they return toward the House, and making a stop before they come quite near it, the Bridgroom takes the Bride by the Hand, and leads her seven times from the Company to the House, the Bishop following them every time, and reading certain Prayers. After that they go into the House, and the Bride and Bridegroom place themselves under the Canopy, where they set their Shoulders one against another, and the Bishop reads again, causing them to lay their Heads together three times. Then op'ning a Book of Divination, and looking for the most fortunate day to consummate the Marriage, he tells them of it. But if the Bishop's Wife do not find the Bride to be a Virgin, the Bishop can proceed no farther, so that if the young Man have still a mind, he must go to some meaner Priest to perform the Ceremony. Which is the reason that the people take it for a great dishonour to be marry'd by any other than the Bishops; for when a Priest marries, 'tis an infallible sign that the Bride was no Virgin. The Priests also, in regard they take it to be a great Sin for a Woman to marry not being a Virgin, they never marry any such but by constraint, and to avoid ensuing inconveniencies; for sometimes in despite they will turn Mahometans. The reason of the Inspection is, that the Husbands may not be deceiv'd, and to keep the young Girls in awe.

As to what they believe touching the Creation of the World, they say, that the Angel Gabriel undertaking to create the World according to the command which [Page 92] God gave him, took along with him three hundred thirty-six thousand Demons, and made the earth so fertile, that it was but to Sow in the Morning and Reap at Night. That the same Angel taught Adam to Plant and Sow, and all other necessary Sciences. Moreover that the same Angel made the seven lower Spheres, the least whereof reaches to the Center of the World, in the same manner as the Heavens do, all contriv'd one within another. That all these Spheres are of different Metals, the first next the Center is of Iron, the second of Lead, the third of Brass, the fourth of Laten, the fifth of Silver, the sixth of Gold, and the seventh of Earth. The seventh is that which contains all the rest, and is the chiefest of all, as being the most fruitful and profitable to Man, and the most proper to preserve Man­kind, whereas the rest seem rather to be fram'd for its destruction. They believe that over every Heaven there is Water, whence they conclude that the Sun swims in a Ship upon that Water, and that the Mast of his Ship is a Cross, and that there are a great number of Boys and Servants to guide the Ships of the Sun and Moon. Besides, they have the Picture of a Barque, which they say belong'd to the Angel Bacan, whom God sends to visit the Sun and Moon, to see whether they move right or no, and keep close to their duty.

In reference to the other World and Life to come, they believe there is no other World, but where Angels and Devils, the Souls of good and bad reside. That in that World there are Cities, Houses, and Churches, and that the Evil Spirits have also Churches, where they pray, singing and rejoycing upon Instruments, and Feasting as in this World. That when any one lies at the point of death, three hundred and sixty Demons come and carry his-Soul to a place full of Serpents, Dogs, Lyons, Tygres, and Devils; who, if it be the Soul of a wicked man, tear it in pieces; but being the Soul of a Just man, it creeps under the bellies of those Crea­tures into the presence of God, who sits in his seat of Majesty to judge the World. That there are Angels also that weigh the Souls of Men in a Ballance, who being thought worthy, are admitted immediately into Glory. That the Angels and Devils are Male and Female, and beget Children. That the Angel Gabriel is the Son of God engender'd upon Light, and that he has a Daughter call'd Souret who has two Sons. That the Angel Gabriel has several Legions of Demons under him who are instead of Souldiers, and others that are his Officers of Justice, whom he sends from Town to Town, and from City to City, to punish the wicked.

In reference to Saints, they hold that Christ left twelve Apostles to Preach to the Nations. That the Virgin Mary is not dead, but that she lives somewhere in the World, though there be no person that can tell where she is. That next to her St. John is the chiefest Saint in Heaven, and next to them Zacharias and Elizabeth, of whom they recompt several Miracles and Apocryphal Tales. For they believe that they two begat St. John only by embracing; that when he came to be of age they Marry'd him, and that he had four Sons which he begat upon the waters of Jordan. That when St. John desir'd a Son, he pray'd to God, who drew him one out of the water; so that St. John had no more to do with his Wife but only to give her the Child to bring up. That he dy'd a natural death, but that he commanded his Disciples to Crucifie him after his death, that he might be like Christ. Lastly, that he dy'd in the City of Fuster, and that he was buri'd in a Chrystal Tomb, brought by miracle to the City, and that this Sepulchre was in a certain House near the River Jordan.

They highly honour the Cross, and sign themselves with it; but they are very careful of letting the Turks observe them; and during their Ceremonies, they set a Watch at their Church doors for fear the Turks should enter, and lay some unjust Fine upon them. When they have ador'd the Cross, they take it in two pieces, which they never put together again, 'till their Service re-begins. The reason why they so adore the Cross is drawn out of a Book which they have, Entitul'd The Di­van. Where it is written that every day early in the Morning, the Angels take the Cross and put it in the middle of the Sun, which receives his light from it, as the Moon also doth hers. They add, that in the same Book are Pictur'd two Ships, one of which is nam'd the Sun, the other the Moon; and that in every one of these Ships there is a Cross full of Bells: And moreover, that if there were not a Cross in those two Ships, the Sun and Moon would be depriv'd of Light, and the Ships would suffer Shipwrack.

[Page 93] Their chief Festivals are three. The one in Winter, that lasts three days, in memory of our first Parent and the Creation of the World. The other in the Month of August, that also lasts three days, which is call'd the Feast of St. John. The third which lasts five days, in June, during which time they are all re-baptiz'd. They observe Sunday, doing no work upon that day. They neither Fast nor do any penance. They have no Canonical Books, but a great number of others that treat of nothing but Witchcraft, in which they believe their Priests to be very crafty, and that the Devils are at their beck. They hold all Women to be unclean, and that it is not at all available for them to come to the Church.

They have one Ceremony, which they call the Ceremony of the Hen, of which they make great Accompt, which is not lawful for any to perform but a Priest Born of a Virgin at the time of her Marriage. When a hen is to be kill'd the Priest puts off his ordinary habit, and puts on a Linnen Cloth, girding his waste with a second, and throwing a third about his shoulders like a Stole. Then he takes the Fowl, and plunges it in the water to make it clean; after which he turns toward the East and cuts off the head, holding the Body in his hand 'till it has bled out all the blood. While the Hen bleeds, with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven, as if he were in an extasie, he repeats in his own Language these words following: In the name of God, may this flesh be profitable to all that cat of it? They observe the same ceremony when they kill Sheep. For first, they cleanse the place very carefully where the Sheep is to be kill'd, washing it with water, and strewing it with boughs, nor is the number of people small that assists at this Ceremony, as if it were at some solemn Sacrifice. If you ask them why it is not lawful for the Laity to kill Fowls? They answer that it is no more lawful for them to kill than to consecrate them; and that is all the reason which they bring. They eat of nothing drest by the Turks; and if a Turk ask them for drink, so soon as he has drank, they break the Cup. And to make the Turks more hateful, they Picture Mahomet like a great Gyant, shut up in Prison in Hell with four more of his Parents; and they say, that all the Turks are carry'd into the same place full of wild Beasts to be there devour'd.

They pretend all to Salvation. For, say they, after the Angel Gabriel had fram'd the World by the command of God, he thus discours'd him. Lord God, said he, behold I have built the World as thou didst command me. It has put me to a great deal of trouble, and my Brethren also, to raise such high Mountains that seem to sustain Heaven. And who indeed was able to make way for Rivers through Mountains without vast, labour, and to give every thing its proper place? Moreover, great God, by the aid of thy powerful Arm, we have brought the World to so much perfection, that men cannot think upon any thing needful for them, which is not to be found therein. But instead of that satis­faction which I ought to have for having accomplish'd so great a work, I find no reason but to be altogether griev'd. When God demanding the cause, the Angel Gabriel answer'd: My God and Father, I will tell you what afflicts me; because that after the making of the World as I have done, I foresee that there will come into it a prodigious number of Jews, Turks, Idolaters, and other Infidels, Enemies of your Name, who will be un­worthy to eat and enjoy the Fruits of our Labours. To whom God thus reply'd: Never grieve, my Son, there shall live in this World which thou hast built, certain Christians of St. John who shall be my friends, and shall be all sav'd. Upon which the Angel admiring how that should be! What, said he, will there not be several Sinners among those Christians, and by consequence will not they be your Enemies? To whom God thus concluded: That at the day of Judgment the Good should Pray for the Wicked, and by that means they should be all forgiv'n, and obtain Salvation.

These Christians have a strange Antipathy against the Blew Colour call'd Indigo, which they will not so much as touch. For certain Jews dreaming that their Law should be abolish'd by St. John, told it their Country-men. Which they under­standing, and seeing that St. John prepar'd to Baptize Christ, in a great rage, fetch'd a vast quantity of Indigo, which they call Nill in their Language, and flung it into Jordan. They add also that those Waters continu'd unclean for some time, and had hinder'd the Baptism of Christ, had not God sent his Angels with a large Vessel of water, which he caus'd them to fill out of Jordan before the Jews had defil'd it with Indigo; for which reason God particularly Curs'd that Colour.

CHAP. IX.
A Continuation of the Road from Balsara to Ormus.

THe tenth of April we set out from Balsara for Bandar-Congo, for which passage we hir'd a Terrade or a Barque for the purpose; for they which are laden with Dates are generally so overcharg'd▪ that if a Storm rises, they are in danger of being overset. The River of Balsara is very dan­gerous, by reason of the Sands which also lie up and down the Persian Gulf, and are very prejudicial to Navigation in that place. On both sides the Gulf that sepa­rates Persia from Arabia the Happy, live a sort of poor people that follow no other Trade than fishing; so poor, that when they bring fish to your Vessel, they require nothing for it but Rice; and not the best neither, but such coarse stuff as we feed our Hens and Pigs withal. I gave them a Sack of thirty or fourty pounds, and bid them make merry with it, but they told me, they must be careful how they spent such Rice as that, unless it were for their Sick, or at their Weddings; so that if the rest of Arabia the Happy be like that, assuredly 'tis rather a most unfortunate Country.

There are several Isles in the Persian Gulf, but the chiefest of all is the Isle of Baharen, where they fish for Pearls, of which I have spoken in its proper place.

Near to the place where Euphrates falls from Balsara into the Sea, there is a little Island, where the Barques generally come to an Anchor, in expectation of the wind. There we stay'd four days, whence to Bandar-Congo, it is fourteen days Sail, and we got thither the twenty-third of April. This place would be a far better habitation for the Merchants than Ormus, where it is very unwholesom and dangerous to live. But that which hinders the Trade from Bandar-Congo is, because the Road to Lar is so bad, by reason of the want of Water, and craggy narrow ways, which only Camels can endure; but from Ormus to Lar the way is tolerable. We stay'd at Bandar-Congo two days, where there is a Portugais Factor, who receives one half of the Customs by agreement▪ with the King of Persia. By the way take notice, that they who will go by Water from Ormus to Balsara, must take the Natives for their Pilots, and be continually sounding besides.

The thirtieth, we hir'd a Vessel for Bander-Abassi, and after three or four hours Sailing, we put into a Village upon the Sea-side, in the Island of Keck­mishe.

Keckmishe is an Island three Leagues about, and about five or six from Ormus. It excedes in Fertility all the Islands of the East, that produce neither Wheat nor Bar­ley; but at Keckmishe is a Magazine of both, without which Ormus would hardly subsist, in regard it furnishes that City with most of their Provision for their Horses. There is in the Island a Spring of good Water, for the preservation of which, the Persians have built a Fort, lest the Portugals when they held Ormus, should get it into their Possession.

In 1641. and 1642. the Hollanders falling out with the King of Persia about their Silk Trade, besieg'd this Island. For the Ambassadors of the Duke of Holstein com­ing into Persia, the Dutch were jealous that they came to fetch away all the Silk; and thereupon enhanc'd the Market from forty-two to fifty Tomans. When the Ambassadors were gone, the Dutch would pay no more than forty-four, which was two Tomans more than they were us'd to do. The King netl'd that they would not stand to their words, forbid that they should make sale of their Goods 'till they had paid their Customs, from which 'till that time they were exempted. Thereupon the Hollanders besieg'd the Fortress of Keckmishe, but the Heats were so intolera­ble, that they were forc'd to quit their design with great loss of their Men; and at length by great Presents to the chief Courtiers, they obtain'd to pay no more than forty-six Tomans.

Larec is an Island nearer to Ormus than Keckmishe, well inhabited, and so stor'd with Stags and Hinds, that in one day we kill'd five and forty.

From Keckmishe we Sail'd for Ormus, where we arriv'd the first of May. I had [Page 95] put my choicest Goods in a Chest directed for the Holland Commander at Ormus, by which means I got the Custom free.

The Persian Gulf is the most dangerous Gulf I know, by reason of the shallow­ness and sharp Promontories that point out into the Sea; and therefore the best way is to take a Pilot at Ormus or Bander-Congo, and the most proper Pilots are the Fisher­men, who are only skill'd in that Sea and no farther. The Soyl about the Persian Gulf is dry Sand and without Water, so that it is impossible to Travel by Land from Ormus to Balsara. The Merchants would be glad to find a way through the Coast of Arabia to get to Mascaté▪ whence there might a cut be made to Sindi, Diu, or Surat, which are the three chief Ports of India. During the difference between the King of Persia and the Hollanders, the Emir of Vodana an Arabian Prince, offer'd to shew them an easie Road from Mascaté to Balsara. But the Hollanders fearing to break with the King of Persia, where they vended above fifteen or sixteen hundred thousand pounds of their Pepper, and paid therewith for all their Silk, did not think it worth their while t [...] quit Ormus to settle themselves at Mas­caté.

Had it been yielded to, the way had been from Balsara to Elcatif a Sea-Town in Arabia the Happy, where there is a Fishery for Pearls that belongs to the Emir of Elcatif. From Elcatif to Mascalat, another City of Arabia, and the residence of another Emir. From Mascalat to Vodana, a good handsom City seated upon the meeting of two little Rivers that carry Barques to the Sea, and run together by the single name of Moy [...]sur. The Soyl about Vodana produces no Corn, and very little Rice; but it abounds in Fruits, especially Prunes and Quinces, which are not so sour as ours, and are eaten by the Natives as Pears. There are extraordinary good Melons and great Store of Grapes, of which the Jews, who inhabit the best part of the City, are permitted to make Wine. From Vodana to the Gulf, the Country of each side is full of Palm-Trees, the Dates being the Food of the common people, who have not Money to buy either Corn or Rice. From Vodana to Mascaté it is but fifteen Leagues, though by the Maps, which are Erroneous, the way is describ'd to be much longer.

Being at Ormus, the Emir of Vodana shew'd me a Pearl transparent and perfectly round, that weigh'd seventeen Abas, or fourteen Carats and seven Eights; for in all the Pearl Fisheries of the East they use no other weights but Abas, which make seven Eights of a Carat. I offer'd him 300000 Piasters, or 60000 Roupies for the same Pearl, but the Emir refus'd to take it, telling me that he had been offer'd more Money for it by several Princes of Asia, who had sent to him to buy it, but that he was resolv'd never to part with it.

CHAP. X.
Of the Authors first Voyage, and the adventure of four French­men.

I Departed out of Paris in the year 1657, and Embark'd at Marscilles for Ligorn.

We set Sail from Ligorn seven Vessels together, two bound for Venice, one for Constantinople, one for Aleppo, and three for Smyrna, in one of which be­ing a Dutch Vessel I Embark'd. But before I leave Smyrna, to begin my Journey from Tauris, give me leave to relate the story of four French-men, the various acci­dents whereof will much enlight'n the Reader into the Customs and Manners, as well of the Turks as Persians.

While I stay'd the departure of the Caravan, which could not be ready in five or six Weeks, as also upon the advice of a rich Jew and a Merchant of Jewels at Constan­tinople, who had several Pearls to sell, as well for their beauty as their bigness, the best Commodity a man can carry to the Indies, I sent to Constantinople a person that I [Page 96] carry'd along with me, one that was well vers'd in that sort of Commodity. There was a Norman Gentleman nam'd de Reville then at Smyrna, who would needs accom­pany my Factor, so that they went both together in a Vessel that carry'd the French Ambassador and his Lady to Constantinople. This Gentleman had two or three thou­sand Ducats in his Purse, wanting neither wit nor courage, besides a good presence; but perhaps he was more hasty in his proceedings than the reserv'dness of that Coun­try requir'd. He had left the Service of the Muscovites, thinking to find an employ­ment in the Service of the Venetians at Candy▪ but failing in his expectations, he re­solv'd to travel into Persia. While he was at Constantinople, the Jews, who lay hold upon all opportunities of gain, soon found out my Factor; and besides the Pearls which he desired to see, they shew'd him several other rich Stones to try whether they could draw him in; for he had refus'd the Pearls because they held them at too high a Rate. The Norman Gentleman fell into their acquaintance; and picking out the richest, told him, that being resolv'd for the Indies, he had a mind to lay out four thousand Ducats in Pearls, He added also, that he would pay him half in Money, half in Goods, and at the same time shew'd the Jew two thousand Ducats, which the Jew had already devour'd with his eyes. Some four days after, the Jew brought the Gentleman four fair Pearles with some Emraulds; and you may be sure they easily agreed upon the price, in regard the Gentleman had a design to put a trick upon the Jew. Thereupon he shews his Ducats a second time, which the Jew, who thought he had a Cully, presently told out as his own. After that the Jew desiring to see the Goods, which made up the other part of the payment, the Gen­tleman without any more ado told him, that all the Merchandize which he had to pay him, was a good strong Quartan Ague which had held him a long time, and indeed such a one, that he could not possibly meet with a better, but that he would not over-rate it, in regard he ask'd but two thousand Ducats for it. The Jew who was rich and in great credit at Court, was so incens'd at his raillery, that he had like to have made a wicked stir about it. For as he had heard him say, that the Gentleman was going into the Indies and Persia, he might have easily caus'd him to have been apprehended for a Spy. But in regard the Jews can do nothing in point of Trade without the assistance of the French Merchants, he adviz'd with some of them, who perswaded him that it was an Act of folly, which it better became him to excuse, and desir'd him to take his Goods again, and put up the business; which with much ado they perswaded him to condescend to▪ The Gentleman fear­ing lest the Jews underhand should do him a private mischief, stole away with what speed he could, and return'd to Smyrna.

De Reville being thus return'd to Smyrna, put himself into an Almadier, which is a small Vessel of War, that generally touches at Chio and Rhodes, being bound for Cyprus, from whence there is always some convenience or other to get to Alexan­dretta. From thence he went to Aleppo; and while he stay'd there he met with two French-men, the one whose name was Neret, the other Hautin, who was an Ac­comptant. They had four Wooden Chests full of false Stones ready set, by which they flatter'd themselves to be great gainers in Persia. They went from Marseilles to Seyde, from Seyde to Damas, hearing that there was an opportunity to Travel to Bagdat with the Topigi-Bashi. This Topigi-Bashi or chief of the Engineers, was he that assisted Amurath in the taking of Bagdat; in recompence whereof the Grand Signor gave him a Timar, or Lordship in Damas worth four thousand Crowns a year. Now it was his custom every year to visit Bagdat, and to stay there during the Season, that there was any probability of the King of Persia's besieging it; which Season not lasting above three or four Months, when that was over, he return'd to Damas. He usually had about thirty Horse with him, with which he never made it above eighteen or twenty days, taking the shortest cut directly through the De­sert, where the Arabs are commanded to bring him Victuals upon the Road. And he is willing at any time when he has this opportunity, to conduct the Franks that desire it that way, in regard they are never ungrateful to him for it. These two Franks therefore having desir'd that they might be taken into his Company, the Topigi-Bashi▪ readily consented; provided they could stay 'till he went, which would not be 'till two or three Months; with which answer they were well satisfi'd▪ But the two Franks had not stay'd at Damas above seven or eight days but they fell acquainted with a Spahi, a Kenegado of Marseilles, who proffer'd to carry them [Page 97] through the Road of Mesopotamia, so that they should be at Ispahan before the Topigi-Bashi, set out from Damas. Thereupon they privately departed out of Damas without acquainting the Topigi-Bashi, who understanding they were gone after the courtesie he had offer'd them, was so enrag'd at their uncivility, that he sent two of his Arabian Servants directly through the Wilderness to the Basha of Bagdat, to give him advice of two Franks that were to pass that way, who were most certainly Spies, describing them withal from head to foot.

In the mean while the two Franks being arriv'd at Ourfa, the Spahi, as he had contriv'd his own design at Damas, goes to the Basha of Ourfa, and informs him that he had con­ducted thither two Franks, who could be no other than Spies. Thereupon the Basha seiz'd upon them and all their Goods, among the rest he laid his paws upon seven hundred Piasters, of which the Spahi no doubt had his share. And this may serve for instruction to Travellers to have a care how and with whom they Travel in Turkie.

While the two French-men were in hold at Ourfa by one sort of Treachery, the Norman Gentleman and his Companion arriv'd at Bagdat. But they had no sooner set their feet upon the shore, when the Basha verily believing them, to be the persons, of whom the Topigi-Bashi had giv'n him notice, caus'd them to be brought before him, and seiz'd upon their Goods and Letters, of which they had several for the Consul of Aleppo, and other rich Merchants for Persia. The Basha sent for the Capuchins to read those Letters, but not believing them, he sent for a Sicilian Physician which he had in his Service, and his Treasurer who had been a Slave tak'n in Candy. But neither Physician, Treasurer, nor Capuchins would in­terpret any thing in prejudice of the French-men; yet all that could not preserve them from being shut up in a Stable full of dung, and from being threaten'd to be Shot out of a Cannon's mouth if they would not confess the truth. Thereupon the Capuchins and the Cadi beg'd him to suspend his Sentence 'till the Arrival of the chief of the Cannoniers, to which he readily consented.

When the Topigi-Bashi came, the Basha commanded the Prisoners to be brought before him. But when the Topigi-Bashi deny'd them to be the persons, the Basha grew into such a rage, that he no less reproach'd the Topigi-Bashi for Treachery, than he had accus'd the others. Which so incens'd the Topigi-Bashi on the other side, that he never left till he had obtain'd the release of the two French-men; yet not so, but that the Basha would have his due; so that Reville was forc'd to leave some of his Ducats behind which the Jew should have had.

But now to return to Smyrna where I expected the Caravan for some time in order to my Journey into Persia. Every thing being provided, we set forward in the Road for Tauris, which I have at large describ'd, nor was there any thing worthy observation all the way. I Will only take notice, that when we departed from Tocat, in re­gard the heat was so extream, we left the common Road toward the North, and took the way through the Mountains, where there is always a fresh Breeze and store of shady Lanes. In many of which high Mountains we met with Snow, and abun­dance of excellent Sorrel; and upon the tops of some of those Mountains, we met with several sorts of shells, as it had been upon the Sea shore, which is very extraordinary. From Erzerom we went to Cars; from Cars we came to Erivan. The Kan was not there then, being retir'd during the heat into the Mountains, a days Journey from the City. His Lieutenant telling me that I could not well pass farther without paying my duty to the Kan; I follow'd his advice, and found him in his Tent in a fair dale, where there was a great quantity of Snow: and where when it began to melt, appear'd several beautiful Flowers, so that Summer and Winter seem'd to lodge both in the same place. The Kan entertain'd both me and all my Company most nobly for ten days. I drove also a small Trade with him. For I durst not shew him the rarities I had, being design'd for the King. For as in India, so in Persia, nei­ther will the King look upon any thing which his Subjects have seen before, nor will the Subjects buy any thing which the King has seen▪ it being an affront to present any thing to the King which he had formerly view'd, and the Subject buys nothing rare but what he intends to present.

Being past Erivan you may leave your Caravan when you please, by reason of the security of the Roads in Persia. And indeed I intended to have visited the Kan of Geng [...], but finding the Road so full of Rocks and Precipices, where a man was [Page 98] continually in danger of breaking his Neck, I turn'd my Horses head and met the Caravan at Nacksivan in the Road to▪ Tauris.

From Tauris to Ispahan I met with nothing worthy observation. When I came to the Court I was well receiv'd by the King, and I sold him as many Jewels and other Goods of great value, as came to sixty-two thousand Crowns. But of this more in another place.

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: CONTAINING The AUTHOR'S Sixth and Last VOYAGE, And the ROADS Through TƲRKY into PERSIA, through the Northern Provinces of EƲROPE.
With a Description of several Countries lying upon the Black, and Caspian SEAS.

CHAP. I.
Of the Authors sixth and last Voyage from his setting out of Paris, to his Landing at Smyrna.

I Set out of Paris in the year 1663. for Lyons, with six several Servants of several professions, which I thought most proper for my business. I carry'd with me the value of about four hundred thousand Livers, part in Jewels, part in Goldsmiths work and other curiosities, which▪ I design'd for the King of Persia and the Great Mogul. Being at Lyons I bought a Steel Mirrour round and hollow, about two foot and a half in Diameter, would immediately melt a Half-Crown by the heat of the Sun-beams: and if you set a Candle by it in the night, you might read two hundred Paces off in your Bed by the reflection.

From Lyons I rode to Marseilles, and set Sail for Ligorn the tenth of January, 1664. in a small Bark, but being scar'd by a great Vessel that we saw off at Sea, we came to an Anchor in the Port of Agaïe, two Leagues from Frejus, where there stood a pittiful Fort with two or three Houses. There we also went ashore and saw a Garden, the Alleys of which were distinguish'd with rows of Citron and Orange Trees, which look'd as Green in the depth of Winter as in the midst of Summer, with several other curiosities after the mode of Italy. We were no sooner got aboard again, but we perceiv'd another Vessel making into the same Port with full Sail. It was a Vessel which the Masters of the Forein Office at Toulon, had set out [Page 100] to force all Ships that were bound into Italy to pay certain Customs, which those of Marseilles would not pay when they came into the Port of Toulon. Thereupon foreseeing that there would be mischief done. I called for my little Chests that con­tain'd my Goods of greatest value, carrying some part my self, and giving the rest to one of my most trusty Servants, thinking to have skipt into a Genoa Bark that lay hard by us; but instead of leaping a-board, I fell into the Sea: where by reason of the Tumult I had perish'd without relief, had I not by good fortune laid hold of a Cable and redeem'd my self. At what time one of my Servants, luckily coming to my aid, with much ado drew me up safe again.

Having escap'd this danger, I got a-shoar with such of my Servants as I had about me, and meeting with a Bark of Frontignan that carry'd Languedock-Wine to the Coast of Italy, I hir'd him for Ligorn; and setting Sail, we first touch'd Villa­franca, and afterwards at Monaco.

At Monaco I went a-shoar, and went to wait upon Madam the Princess, who shew'd me the Rarities in the Castle; among the rest, several pieces of extraordinary Painting, several pieces of Clock-work and Goldsmiths-work. But among all her Curiosities she shew'd me two pieces of Crystal, about the bigness of two Fists each, in one of which there was above a Glass full of Water, in the other a good quan­tity of Moss; which were clos'd in by Nature when the Crystal first con­geal'd.

Monaco is a Castle situated upon a steep Rock, advancing out into the Sea; which advantage, together with others which it receives from Art and Nature, renders it one of the most considerable Forts in Italy.

The next day finding the Frontignan-Vessel to be deep-laden, and that it made little way, I took a Faluke, and kept along by the Shoar, which was most pleasantly adorn'd with beautiful Villages and Houses, as far as Savona; where I chang'd my Faluke, to compleat the rest of the way which I had to Genoa. Half the way we did very well, but the Wind rising, we were forc'd to put into a great Town, where we landed; and from thence, having but nine Miles, I got in good time by Horse to Genoa. There can be no Prospect certainly more pleasing than that nine Miles riding. For on the one side you see nothing but a continu'd Row of magni­ficent Buldings and lovely Gardens; on the other a calm Shoar, upon which the Waves seem not to beat, but lovingly to kiss.

Arriving at Genoa, I met with the rest of my Servants; and at the end of two days I embarqu'd for Ligorn, where we arriv'd in four and twenty hours.

From Ligorn I went to the Court of Florence, to wait upon the Grand Duke. By whom I had the honour to be admitted into his Chamber, where I found no body attending but one Mute, who had a long time serv'd his Highness: and I observ'd that they understood one another by Signs, as perfectly as if the Mute had had his Speech and Hearing. So that when ever the Duke sent him into his Closet for any Papers or other thing whatsoever, he never fail'd to bring the right.

After I had tak'n my leave of the Duke, he sent me a noble Present of Wine and Fruits; but that which I valu'd more than all the rest, was a Case of Medicaments and Counter-poysons, in the composition whereof the Italians are very exquisite. And yet they did me no service; for when I came into the hot Countries their fermentation was so strong, that all the Oyls and Treacles broke their several Boxes, that I could save nothing of that precious Present.

The next day, being the twenty-sixth of March 1664, I embarqu'd with all my Servants in a Dutch Vessel call'd The Justice.

The twenty-seventh we staid in the Road, expecting the rest of the Fleet, con­sisting of eleven Ships, two Men of War, and nine Merchant-men; four of which were bound for Smyrna, there for Ancona, and two for Venice. About seven that evening we set Sail, and all that night the Wind was favourable, but blew hard and veer'd often; which was the reason that two of our Fleet separated from us, steering between the Isle of Elbe and Corsica, while we kept on between the Isle of Elba and Italy.

The twenty-eighth by eight in the Morning we found our selves between Porto Ferraro and Piombino, and it being fair Weather, we had a pleasant prospect of those two places. From thence we steer'd between two Ilands, the one call'd Pal­majola, the other being nameless. About six hours after we saw Portolongone, afterwards at a distance we descry'd Monte-Christo. An hour after Noon we dis­cover'd [Page 101] Ca [...]tiglon-sere, all the rest of the day we coasted by the Ilands of Gigio and Sanuti.

The twenty-ninth, with the same Wind at North-West, by Morning we disco­ver'd the Ilands of Pontia and Parmerola, and about Evening those of Ventitione and Ischia. Night approaching, and there being no news of the Ships we had lost, instead of making the Pharo of Messina, it was resolv'd that we should steer a Course round about Messina, where we expected to overtake them. At eleven a Clock in the Evening we had but little Wind at North-North-West, so that we made not above fourteen Leagues of way.

The thirty-first the same Wind continu'd, with a high Sea; but about nine at Night the Wind chopping about to the West, we kept our former Course.

The first of April, by eight of the Clock in the Morning we discover'd the three Ilands that lye before Trepano, Levanzo, Maretima, and F [...]vagna.

The second and third the Weather was ill, and the Wind unconstant, so that we made but little way.

The fourth, by break of day we discover'd the Iland of Pantalarea.

The fifth by Morning we found our selves within a League and a half of the Coast of Sicily, just against Cape Passaro, at what time, the Weather being fair, we had a view of Mount Gibello, all cover'd with Snow. Doubling the Cape in the Afternoon, we discover'd the Coast of Saragossa. The sixth we had little or no Wind. But the seventh in the Morning, the Weather being fair, we discover'd Cape Spartivento; and the same Wind continuing all that day, toward Evening we sail'd in view of other Ilands of Calabria.

The eighth we found our selves near to Cape Borsano, and all the rest of the day we sail'd in view of Cape Stillo and Cape delle Colonne.

The ninth we made little way. But on the Tenth in the Morning the Wind coming about to the South, we found our selves at the entry of the Gulf of Venice, between Cape St. Mary and the Coast of Greece, where the Mountains were cover'd with Snow. About ten of the Clock we tack'd to our own Course, while the Ships that were bound for Venice and Ancona entered the Gulf.

The tenth by Morning we saw two little Islands, the one call'd Fauno, the other Merlera, and were in sight of Corfu. About Noon, the Wind being at East, we kept out at Sea: and about Evening abundance of little Birds lighted upon our Cordage, of which we caught enow to make a lusty Fricasie. We also caught four Falcons, Owls, and good store of Turtles.

The eleventh and twelfth the Wind being at East, we lay hovering about the Shoar, without making any way.

The fourteenth and fifteenth having the Wind at North-West, we were two days without seeing Land, yet we caught good store of Birds.

The sixteenth the same Wind continuing, we found our selves near the Island of Zant. From eight in the Morning 'till three in the Afternoon we were becalm'd; but then a good brisk West Wind carry'd away all our little Birds.

The seventeenth and eighteenth we were becalm'd.

The nineteenth in the Morning, the Wind being at North-West, we discover'd Cape Gullo, between Modon and Coron, in the Morea.

The twentieth, with the same Wind that blew fresh, we found our selves by Morning within two Cannon-shot of Cape Matapan, which is the most Southern Cape of all Europe. About Noon the Wind coming full West, in three hours we pass'd by the Point of the Island Cerigo.

The twenty-first in the Morning, we discover'd the Islands of Caravi and Falconera on the one side, and Cape Schilli on the other hand. Two hours after, having a fresh Gale at South-West, about Evening we were in view of the Island of St. George.

The twenty-second though the Wind slackn'd, yet we made some way; for in the Morning we found our selves between the Island of Zea and the Morea, near to another Cape delle Colonne: afterwards we discover'd the Island of Negropont, and doubl'd the Cape three hours after Noon, having left sight of the Island of Andros by ten in the Forenoon.

The twenty-third the Wind blowing fresh all the night, by morning we found our selves near the Island of Ipsera. At noon we made the Point of the Island of [Page 102] Chio, near to the Land; and that night we came to an Anchor near the Castle, being becalm'd.

The twenty-fourth the Wind rose at North-West, which blew us into the Port of Smyrna.

The twenty-fifth we went a-shoar, having had a quiet as passage as ever I had in my Life for twenty days together.

CHAP. II.
A Continuation of the Author's sixth Voyage, as he travel'd from Smyrna to Ispahan.

WE staid at Smyrna from the twenty-fifth of April to the ninth of June; during which time there happ'nd so terrible an Earthquake; that I had like to have tumbl'd out of my Bed.

The Caravan being ready to set out for Tauris, I took with me three Armenian Servants, besides those that I carry'd out of France to serve me upon the Road.

We set out of Smyrna upon Monday the ninth of June at three a Clock in the afternoon. The Caravan rendevouz'd at Pont-garbashi, three Leagues from the City, consisting of six hundred Camels, and almost the same number of Horse. We set out the next night, two hours after midnight. As for the Road I shall say nothing, only relate some Passages that fell out by the way.

Being come to Erivan, the fourteenth of September we encamp'd in a pleasant green place between the Castle and the old Town; for we would not lye in the Inn, because we heard that several sick people lodg'd there. We staid there two days; during which time I resolv'd to wait upon the Kan, I found him in a Room made in one of the Arches of the Bridge which is built over the River, which I have describ'd already, with several Captains and Officers about him: when he had ask'd me whence I came, and whither I was travelling, he caus'd a Glass of Liquor to be fill'd me. After that I presented him with a Prospective-Glass, six pair of ordinary Spectacles, twelve other pair of Spectacles that cast several Reflexions, two little Pistols, and a Steel to strike Fire, made like a Pistol. All which pleas'd him extremely well, especially the Spectacles, for he was sixty years of age. Thereupon he commanded a Lamb, Wine, Fruit, and Melons to be carry'd to my Tent, and that I should want nothing. After that we sate down to Dinner, but I observ'd the Kan himself drank no Wine, though he press'd me to it. The reason was, because he was an Agi [...], that is, one that had made his Pilgrimage to Mecca; for then it is not lawful to drink Wine, or any other inebriating Drink. After Dinner, finding him in a pleasant humour, I resolv'd to complain to him of one of the Custom-Officers about an injury he had done me. For it is usual with the Customer in this place to op'n the Chests of all the Merchants, both Turks and Armenians, to the end that if they have any thing of Rarity the Kan of Erivan may see it: for many times, he buyes what pleases him best to send to the King. This Officer would not excuse me for his Custom, and therefore at my very first arrival he would have me to op'n my Chests; and because I did not do it according to his Orders, he ask'd me very rudely why I had not obey'd his Commands: I answer'd him as surlily, that I would op'n my Chest no where unless it were in the presence of the King, and that as for him, I knew him not: Upon that he threaten'd me, that if he did not find my Chests op'n the next day, he would op'n them by force; thereupon I said no more, but bid him have a care I did not make him repent of what he had done already. This was the ground of the Quarrel, and I was about to have complain'd to the Kan; but his Nephew intreated me for the love I bare him, not to say any thing of it, and promis'd to send the Customer to me to beg my Pardon, which he did, and the Customer was forc'd to crave it heartily. To avoid the same inconvenience for the future, I desir'd the Kan to give me his Pasport, to the end I might pass Custom­free [Page 103] through the Territories of his Government, which he freely and courteously granted me: Come, said he, and dine with me to morrow, and you shall have it.

The twenty-sixth of September we departed from Erivan, and the ninth of Novem­ber we came to Tauris, taking the ordinary Road.

At Erivan two of my Servants, the one a Watch-maker, the other a Gold-smith, dy'd; I left them sick there, but caus'd them to be buried in the Church-yard belonging to the Armenians. One of them dy'd in fifteen days, of a Gangrene, which eat out his Mouth and Throat; being the Disease of the Country. Though had the Armenians known that one of them had been a Protestant, they would never have allow'd him to have been bury'd in their Church-yard.

Here observe the exact Justice, wherewith the Persians preserve the Goods of Strangers. For the Civil Judge hearing of the death of the Watch-maker, caus'd his Chamber to be seal'd up to the end the Goods might be preserv'd for the kindred of the deceas'd, if they came to demand them. I return'd to Tauris a twelve-month after, and found the Chamber close seal'd up.

We staid twelve days at Tauris: during which time I resolv'd to attend the Kan of Shamaqui, a frontier Town of Persia toward the Caspian Sea; but I found him not there, in regard it was Harvest season, at what time he goes to gather the King's and his own Duties.

Two days journey on this side Shamaqui you pass the Aras, and for two days journey you travel through a Country all planted with white Mulberry-Trees; the Inhabitants being all Silk-Weavers. Before you come to the City, you must cross over several Hills: But I think I should rather have call'd it a great Town, where there was nothing remarkable but a fair Castle which the Kan built himself, I speak of the time past: For as I return'd from this present Voyage of which I now write, when I came to Tauris I understood, that there had happen'd such a terrible Earth­quake in the Town as had laid all the Houses in a heap; none escaping that dismal subversion, but only one Watch-maker of Geneva, and one more who was a Camel­driver. I had several times design'd to return into France through Muscovy; but I durst never adventure, being certainly inform'd that the Muscovite never permitted any person to go out of Muscovy into Persia, nor to come out of Persia into Mus­covy. So that it was by particular connivence that that favour was granted to the Duke of Holstein's Ambassadors. This last time I was resolv'd to have try'd whe­ther I could have open'd a Passage from Persia through Muscovy into France, but the Ruine of Shamaqui deterr'd me.

We departed from Tauris the twenty-second of November, from whence to Cashan we met with nothing considerable, but only one of the Muscovite Ambassadors upon his return into his own Country, with a small Retinue of sixty, his Companion dying at Ispahan.

Upon Sunday the fourteenth of December taking Horse by three of the Clock in the morning, the Ice bearing very well, we came to Ispahan about noon: but in regard it was slippery before day, and very plashy after the Sun was up, the Journey was both tedious and troublesom.

CHAP. III.
The Road from Aleppo to Tauris through Diarbequir and Van.

THere are two Roads more remaining to be describ'd; one through the North part of Turkie, the other through the South. The first through Diarbequir and Van, and so to Tauris; the second through Anna, and the small Desert leading to Bagdat.

I will describe the first of these Roads, and make a skip at the first leap to Bir, whither I have already led you in the Road from Aleppo.

From Bir or Beri, you travel all along the River Euphrates to Cachemé.

From Cachemé you come to Milesara, where you pay the Customs of Ourfa, [Page 104] when you do not pass through the City, which amounts to four Piasters for every Horse-load.

From Milesara you come to the River Arzlan-chaye, or, the Lion River, by reason of the rapidity of the Stream which falls into Euphrates.

From Arzlan-chaye you go to Seuerak. This is a City, water'd by a River, that also falls into Euphrates. It is environ'd with a great Plain to the North, the West, and South. The way which the Horses, Mules, and Camels keep is cut through the Rock like a Channel, two Foot deep, where you must also pay half a Piaster for every Horse-load.

From Seuerak you come to Bogazi, where there are two Wells, but not a House near; and where the Caravan usually lodges.

From Bogazi you come to Deguirman-Bogazi, and from Deguirman-Bogazi to Mirzatapa, where there is only an Inn.

From Mirzatapa you come to Diarbequir, which the Turks call Car-emu.

Diarbequir is a City situated upon a rising ground, on the right side of Tigris, which in that place forms a Half-moon; the descent from the Walls to the River being very steep. It is encompass'd with a double Wall; the outward Wall being strengthned with sixty-two Towers, which they report were built in Honour of the sixty two Disciples of JESUS CHRIST. The City has but three Gates, over one of which there is an Inscription in Greek and Latin, that makes mention of one Constantine. There are in it two or three fair Piazza's, and a magnificent Mosquee, which was formerly a Christian Church. It is surrounded with very decent Charnel-houses, near to which the Moullah's, Dervi's, Book-sellers and Stationers do live, together with all those other people that concern the Law. About a League from the City there is a Channel cut out of Tigris, that brings the Water to the City: And in this Water are all the red Marroquins wash'd that are made at Diarbequir, surpassing in colour all others in the East: which Manufacture employs a fourth part of the Inhabitants of the City. The Soil is very good, and yields according to expectation; there is excellent Bread and very good Wine, nor is there any better Provision to be had in any part of Persia: more especially, there is a sort of Pigeons which in goodness excel all the several kinds that we have in Europe. The City is very well peopl'd, and it is thought there are in it above twenty thousand Christians. The two thirds are Armenians, the rest Nestorians, with some few Jacobites. There are also some few Capuchins, that have no House of their own, but are forc'd to lodge in an Inn.

The Basha of Diarbequir is one of the Viziers of the Empire. He has but an incon­siderable Infantry, which is not much requisite in that Country; the Curds and Arabs which infest that Country being all Horse-men. But he is strong in Cavalry, being able to bring above twenty thousand Horse into the Field. A quarter of an hours riding on this side Diarbequir there is a great Town with a large Inn, where the Caravans that go and come from Persia rather choose to lye than at Diarbequir; in regard that in the City-Inns, they pay three or four Piasters for every Chamber, but in the Country-Inns there is nothing demanded.

At Diarbequir, you cross the Tigris, which is always fordable unless when the Snow and Rains have swell'd it; for then you must go a quarter of a League higher, and cross it over a great Stone-Bridge. Half a League on the other side of Tigris stands a Village, with an Inn, which is the Rendevous of the whole Caravan, and where they that first come have time enough to provide themselves for a Journey of nine or ten days, as far as Betlis. For though you may find Towns and Inns thick enough upon the Road, yet there is no good Bread to be met with.

When the Caravan proceeds, the first days journey is fourteen hours on Horse­back, and you come to lye at Shaye-batman, where you must pay a Piaster for every Horse-load.

From Chaye-batman you come to Chikaran.

From Chikaran to Azou, which you leave half a League from the great Road, where the Toll-gatherers take their Toll, which is four Piasters upon every Horse-load.

From Azou you come to Ziarat; from Ziarat to Zerque, where you pay a Duty of two Piasters for every Horse-load.

From Zerche to Cochakan.

[Page 105] From Cochakan, to Carakan, a bad Inn; where you enter among the Mountains, that being full of Torrents reach as far as Btelis.

From Carakan to Betlis, a City belonging to a Bey or Prince of the Country, the most potent and most considerable of all the rest for he neither acknowledges the Grand Signor nor the Persian: whereas all the other Beys are Tributary either to the one or the other. And it is the Interest of those two Potentates to correspond with him; for it's an easie thing for him to stop up the passage from Aleppo to Tau­ris, or from Tauris to Aleppo; the Streights of the Mountains being so narrow, that ten Men may defend them against a thousand. Coming near Betlis you must travel a whole day among high steep Mountains, that reach two miles beyond, with Torrents on each side; the way being cut out of the Rock on each side, where there is but just room for a Camel to pass. The City stands between two high Mountains, equally distant one from the other, and about the height of Montmartre. It is built like a Sugar-loaf, the ascent being so steep on every side, that there is no getting to the top, but by wheeling and winding about the Mountain. The top of all is a Plat­form, where stands a Castle well built, at the Gate whereof is a Draw-Bridge. Then you pass through two great Courts, and then into a third, opposite to the Bey's Apartment. It is very troublesom to get up to the top of the Castle, and a Man must be very well Hors'd that does it. There is no other person but the Bey and his Esquire, who is permitted to ride up on Horse back. There is one Inn within the City, and another as it were without, in which the Merchants rather choose to lye than in the other, by reason that it is ready to be overflown when the Torrents swell, that run throngh every Street. The Bey, beside the strength of his Passes, is able to bring above five and twenty thousand Horse into the Field; and a very considerable Body of Foot, compos'd of the Shepherds of the Country, who are to be ready at a Call. I went to wait upon the Bey himself, and made him a Present of two pieces of Satin, the one streakt with Silver, and the other with Gold: two white Bonnets, such as the Turks wear, very fine, and adorn'd with Silver at the top; together with a sute of Handkerchiffs, streak'd with Red and Silver. While I staid with the Bey, who sent for Coffee for me according to the custom, a Courier came to him from the Basha of Aleppo, to desire him that he would deliver up into his hands a French Chirurgeon that was his Slave, having been tak'n in Candia; complaining withall, that he had run away from him with the value of three thou­sand Crowns. The Bey, who understood what belong'd to a Sanctuary, and was resolv'd to protect the French-man, school'd the Messenger so severely, that he threaten'd to put him to death if he did not get him gone presently; charging him to tell his Master withal, that he would complain to the Grand Signor of his inso­lence; and that if he were strangl'd, he might thank himself. And indeed it behov'd the Great Turk to keep fair correspondence with him; in regard that if the Persians should at any time besiege Van, the Grand Signor must march through the Bey's Country to relieve it; who has Forces enow to oppose him if he should be his Enemy.

But to travel through the Country of the Curds is very pleasant: for if on the one side the ways are bad, and difficult to be travell'd, in other places you have a prospect of several sorts of Trees, as Oaks and Walnuts, and not a Tree which is not embrac'd with a wild Vine. Below the Mountains, in the Level, grows the best Wheat and Bailey in all the Country.

From Betlis, where you pay five Piasters for every Horse-load, to Taduan, where you pay two.

Taduan is a great Town within a Cannon-shot of the Lake of Van, in such a port, where Nature has made a Hav'n, shelter'd from all the Winds; being clos'd on all sides with high Mountains, the entry into which though it seem narrow, is very free. It is able to contain twenty or thirty great Barks; and when it is fair Wea­ther, and that the Wind serves, the Merchants generally Ship off their Goods from thence to Van: from whence it is but four and twenty hours sail, and a very good passage; whereas by Land from Taduan to Van it is eight days journey on Horse-back. Returning back, you mayalso take Water at Van for Taduan.

From Taduan to Karmoushé.

From Karmoushé to Kellat.

From Kellat to Algiaoux, a small City, where you pay one Piaster for every Load.

[Page 106] From Agiaoux to Spanktiere.

From Spanktiere to Soüer.

From Soüer to Argiche.

From Argiche to Quiarakierpou.

From Quiarakierpou to Perkeri.

From Perkeri to Zuarzazin.

From Zuarzazin to Souserat.

From Souserat to Devan, where two Piasters are gather'd for every Horse-load, or else you must pay at Van.

From Devan to Van, where there is a Duty of two Tomans and four Abassis to be paid for every Horse-load. For though Van be in the Territories of the Grand Signor, yet the Persian Money is better lik'd than his own Coyn.

Van is a great City upon the side of a wide Lake of the same name. There is a good Fortress belongs to it, that is seated upon the top of a high Mountain which stands by it self. There is but one sort of Fish in the Lake, a little bigger than a Pilchard, of which they take great store in the Month of April. For about a League from the Lake there is a great River that is call'd Bendmahi, which de­scending from the Mountains of Armenia, empties it self into the Lake. Now in March when the Snow melts and swells the River, vast numbers of these Fish come down the River into the Lake; which the Fisher-men observing, so stop up the Mouth of the River that the Fish cannot go back; for else they would not stay above forty days; at which time they catch 'em up in wide-mouth'd Baskets at the Mouth of the River, thinking to return; it being lawful for any man to fish. The people drive a great Trade in these Fish, transporting them into Persia and Armenia; for, the Persians and Armenians both, drinking Wine at the end of their Feasts, they then bring this Dish to the Table for a Relishing-bit. The people of Van tell a Story, how that there was a certain rich Merchant who farm'd the whole Fishery, paying a good sum of Money for it to the Basha; who thereupon strictly forbad any to fish but the Merchant; whereas before it was free for any man. But when the Fishing-season came, and that the Merchant thought to have caught his Fish, he met with nothing but Serpents. So that after that time the Fishery was never more farm'd. And there sems to be something in it; for the Basha's, who are a sort of people that will lose nothing they can get, would be certain to farm the Fish again and again, were there not some strange reason to hinder it. There are two principal Islands in the Lake of Van; the one call'd Adaketons, where there stand two Covents of the Armenians, Sourphague and Sourp▪kara: the other Island is call'd Limadasi, and the name of the Covent is Limquiliasi, all which Armenian Monks live very austerely.

From Van to Darcheck.

From Darcheck to Nuchar; it stands in the Territories of a Bey of Curdistan, being a paltry Village consisting of two or three little Houses. These Bey's are a kind of particular Lords, upon the Frontiers of both the Empires of Turkie and Persia, who care for neither: for they lye so secure among the Mountains, that there is no assaulting them by force. The Curds in general are a brutish sort of people; who though they stile themselves Mahometans, have very few Moullah's to Instruct or teach them. They have a particular veneration for black Grey-hounds: so that if any person should be seen to kill one of them, he would be knock'd o'the Head immediately. Neither does any one dare to cut an Onion with a Knife in their presence; but it must be squeez'd between two Stones by him that intends to make use of it; so ridiculously superstitious they are.

The Bey to whom Nuchar belongs has his Toll-gatherers in that place, who exact sixteen Abassi's for every Horse-load, besides a Present which the Caravan-Bashi is oblig'd to present him, which comes sometimes to seven or eight Tomans: some­times more: for otherwise the Bey would be sure to watch the Caravan at some scurvy place, and plunder it to some purpose. As once it happen'd to a Caravan, with which my Nephew went along in the year 1672; though he had the good luck to lose nothing more than one Camel laden with English Cloth, and another with his Provision. The Basha of Van and the Kan of Tauris took the Field with an intention to remedy these disorders: especially the Basha of Van, who perceiving that the Merchants would forsake that Road by reason of the Injuries they daily [Page 107] receiv'd, was resolv'd to make the Basha restore some part of his Goods which he had taken from the Merchants; and for the future to leave two of his Subjects in Tauris, and two in Van, that should be responsible for what mischief should be done to the Caravan. For otherwise the Merchants like this way best, as being the nearest from Aleppo to Tauris, and where they pay less Duties.

From Nuchar to Kuticlar, is a long Journey through the Mountains, by the side of several Torrents, which are to be cross'd in several places. This bad way brings Fifty i'the Hundred profit to the Bey of Nuchar; for were the Caravan to travel through Plains, or a level Country, one Horse or Camel would carry as much as two or three, and the Merchant would pay Custom for no more. Here therefore the Caravan-Bashi and the Merchants must understand one another, and agree as cun­ningly as they can together.

From Kuticlar to Kalvat.

From Kalvat to Kogia.

From Kogia to Darkavin.

From Darkavin to Soliman-Sera: all which four places are very convenient Inns.

From Soliman-Sera to Kours: in that City resides a Bey, who is tributary to the King of Persia. He lives in an ancient Castle about half a League-off, where the Caravan pays nine Abassi's for every Horse-load, besides a Present. But that Present consists only in Sugar-loaves, Boxes of Treacle, or Marmaled; for he stands so much upon his Honour, that he scorns to take Money. The Wine of Kours is sweet and tart.

From Kours to Devogli.

From Devogli to Checheme. About half way between these two places you cross a Plain, which upon the South extends it self a League to the Mountains, but upon the North-side enlarges it self out of sight. Upon the High-way, on the left hand stands a Rock three hundred Paces in compass, and about fourscore Foot high; round about it were to be seen several Dens, which most certainly had been the Habi­tations of those that fed their Cattel thereabouts. Under the Rock, which is hollow, appears a Fountain of clear cold Water, wherein there was great store of Fish; thousands of which would come up to the top of the Water, when a man threw any Bread into it. The Fish had a great Head, and a large Mustache. I shot a Carbine into the River charg'd with Hail-shot, upon which they all disappear'd, but presently five or six return'd wounded to the top of the Water, which we easily took. The Armenians laught at me for shooting, believing it had been impos­sible to catch them in that manner; but they admir'd when they beheld them again turning up their bellies at the top of the Water. The Turks and some of the Armenians would not eat of them, believing them to be defil'd: but the Armenians that had been in Europe laugh'd at their Superstition, and fell to, when they were drest.

From Checheme to Davashiler.

From Davashiler to Marand; a City where you must pay sixteen Abassi's for a Camel's-load, and eight for a Horses.

From Merand to Sefian.

From Sefian to Tauris. These are the two biggest days journies throughout the Road.

Returning out of Persia this way, we could not get Bread for Money, so that we were forc'd to give the Women some Trifles which they lov'd better. Through the People are Mahometans, yet they will not spare to drink lustily.

CHAP. IV.
Another Road from Aleppo to Tauris, through Geziré and other places.

FRom Aleppo to Bir or Beri, where you must cross Euphrates, days4
From Bir to Ourfa, days2
From Ourfa to Diarbequir, days6
From Diarbequir to Geziré, days4
Geziré is a little City of Mesopotamia, built upon an Island in the River Tigris; which is there to be cross'd over a fair Bridge of Boats. Here the Merchants meet to buy Gall-nuts and Tobacco. The City is under the Jurisdiction of a Bey. 
Having past the Tigris, all the Country between that and Tauris is almost equally divided between Hills and Plains; the Hills are cover'd with Oaks that bear Galls, and some Acorns withal. The Plains are planted with Tobacco, which is transported into Turkie, for which they have a very great Trade. One would think the Country were poor, seeing nothing but Galls and Tobacco; but there is no Country in the World where there is more Gold or Silver laid out, and where they are more nice in taking Money that is in the least defective either in weight or goodness of Metal. For Galls being a general Commodity for Dying, and no where to be found so good as there, bring a vast Trade to the Country; wherein there are no Villages, yet it is over-spread with Houses a Musquet-shot one from another; and every Inhabitant has his quarter of his Vineyard by himself, where they dry their Grapes: for they make no Wine. 
From Geziré to Amadié, days2
Amadié is a good City, to which the Natives of a great part of Assyria bring their Tobacco, and Gall-nuts. It is seated upon a high Mountain, to the top whereof you cannot get in less than an hour. Towards the middle of the Rock three or four large Springs fall down from the Cliffs, where the Inhabitants are forc'd to water their Cattel and fill their Borachio's every morning, there being no Water in the City. It is of an indifferent bigness, and in the middle is a large Piazza, where all sorts of Merchants keep their Shops. It is under the Command of a Bey that is able to raise eight or ten thousand Horse, and more Foot than any other of the Beys, by reason his Country is so populous. 
From Amadié to Giousmark, days4
From Giousmark to Alback, days3
From Alback to Salmastre, days3
Salmastre is a pleasant City upon the Frontiers of the Assyrians and Medes, and the first on that side in the Territories of the Persian King. The Caravan never lyes there, because it would be above a League out of the way: but when the Caravan is lodg'd, two or three of the principal Merchants with the Caravan-Bashi according to custom go to wait upon the Kan. The Kan is so glad that the Caravan takes that Road, that he presents the Caravan-Bashi and those that go with him, with the Garment of Honour, or the Calaat, the Bonnet, and Girdle; which is the greatest Honour that the King or his Governour can do to Strangers. 
From Salamastre to Tauris, days.4

In all thirty-two days journey this way from Aleppo to Tauris. But though this be the shortest cut, and where they pay least Customs, yet the Merchants dare hardly venture for fear of being ill us'd by the Beys.

Teren, whose Capital City the Persians call Cherijar, is a Province between Ma­zandran and the ancient Region of the Persians known at this day by the name of Hierac, to the South-East of Ispahan. 'Tis one of the most temperate Countries, that has nothing in it of the contagious Air of Guilan, where the King goes for the purity of the Air, and for his sport of Hunting; besides, that it produceth ex­cellent Fruits in many places. The Capital City whereof, which some call by the name of the Province, is of a moderate compass, but there is nothing worthy obser­vation in it: only a League from it are to be seen the Ruines of a great City, which [Page 109] had been two Leagues in Circuit. There were abundance of Towers all of burnt Brick, and Pieces of the Wall standing. There were also several Letters in the Stones which were cemented into the Walls; but neither Turks, Persians, nor Ara­bians could understand them. The City is round seated upon a high Hill, at the top whereof stood the Ruines of a Castle, which the Natives say was the Residence of the Kings of Persia.

CHAP. V.
The Road from Aleppo to Ispahan through the small Desert, and through Kengavar.

I Will describe this Road as if I were to return from Ispahan to Aleppo. This Road lies through Kengavar, Bagdat, and Anna, where you enter into the Desert, which I call The little Desart, because you get over it in far less time than the great Desert that extends Southwards to Arabia the Happy, and where you may often find Water, all the whole Journey being not far distant from the River Euphrates. A man that is well mounted may ride this way from Ispahan to Aleppo in three and thirty day, as I have done, and perhaps in less, if the Arabian, whom you take for your guide at Bagdat, knows the shortest cut through the Wilder­ness.

The Horse Caravans travelling from Ispahan to Kengaver are fourteen or fifteen days upon the Road; but being well mounted ten or twelve in a Company, you may Ride it in five or six days. The Country through which you travel, is very fertile in Corn and Rice, it produces also excellent Fruits and good Wine, especi­ally about Kengavar, which is a large Town well peopl'd.

From Kengavar to Bagdat I was ten days upon the Road. The Country is not so fertile but very stony in some parts. And it consists in Plains and small Hills, there being not a Mountain in all the Road.

Now for a man that travels quick, the Road lies thus:

From Ispahan to Consar.

From Consar to Comba.

From Comba to Oranguié.

From Oranguié to Nahoüand.

From Nahoüand to Kengavar.

From Kengavar to Sahana.

From Sahana to Polisha, or the Bridge-Royal, being a great Stone Bridge.

From Polisha to Maidacht.

From Maidacht to Erounabad.

From Erounabad to Conaguy.

From Conaguy to Caslisciren.

From Caslisciren to Iengui-Conaguy.

From Iengui-Conaguy to Casered.

From Casered to Charaban.

From Charaban to Bourous.

From Bourous to Bagdat.

There are some, who instead of passing through Kengavar, take Amadan, one of the most considerable Cities of Persia in their way, and so from thence to Toucheré; but the way is longer; and according to the Road which I have set down you are to leave Amadan to the North upon the right hand.

Between Sahana and Polisha you leave the only high Mountain in all the Road to the North. It is as steep and as straight as a Wall, and as high as you can see; you may observe the Figures of men clad like Priests, with Surplices and Censors in their hands, and yet neither can the Natives tell you, nor any person imagin the meaning of those Sculptures. At the foot of the Rock runs a River, over which there is Bridge of Stone.

[Page 110] About a days journey beyond the Mountain you meet with a little City, whose situation, the Streams that water it, the good Fruits that grow there, and parti­cularly the excellent Wine which it affords, render a most pleasant Mansion. The Persians believe that Alexander when he return'd from Babylon dy'd in this place, what-ever others have writt'n that he dy'd at Babylon. All the rest of the Country from this City to Bagdat is a Country of Dates, where the people live in little Hutts, made of the Branches of Palm-trees.

From Bagdat to Anna you ride in four days, through a desert Country, though it lye between two Rivers.

Anna is a City of an indifferent bigness, that belongs to an Arabian Emir. For about half a League round about the Town, the Lands are very well manur'd, being full of Gardens and Country-houses. The City for its situation resembles Paris; for it is built upon both sides of the River Euphrates; and in the midst of the River is an Island, where stands a fair Mosquee.

From Anna to Mached-raba is five days riding, and from Mached-raba to Taïba, five days more.

Mached-raba is a kind of a Fortress upon the point of a Hill, at the Foot whereof springs a Fountain like a large Vase, which is very rare in the Deserts. The place is encompass'd with high Walls, defended by certain Towers, and in which are little Hutts where the Inhabitants keep their Cattel, of which there is great store, but more Mares and Horses than Cows.

Taïba is also a fortifi'd place in a level Country, or a high Bank of Earth and Brick bak'd in the Sun. Near to the Gate a Fountain springs out of the Earth, and makes a kind of a Pond. This Road is most frequented by those that travel through the Desert from Aleppo or Damas to Babylon, or from Damas to Diarbequir, by reason of this Fountain.

From Taïba to Aleppo is but three days journey; but these three days are the most dangerous of all the Road for Robbers, in regard that all the Country is inha­bited only by the Bedouïns, or Arabian Shepherds, who make it their business only to plunder and steal.

Now to take the same Road from Aleppo to Isaphan, it lyes thus:

From Aleppo to Taïba, days3
From Taïba to Mached-raba, days5
From Mached-raba to Anna, days5
From Anna to Bagdat, days4
From Bagdat to Bourous, days1
From Bourous to Charaban, days1
From Charaban to Casered, days1
From Casered to Conaguy, days1
From Conaguy to Cassiscerin, days1
From Cassiscerin to another Conaguy, days1
From Conaguy to Erounabad, days1
From Erounabad to Maidacht days1
From Maidacht to Sahana, days1
From Sahana to Kengavar, days1
From Kengavar to Nahoüand, days1
From Nahoüand to Oranguie, days1
From Oranguie to Comba, days1
From Comba to Consar, days1
From Consar to Ispahan, days1

So that whether you travel from Aleppo to Ispahan, or from Ispahan to Aleppo you may easily ride it in thirty days.

From whence I make this Observation, That a man making it but two days more from Alexandretta, and finding a Ship ready there to set sail for Marseilles, with a fair Wind he may travel from Ispahan to Paris in two months.

Another time, having an occasion to go from Aleppo to Kengavar, and so to Bagdat; and from thence, so through the Desert; at Bagdat I met with a Spaniard that was travelling the same way, with whom I luckily met to bear half the Charges of the Guide; which as soon as we had hir'd for sixty Crowns, we set forward from [Page 111] Bagdat; the Spaniard, and I, and our Arabian, who was afoot, walk'd about a Pistol Shot before our Horses. From thence to Anna we met with nothing remarkable, but only that we saw a Lyon and a Lyoness in the Act of Generation: Whereupon our Guide, believing we had been afraid, told us, that he had met them oft'n, but that he never found them do any harm.

The Spaniard according to the humour of his Nation, was very reserv'd, and contenting himself with an Onion, or some such small matter at meals, never made much of his guide; whereas I was mightily in his favour, in regard there was never a day pass'd wherein he did not receive of me some good business or other. We were not above a Musquet Shot from Anna when we met with a comely old man, who came up to me, and taking my Horse by the Bridle; Friend, said he, come and wash thy feat and eat Bread at my House. Thou art a Stranger, and since I have met thee upon the Road, never refuse me the favour which I desire of thee. The Invitation of the old man was so like the custom of the people in ancient times, of which we read so many Examples in Scripture, that we could not choose but go along with him to his House, where he Feasted us in the best manner he could, giving us over and above Barly for our Horses; and for us he kill'd a Lamb and some Hens. He was an Inhabitant of Anna, and liv'd by the River, which we were oblig'd to cross to wait upon the Governour for our Passports, for which we paid two Piasters apiece. We staid at a House near the Gate of the City to buy Provisions for our selves and our Horses; where the woman of the House having a lovely sprightly Child of nine years of age, I was so taken with her humour, that I gave her two Handkerchiefs of Painted Calicut, which the Child shewing her Mother, all we could do could not make her take any Money for the Provisions we had agreed for.

Five hundred paces from the Gate of the City, we met a young man of a good Family, for he was attended by two Servants, and rode upon an Ass, the hinder part of which was Painted red. He accosted me in particular, and after some Compliments that pass'd, Is it possible, said he, that I should meet a Stranger, and have nothing to present him withal? He would fain have carry'd us to a House in the Country whither he was going; but seeing we were resolv'd to keep our way, he would needs give me his Pipe, notwithstanding all the excuses I could make, and though I told him that I never took any Tobacco; so that I was constrain'd to accept of it.

About three Leagues from Anna, we were going to eat among the Ruines of certain Houses, and had thought to have lain there 'till midnight, when we perceiv'd two Arabians sent by the Emir, to tell us that he had some Letters which he would put into our own hands to the Basha of Aleppo, to which purpose he had order to bring us back. There was no refusing, so that at our coming into the City the next day we saw the Emir going to the Mosquée, mounted upon a stately Horse, and attended by a great number of people afoot, with every one a great Poniard stuck in their Girdles. As soon as we saw him we alighted, and standing up by the Houses, we saluted him as he pass'd by. Seeing our Guide, and threatning to rip up is Belly; Ye Dog, said he, I will give ye your reward, and teach ye to carry Strangers away before I see them. Carry them, said he, to the Governours House 'till I return from the Mosquée. Returning from the Mosquée, and being seated in a spacious Hall, he sent for us and our Guide, whom he threatned again for carrying us out of the Town without giving him notice. But the Governour pleaded his excuse, and appeas'd the Emir. After that he sent for Coffee for us, and then caus'd us to open the Budget that we carry'd behind our Horses, to see whether there were any thing that pleas'd him or no. In my Budget were two pieces of Calicut exquisitely painted, for two Coverlets of a Bed; two pieces of Handkerchief of Calicut; two Persian Standishes beautify'd with Japon Varnish; two Damascene Blades, one inlaid with Gold, the other with Silver. All which he lik'd, and made me give him. In the Spaniards Budget he found nothing but a few old Clothes: But afterwards being known to have had some Diamonds about him, the French Consul at Aleppo sentenc'd him to pay me half the charges of what I gave the Emir.

The Prince satisfi'd with what he had tak'n, gave order that we should be fur­nish'd with all necessary Provisions for our selves and our Horses: but being provided [Page 112] before, we only took three or four handfuls of excellent Dates, to shew that we did not flight his kindness.

Between Anna and Mached-raba is the Guide to take special care so to order his Stages, as to come every morning to the Wells by break of day, for fear of meeting the Arabs, that come to fetch Water there by that time the Sun is up, who are apt enough to be injurious to Travellers.

At Mached-raba I saw one of the most beautiful Virgins that ever I beheld in my life.▪ For I had given a Piaster to an Arab to get me some Bread, and going to see whether it were bak'd, I found the Virgin putting it into the Oven, who being alone, made me a sign to retire. There I also saw a Colt of that wonderful shape, that the Basha of Damas had offer'd three thousand Crowns for it.

Coming to Taïba, we did not go into the Town, but lay without under the Walls. Only our Arab went in and brought us chopt Straw for our Camels. The Governour of the Town came along with him, and demanded twenty Piasters of every one, for certain Duties which he pretended payable to him. We knew there were but four due, and refus'd to pay any more; but the Arab having a mind to put a trick upon the Spaniard, gave me a wink, intimating to me that I should not trouble my self: Thereupon the Governour incens'd goes back to the Town, and by and by returns with an Iron Chain; and had certainly carry'd the Spaniard fetter'd to the Fort, had he not laid down the twenty Piasters. For my part, I was discharg'd for my four Piasters, according to custom.

Drawing near to Aleppo, the first Houses that we came at bordering upon the Desert were the Houses of the Arabs and Bedoüins; the second of which being the Habitation of a Friend of our Guide's, I deliver'd my Horse to the Guide, to whom I had sold it before at his own earnest request; for I was resolv'd to go a-foot to Aleppo: and therefore that I might save the Custom of a parcel of Turquoises that I had about me, I put them in the Pouches which I carry'd behind my Horse, and threw the Pouches into a little Chest, as if they had been things of no consequence; and desir'd the Man of the House to keep them a day or two. The Arab told me, that were it all Gold it should be safe; and indeed when I sent for them within a day or two after, I found nothing missing.

When I came to Aleppo, the English Consul ask'd me what news from Ispahan: I made answer, that he must of necessity know better than I, in regard the English President there had sent away an Express to him while I was there; and that he went away with two Capuchins and an Arabian Guide. There upon the Consul mis­trusting some mischief was befal'n them, requested the Basha to lend him some of his Soldiers; who readily granted him eight Men, part Arabians, part Bedoüins. These the Consul order'd to disperse themselves upon several Roads in the Wilderness, to see if they could meet with any tidings upon the Way. In a short time two of them return'd with two little Pouches, in one of which was the Packet of Letters. They reported also, that in a by-place between Taïba and Mached-raba they saw the Bodies of four dead Men lying upon the Sand. One of them which was in black Clothes, being hack'd and mangled in a most miserable manner; but the Bodies of the other three were entire, though run through in several places. Some time after the persons themselves that did the fact told both at Diarbequir and Damas, how it came to pass. For certain Merchants of Damas going to Diarbequir, perceiv'd four Men early in the morning at certain Wells where they were to stop; whereupon they sent two of their Company before to know who they were. But the Austin-Frier having a little parcel of Diamonds about him, and believing them to be Thieves, inconsiderately let fly his Gun and kill'd one of them immediately upon the place: the Merchants seeing one of their companions dead, fell all at once upon the other three, cut the Austin-Frier to pieces, and flew the rest; and so without rifling them pursu'd their Journey.

From Aleppo I went to Alexandretta, and there embarqu'd in a Vessel of Mar­seilles, with a favourable Wind, 'till we came to make the Coast of Candy, where we were becalm'd for two days. One morning by break of day we discover'd a Pickaroon, whereupon seeing we could not avoid being fetch'd up by him, we made ready. He made two or three shot at us, which did us no other harm but only touch'd the Beak-head of the Ship. Our Gunner made a shot at him, which brought down his Top-gallant; asecond went through and through the great Carbin, [Page 113] and caus'd a great disorder in his Ship, as far as we could discern with our Prospective-Glasses. But when the Wind began to blow fresh, the Pirate, who had enough of us, and had discover'd another Vessel which perhaps he thought better prize, made all the Sail he could from us toward the other Vessel. Thereupon we pursu'd our Voyage with a fair Gale, and came to Malta.

From Malta we departed seven or eight in company, in two of the Pope's Gallies, staying three days at Syracuse, and one at Messina; where our Company increasing, we hir'd a Feluck for Naples. But as we were coasting by the Shoar to the Port of Naples, so terrible a Tempest surpriz'd us near to Paolo, that we were forc'd to put in there upon Palm-Sunday. The next day we went to see the Covent of St. Francis of Paolo; the way to it lying between a high Mountain on the right, and a Precipice on the left hand. This Mountain leans so, that it seems to be tumbling down; and there is a good height upon the Rock the seeming print of a Hand, which as the report goes, was the print of St. Francis's Hand, who sustain'd it a whole day, and kept it from falling. From Paolo we went to Naples, where we arriv'd upon Easter-eve; and as we enter'd into the City, the great Guns went off round the City, in honour of the Resurrection. At Rome we all separated, according as our Business led us.

CHAP. VI.
Another Road from Constantinople to Ispahan, by the Euxin or Black Sea; with some Remarks upon the principal Cities thereabouts.

THere are three Roads yet remaining, leading out of Europe into Persia or the Indies. That of Constantinople, all along the Coasts of the Black, Sea; that of Warsovia, crossing the same Sea at Trebisond; and that of Mosco, down the Volga, which has been amply describ'd by Olearius, Secretary to the Embassy of the Duke of Holstein. In this and the next Chapter I shall describe the Way from Constantinople, all along the Black Sea, and that from Warsovia, not knowing any person that has hitherto mention'd any thing upon this subject. And first of all I will give a short Description of the principal Places that lye upon that Sea, as well upon the side of Europe as of Asia, with the just distances of one Place from another.

The principal Cities upon the Black Sea, on the Coast of Europe.

From Constantinople to Varna they count it two hundred Miles, four of which make an Alman League; miles200
From Varna to Balshike, miles36
From Balshike to Bengali, miles70
From Bengali to Constance, miles60
From Constance to Queli, miles25
Near to this City of Queli the great Arm of Danow throws it self into the Black Sea. Here is the grand Fishery for Sturgeon. 
From Queli to Aquerman, miles50
The City of Aquerman belongs to a Kan of the lesser Tartary▪ but it is not the place of his residence, for he keeps his Court at Basha-Serrail, twenty-five miles up in the Land. 
From Aquerman to Kefet or Kaffa, miles350

This is a great City, and a place of great Trade, wherein there are above a thousand Families of the Armenians, and about five hundred Greeks. They have every one their Bishop, and several Churches. St. Peter's is the biggest, very large and very beautiful; but it falls to decay, because the Christians have not Wealth enough to repair it. Every Christian above fifteen years of age, pays a Piaster and a half tribute to the Grand Signor, who is Lord of the City; and he sends a Basha that lives in the ancient City call'd Frink-Hesser. However the Kan of the Lesser Tartary extends his Jurisdiction as far as the Gates of Kaffa.

[Page 114]

From Kaffa to Assaque, miles70

Assaque is the last City in Europe, belonging also to the Grand Signor. By it runs a great River of the same name, the other side being in the Territories of the Duke of Moscovy. Down this River come the Cossacks that do so much mis­chief to the Turks. For sometimes they come with threescore or fourscore Gelia's which are a kind of Brigantines, the bigger sort of which carry a hundred and fifty men, the less a hundred. Sometimes they divide themselves into two parts, one of which makes Havock toward Constantinople, the other Ravages the Coast of Asia, as far as Trebizond.

The Coast of Europe bord'ring upon the Black Sea is 861 miles in length.

The chief Citys upon the Black Sea on the Coast of Asia, which is 1170 miles in length.

From Constantinople, to Neapoli, miles250

In this City are made the greatest part of the Galleys and Vessels that belong to the Grand Signor.

From Neapoli to Sinabe, miles250
From Sinabe to Ouma, miles240
From Ouma to Kerason, miles150
From Kerason to Trebisond, miles80
From Trebisond to Rise, miles100
From Rise to Guni, miles100

The City of Guni belongs half to the Grand Signor, and half to the King of Mengrelia, with whom he keeps a good Correspondence, because the greatest part of the Steel and Iron that is spent in Turky comes out of Mengrelia through the Black Sea.

The only good Ports upon the Black Sea from Constantinople to Mengrelia, are,

Quitros, Sinabe, or Sinope, Onnye, Samsom, Trebisond, Gommé.

The Haven of Quitros is very deep, and the Vessels lie shelter'd from the winds. but the entrance into it is very bad, which only the Pilots of the place, or they who have often accustom'd themselves to that Trade can only find out. It seems that anciently there had been most stately Buildings round about the Port; and several noble Pillars are to be seen all along the shore, not to speak of those which have been Transported to Constantinople. Near the City towards the South stands a high Mountain, whence there flows good store of excellent Water, which at the bottom gathers into one Fountain.

To go from Constantinople for Persia by Sea, you must embark at Constantinople for Trebisond, and many times for Rise or Guni, which are more to the North. They that Land at Trebisond go directly to Erzerom, which is nor above five days Journey off, and from Erzerom to Erivan to Tunis. But there are few that will venture upon this Sea where there is no good Anchorage; besides that it is subject to prodigious Tempests, from which there are very few good Ports to desend them; which is the reason it is call'd Cara-denguis, or the Black Sea: The Eastern people giving to all things, mischievous and dangerous, the Epithet of Black.

They that are Bound for Rise or Guni, go to Teflis the Capital City of Giorgia, and thence to Erivan, for though the way be bad yet it is far better and smoother than the Road to Tauris.

The principal places from Teflis to Erivan are these, together with their re­spective distances.

From Teflis to Soganlouk, leagues3
From Soganlouk to Senouk-kupri, leagues7
From Senouk-kupri to Guilkae, leagues7
From Guilkae to Dakrou, leagues6
[Page 115] From Dakson to Achikent, leagues6
From Achikent to Dillou, leagues6
From Dillou to Yazegi, leagues6
From Yazegi to Bicheni, leagues4
From Bicheni to Erivan, leagues2
From Erivan you keep the ordinary Road to Tauris. 

CHAP. VII.
The Road from Warsow to Ispahan, over the Black Sea, and from Ispahan to Mosco; with the Names of the principal Cities and Islands of Turky according to the vulgar pronunciation and as they are call'd in the Language of the Turks.

FRom Warsow upon the left hand of the Vistula, the ordinary residence of the Kings of Poland, to Lublin, days6
From Lublin to Iluove, days5
There all the Bales are open'd, and the Customers take Five in the Hun­dred for their Merchandize. 
From Iluove to Jaslovieer, days12
This is the last City of Poland toward Moldavia, where if you sell any quantity of Goods you must pay Five per Cent. 
From Jaslovieer to Yashé, days8
This is the Capital City of Moldavia, and is the Residence of the Vaywood which the Grand Signor sends to govern in the Country. There they open all the Bales, and there is a Roll of what every Merchant ought to pay, which may amount to Five per Cent. 
From Yashé to Ourshaye, days3
This is the last City of Moldavia, where there is no Custom to be paid. 
From Ourshaye to Akerman, days4
Here they never open the Bales, but they take Four in the Hundred. 
From Akerman to Ozou, days3
Here they never open the Bales, but the Custom amounts to two per Cent. 
From Ozou to Precop, days5
Neither do they here open the Bales, but trust to the Merchant's word, and the Customs amount to Two and a half per Cent. 
From Precop to Kaffa, days5
Nor are the Bales open'd here, but the Custom comes to Three per Cent. 
Thus from Warsow to Kaffa the Journey takes up one and fifty days, in the Wagon, which is the manner of Carriage in those Countries. All the Customs amount to Eighteen and a half per Cent. to which you must add the Carriage, and Passage by Sea to Trebizond: where you pay three Piasters for every Mules-load, and four for every Camels-load. 
Observe by the way, that the Armenians do not usually take shipping at Trebizond but go to another Port more to the West, upon the same Coast, where they never, pay above a Piaster and a half for a Camels load. This Port, call'd Onnie, is a very good Haven; and there is another a little farther off, call'd Samson, which is no bad one, but the Air is unwholsom and dang'rous. 
There is also another Road from Warsow to Trebizond, shorter by three days journey. 
From Warsow to Yashé, according to the Road already set down, days31
From Yashé to Galas, days8

All merchandize is Tax'd at this place, and the Duties are tak'n at Galas, ac­cording to the Note which the Merchant brings from Galas. Galas is a City of Moldavia.

[Page 116]

From Galas to Megin, days1
The Bales are not open'd here, but the Merchant pays three and a half, or four per Cent. 
From Megin to Mangalia, days8
This is one of the four Ports to the West upon the Black Sea, and the best of all. 
The three others toward the South upon the Coast are Kavarna, Balgik, and Varna. At Mangalia they demand but half a Piaster for every Bale. Crossing from thence to Trebisond you have five days Journey to Erzerom. 
Now to the Road of Muscovy; which having been exactly describ'd by Olea­rius, going into Persia, I will describe it returning out of Persia. 
Having led the Reader to Shamaqui, I will return home from thence. 
From Shamaqui to Derbent, days7
Derbent, which the Turks call Demir-Capi, is the last City within the Juris­diction of the Persians; by which there runs a River which is call'd Shamourka. 
From Derbent to Tetarck, days8
By this Town runs a River which is call'd Bocan. 

From Tetarck to Astracan they hire small Barks with a dozen Oars. All along the shoar the Osiers grow so very thick, that they afford shelter for the Barks in fowl weather. If the Wind serve they will put up a little Sail and be at Astracan in four or five hours; but if they only Row, they cannot be there in nine.

When you Embark upon the Caspian Sea, where you only creep along by the shore, you must provide your self with Water for the three first days, in regard the Water is bitter and ill tasted all along the Coast all that while; but for the rest of the Voyage it is very good. If you carry heavy Goods, you may hire large Boats to save Charges.

When you come to Astracan you unlade your Goods; at what time the Officer comes, and sealing up every Bale, causes them to be sent to the Merchants Lodg­ing. Three days after the Customer comes to op'n the Bales, and takes five per Cent. If the Merchant happ'n to want money, and takes it up at Astracan, to pay again at Moscow, he pays sometimes thirty per Cent. according to the Rate of Gold Ducats.

If a Merchant have any Diamonds, or any other Jewels, and let it be known, he pays five per Cent. But if a Merchant have any Jewels, or any other Rarities, and tells the Governour that he intends to carry them to the Grand Duke; the Gover­nour sends a Convoy with him either by Land or Water, that costs him nothing: and moreover sends a Courrier before to the Court, to give Notice of his coming. There is very good Wine at Astracan; but better at Shamaqui, where I advise the Traveller to provide himself.

From Astracan to Moscow, you take Shipping in great Barques, that make use both of Oars and Sails, rowing against the Tide, and weigh whatever you put Aboard, to a very Coverlet. Generally you pay for every pound fourteen Caya, and three Abassi's and a half, and an Abassi makes eighteen Sous and three De­niers.

In Muscovy, they reckon the way neither by Leagues nor Miles, but by Shage­rons, five of which make an Italian Mile.

From Astracan to Courmija, Shagerons300
From Courmija to Sariza, sha.200
From Sariza, to Sarataf, sha.350
From Sarataf to Samarat, sha.200
From Samarat to Semiriskat, sha.300
From Semiriskat to Coulombe, sha.150
From Coulombe to Casan, sha.200
This is a great City with a stout Fortress 
From Casan to Sabouk-sha, sha.200
From Sabouk-sha to Godamijan, sha.120
From Godamijan to Niguina, sha.280
Niguina is a large and well Fortifi'd Castle 
From Niguina to Mouron, sha.300
[Page 117] From Mouron to Casin, sha.100
From Casin to Moscow, sha.250
So that from Astracan to Moscow they count it sha. which makes 590 Italian miles.2950
At Sarataf you may go ashore, and so by Land to Moscow. When the Snow is gone you travel in Wagons, but when the Snow lies, in Sledges. If a man be alone, and that his Goods weigh not above two hundred pounds Paris weight, they put them into two Bales; and laying them upon the Horses back set the man in the middle, paying for Carriage as much as from Astracan to Moscow. 
From Sarataf by Land to Inserat, days10
From Inserat to Tymnek, days6
From Tymnek to Canquerma, days8
From Canquerma to Volodimer, day6
Volodimer is a City bigger than Constantinople, where stands a fair Church upon a Mountain in the City, having been formerly the residence of the Emperours them­selves. 
From Volodimer to Moscow, days5
In all, days35

Observe by the way that they never go ashore at Serataf but in case of necessity, when the River begins to be Frozen. For from Serataf to Inserat is a Journey of ten days, in all which time there is nothing to be had, either for Horse or Man. The Custom is the same at Moscow as at Astracan, that is Five per Cent. All the Asia­ticks, Turks, Persians, Armenians, and others, lodge in a sort of Inns: but the Europeans lie in a place by themselves altogether.

The Names of some Cities and places belonging to the Empire of the Grand Signor, as they are vulgarly call'd, and in Turkish.

COnstantinople after it was taken by Mahomet the second, the twenty seventh of May, 1453, was call'd by the Turks Istam-Bol; Istam signifying Security, and Bol, Spacious, large, or great, as much as to say, Great Security.

Vulgar,Turkish.
Adrianople,Edrené.
Burse,Brousa.
Belgrade,Beligrade.
Buda,Boudim.
Grand Caire,Mesr.
Alexandretta in Egypt,Iskendrié.
Mecca,Meqquié.
Balsara,Basra.
Babylon,Bagdat.
Nineveh,Moussoul.
Nisibis,Nisbin.
Edessa,Oursa:
Tiqueranger,Diarbequir.
Eva-togea,Tokat.
Teve Toupolis,Erzerom.
Shamiramager,Van.
Jerusalem,Koutsheriff.
Damas,Cam.
Tripoli in Syria,Cam Taraboulous.
Aleppo,Haleb.
Tripoli in Barbary,Taraboulous,
Tunis,Tunis.
Algier:Gezaiir.
Candy,Guirir.
Rhodes,Rodes.
Cyprus,Kebres.
[Page 118] Chio,Sakes.
Methelin,Medilli.
Smyrna,Izmir.
Troy,Eski Istamboul
Lemnos,Limio.
Tenedos,Bogge-adasi.
Negropont,Eghirbos.
The Dardanels,Bogaz-ki.
Athens,Atina.
Barut,Biroult.
Seyde,Saida.
Tyre,Sour.
St. John of Dacres,Acra.
Antioch,Antexia.
Trebizond,Tarabozan.
Sinopus,Sinap.

In the Fortress of Sinopus, at the lower part of the Wall there is a Stone to be seen, where there is an Inscription in Latin abbreviated, with the word Rome in it; whence some conjecture may be made that the Romans built it.

The Mediterranean Sea,Akdeniis.
The Ocean,Derijay Mouhiit.
The Black Sea,Kara-Deniis.

CHAP. VIII.
Remarks upon the Trade of the Island of Candy, and the principal Isles of the Archipelago, as also upon some of the Cities of Greece adjoyning; with a particular Relation of the present Con­dition of the Grand Signor's Galleys, belonging as well to the Isles as to the Continent.

Of the ISLAND of CANDY.

OUT of the Island of Candy Strangers export great store of Wheat and Sallet-Oyl, all sorts of Pulse, Cheese, yellow Wax, Cottons, Silks, but more especially Malmsey, wherein consists its chiefest Trade. When Vintage draws near, the Country-people that are to gather the Grapes wrap their Feet in a piece of a Boar's Skin, which they tye together upon the upper part of the Foot with a piece of Pack-thred, to preserve their Feet from the violent heat of the Rocks upon which they are to tread. Those Skins are brought out of Russia by the Russes, that bring Botargo and Caviare to Constantinople, where they have a vast vent for it all over Turky, Persia, and Ethiopia; where they that follow the Greek and Armenian Church, eat little or nothing else all the Lent. By the way take notice, that the Turks make a certain Glew out of Sturgeon, which is the best in the World, so that whatever is fasten'd with it, will rather break in another place than where it is glew'd. They make it thus: When they have caught a Sturgeon, they pull out his Guts, and then there remains a Skin that covers the Flesh; this Skin they take off from the head to the belly. It is very clammy, and about the thick­ness of two Sheets of Paper, which they roll as thick as a Man's Arm, and let it dry in the Sun. When they use it, they beat it with a Mallet, and when it is well beat'n they break it into pieces, and steep it in Water for half an hour in a little Pot.

When the Venetians were Masters of Candy, they that had committed any Crime which deserv'd Death, if they could get out of the Island before they were appre­hended [Page 119] went directly to Constantinople, to beg their pardon. For you must know, that no person but the Ambassador of the Commonwealth of Venice had the Pri­viledge to pardon Crimes committed in Candy. For example, when Signor Der­visano was Ambassador for the Common-wealth of Venice at Constantinople, a Candiot having a desire to lye with a Woman by force, she told him she would sooner eat her Child's Liver than yield to his Lust. Whereupon, the Villain enrag'd he could not compass his design, took his opportunity, kill'd the Child, cut out the Liver, and made the Mother eat it, and then slew the Mother also. Upon this he fled to Con­stantinople, to beg pardon of the Ambassador, and obtain'd it there: But the Ambassador at the same time wrote word to the Governour of Candy to put him to death at his return; having only granted him his Pardon, to preserve his Priviledge. And indeed, to speak truth, the Candiots are the most wretched people under Heaven.

Of the ISLAND of CHIO.

THE City of Chio, which gives the Island its Name, contains about thirty thou­sand Inhabitants; where there are little less than fifteen thousand Greeks, eight thousand Latins, and six thousand Turks.

Among the several Greek and Latin Churches, the last of which hath continu'd ever since the time that the Genoeses possess'd the Island, there are some indifferent handsom Structures. The five principal Latin Churches are the Cathedral, and the Churches belonging to the Escolantines, the Dominicans, the Jesuites, and the Capuchins. The Turks have also their Mosqueés, and the Jews their Synagogue.

Four Miles from the City, near to the Sea-side is to be seen a vast Stone, which was cut out of some Rock; it is almost all round, only the upper part, which is flat, and somewhat hollow; round about the upper part, and in the middle, are places like Seats, cut into the same Stone; of which there is one higher than the rest, like a School-master's Chair; and Tradition reports that this was Homer's School, where he taught this Scholars.

In this Island there is such an infinite number of Partridges that the like is not to be found in any part of the World. But that which is a greater Rarity is this, that the Natives breed them up, as we do our Poultry, but after a more pleasant manner; for they let them go in the fields all the day long, and at night every Country-man calls his own severally home to Roost by a particular Note, whither they return like a Flock of so many Geese.

There are great quantities of Damasks and Fustians wrought in the Island of C [...]i [...], which are transported to Grand Ca [...]o, and to all the Cities upon the Coast of Bar­bary, Natolia, and particularly to Constantinople.

Three Leagues from the Island of Chio, upon a Mountain to the South there grows a peculiar sort of Trees; the Leaves are somewhat like a Myrtle, their Branches so long that they creep upon the ground; but which is more wonderful, that when they are down, they rise again of themselves. From the beginning of May to the end of June, the Inhabitants take great care to keep the Earth under the Tree very clean; for during those two Months there issues out a certain Gum from the joynts of the Branches, which drops upon the ground; this is that which we call Mastick, and the Turks, Sakes, according to the Name which they give the Island. The Island produces great store of this Mastick, which is spent in the Seraglio of Constantinople, where the Women continually chew it, to cleanse and keep their Teeth white. When the Mastick Season draws near, the Grand Signor every year sends a certain number of Bestangi's to take care that it be not exported, but be pre­serv'd for the use of the Seraglio. If it be a plentiful year for Mastick, the Bestangi's that cull out the lesser sort to sell, put it into little Bags and seal it up; which Bags being so seal'd, are never question'd by the Custom-house Officers. The Island also yields very good Turpentine.

Of the ISLAND of NAXIS.

THere is not one Port belongs to this Island; the Vessels that are Bound thi­ther for Trade, being forc'd to stay in the Haven of the Isle of Paros, call'd Derion six miles from Naxis, which is one of the best Havens in the Archipelago, able to contain a thousand Ships. There are the ruines of a Wall still to be seen that made a Mole, where four or five Galleys might ride. There are also the ruines of several Houses of the ancient Dukes, the Stables standing almost whole, all Arch'd, and built of Marble. These Dukes were also Lords of twelve other Islands. As for the Island it self, it is well stor'd with Villages, and has three good Cities, Barequa, Qüsa, and Falet.

Near this Island within a stones throw, there is a curious piece of Antiquity still to be seen. It is a flat Rock, as big about in compass as the ancient Court of the Louvre. In the middle of this Rock it was that the Temple of Bacchus was built all of Marble, of which there is nothing but the Foundations that remain. The Gate is still standing made of three Stones, whereof two make the sides, and the third lies across. From the Isle to this Rock there is a fair Stone Bridge of Free­stone, upon each side whereof are to be seen the Pipes that convey'd the Wine into the Temple, that was drank at the Feast of Bacchus. Naxis also is the Island that produces the best Emeril.

As to the Inhabitants themselves, if the Husband or Wife happens to dye, the Surviver never stirs out of the House in six Months after, upon any business how urgent soever, no not to hear Mass. There are both Latins and Greeks in the Island, but the latter are the most numerous. There is a Latin Arch-bishop, and Canons belonging to the Metropolitan Church, with two Religious Houses, one of Capuchins, and the other of Jesuites: The Greeks also have their Arch-bishop.

The Island of Naxis is sixscore miles in compass, being one of the fairest and pleasantest Islands in the Archipelago. The ancient Dukes made it their residence, whence they command the greatest part of the Cyclades. There is great plenty of White Salt made in Naxis, and it produces excellent Wine both White and Claret, which caus'd the Inhabitants▪ to build a Temple to Bacchus, who according to their ancient Tradition chose that Island for his Habitation. The Island produces excel­lent Fruits, feeds great store of Cattle, and abounds in several other things neces­sary for human support. There are also in it large Woods full of small Deer, and frequented by a great number of Eagles and Vultures.

Here follow the names of the Cyclades, as the people of the Country Pronounce them.

  • 1. Delos or Sdilis.
  • 2. Giaroa.
  • 3. Andros.
  • 4. Paros.
  • 5. Nicaria.
  • 6. Samoa.
  • 7. Pathmoa.
  • 8. Olearoa.
  • 9. Sitino.
  • 10. Rhena.
  • 11. Miconoa.
  • 12. Tenoa or Tino.
  • 13. Sciroa or Sira.
  • 14. Subiuma.
  • 15. Syphnus or Sifanre.
  • 16. Nixcia.
  • 17. Chios or Scio.
  • 18. Astypaleo.
  • 19. Amorgus or Amorgo.

Of the Islands of Zea, of Milo, of Paros, and other Islands of the Archipelago.

ZEA is an Island wherein there is nothing remarkable, and from whence there is nothing to be Exported but Valanede, to dye Leather withal. Neither are there any Goods Imported into it but what the Pirates bring in, which are very few, in regard the Islanders are careful to provide themselves other­where.

[Page 121] Milo affords nothing but Millstones to grind Wheat, which are carry'd to Constan­tinople.

Paros where there is no Trade neither, has nothing remarkable in it but one Greek Church, very well built all of Marble, call'd Our Lady's Church.

As for the Islands of S [...]fante and Miconoa, in regard there is nothing of Trade in either but only with the Pirates, who sometimes touch there, if there be any Con­suls that live there, it is only to buy their stol'n Goods.

Of the City of Athens, Corinth, Patras, Coron, and Modon.

THE City of Athens is about four miles distant from the Sea, and contains two and twenty thousand Inhabitants, twenty five thousand Greeks; five or six thousand Latins, and a thousand Turks. Among all the Antiquities that yet remain, those in the Castle are the best preserv'd. The Castle stands upon a Hill, upon the North descent whereof some part of the City stands. It encloses a very fair and spacious Temple, built all of white Marble from the top to the bottom, supported by stately Pillars of black Marble and Porphiry. In the front are great Figures of Armed Knights ready to encounter one another. Round about the Temple, except upon the Roof, which is all of flat Marble Stones well order'd, are to be seen all the famous Acts of the Greeks in small carving▪ every Figure being about two foot and a half high. Round about the Temple runs a fair Gallery, where four persons may walk a-brest. It is supported by sixteen Pillars of white Marble upon each of the sides, and by six at each end, being also pav'd and cover'd with the same Stone. Close to the Temple stands a fair Palace of white Marble, which now falls to decay. Below the Castle, and at the point of the City toward the East, stand seventeen Pillars, the remainder of three hundred, where anciently, they say, stood the Palace of Theseus first King of the Athenians. These Pillars are of a prodigious bigness, every one eighteen foot about. They are proportionable in height, but not all of a piece, being thwarted most of them by Stones of white Marble, one end whereof rests upon one Pillar, and the other upon that which follows it; which was the support of the whole building. Upon the Gate, which is yet entire, are to be seen these words upon the front without. [...].’ ‘The City of Athens was assuredly the City of Theseus.

Within-side of the same City these other words are Engrav'd. [...].’ ‘The City of Athens is the City of Adrian, and not of The­seus.

There are in Athens several other pieces of Antiquity which are well worthy to be seen.

Corinth, which formerly made such a noise in the world, is now a Village of some five or six and twenty houses, but all of them the Habitations of rich Greeks. The Town lies at the foot of the Castle, which is seated upon an inaccessible Rock guarded by the Greeks, commanded by an Aga. Corinth Exports great quantities of Currants.

Patras does the same, which is all the Trade of those two places.

Coron and Modon drive a Trade in Sallet-Oyl, which is so good and so plentiful, that several English, Dutch, and other Ships are load'n away with it from thence every year.

There are Consuls in Athens, Patras, Coron, Modon, and Napoli of Roma­nia.

[Page 122] The Athenian Merchants buy up Tissues, Velvets, Satins, and Cloth, with which they serve other Countries adjoyning. The Commodities which Foreigners export from thence, are Silks, Wool, Sponges, Wax, Cordivan-Leather, and Cheese. Which is all that can be said in few Words, of the Trade of all these places.

A Particular Relation of the Gallies belonging to the Grand Signor, as well at Constantinople, as in the Isles and other Parts of the Empire.

FOrmerly there lay in the Road of Constantinople above a hundred and fifty Gal­leys: But the Grand Visier perceiving that so great a number did but cause confusion, and that the Captain-Basha could not conveniently take so great a burden as to look after such a number, he gave order that no more than twenty-four should lie in the Port of Constantinople; sending the rest to other Ports, as well of the Con­tinent, as the Islands.

At present the Number of the Grand Signor's Gallies is fourscore, thus distributed under the Command of their several Beys or Captains.

At Constantinople, twenty-four under the Command of the Captain-Basha, or Ad­miral of the Sea; who when he goes out upon any Expedition, sends to the rest to meet him according to Orders. When he goes in person to Sea, he gives to every one of his Slaves besides their ordinary Habit a kind of Cassock of Red Cloth, and a Bonnet of the same colour. But this is only in the Admiral's Gally, and at his own Cost. His Gally carries usually 366 Slaves, and to every Seat of the Row­ers, a Bonne Vole. These Bonne Voles are certain Volunteers that freely offer them­selves to the Service of the Admiral, and there is great care taken for their being well paid. Their Pay is 3500 Aspers for their Voyage, which generally continues seven or eight Months. They feed as the other Slaves; but if they Row negligent­ly or lazily, they are beaten worse than the Slaves; for the Volunteers have nothing to do except it be to Row: But the Slaves are put to several other Duties. Take notice also that the Volunteers that serve in the General's Gally, have 500 Aspers more than those in the other Gallies, that is to say, 4000 Aspers for their Voyage, which comes to 40 Crowns.

The Reer-Admiral carries Two hundred and fifty men, as well Slaves as Volun­teers. That Galley and the great Tefterdar's or Treasurers, are the best provided of any in the whole Fleet: For the Reer-Admiral Basha has his choice to take four of the best men out of every Galley for his own, or else to receive 3500 Aspers for every man, which is paid by the Captain of the Galley; which makes him the richest of all the Beys.

The great Tefterder's Galley is one of the Twenty four Galleys of Constantinople, and he sends a particular Treasurer, in the quality of a Lieutenant, to command her. That Command is very much contested for, in regard that Galley is very well provided with all things; and for that all the Captains Court the Tefterdar, who, when the Galleys return to Port, rewards them according to their Merit.

The Janizary-Aga's Galley is of the same number; but he never goes to Sea, always sending one in his room.

The Bey of Rhodes, that takes upon him the Title of Basha, has eight Gal­leys.

The Bey of Stancho, an Island about an hundred Miles from Rhodes, Lieutenant to the Bey of Rhodes, has one Galley.

The Bey of Sussam, a small Island near Scio, has one Galley, and his Lieutenant another. These Galleys are generally appointed to watch the Maltesi, and Li­gorn.

The Bey of Scio formerly had but three; but since the War with Candy, he has had six.

The Lieutenant of the Bey of Scio has two Gallies. There be also three other Beys in the Island of Scio, who have no dependance upon the Basha of Scio, but buy their Provisions where they can find it best cheap.

The Bey of Smyrna and his Lieutenant have two Gallies; but they can do nothing without the Orders of the Bey of Scio.

[Page 123] The Bey of Metelin has two Gallies.

The Bey Cavale, a small Bay, twelve Miles on this side the Dardanells, upon the Coast of Europe, has one.

The Bey of Nestrepont, seven.

The Bey of Napoli in Romania, five.

The Bey of Coron, one.

The Bey of Modon, one.

The Bey of Famagosta, six.

The Bey of Alexandria in Egypt, five.

The Bey of Canée, two Gallies.

The Bey of Castel-Tourneze or Navarin, two Gallies.

All these Gallies make up the number of Fourscore.

The light Gallies carry not above 196 men; the four men that are wanting of two hundred, being the Bey's profit.

Every Captain is allow'd thirteen thousand Piasters for his Provision; and every Christmas he gives to every Slave a pair of Breeches, and a Cassock of course Cloth, with a scantie kind of a Cloak.

Every Slave has every day a pound and a half of good Bread, and nothing else. But upon Friday which is the Mahumetans Sunday, they have hot Pease, or Beans, or Lentils boyl'd in Butter. They receive also sometimes the Alms of the Greeks, when they lie in any Port. But at Constantinople they fare somewhat better; for twice a week, as well the Turks, as the Greeks and others, come to the Bains, and bestow their Charity of Rice and other good Victuals. The Bains is the name of the place where the Sea-men are kept when they are not at Sea.

Sometimes when they are to go Sea, they will counterfeit themselves sick or lame; but they are so narrowly observ'd, that it serves them to no other purpose than to procure to themselves the more Blows.

CHAP. IX.
A Relation of the present State of Georgia.

GEORGIA, which others call Gurgïe, or Gurgistan, extends Eastward to the Caspian Sea; and upon the West is bounded by Mountains that part it from Mengrelia. Formerly it was a Kingdom, all the Inhabi­tants whereof were Christians, of the Armenian, and of the Greek Church; but of late the Mahometans have got footing among them. And the King of Persia having fill'd them full of Divisions, has made two Kingdoms of it, which he calls Provinces; over which he has plac'd two Governors. They are ge­nerally Princes of the Country, who must turn Mahometans before they can be ad­mitted to that Dignity. When they are advanc'd, they take upon them the title of Kings; and while they have any Issue, the King of Persia cannot dispossess their Children.

The most Potent of these two Kings, is he that resides at Teflis, who in the Lan­guage of the Country is call'd the King of Cartelé. The present King is the last that has continu'd a Christian, with his four Sons; the Eldest of which, the King of Persia having entic'd to Court, partly by Promises, and partly by Presents, has won to Mahumetism. Immediately thereupon, he caus'd him to be declar'd King of the other Province.

These two Kings have each of them a Guard of Mahumetan Horse-men under their own pay; and at present I believe there are in both Kingdoms near upon 12000 Mahumetan Families.

The King of Teflis coyns Money in the King of Persia's Name; and the Silver which he coyns, is in Spanish Reals, French Crowns, and such other Money, which the Armenians bring out of Europe for their Goods. As to the Justice of the Countrey, neither the King himself, nor the Mahometans have any thing to do [Page 124] with it. A thief is acquitted, paying seven-fold what he has stole; two parts whereof go to the Party robb'd, one part to the Judges, and four parts to the King. If the Thief has not wherewithal to make restitution, he is fold: If the Product do not yet equal the Sum, if he have a Wife and Children, they first sell the Wife, and if that will not do, then they sell the Children: But if the Party robb'd be so merciful, as to forgive the Thief his share, then neither the King nor the Judges can demand any thing for their share. If any man commit a Murder, they condemn him to die, and deliver him up into the hands of the Kindred of the Party slain, to do Execution as they please themselves. However, it is in their power to par­don him, if he be able to give sixty Cows or more to the next a-kin to the Party kill'd. In matter of Debt, a Creditor has Power to seize upon all the Estate of the Debtor; and if that will not satisfie, he may sell his Wife and Children.

The Christians of Georgia are very ignorant, especially in Matters of Religion. They learn that little they know, in the Monasteries, as also to write and read; and generally the Women and Maids are more knowing than the Men; not only be­cause there are more Religious Houses for Women than for Men, but also because the Boys are bred up to labour, or sent to the Wars. For if a Virgin grows up, and happens to be handsom, some one or other presently endeavors to steal her, on pur­pose to sell her into Turky, Persia, or the Territories of the great Mogul. So that to prevent their being stoln, their Fathers and Mothers put them very young into Nunneries, where they apply themselves to study; wherein, if they attain to any proficiency, they usually stay as long as they live: After that, they profess, and when they come to a certain Age, they are permitted to Baptize, and to apply the holy Oyls, as well as any Bishop or Arch-Bishop can do.

The Georgians are very great Drinkers; and Nature has fitted them a Countrey that produces good store of Wine. They love the strongest Drinks best; for which reason, at their Feasts both men and Women drink more Aqua vitae than Wine. The women never eat in publick with their Husbands; but when the man has invited his Friends, the next day the Woman invites her She-companions. And it is obser­vable that at the Womens Festivals there is more Wine and Aquavitae drank than at the mens. The Guest is no sooner enter'd into the Dining-room, but he is present­ed with 2 or 3 Dishes of Sweet-meats, and a Glass of half a pint of Aquavitae to excite his Appetite. They are great Feeders upon Onions and Herbs, which they eat raw out of the Garden. The Georgians are also great Travellers, and very much addi­cted to Trade; they are very dext'rous in shooting with Bow and Arrows, and are accounted the best Souldiers in all Asia. They compose a great part of the King of Persia's Cavalry, who keeps them in his Court at peculiar pay, and relies very much upon their fidelity and courage. There are several also in the Service of the Great Mogul. The Men are very well complexion'd and very well shap'd; and for the Women, they are accounted the fairest and most beautiful of all Asia; and therefore out of this Country it is that the King of Persia chooses all his Wives, being not permitted to marry a Stranger. Teflis, where the Women have more liberty than in any part of Asia, is the Capital City of Georgia, well situated, large and well built, where there likewise is a great Trade in Silk.

CHAP. X.
A RELATION of the present State of Mengrelia.

MEngrelia extends from a Chain of Mountains, that separates it from Geor­gia to the Black-Sea, and is now divided into three Provinces (every one of which has their King.) The first is call'd the Province of Imareté, or Bassa-Shiouk, the king whereof pretends to a superiority over both the other, which is the reason they are often at War, and that with so much cruelty, that when they have tak'n any Prisoners of either side, they sell them into Turky. They are so accustom'd to sell one another in this Country, that if a man or his wife have any occasion for money, they will go and sell one of their Children, and many times they will exchange a Child for Ribands or other Toyes at the Mer­cers Shops.

The second Province is that of Mengrelia, and the King of this Province is call'd the King of Dadian.

The third is the Province of Guriel, the King of which Province is call'd the King of Guriel.

The Province of Mengrelia was formerly subject to the King of Bassa-Shiouk, who sent thither a Governor, which is call'd in their language Dadian.

One of those Governours being a person of wit and courage, gain'd so far upon the affection of the People, that they chose him for their King.

The chief of the Province of Guriel, seeing how the Dadian had obtain'd the King­dom, following the Example of Mengrelia, shook off the Yoke of the King of Bassa-Shiouk, and chose another King among themselves, who keeps his Soveraignty to this day, by the support of the Grand-Signor. For when the Dadian rebell'd he entr'd into an Alliance with the Grand-Signor, and oblig'd himself to furnish him every year with such a certain quantity of Iron, upon condition that if the King of Bassa-Shiouk should war upon him, he should furnish him with twenty thousand Horse. Of which the Turk was very glad, finding thereby the Country of Mengrelia divided, which being united, was able at any time to have disturb'd him with an Army of fifty thousand Men.

The King of Bassa-Shiouk coyns money of the same bigness and weight with that of the King of Persia. But in regard it is not so fine metal as that of the King of Persia, he would have much ado to make it pass in the trade between his Subjects and the Persians, which is very great, had he not found an expedient by putting the King of Persia's name upon the Coyn as well as his own, which makes it pass without any diffi­culty. He would also put the Grand-Signor's Name upon his Coyn, but that the Turk coyns none but small money, or Aspers, excepting only some Ducats which he coyns at Cairo. The King of Bassa-Shiouk, as well as the King of Teflis coyns all sorts of forreign money.

These three Kings of Bassa-Shiouk, Mengrelia and Guriel, are Christians also. And when they go to war, all the Ecclesiastical Persons attend them; Arch-bishops and Bishops, Priests and Monks: not so much as to fight as to encourage the Souldiers.

Being at Constantinople the first time I travell'd into Persia I saw there an Embassa­dor from the King of Mengrelia, whose behaviour gave all the Franks occasion of laugh­ter. The present which he made the Grand-Signor was in Iron and Steel, and a great number of Slaves. The first time of his Audience, he had a train of above 200 Persons. But every day he sold two or three to defray his expences; So that at his departure, he had none but his Secretary and two Vassals more left. He was a man of presence but no wit: and every time he went to visit the Grand Visier, he presum'd to wear the white Bonnet which all the Franks wonder'd at; when they saw that the Grand-Visier wink'd at it. For should any other Christian have done so, he had been most certain­ly put to death, or constrain'd to turn Mahumetan. By which it was apparent how much the Grand Signor valu'd the Friendship of the King of Mengrelia, and how care­ful he is of offending those that are sent from his Court. He knew those People suf­fer no affronts, but upon the least word presently draw; besides that there is nothing to be got by provoking them.

This Embassadour going once upon a visit into the Country, returning home was [Page 126] surpriz'd with a Storm, whereupon he pull'd off his Boots and carri'd them under his Coat, choosing rather to go bare-foot to his lodging, then to spoil his Boots.

Another time, it being the custom of all Catholick Ambassadors to go to Mass to the Covent of Grey Friars in Pera, upon St. Francis's day, the Mengrdia [...] Ambas­sador after Mass was done, coming out of the Church, and seeing several baubles which the Pedlers expose in the Cloyster upon that day, bought a Tin Ring, two or three small Looking-Glasses, and a Pipe, which he put in his mouth and went piping all the way i'th Street, as Children do coming from Fairs.

But to return to the matter, you must take notice that there are not only Iron Mines, but also Mines of Gold and Silver in two places five or six days Journey from Teflis, the one call'd Soüanet, the other Obetet. But the mischief is, the people can hardly be got to work there, for fear the Earth should tumble down, and bury them in the Mine, as it has many times happen'd.

There is also a Mine of Gold near to a place which is call'd Hardm [...]nshé, and a Mine of Silver at Gunishé-Koné. five days Journey from Erzerom, and as many from Trebisond.

As for the people themselves both▪ Georgians and Mengrelians, they never trouble themselves about the ignorance and viciousness of their Priests, or whether they be able to instruct them or no. The richest among them are they which are in most credit, and absolutely give Laws to the poor. There are also some heads of the Church, that assume such a jurisdiction over the people, as to sell them both to the Turks and Persians, and they choose out the handsom'st Children, both Boys and Girls, to get the more money, by which authority also the great men of the Country enjoy Marry'd Women and Maids at their pleasure. They will choose out their Children for the Bishops while they are yet in their Cradles; and if the Prince be dissatisfi'd at it, all the Clergy joyns with him that makes the choice, and then together by the Ears they go. In which Skirmishes they will carry away whole Villages, and sell all the poor people to the Turks and Persians. And indeed the custom of selling men and women is so common in that Country, that a man may almost affirm it to be one of their chiefest Trades.

The Bishops dissolve Marriages when they please, and then Marry again after they have sold the first. If any of the Natives be not Marri'd to his fancy, he takes another for such a time as he thinks fit, for which he pays her all▪ the while as the Turks do. Very few of these people know what Baptism means. Only two or three days after the woman is brought to Bed, the Priest comes and brings a little Oyl, mumbles over a few Prayers, and then anoints the Mother and the Infant, which they believe to be the best Baptism in the World. In short, they are a people of no Devotion at all, neither in their Ceremonies nor in their Prayers. But there are great store of Nunneries, where the young Maids apply themselves to their Studies, and after such an age, whether they stay in the Nunneries or betake themselves▪to the Service of any of the great Lords, they Confess, Baptize, Marry, and perform all other Ecclesiastical Functions, which I never knew practis'd in any other part of the World beside.

CHAP. XI.
Of Comania, Circassia, and of certain people which they call Kalmouchs.

COmania is bounded toward the East by the Caspian Sea; Westward by the Mountains that divide it from Circassia; Northward it lies upon Muscovia; and Southward it is bounded by Georgia. From the Mountains that bound upon the North-East to Tercki, which is the River that parts Moscovia from Comania, it is all a level Country excellent for Tillage, and abound­ding in fair Meadows and Pasturage. However it is not over-peopl'd, which is the reason they never Sow twice together in one place. The Climate is much the same [Page 127] as between Paris and Lion, where it Rains very much; and yet the Country people have cut several Channels from the Rivers to water the Grounds after they have Sow'd them, which they learnt from the Persians. Those Rivers fall from the Sou­thern Mountains, being not at all tak'n notice of in the Map. There is one among the rest a very large River, which can be forded at no time. They call it Coyasou, or The thick water, in regard it is continually muddy, the stream being so slow, that they can hardly discern which way it runs. It falls gently into the Caspian Sea to the South of the mouth of Volga. Not far from this River, in the months of Octo­ber and November, all along the Shore of the same Sea, you may see vast shoals of fish about two foot long. Before, they have two legs, like a Dog's legs, behind in­stead of legs they have only claws. Flesh they have none, but only fat with a bone in the middle. Now in regard they are but slow pac'd, when they come upon Land the Country people easily knock them on the head, and make Oyl of them; which is the greatest Trade they have.

The people of Comania, commonly call'd Comouchs, dwell for the most part at the foot of the Mountains, because of the Springs so plentiful in those places, that in some Villages you shall have above twenty or thirty. Three of these Springs meeting to­gether, make a stream strong enough to drive a Mill. But this is not the sole reason, for there is Water enough in the plain. But in regard they are a people that only live upon the spoil and plunder of their Enemies, and of one another, as they are in continual fear of being set upon, they love to dwell near the refuge of the Moun­tains, whither they fly with their Cattle upon any occasion of danger. For all the people round about, as Georgians, Mengrelians, Cirkassians, Tartars, and Mus­covites, live altogether by rapine, and continual In-roads into one anothers Countries.

There are another sort of people which are call'd Kalmouchs, that inhabit upon the Coast of the Caspian Sea between the Muscovites and the Tartars. The men are strong, but the most deformed under Heaven. Their faces are so flat and broad, that there is the breadth of five fingers between each Eye. Their Eyes are very small, and that little Nose they have is so flat, that there is nothing to be seen but two little holes instead of Nostrils. Their Knees also and their▪ Feet turn inward. When they go to the Wars, they carry their Wives and their Daughters, if they be twelve years of age, along with them, who fight as couragiously as the men themselves. Their Arms are Bows, Arrows, and Skains, with a great wooden Mace at the Pummel of their Saddles; their Horses being the best in all Asia. Their Captain is of some ancient Family, but they more particularly choose him for his valour. The Duke of Muscovia sends them presents every year, to preserve their friendship, which presents consist in Cloth. And he grants them free passage through his Territories, when ever they have a mind to invade the Mengrelians, Georgians, or Cirkassians, at which sport they are much more dextrous than the lesser Tartars. Sometimes they advance into Persia, as far as the Province of the Ʋsbekes, which is a part of Great Tartary, ranging up as far as Caboul and Canda­bar. Their Religion is particular to themselves, but they are great Enemies to the Mahumetans.

As for the Comouchs or people of Comania, they are Mahumetans, and very pre­cise ones too. They are under the protection of the King of Persia, who makes great account of them, in regard they defend the Passes into his Country on that side against the Kalmouchs. They are habited both men and women like the Lesser Tartars, fetching all the Silk and Calicut which they use out of Persia; for as for Cloth, they are contented with what they make in their own Country, which is very course.

Circassia is a pleasant good Country, and full of variety. There are Plains, For­rests, Hills, and Mountains abounding in Springs, some of which are so large, that some of them will serve seven or eight of the neighbouring Villages. But on the other side, in all the Rivers that proceed from these Springs, there is not a fish to be seen. Flowers they have in abundance, especially fair Tulips. There is a sort of Strawberry also with a short stalk, of which five or six grow in a bunch; the least are as big as a small Nut, of a pale yellow Colour. The Soil is so fertile, that it brings forth without any great trouble a vast plenty of all sorts of Fruits. Nor do the people need any other Gardens than their Fields which are cover'd with [Page 128] Cherry-trees, Apple-trees, Pear-trees, Walnut-trees, and all other useful Trees of the same nature: but their chiefest Wealth consists in Cattel, but especially in well-shap'd Horses, not much unlike the Spanish Gennets. They have also an abun­dance of Goats and Sheep▪ whose Wool is as good as that of Spain; which the Mus­covites fetch away to make Felts. They neither sow Wheat nor Oats, but only Barley for their Horses, and Millet to make Bread; nor do they ever sow twice in the same place: not but that the Land is good enough to bear Wheat, but because they love Bread made of Millet better. They have very good Fowl, and Venison, and Wild-Fowl more than they know what to do withal; which they never hunt with Dogs, nor fly their Hawks at; for their Horses are so swift and so good, that they will tire the Beast, and force him to lye down and yield. Ev'ry Horse-man has a Rope with a sliding-knot ready at the Pummel of his Saddle, which they are so dextrous to throw about the neck of the Beast that begins to be weary, that 'tis twenty to one if they miss him. When they have kill'd a Deer, they cut off the legs, and breaking the Bones, eat the Marrow, which they say is the best thing in the World to strengthen the Body. When they go to steal Cattel, they carry along with them great Cows-horns stuft with boyl'd Tripes cut in small pieces; then watch­ing their times when the Herdsmen are asleep, when the Dogs begin to bark, they throw to ev'ry one a Horn, with which the Dog presently runs away: and so while the Shepherds are asleep, and the Dog is busie to get the Meat out of the Horn, which is there ramm'd in on purpose, the Thieves drive away what they please.

The Drink of the Sherkes is Water and Bosa. Bosa is a Drink made of Millet as intoxicating as Wine, which they want in the Country.

The Men and the Women, Boys and Girls go habited all alike, and their Habit is a colour'd Robe of Fustian, with a kind of large Petticoat underneath; with this they wear a little pink'd Wastcoat that reaches down to their Thighs; and over that a Cassock of course Cloth that reaches down to their Knees, girt about their Wasts with a Cord. The Sleeves of the Cassock are op'n below and above, and sometimes they pin them behind their Backs. They wear no Beards 'till they are sixty years of age. And as for their Hair, neither Men nor Women, Boys nor Girls, ever wear it longer than the tips of their Ears. The Men, both young and old, shave the middle of their Heads about the bredth of two Fingers from the Forehead down to the Nape of the Neck: and then in stead of Hats or Head-clothes, both Men and Women wear only a little Bonnet of the same Cloth as the Cassock, made like a Night-cap. 'Tis true, when the Maids come to be marry'd there is some distinction upon their Heads; for then they fast'n to the hinder part of their Heads a round piece of Felt, which they cover with a white Veil very artificially pleated. Their Breeches are ty'd below their Knees, and reach to their Ancles; their Shooes, which are of Cordovan, both upper and under Leather, have but one seam upon upper part of the Foot, being light, and cut like a pair of Pumps.

As for their Beds, they take several Sheep-skins and sow them together, and then stuffing them full of Millet-leaves, make a kind of Quilt. Now when they beat the Millet, the Leaf comes to be as small as the Chaff of Oats; so that when the person rises off from the Quilt, the Quilt rises and swells again of it self. Their Cushions are of the same Make, only sometimes they are stuft with Wool.

The People are neither Christians nor Mahometans, all their Religion consisting in some Ceremonies which they perform with the greatest Solemnities which they can imagin: for at that time old and young of all Ages and Sexes, and all the whole Town must be there at the place appointed, unless impotency or sickness excuses them. I call them Villages, for in all these Countries there is neither Fortress nor City, and as for their Villages, they are all built after the same Model, round, with a Piazza in the middle, according to the Figure,

[Page]

[...]ge. 129.

Persian Travels.

A little gate at which the people of the Village go in and out for water to the well [...]ch is in that place.

All this great round is taken up by [...] houses of the Inhabitants, right against which their Cattel comes in & goes out evening & morning [...] they goe a▪ feild and return from thence & these houses are all equall

This minor round is for the stables of their horses and for their other Cattel

The wells.

The great gate which is the Lords house, al-ways guarded by his People

THE PLATFORME OF ONE OF THE VILLAGES OF THE COMOUKS

CHAP. XII.
Of the Ceremonies and Customs of the People of Comania and Circassia.

THe Principal of all the Feasts which the Comouchs and Sherkes or Cirkassi­ans make, is that which they make at the end of Autumn, after this manner. Three of the ancientest of the Village are appointed to ma­nage it, and to discharge themselves of a Duty impos'd upon them in the company of all the people. These three old men take a Sheep or a Goat, and having mutter'd certain Prayers over the Beast, they cut the throat of it: after they have drest it very clean, they boil it whole, all but the Gathers, and them they roast▪ The Sheep being boil'd, they set it upon a Table, and carry it into a large Barn, where the People are appointed to meet: There the three old men stand upright before a Table, and all the People, Men, Women and Children behind them. When the Table upon which the Meat stands, is brought in, two of the three old men cut off the Legs and the roasted Gathers, and hold them up above their heads, and the third holds up a great Cup of Bosa in the same manner, to the end the people behind may see them. When the people see the Meat and Bosa so lifted up, they prostrate themselves upon the ground, and so continue till all the rest of the Meat be set up­on the lesser Table, and that the old men have said some few words. Then the two old men that held up the Meat, cut off two little pieces, and give each of them a piece to him that holds the Cup, which being done, they take each of them a piece for themselves. When they have all three eaten of the meat, the old man that holds the Cup, drinks first, then gives the two old men to drink, first to him upon the right hand, next to him upon the left, never letting go the Cup all the while. This first Ceremony being thus accomplish'd, the two old men turn toward the Assembly, and go and present both of the Meat and the Drink, first to their Chief or Lord, then to all the people, who equally eat their share, both men and women. That which remains of the four feet, is carry'd back to the Table, and the three old men eat it. This done, they go and place themselves at the Table, where the Mutton is set, where the oldest of the three taking the Head, eats a little Morsel; after him, the second, and next to him, the third does the fame. Then the first old man commands the rest to be carry'd to the Lord, who receives it with a great deal of respect, and after he has giv'n it to his next a-kin, or the Friend whom he loves best, the Head is gi'vn from one to another, till it be eat'n up. This being done, the three old men begin to eat of the Mutton a bit or two, and the Lord of the Village is call'd, who comes with his Bonnet in his hand, in a trembling posture; to whom, one of the old men presenting a Knife, he cuts off a piece of Mutton, and eats; and having drank a Cup of Bosa, he returns to his Seat. After him, all the people, according to their turns in quality, do as much; and then, for the Bones the Children go to­gether by the ears among themselves.

They have another Feast before they begin to Mow their Meadows; at which time all the people of the Village, that have wherewithal, take every one a Goat, (for in their Ceremonies they esteem Goats better than Sheep) and for the poor, they join eight or ten together for a Goat. Let them be Goats, Sheep or Lambs, when they are all brought together, they cut their Throats and then flea off the skin, leaving the four feet and the Head in it. Then they stretch the Skin with sticks that cross from one foot to the other, and set it upon a Pole fix'd in the Earth, the top whereof enters into the head of the Beast, as is to be seen in the Figure of the Village; and as many Beasts as there are kill'd, so many Poles are planted in the midst of the Vil­lage, with every one a particular Skin upon it; to which, every one that passes by, makes a profound obeysance.

Ev'ry one having boil'd his Goat, brings it into the void place in the middle of the Village, and sets it upon a great Table with the rest. There is the Lord of the Village with his Servants, and sometimes the Lord of some other Village is invited. Now all this Victuals being upon the Table, three of the oldest men of the Village [Page 130] sit down and eat a Bit or two: Then they call the Lord of the Town, and if there be any other Lord, they come both together, with some other of the Seniors of the Parish; who being set down, eat up one of the Beasts, which the old men had set apart for them; the rest is divided among the people, sitting upon the ground.

There are some Villages where you shall have fifty Goats and Sheep, or Lambs and Kids, kill'd together at one time. As for their Bosa, there are some that bring above 200 Pints; others more or less, according to their quality. All the day long they eat and drink, and sing and dance to their Flutes a dozen together, which are in some measure harmonious, as consisting of several parts, and decreasing propor­tionably from the Treble to the Base. When the old men have solac'd themselves with eating and drinking, they go home, and leave the young people, Men and Wo­men, Boys and Girls to be merry by themselves: They stay as long as there is any Drink; and the next day they go early to Mowing.

They have other Ceremonies particular only to their Families. Once a year in every House they make a Cross after the Form of a Mallet, about five Foot high, the two Sticks that compose the Cross, being as big as a man's Arm. This the Master of the House sets in the Evening near the Door in his Chamber, and calling all his Family together, gives them every one a lighted Wax-Candle. Then first he fixes his own to the Cross, next his Wife sticks hers, and so all the Children and Servants: If the Children be so young, that they cannot do it themselves, the Father and Mo­ther do it for them. If one of the Candles burn out before it be put out, 'tis a Pro­gnostick that he or she that fix'd it there, shall not live out their year. If the Can­dle falls, then he whose Candle it was, shall be robb'd, or be forc't to fly for his Life.

If it thunders, all the people run out of the Village, and the young people of both Sexes let themselves to singing and dancing in the presence of their Elders: And if any one be Thunder-struck, they bury that person honourably, believing him to be a Saint. Besides that, they send over all the Country for a white Goat, which they breed up and keep in the Village where it happen'd to thunder, having it in great veneration, till thundring in another place, the people send for it thither also. If the Thunder fall upon any of their Houses, though it kill neither Man, Woman, Child, nor Beast, all that Family shall be kept upon the publick stock all that year, without being ty'd to any Labour but of Singing and Dancing. These people, during that time, go from Village to Village Dancing and Singing at peoples Doors, but never going into their Houses; for which the Inhabitants are bound to bring them out something to eat.

There is a day in the Spring, when all that have been struck'n with Thunder, meet together in the Village where the white Goat is kept; who has always a Cheese hang­ing about his Neck as big as a Parma ▪Cheese. This Goat they take and carry to the Village of the chief Lord of the Countrey. They never go in, but the Lord with all the rest of the Village coming out, they all together prostrate themselves before the Goat. Having said some Prayers, they take away his Cheese, and immediately put another in its place. The Cheese which was taken away, is at the same time cut into little pieces, and distributed among the people. After that, they give the Strangers to eat, and bestow their Alms upon them; so that by this wandring from Village to Village, they get good store of Money.

They have among them but only one Book; and it is as big as one of our largest Eolio's, and it lies in the hands of an old man, who has only the priviledge to touch it. When that old man is dead, they choose another old man to keep the Book; whose Duty it is to go from Village to Village, where he hears of any sick people. He carries the Book with him, and after he has lighted up a Wax-Candle, and put the people out of the Room, he lays the Book upon the Stomach of the sick person, opens it, and reads in it, then blows over it sev'ral times, so that the Breath passes toward the mouth of the Party: Then he causes the party diseas'd to kiss the Book several times, and as often lays it upon his head, which is a Ceremony of half an hour. VVhen the old man goes away, one gives him a Beef or a Heifer; another gives him a Goat; every one according to their Quality and Estate.

They have also Old Women that take upon them to cure the Sick. These women feel the body of the sick party, all over, but more particularly they handle and grope that part where the distemper lies: during which time they let go several belches out [Page 131] of their mouths, and the more sick the party is, the louder and thicker, they fetch their belches. The standers by hearing them belch in that manner and fetch such vilanous sighs from their stomacks, believe their friend to be dangerously ill, and that the louder the Women belch, the more ease and comfort they receive; but whether they do or no, the women are well pay'd for their pains. VVhen any one feels a pain in the Head, they send for the Barber, who, gives two cutts upon the Head across with the rasor, and then pours Oyl into the wound. For they believe the Head-ach proceeds only from a wind between the flesh and the bone, for which the Incision opens a passage to let it out.

At their Funerals they that are the near Relations or Friends of the dead, some cut their faces, and other parts of their Bodies with sharp flints, others prostrate them­selves upon the ground, and tear their hair; so that when they return from the Burial, they are all of a gore blood: However, notwithstanding all this affliction, they never pray for the Dead.

As to their Marriages: VVhen a young man has seen a Virgin which he has a lik­ing to, he sends one of his friends to agree with her Parents or her Tutor, what he will give for her. Commonly the guift consists in Horses, Cows or some other sort of Cattel. VVhen the agreement is made, the Parents and Kindred of the party there­by contracted, together with the Lord of the place, go to the House where the Virgin lives and bring her to the Bridegrooms House, where there is a Feast ready prepar'd; and after they have made merry, and sung, and danc'd for a while, the Bridegroom and Bride go and lye together, without any other Ceremony. If the man and Maid are of two Parishes, the Lord of the Village where the Man lives accom­pany him and his Kindred to the next Village all together, to fetch the Bride from thence.

If a Man and the wife have no Children, he is permitted to take several wives one after another till he have Issue. If a marri'd woman have a Gallant, and that the Husband should come and find his wife abed with him, he goes away again without saying a word, and never takes any further notice of it. The woman also in the same case, does the like by the man. Nay, the more Gallants a woman has, the more she is respected: And it is a common custom when they fall out, to taunt one another, that if they were not ugly, or ill natur'd, or diseas'd, they would have more Admi­rers than they have. The People are of an excellent Complexion, especially the wo­men, who are extreamly fair, and finely shap'd, and keep their beauty till five and forty or fifty years. They are very laborious, and work themselves in the Iron Mines, which they melt afterwards and forge into several Tools and Implements. They make abundance of Embroidery of Gold and Silver for their Saddles, their Quivers, and their Pumps, as also upon the Calicut of which they make their Handkerchiefs.

If the man and the woman happen to quarrel often together, so that they cannot be reconcil'd: the Husband complaining first to the Lord of the Place, He sends for the Woman, and having giv'n order to sell her, gives the Man another. But if the Woman complain first, the Man is serv'd the same sawce. If a man or Woman be a disturber of their Neighbours, if the Neighbours complain to the Lord, he presently causes the party to be apprehended and sold to the merchants that buy Slaves, for they are resolv'd they will live in quiet.

They that take upon them the quality of Gentlemen, fit still, do nothing and speak very little. In an evening they ride out, and meet some twenty or thirty together to go a stealing. Nor do they rob only their Enemies, but their Neighbours, from whom the chief prey which they take are Cattle and Slaves. All the Country-people are Slaves to the Lord of the Village where they live, whom he imploys to till his Land, and cut wood for him upon occasion, of which they spend vast quantities. For not being very warm clad, they keep fire all night in the places where they sleep.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the lesser Tartars, call'd Nogaïes, bord'ring upon Co­mania.

THE lesser Tartars have a very ancient race of Horses, which they breed up even to Superstition; so that it would be among them an act of Sacriledge to sell them to strangers, as being not a little curious how they sell them to one another. These are the Horses which they ride, fifty or sixty in a Troop together when they go a thieving; and sometimes a hunder'd together, when they design any Incursion upon their Enemies. When the old Men come to be infirm and impotent, if they know any stout young Man that is a Souldier, they will lend him one of their Horses (if he have none of his own) to make an Incursion, upon condition to have half of the Booty. Many times they run up as far as Hungary, near to Comora and Javarin. These Horses, partly by nature, partly by early custom, will travel four or five days together with a handful of Grass giv'n them once in eight or ten hours, and a little Water every four and twenty hours. But they never go a robbing with them 'till they come to be seven or eight years old: besides that, they must undergo a very severe education ere they make use of them in those hardships. Their Bit is only a piece of Iron with a Buckle on each side, to which they fast'n the Bridle and Head-stall. For eight days together they put under the Saddle a bag of Gravel or Earth. The first day the Sack is a Horse-man's weight; and so they add to it every day, 'till it come to be double the weight at the end of the eight days. As they increase every day the weight upon the Horses back, they abate every day the Horse's Provender and Drink. During these eight days, they get up and walk the Horse two or three Leagues. The next eight days, they abate every day of the weight, 'till the Sack be quite empty. Proportionably also they abate him of his Meat and Drink as in the first eight days, and every day take up the Girt a hole shorter. The three or four last days they afford the Horse neither Proven­der nor Drink, according as they find him able to endure hunger and thirst, and the labour which he is to undergo. The last day, they work him 'till he be all over of a Sweat; then they unbridle and unsaddle him, and pour upon him the coldest Water they can meet with. That done, they lead him into a field, and tye him by the leg with a Cord, at such a length as they intend he shall feed; yet still from day to day allowing him more Rope, 'till at last they let him loose, and feed with the rest of the Horses. This terrible fasting and labour, during which time, that little which they do eat and drink, they eat and drink with the Bit in their mouth, brings them to be so lean and out of flesh, that their very bones are ready to start out of their skins: So that if any one should see them in that miserable condition, that does not know the nature of the Horses, would think they would never be fit for good service. The hoofs of these Horses are so hard that they never shoe them, and yet they will leave the prints of their feet in the Earth, or upon the Ice, as if they had been shod. These Tartars are so curious in having Horses that will endure labour, that so soon as they see any handsom Colt in their Breed, they presently take him up, to school him as I have related: but hardly ten in fifty endure the tutoring.

As for their Diet, 'tis a great advantage for these Tartars to ride a Mare, in regard they Drink the Milk. They that ride Horses, carry along with them a little Bag full of pieces of Cheese dry'd in the Sun; they have also a small Boracho of Goat-skin, which they fill with Water where they meet with it, into which they put two or three bits of their hard Cheese, which softens with the motion of the Horse, the Boracho being ty'd under his Belly: and thus the Water becomes a kind of sowr Milk, which is their ordinary Drink.

As for their Instruments of Cookery, every Horse-man has a large wooden Ladle hanging at the Pummel of his Saddle, out of which the rider drinks himself, and gives his Horse likewise to drink. They that encounter them, can hope for no better Booty [Page 133] than their Horses; but they are very hard to be tak'n; for when one of these Horses perceives that his Rider is slain, he follows those that fly with all the swiftness ima­ginable. Beside that, those Horses being carri'd into other Countries, are presently spoil'd, and come to nothing.

Their Cloathing is only a Sheep-skin, which in Winter they wear with the wool next their Bodies; in the Summer turning the other side. They that are the Nobi­lity of the Countrey, wear Wolves-skins, with a kind of Shirt, and Breeches of course Fustian of divers Colours, which the Taylor gets little credit by sha­ping.

Their Women are very white and well proportion'd, but their Faces are broad, and their Eyes little, so that by thirty years of Age they become very deformed. There is not a man but has two or three Wives, which they never choose but out of their own Tribe. Every Tribe has a Chief; who is one of the Nobility of the Countrey, and carries for his Banner a Horse-tail fasten'd to a half-Pike, and dy'd into the Co­lour belonging to the Tribe. When they march, every one knows where to place himself, and how much ground they ought to take up for their Tribe and their Cattel; one Tribe never encroaching upon another.

The Women and Maids are generally clad in a large Shirt that reaches down to their feet. Upon their Heads they wear a large white Vale, their Foreheads being bound about with a large black Handkerchief ty'd in five or six Rolls. The Noble sort of Women and Maids wear over this Vail a Bonnet open behind, which comes down upon their Foreheads like a three-corner'd Cap: One of these Points stands up in the midst of the Forehead, lin'd with Velvet, Satin, or Cloth of Gold, and set with small pieces of Gold and Silver, and false Pearls, of which they also make themselves Bracelets: Their Breeches are of single-colour'd Cloth, and for Shoes and Stockings, they only wear a Cordovan Boot of what Colour they please, neatly sew'd.

When a young man intends to marry, it behoves him to give the Father and the Mother of the Maid a certain quantity of Horses, Bullocks or Cows, or other Cat­tel, which is done in the presence of the greatest part of the ancientest of the Tribe, and a Moullah beside. When the Agreement is made, the young man has the liber­ty to see his Mistress, but not till then: For before, he has only the information of her Mother, his Sisters, or such Women as were his own Friends. Besides the three Wives which the man is allow'd to take, he may keep several female Slaves; but the Children are still slaves, and can never inherit. These Tartars are of a ve­ry hot constitution, though not so hot as the women. Both the one and the other are very fair-hair'd; but the men have little or no Beards: So that if there be any one that has more Beard than ordinary, and can but write and read, they make him a Moullah.

These people have no Houses, but live in Tents, or in Waggons which are drawn after them where-ever they go. The Tents are for the old people and little Chil­dren, with their Slaves that attend them. The young women ride in Waggons clos'd up with Boards, and to let in the Air, upon one side they open a Window that is made like a Lattice. In the Evening they are permitted to spend a little time in the Tents. When the Girls have attain'd to the age of ten or twelve Years, they never stir any more out of their Waggons till they are married, not so much as for the necessities of Nature; but in the middle of the Waggon there is a Plank to be taken up; and if it be in a place where they stay, a Slave presently comes and cleanses all underneath. The Maidens Waggon is easie to be known, as being painted with Flowers; and generally there is a Camel ty'd to the Tail of it besmear'd with several colours, and several Nosegays or Posies of Flowers stuck about the Head of the Beast.

The young men have also every one their Charlot, wherein they only carry a Bo­racho of Horse-skin, containing about 38 Quarts, which they usuall filly with Mares-milk, which is very sowr. They have also every one another Waggon next to that wherein they ride themselves; wherein they carry several Boracho's full of Cows-milk, which is very sowr. At Meals they drink this Milk: But before they powr it out, they stir it in the Boracho with a great Stick, that the Curd may mix with the thin Milk. But the Mares-Milk is only for the Master and Mistress, though before they drink of either, they mix it with water. When a Friend comes to see [Page 134] them, they fetch out their dri'd Cheese, which they call Kourout, and breaking it into little Bits, eat it with fresh Butter. At their Feasts they sometimes kill old Sheep, sometimes old Goats. But for their Horses they never kill them but at the Funerals of their Kindred, at the Birth of a Child, or at their Marriage-Feasts, or lastly, when their Friends return laden with Spoil from any incursion, and are stor'd with Slaves. They never drink any thing but Mares-Milk or Cows-Milk, and when they can get neither, they will endure thirst for three or four days together before they will drink water, being always grip'd with a terrible Colick when they drink it. They never eat any Salt, being of an opinion that it is naught for the Eyes. They live long, and are very strong, and seldom sick; nor do they refuse any Diet but Swines-flesh.

Their Countrey is very level; only for some few Hills in some places. They have great store of Pasture-grounds, and every Tribe has their peculiar Wells to water their Cattle. In the Winter they lodge upon the banks of great Rivers, near to Woods and Marishes, suffering their Herds to feed at liberty. When the Snow is very deep, the Cattel scrape it away with their feet to come at the Grass, though they meet with very little else but Reeds and Bushes. In the mean while the men cut down the Woods, make great Fires, and employ themselves in Fishing. There are some parts of these Rivers where the least Fish they take is about four or five foot long; and some there are above ten or twelve foot in length. Some they dry in the wind, and preserve against Summer; some they smoke in holes which they make in the Earth: As for the smaller sort, they boil them, and eat them without Salt or any other seasoning. When they have eat'n their Fish, they scoop up a large wooden Ladel full of the Fish-water and gulp it down. As for Bread, there is no talk of it in their Countrey.

When they are not at Wars, or are but newly return'd from any Incursion, they spend their time in Hunting, but cannot endure any other Hounds except Greyhounds: So that he must be a very poor Tartar indeed that do's not keep a Greyhound. Take notice however by the by, that these petty Tartars, concerning whom I have last discours'd, are certain people adjoyning to Comania, which the Turks, Persians and Mengrelians call Nogaïes; who may be well reckon'd among the number of the petty Tartars, in regard they are all under one Prince, whom the Grand Signor appoints King over all Petty Tartary, and who receives his investiture at Constantinople.

These Tartars are all Mahumetans. Nor have they any Physician among them; making use only of certain Simples of which they have a traditional knowledge. When the sik person lies in any extremity, they send for a Moullah, who comes with the Alcoran, which he opens and shuts three times, saying certain Prayers, and lay­ing it upon the sick person's face. If by chance the sick person recover, they at­tribute his recovery to the Sanctity of the Alcoran, and present the Moullah with a Sheep or a Goat: If he die, all his Kindred meet and carry him to the Grave with great Testimonies of Sadness, crying continually Alla, Alla. When he is interr'd, the Moullah mutters certain Prayers ov'r the Grave, and is paid for his pains accord­ing to the wealth of the Heirs. For the poor he generally spends three days and three nights in that exercise; for the rich he as usually spends a Month, never stirring all the while from the Grave; and sometimes sev'n or eight.

When any one of them is wounded, they use no other Salve but only boil'd Flesh, which they apply hot to the wound. If the wound be deep, they thrust in a piece of Fat as hot as the wound can endure it; and if the person be able to kill a Horse, the wound is cur'd so much the sooner; for the Flesh and Fat of a Horse are much more medicinable than the Flesh of any other Creature.

Were it not the Custom of the Tartars to buy their Wives when they marry, there would be fewer Whores. But in regard there are an abundance of poor young men that have not wherewithal to buy Wives, they never marry at all. This is that which makes so many Souldiers among them, and emboldens 'em to invade their Neigh­bors, and to get something whereby they may be enabl'd to buy them a Wife. For the Virgins they are nev'r to be defil'd, being always shut up in their waggons: But for the women they are oft'n debauch'd, appointing their private Meetings, when they go to fetch water for their Cattel, when their Husbands are a hunting, or look­ing after their Herds. Nor is it a hard thing to conceal it from their Husbands, in regard the Tartars are not in the least prone to Jealousie.

[Page 135] By the way take notice, that the Nogaïes, though they live almost after the same man­ner as the Tartars, and are under the same Prince, yet they perfectly hate them; reproaching them for effeminate, because they live in Houses and Villages, whereas the true Souldier should live in Tents as they do, to be ready upon all occasions.

They that run a-foot, as well in these Countries, as in Persia, when they are wea­ry, take Walnuts and bruise them, and then rub the Soles of their feet with them before the fire as hot as they can endure it, which presently makes them fresh again.

Having thus done with all the several Roads; here follows an Alphabetical Table of the Longitudes and Latitudes of all the Principal Cities of the whole Empire of Persia.

THE LONGITUDES and LATITUDES OF THE Principal Cities of PERSIA, according as the Geographers of those Countries place them.

A.

A Amoul is in 72 Degrees, 20 Min. of Longitude, 36 deg. of Latitude. The Lands about this City abound in Prunes.

Abeber, in 74 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. 12 Leagues from Casbin, a small City; but the Land is good about it.

Absecun, in 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 10 min. Lat. A small City in an ex­cellent Soil.

Abdehil, in 60 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 24▪ min. Lat. The Inhabitants are most Christians, and there are many ancient Churches in it. It depends upon Sul­tany.

Ahwaz, 70 deg. 15 min. Long. 31 deg. 15 min. Lat. A small City half ruin'd, in the Province of Belad Cowreston, in a Soil that yields excellent Fruits.

Arbella, 69 deg. 50 min. Long. 36 deg. 20 min. Lat. A small Champaign City, where Provisions are Cheap.

Ardevil, 62 deg. 30 min. Long. 38 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Ardeston, 77 deg. 10 min. Long. 33 deg. 7 min. Lat. Famous for the Copper Vessels that are there made.

Arion, 74 deg. 32 min. Long. 32 deg. 25 min. Lat. One of the three places where Olives grow in all ▪Persia.

Assed-Abad, 63 deg. 40 min. Long. 34 deg. 50 min. Lat. A small City toward Amadan.

Ava, 75 deg. 10 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. This is a very small place.

Azadkar, or Yevin, 82 deg. 15 min. Long. 36 deg. 32. min. Lat. A City in a great Plain, where there are above four hundred Channels under ground.

B.

Bab El Abab, or, the Gate of Gates; call'd also Demir-capi; or, the Gate of Iron. The Tartars call it Monjou: 75 deg. 15. min. Long. 45 deg. 15 min. Lat. it has been formerly a strong place.

[Page 136] Badkeist, 85 deg. 32 min. Long. 35 deg. 20 min. Lat. A small, but most pleasant City, and well built.

Baste, 80 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 15 min. Lat. A City in the Province of Kerman, where in Summer the Mornings are very cold, the Afternoons hot; yet the Air very good.

Bafrouche, see Mahmeter.

Beylagon, 63 deg. 52 min. Long. 41 deg. 20 min. Lat. A City toward the Caspian Sea, in a Country abounding in Corn and Fruit.

Balk, 91 deg. 36 min. Long. 38 deg. 10 min. Lat. Three days journey from Moultan.

Bem, or Bembe; 74 deg. 15 min. Long. 28 deg. 20 min. Lat. Thought to have been built by Caliph Mouktadar, near the great Desert of Bersham.

Berdoe, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 35 deg. 30 min. Lat. It lyes surrounded▪ with Pasture-grounds, which breed great store of Cattle.

Berzendé, 63 deg. 14 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. Here are made a sort of course Druggets for ordinary people.

Beston, 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 20 min. Lat. It lyes in a Country abounding in Corn and Fruits.

Bimoncheer, 74 deg. 10 min. Long. 37 deg. 30 min. Lat. Here is great Trade for Silk.

Bost, 91 deg. 28 min. Long. 32 deg. 16 min. Lat. A great City, to which be­longs the fairest and strongest Castle in all Persia.

Bourou-Jerdé, 74 deg. 30 min. Long. 34 deg. 20 min. Lat. Famous for Saffron, and for being the native City of many Learned Men.

C.

Chemkon, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 41 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Chiras, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 36 min, Lat.

Chirvan, or Erivan; 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 38 deg. 32 min. Lat. Here all the Silk-Caravans rendevous; and it is one of the richest Kanats or Governments in Persia.

D.

Dankon, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 30 deg. 15 min. Lat. A bad Town, in a bad Soil.

Darabguired, 80 deg. 15 min. Long. 30 deg. 15 min. Lat. In several ports round about this City they meet with▪ Salt of several colours, as red and green, black and white. Here they also make long-neck'd Glass-Bottles, which are very curious work; nor are they without Sider to fill those Bottles, in regard of the great plenty of Apples thereabouts. Near to the City there is a Sulphur-Mine, and great store of Mummy, very much esteem'd in Persia.

Debeston, 80 deg. 15 min. Long. 38 deg. 15 min. Lat. This is not properly a City, but a great many Villages joyn'd together.

Deras, 79 deg. 30 min. Long. 31 deg. 32 min. Lat.

Devinmaat, 62 deg. 5 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Din Ver, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 35 deg. Lat. A City in a fruitful Soil, stor'd with Mosquees.

Doulad, 74 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 50 min. Lat▪ The Country about is full of black Mulberry-trees.

Dourak, 74 deg. 32 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat. Here they make the loose Cassocks without Sleeves which the Arabians wear. Near to this City the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates, meeting at a place call'd Hell▪d, make a Marsh, where grow the Reeds of which the Eastern people make their Pens.

E.

Elelbetem, 87 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Eltiib, 70 deg. 15 min. Lon. 32 deg. 15 min Lat.

Enderab, 93 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat.

[Page 137] Erivan, see Chirvan.

Espharaïen, 81 deg. 40 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. The Country about it abounds in Pears and Apples.

Estakré, 78 deg. 30 min. Long. 30 deg. 15 min. Lat. The ancient City in the Province of Fars, properly▪ Persia; in a Soil abounding in Vines and Date-trees.

Esterabat, 75 deg. 35 min. Long. 36 deg. 50 min. Lat.

F.

Ferah, 18 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 15 min. Lat. Built by Abdalla the Son of Taher, in the time of Maimon Reshid, Caliph of Berni-Abbas.

Feronzabad, 82 deg. 32 min. Long. 30 deg. 10 min. Lat. Anciently call'd Hour­becthion.

G.

Girefte, 73 deg▪ 40. min. Long. 31 deg. 10 min. Lat. One of the biggest Cities in the Province of Kerman. The Trade of the City consists in Honeys and Wheat.

Gir readegon, vulgarly Paygon, 75 deg. 35 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Goutem, 74 deg. 46 min. Long. 37 deg. 20 min. Lat. A little City, full of Silk-Twisters.

H.

Hamadan, 75 deg. 20 min. Long. 34 deg. Lat. The Country about it breeds great store of Cattel.

Hasn-Eltaf, or, The Center of Beauty; 72 deg. 32 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. At this day almost ruin'd.

Hawas, 75 deg. 40 min. Long. 33 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Heaye, 74 deg. 35 min. Long. 31 deg. 50 min. Lat.

Helaverde, 91 deg. 30 min. Long. 35 deg. 15 min Lat. Built by Abdulla be­fore mention'd.

Herat, 85 deg. 30 min. Long. 36 deg. 56 min. Lat. A City in the Province of Carassan, where Sultan Henssein-Mirza founded several Colledges for Youth.

Hesn-Medi, 78 deg. 45 min. Long. 32 deg. 5 min. Lat.

Hessne Ebneamoaé, 70 deg. 45 min. Long. 26 deg. 20 min. Lat.

Hurman, 85 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 30 min. Lat. A small City, in a bad Air.

I.

Jemnon, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. The Trade of it is in Copper Manufactures.

Jend-Babour, 75 deg. 5 min. Long. 31 deg. 15 min. Lat. A very strong place, famous for the Tomb of Melek-Yakoub-Sha, King of Schiras.

Irson, 80 deg. 35 min Long. 36 deg. 50 min. Lat.

Ispahan, or Hispahan; 86 deg. 40 min. Long. 32 deg. 40 min. Lat.

K.

Kaar, 78 deg. 40 min. Long. 42 deg. 32 min. Lat.

Kashan, 76 deg. 15 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Kafre-Chirin, 71 deg. 50 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. Built by Noushirevon-Aadel, surnamed the Just; and upon the acts and deeds of this King is all the Mora­lity of the Persians founded.

Kaien, 83 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 32 min. Lat. Said to breed the choicest Wits of all Persia.

Kalaar, 76 deg. 25 min. Long. 37 deg. 25 min. Lat. One of the chiefest Cities in Guilan.

Kalin, 87 deg. 5 min. Long. 35 deg. 35 min. Lat. In an excellent Soil for Cattel and Fruit.

Karkoub, 74 deg. 45 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Kasbin, 75 deg. 40 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat.

[Page 138] Kasre-le-lehous, or Kengavat, 76 deg. 20 min. Long. 33. deg. 35 min. Lat.

Kazeron, 88 deg. 30 min. Long. 28 deg. 30 min. Lat. The Country about produces Oranges, Limons, and Cypress-trees.

Kerah, 86 deg. 40 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Kerman, or Kirman, 81 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 50 min. Lat.

Kervak, 87 deg. 32 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Kirmonsha, 63 deg. 45 min. Long. 34 deg. 37 min. Lat.

Kom, 75 deg. 40 min. Long. 35 deg. 35 min. Lat.

Kouh de Mavend, 74 deg. 15 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. the smallest now which was once the largest City in Persia.

Koucht, 83 deg. 40 min. Long. 33 deg. 20 min. Lat. In a soyl excellent for Corn and good Fruits.

Koy, 60 deg. 40 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Kevachir, or Verdechir, 80 deg. 30 min. Long. 28 deg. 15 min. Lat.

L.

Lahijon, 74 deg. 25 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. The Trade of the Town consists in Stuffs, half Silk, half Cotton, call'd Tafsile.

Loussek, see Toussea.

M.

Maameter, or Barfrouche, 77 deg. 35 min. Long. 36 deg. 50 min. Lat.

Mehrouyon, or Behbehon, 75 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 35 min. Lat.

Meraqué, 71 deg. 20 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat. It stands in one of the Gardens of Persia.

Merend, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 37 min. Lat.

Mervasaé, 87 deg. 32 min. Long. 34 deg. 15 min. Lat. In a fertile Country for Corn and Fruit.

Merverond, 88 deg. 40 min. Long. 34 deg. 30 min. Lat. in a fertile Country.

Mesched, look Touss.

Moukon, or Derbent, 20 Leagues from the Caspian Sea, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Mourjan, 84 deg. 15 min. Long. 37 deg. 15 min. Lat. A City well peopl'd, wherein there are several Mosqueés, and fair Piazza's.

N.

Nacksivan, or Nachevan, 61 deg. 32 min. Long. 39 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Natel, 77 deg. 40 min. Long. 36 deg. 7 min. Lat. in a fertile Country for Pastu­rage.

Nehavend, or Nahoüand, 73 deg. 45 min. Long. 34 deg. 20 min. Lat. The Country people aver this City built before the Loufon, or the Flood.

Neher-Terij, 75 deg. 00 min. Long. 32 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Nessah, 84 deg. 45 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Nichabar, 80 deg. 55 min. Long. 36 deg. 20 min. Lat.

O.

Oujon, 61 deg. 35 min. Long. 32 deg. 24 min. Lat. To this City finely seated belongs a fair Castle.

R.

Rachmikdon, 87 deg. 34 min. Long. 35 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Rem-hormous, 74 deg. 45 min. Long. 31 deg. 45 min. Lat. In this City Selmon, Haly's Foster Father was born.

Rey, 76 deg. 20 min. Long. 35 deg. 35 min. Lat. In the best Soil of all Persia, for Wheat, Fruit, and Pasturage.

Roudbar, 75 deg. 37 min, Long. 37 deg. 21 min. Lat. in the Province of Guilan.

Royon, 71 deg. 36 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. in the Province of Mazandran.

S.

Saassour, 86 deg. 20 min. Long. 35 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Saron, 76 deg. 20 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. In the Province of Guilan.

Sary, 78 deg. 15 min. Long, 36 deg. 40 min. Lat. Seated among the Copper-Mines.

Sebzevoar, 81 deg. 5 min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. Near this City the people gather great quantities of Manna.

Semiron, 71 deg. 30 min. Long. 34 deg. 40 min. Lat. A pleasant City stor'd with good Water and Fruits.

Serijr-el▪lan, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 45 deg. 50 min Lat.

Serkess, or Serakas, 85 deg. 35. min. Long. 36 deg. 15 min. Lat. A pleasant City for Situation, and plenty of Waters.

Sermeghon, 87 deg. 37 min. Long. 37 deg. 32 min. Lat. In a fertile Soil, yet not very plentiful.

Serveston, 78 deg. 15 min. Long. 29 deg. 15 min. Lat. In a Soil abounding with Gardens.

Servon, 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat, In a Soil abounding with Wine and Dates.

Surjon, 74 deg. 40 min. Long. 30 deg. 20 min. Lat. Where the best Persian Car­pets are made, and Shaads, or Girdles of Goats Hair curiously wrought.

Sohreverede, 73 deg. 36 min. Long. 36 deg. 5 min. Lat.

Ssouss, 73 deg. 45 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Sultanie, 76 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 40 min. Lat. Where the Mornings and Evenings are very cold; all the rest of the day very hot.

T.

Taberon, 80 deg. 34 min. Long, 35 deg. 20 min. Lat.

Talikon, 88 deg. 15 min. Long. 36 deg. 32 min. Lat. In a Country plentiful in Corn, Fruit, and good Water.

Tauris, otherwise call'd Ssernerdehi, 63 deg. 15 min. Long. 39 deg. 10 min. Lat.

Tebess, 80 deg. 40 min. Long. 38 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Teflis, 60 deg. 15 min. Long. 43 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Toukon, 82 deg. 45 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Touss, or Meshed, 82 deg. 30 min. Long. 38 deg. 40 min. Lat.

Toussea, otherwise call'd Loussek, 85 deg. 40 min. Long, 37 deg. 50 min. Lat.

Y.

Yesd, 79 deg. 15 min. Long. 32 deg. 15 min. Lat.

Yevin, see Azadkar.

Z.

Zemma, 89 deg. 14 min. Long. 38 deg. 35 min. Lat. In a Country abounding in all sorts of Cattel.

Zenjon, 73 deg. 36 min. Long. 36 deg. 5 min. Lat. Famous for its antiquity and formerly the Persian University.

Zertah, 79 deg. 30 min. Long. 32 deg. 30 min. Lat. The biggest City in the Province of Belad-Ciston, abounding in Wine and Shell-fruit.

Zour, 70 deg. 20 min. Long. 35 deg. 32 min. Lat. A City in the same pro­vince.

Zouzen, 85 deg. 15 min. Long. 35 deg. 39 min. Lat. In the Province of Ma­zandran.

[Page 140] Zourend, 73 deg. 40 min. Long. 31 deg. 15 min. Lat. In the Province of Ker­man, where there is great store of curious Potters ware; where also grows the Root Hanna, with the juice whereof the Persians dye their Nails, and the Breasts and Tails of their Horses.

The End of the Third BOOK.

THE FOƲRTH BOOK OF THE TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR▪ TAVERNIER: BEING, A DESCRIPTION OF PERSIA.

CHAP. I.
Of the Extent of PERSIA, and its division into Provinces.

PERSIA, according to the present State of the Empire, to the North is bounded by the Caspian Sea; Southward, by the Ocean; Eastward it joyns to the Territories of the Great Mogul; Westward, to the Dominions of the Grand Signor; the two Empires being parted by the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates.

But that you may the better understand the full extent of the Dominions of the Persian King you are to know, That this great Monarch, besides that Tract of Ground which is properly call'd Persia, possesses a vast part of the ancient Assyria and the great Armenia, the ancient Kingdoms of the Parthians and Medes, the Kingdom of Lar, the Kingdom of Ormus, and all Eastward of Persia beyond Can­dahar, almost as far as the Kingdom of Scindi.

But because those Europeans that have Travel'd before me, either were not so curious, or had not perhaps the opportunity to learn the true number of the Pro­vinces that compose the whole Continent of Persia, I have undertak'n, though the Persians themselves are ignorant enough, to give the best account I can, finding it necessary for the better satisfaction of the Reader, to take some notice of the Names of Places according to the ancient Geography.

The first is the Great Armenia, which our Maps without any ground or reason at all call Turcomannia; in regard they might have more properly call'd it Ermenick in general, since the Inhabitants are the greatest part Armenians. That part whereof which is situated between the two Rivers of Araxes and Cyrus, at this day call'd Aras and Kur, by the Natives is call'd Iran, or Cara-bag, being one of the most beautiful, and richest pieces of Land in all Persia; the principal Cities of which are Erivan, Nacksivan, Zulpha, and Van.

[Page 142] The second is Diarbeck, formerly Mesopotamia, between Euphrates and Tigris; the chief Cities whereof are Bir, Car-Emir or Diarbequir, Ourfa, Moussul, Geziré, Merdin, &c.

The third is Curdistan, formerly Assyria, extending all along the East-side of the River Tigris, from the Lake Van to the Frontiers of Bagdat; the principal Cities are Niniveh, Sherisoul, Amadié Sneirne, Betlis, and Salmastre.

The fourth is Hierak-Arabi, otherwise the Country of Babylon or Chaldea; the principal Cities whereof are Felougia upon Euphrates, Bagdat upon Tigris, Mershed-Ali, Gourno, and Balsara; and in the Country of Bourous, S [...]araban, Eronnabat, &c.

The fifth is Hierak-Agemi, or the ancient Parthia; the principal Cities whereof are Hispahan, Toushercan, Hamadan, Cashan, Kan, and Casbin; and perhaps Yesd, if it be not rather in Kerman or Sigistan.

The sixth contains Shirvan, all along the Caspian Sea, where stand the Cities of Derbent in the Persian Tongue signifies a Strait Gate, and Demir-Capi in the Turkish, a Gate of Iron; near to which place were the ancient Ca­spian Gates, or Caspiae Pylae of the Ancients. Derbent or Demir-Capi, Baku, and Shamaki; and the Province of Edzerbaijan; wherein stand the Cities of Tauris, Ardevil, and Sultany. Which two Provinces comprehend the ancient Media within a very little, extending to the very Shoar of the Caspan Sea.

The seventh contains Kylan and Mazandran, lying likewise upon the Caspan Sea, formerly Hyrcania; wherein are the Cities and Towns of Firuzouh, Sukar-abad, and Mionikiellé at the entry of the Mountains; Giru, Talara-pesct, and Saru, in the Plain; Ferh-abad, Ciarman, and Gscref, toward the Sea.

The eighth is Estarabad, formerly Margiana, which extends to the River Ruth­khané-kurkan, which the Ancients call'd Oxus; the principal Citis whereof are Estarabad, Amul, Damkam.

The ninth contains the Province of the Ʋsbeck-Tartars, comprehending all the ancient Sogdiana and Bactriana; the chief Cities whereof are Balk, Samarcand, and Boccara, &c.

The tenth is Corassan, formerly Aria, with some part of Bactriana; the chief Cities whereof are Eri, Meshed, Nisabur, Thun, &c.

The eleventh Sablestand, formerly Peloponnesus; the principal Cities whereof are Beksabat, Asbé, Bust, Sarents; the Territory and City of Candahar being also com­prehended within the extent of this Province, together with Duki and Alunkan, upon the Frontiers of the Great Mogul's Dominions.

The twelfth is Sigistan, formerly Drangiana; the principal Cities whereof are Sistan, Shalack, and Kets.

The thirteenth comprehends all the Territories of the ancient Arachosia, bord'ring upon the Kingdom of Scindi, not having any Cities that we know of.

The fourteenth is the Province of Makran, lying all along upon the Sea of Mogo­stan, formerly Gedrosia; the chief Cities whereof are Makran, Firhk, Chalak, and the Port of Guadel toward Guzerat.

The fifteenth Kerman, formerly Caramania, extending as far as the Gulf of Ormus; the chief Cities whereof are Kerman, Bermazir, the Port of Kuhestek, and the Cape of Jasques.

The sixteenth is Farsistan, or that part of Persia so properly call'd; the chief Cities whereof are Schiras, Caseron, Benarou, Firus-abat, Darab-guier, &c. To which you may add the little Province of Laraston, with the City of Lar, just against Ormus. But this Province formerly extended no farther than Benarou, two days journey from Lar, before Sha-Abas conquer'd the Kingdom of Lar, and then the Kingdom of Ormus. Now they are both united; though they have both several Governours, as they had distinct Princes before. The Ports in this Province upon the Persian Gulf are Bander-Abassi and Bander-Congo.

There are two other little Ports in the Persian Gulf, about thirty hours sail from the Mouth of Euphrates, but not capable of receiving any other than small Barks; which are very much to be admir'd; for in regard the Inhabitants are ignorant of the use of Iron, it is strange to see their Boats made so handsom and strong withal; the Planks being only ty'd together with a Cord, which is made of a kind of Hemp tak'n from the out-side of the Coco-nut.

The last is the Province of Cursistan, formerly Susiana, which Euphrates and Tigris joyning together separate from Chaldea; the principal Cities whereof are Suster, an­ciently Susa, the Capital City of the Empire of King Ahasuerus, Ahawas, Scabar, Ram­hormus, &c.

[Page 143] The temper of the Air in Persia varies according to the variety of situation. The Countrey of Edzerbaijan is very cold, but very healthy. The Air of Mazandran is very unwholsom; for being a low fenny Country, and full of Insects, when the Waters dry up in the Summer, the Insects also dye and infect the Air. Sometimes those bad Waters over-flow the Country; in so much that the Inhabitants receive a tincture in their Complexions from the colour of the Earth. The Province of Guilan is included in the Province of Mazandran; and the Air is so unwholsom, that the People cry of him that is sent to command there; Has he robb'd, stol'n, or mur­ther'd, that the King sends him to Guilan?

At Ispahan, which is almost in the middle of Persia, there are six months of hot, and six months of cold weather. The Snow falls three or four times in a season, and sometimes so very thick, that there is hardly any travelling upon the Road. About a League from the City, toward the Mountain, there stands a Stone about two or three Foot high, which when the Snow hap'ns to cover, prognosticates a plentiful Year; and the first Country-man that carries the news thereof to the King, receives a hundred Tomans. As for Rain, there is very little falls there, unless it be in April, and then it sometimes rains very hard.

In the Southern Provinces, the heats are very excessive, and kill abundance of our Europeans, especially those that are giv'n to drink.

All Persia is water'd with little Rivers; but there is not one navigable River through the whole extent of it, unless it be Aras, or the Araxes of the Indians, which carries some few flat-bottom Boats. The other Rivers, instead of growing bigger, the farther they keep their course from the Springs, grow shallower for want of Water, by reason of the infinite number of Kreises or Channels, which they cut out of the Rivers to water the Lands, which would not bring forth so much as only Grass without the help of those Cuts; unless it be in the Province of Mazandran, which from September to March seems a kind of Terrestrial Paradise, through the pleasing variety of Herbs and Fruits. However, Persia in general being thus water'd is a most fruitful Country: though it be true, that many of their Springs and Chan­nels are lost and brok'n. And Mirza-Ibrahim Governour of the Province of Edzer­baijan told me one day, that in the very Territory of Tauris, there were above two hundred Springs utterly lost, either by accident or negligence.

As for their Gardens, they water them with Well-water, by the help of a Wheel and an Ox; but the running Water is much better, as not being so cold, and more fatning to the Earth. And therefore the Fruits that grow in the Mountains which are only water'd by the Rain or by the Dews, are much better tasted, and keep longer.

Persia is a mountainous Country, but for the most part the Mountains are very dry and barren. As for Woods, there are none in all the Country. Travellers are also forc'd to go a great way out of their Road to find a Spring; and sometimes they shall ride ten or twelve Leagues, before they meet with any Water but what they carry in their Bottles. There are some Mountains out of which they dig Salt, as Stones out of a Quarrey. There are also Plains where the Sand is nothing but Salt, though it be not so savoury as our Northern Salt.

Of late several Copper-Mines have been found out, of which the Natives make all sorts of Kitchin-Housholdstuff. Their Lead comes from Kerman; their Iron and Steel from Corasan and Kasbin, though not so good as that of Spain. Their Steel is very fine, with a smooth grain, and grows very hard in the Water, but it is as brittle as Glass. Neither will this sort of Steel agree with the Fire: so that if the Fire have not more than a double heat when the Steel is forg'd, it will look just like a piece of burnt Charcoal. The Steel which we call Damas-Steel comes from the Indies, and the Persians call it Gauherder.

There are also some Mines of Gold and Silver in Persia, wherein it appears that they have anciently wrought. Sha-Abas also try'd again, but found his expence to be more than his profit: whence it is become a Proverb in Persia, Nokre Kerven dehkrarge nohhassel; The Silver-Mine of Kerven, where they spend ten to get nine, which is the reason that all the Gold and Silver of Persia comes out of Forein Countries.

CHAP. II.
Of the Flowers and Fruits of Persia, of Turquoises and Pearls.

THE Flowers of Persia are nothing comparable to our European Flowers, neither for variety nor beauty. For having pass'd the Tigris in the Road to Persia, you meet with nothing but Roses and Lillies, and some other Fruits peculiar to the Country.

As for Roses, they have great store, which they distil, as they do Orange-flowers, and transport the Waters into all the Eastern parts of Asia.

I never left the Court of Persia, but some of the Lords, especially four of the white Eunuchs, beg'd of me to bring them some Flowers out of France; for they have every one a Garden before their Chamber-door: and happy is he that can present the King with a Posie of Flowers in a Crystal Flower-Pot.

There are in Persia Apples, Pears, Oranges, Granates, Prunes, Cherries, Apricots, Quinces, Chesnuts, Medlers, and other sorts of Fruit, which is not generally so well-tasted as ours.

Their Apricots indeed, especially the lesser sort, are better than ours. When you open this Apricot, the Stone cleaves in two, and then the Kernel, which is only a small Skin, as white as Snow, is more pleasing to the tast than if it had been pre­serv'd.

As for their Melons, they are most excellent, and very plentiful, neither is it so dangerous to eat them to excess, as ours. There have been some that have eat'n six and thirty pound in a day, and have never been the worse. There is a prodigious quantity of them sold in Ispahan, where they are brought to Market, from midnight 'till four a Clock in the afternoon. Those Melons which are first in season, and are call'd Guermez, are insipid, and tast of nothing but Water. However the Physicians advise you to eat them, saying that they plump up the Flesh, and renew the habit of the Body. The next to the Guermez, are better than they, and they in­crease in goodness 'till they come to be quite out of season; the last of which they keep all the Winter long.

Though they have such vast plenty, yet they never leave but one Melon upon a stalk, and when it is as big as a Nut, the Gard'ner, or his Wife, or his Children, lye down upon the ground and lick off the Down, which they say keeps the Melon from being sweet, and rip'ning kindly.

The Persians have also a particular sort of Quince-Pipin, but not so good as ours, which they fry unpar'd, casting great store of Salt in the Pan to excite thirst, and then present them to their Friends at their Collations. They have also Almonds and Figs, but few Small-nuts or Wall nuts.

Oyl they have none, but in the Provinces of Mazandran and Guilan, which furnish all the rest of Persia; but the Olives are rotten, black, gravelly, and not worth any thing, compar'd with Province-Olives.

Armenia, Mengrelia, Georgia, and Media abound in Vineyards. They bury their Vines all the Winter, and take them up again in the Spring by reason of the cold. In the hotter Countries they dress their Vines as we do, without any under-propping them. There are three sorts of Wines in Persia. That of Yesd is very delicate; that of Ispahan but ordinary: that of Yesd is transported to Lar where there lives a great number of Jews, who care not to live but where they may have good Wine, and that at a cheap rate. It is also carry'd to Ormus, where it is sold half in half cheaper than the Wine of Schiras. As for the Wine of Schiras, it is made of one only Grape, sweet in tast, but which heats the Mouth extremely. This sort of Grape is call'd Kichmishé; it is a white Grape, without any stone, as vulgarly believ'd; but however it has a stone, though it be hardly to be perceiv'd, which nevertheless will appear in new Wine, when it frets like a little Ligament. They say that the Wine of Ispahan is cold upon the Stomach, but that it fumes into the Head. For its coldness upon the Stomach I can say little, but I know it will warm the Head, if a man takes too much of it. In Persia they never keep their Wine in Tuns, but in [Page 145] great earthen Vessels bak'd in an Oven, either glazed, or else smear'd over with the fat of a Sheeps rump, stopp'd up with wood'n Covers, cover'd over again with a great piece of red Calicut, that lyes over all the lids of the Pots.

The King and his Lords have other sorts of Cellars for magnificence, where they treat such as they invite. These are four square Rooms not above three or four steps deep, with a Well in the middle, the floor being spread with Turky Carpets. Now at the four corners of the Well stand four great Bottles containing twenty Pints apiece, the one of White, the other of Claret. Between the great Bottles stands a row of lesser Bottles filled, a Bottle of White, and a Bottle of Red. In the Cellar-wall are several niches one above another, and in every nich a Bottle, still vary'd Gules and Argent; a very pleasant sight to good Companions in a Room, which is as light as day.

As for Herbs and Roots they have very good in Persia, but above all, most excellent Roman Lettuce. But there is no sort of Pulse, nor can they find a way to make Pease grow among them. The Carmelites carry'd Asparagus, Artichoaks, and Succory, which were never seen there before, but now begin to thrive very well.

As for Turquoises and Pearls I shall speak thereof in my discourse of Jewels, toward the end of my Indian Travels.

CHAP. III.
Of the Beasts of Service; of the Fish and Fowl of Persia.

THe Beasts for service in Persia, are Horses, Mules, Asses, and Camels. The Horses of Persia are but of an ordinary stature, less than ours, very narrow before, but very swift and light. They carry their heads very ill in running, by reason of the Custom to which the Persians use them. For they have got a trick of managing their Horses, yet never getting upon their backs; they teach them to Amble by tying their feet with two Cords of an equal length, to the middle whereof are fasten'd two other Cords that are fasten'd to the Saddle, which ▪two Cords keep their feet so, that they cannot stir but at such a distance; and so they deal with their Mules upon which the old men generally covet to ride. The Horses of Persia are very docible, and easily brought up. They give them nothing else from one Evening to another but a Sack full of chopt Straw, with a measure of Barley which they mingle together with the Straw, to the end they may eat both together. When the Barley is newly ear'd, they give it them for fourteen or twenty days together to purge their Bodies, as we for the same end put our Horses to Grass in the Spring. The Persian Horses hold out very well 'till eighteen or twenty years of age; but they never cut their Stone-Horses in that Coun­try. In the Winter, they never take off their Shooes, but only Frost-nail them. Their Furniture is very light and handsomly made. And this is further observ'd, that whereas we keep Goats in our Stables and Inns, the Persians keep Hogs.

There are two sorts of Asses in Persia. Those that are bred in the Country only serve to carry burthens; but there are a sort of Arabian Asses that are swift and very handsom, excelling in price the common sort of Horses. The Merchants of Ispahan keep these Asses in their Country Houses, taking it for a great piece of Grandeur to Ride every Morning to their Shops.

Some parts of Persia are perplex'd also with wild-Beasts, as Lyons, Bears, and Leopards, but there are but very few; nor have we heard that ever they did any great mischief. Porcupines they have also; and I my self saw brought before the King two men, the one of which was Shot through the Thigh, and through the Leg with a Porcupine's Quill. The second was kill'd, the Porcupine having darted his Quill a little above his right Pap through his Brest. As for their Fish, there are an abundance of Carps, Trouts, and Pikes in the River Aras: but in all the other Rivers of Persia there is but one sort of Fish, which is a kind of [Page 146] Barbel. In the subterranean Channel which they bring to water their fields there is another sort of Fish very plentiful of bones, and as little as can be eaten.

Where the white Mulberies grow by the River side, so soon as they begin to bear fruit, 'tis very good pastime to see the Crabs, as big as the Palm of a man's hand, come out of the River after Sun-set, and climb the trees to eat the fruit, and then by break of day return into the River again. They are delicate food, far beyond Crey­fish, but a hot provocative Diet, as the Physicians well observe.

During the Frost they bring from the Caspian Sea great store of Salmon or Salmon-Trouts, four or five Foot long. The Province of Media is well stor'd with Sturgeon from the mouth of the River Araxes. In the same Sea there is a certain Fish like a Carp, which they salt and dry like our Herrings. From the Persian Gulf comes nothing but Salt-fish, which is transported over all the Kingdom.

Their Fowls are much the same that we have in Europe, only I do not remember that I ever saw any Quails in the Country. As for their Pigeons, they fly wild about the Country; but only some which they keep tame in the City, wherewithal to decoy the rest: which is a sport the Persians use in hot weather as well as in cold. Now in regard the Christians are not permitted to keep these Pigeons, some of the vulgar sort will turn Mahometans to have that liberty. There are above three thousand Pigeon-houses in Ispahan. For every man may build a Pigeon-house upon his own Farm, which yet is very rarely done; all the other Pigeon-houses belong to the King, who draws a greater Revenue from the Dung than from the Pigeons: which Dung, as they prepare it, serves to smoak their Melons.

Poultrey is very plentiful in Persia; and the Armenians brought out of Europe the way how to Fat Capons; the first so fatted they presented to the King, who lik'd them so well, that he order'd that the richest of the Armenians should be commanded to provide him such a number every year. There are no Turkeys in all Asia; but the Armenians trafficking to Venice carry'd some from thence, which when the King had tasted, he lik'd so well, that he order'd the Armenians to breed him up such a number, and to stock the Kingdom with them. But the Armenians, seeing the King would impose a new Tribute of Turkeys as well as Capons, grew negligent, and suffer'd the Chickens to dye as soon as they were hatch'd. Thereupon the Persians suspecting the fraud, commanded the Armenians to keep the dead Turkeys, that they might be Judges how they came by their deaths: And it was my wonder to see so many young Turkeys hanging against the Walls of some Houses in Zulpha, that occasion'd this Story to be told me.

All sorts of Water-fowl are as plentiful in Persia, as with us.

Upon the Frontiers of Media and Armenia, at a certain season of the year are to be seen a great number of Birds, much like to our Owzils. Much about the same time the Corn begins to appear, but then is the ground cover'd with such infinite swarms of Locusts, that the Armenians are forc'd to betake themselves to their Processions, and to water the ground with a Water which they fetch a great way off, whereinto the Bodies of several martyr'd Christians were thrown. Three days these Pro­cessions and waterings of the ground continue, and after that, whether it be that the fore-mention'd Birds do eat the Locusts, or only drive them away, in two or three days the Country is clear of them.

As for Birds of prey, the Country wants none, Falcons, Sparrow▪ Hawks, Lane­rets, &c. of which the King of Persia is very well provided, having above eight hundred belonging to his Game. Some of these Birds are taught to fly at the wild Boar, or wild Ass, or wild Goat; others at Cranes, Herons, wild Geese, and Par­tridg. The chiefest of which Birds are brought from the Southern Mountains extending from Schiras to the Persian Gulf.

The King takes great delight to hunt the Boar and Hart; and if it come to pass that the Game out-run the Dogs, then they let fly one of their Hawks, who pre­sently seizes the head, and while she is continually pecking and disturbing the Beast, the Dogs are presently at his heels. The Hawks are taught to stop like a Horse at full speed: else they would never quit their prey, which they presently do, as soon as ever the Falconer shews them their reward. Now their way of ord'ring or making the Hawk is this. They take the skin of a Hart, head, body, and legs, and stuff it with Straw, to the end it may be like the Beast which they intend to represent in the nature of a Quarry. When they have set it in the place [Page 147] where they usually train up the Hawk, they lay meat upon the head, or in the holes of the eyes, to the end the Bird may be sure to seize those parts at his down­come. Being accustom'd to feed in this manner for some days together, they fix the Beast upon a Plank with four Wheels, and cause it to be drawn with long Cords by certain men, that mend their pace ev'ry day, 'till at length it is drawn by a Horse at full speed, whereby the Bird is accustom'd by degrees not to forsake her prey. After the same manner they counterfeit all other sorts of Quarrys to enter their Hawks, as well wild Boars, wild Asses, as Hares and Foxes. Some there are that will order a Crow with the same industry as you would make a Hawk. They have also a certain Beast which they call Once, which has a spotted skin like a Tiger, but which is nevertheless very gentle and tame; this a Horse-man will carry behind him, and when he sees a wild Goat, he sets down the Once, which is so nimble, that in three leaps he will be upon the back of the wild Goat; though the wild Goat be a very swift Creature. The Once immediately strangles him with his sharp teeth. But if by accident the wild Goat get from him, the Once will stand still in the same place abash'd and troubl'd, so that an Infant may take him and kill him, without the least resistance made in his own defence.

The Kings of Persia take great delight in Hunting, and in that sport it is that they love to shew themselves magnificent: Insomuch that Sha-Sefi desirous to treat all the Ambassadors then at his Court, which at that time were the Tartarian, Muscovite, and Indian, carry'd them along with him into the field, and having tak'n a great number of Harts, Fallow dear, Hinds, and wild Boars, he caus'd them all to be made ready to be eat'n the same day; And while he was feasting, an Architect had order to raise a Pyramid of the heads of those Beasts in the middle of Ispahan, of which there are some remains to this day. When the Architect had rais'd it to a considerable height, he came very pleasantly to the King, and told him he wanted nothing but one head of some great Beast to finish the Work. The King, whether in his Wine, or to shew the Ambassadors how absolute he was over his Subjects, turning briskly toward the Architect; Thou say'st well, said he, nor do I know where to meet with a Head more proper than thy own. Thereupon the miserable Architect was forc'd to submit his own Head, the King's Command being presently put in execution.

CHAP. IV.
Of the manner of Building in Persia.

IN regard there is little Wood or Stone in Persia, all the Cities, except some Houses, are generally built of Earth; but of an earthen, or rather a kind of Potter's Clay, so well wrought, that you may cut it like Turf, being wrought to a just consistency. The Walls are made with lays of Earth, according to the proportion intended, and between every lay of Earth, three Foot high, two or three rows of Bricks bak'd in the Sun. These Bricks are made in a square Mold three fingers thick, and seven or eight inches broad: and for fear they should cleave with drying in the Sun, they lay over them pounded Straw to keep them from chopping in the heat. They never lay the second lay 'till the first be dry, nor is the second lay to be so broad as the lowermost. Those Buildings which are made of Brick bak'd in the Sun are very handsom; and after the Wall is rais'd, the Mason plaisters it over with a Morter made of Potter's Clay mingled with Straw; so that the defects of the Building being cover'd, the Wall appears very firm and close. Then the Work-man plaisters the Morter over again with a Lime mixt with Muscovy-Green, which he pounds with a certain Gum, to render the Lime more glutinous: and then rubbing the Wall over with a course Brush, it becomes as it were damask'd and silver'd, and looks like Marble. The poor are contented with only bare Walls, or some course daubing that costs little. The middle of the House consists of a large Portico, twenty or thirty Foot square; and in the middle of the Portico a Fountain full of Water. It is all open upon one side; and from the Portico to the Pond or [Page 148] Fountain all cover'd with Carpets. At every corner of the Portico is a Room to sit and take the fresh Air; and behind another large Room, the floor whereof is spread with Carpets, Mattresses, and Cushions, according to the quality of the Master of the House. Upon the two sides of the Portico are two other Chambers, and doors to go from one Chamber to another: and thus are the Houses of the great Lords built, but only they are more spacious. For their Houses consist of four great Parlours, that look toward the four corners of the World, and every Parlour has two Chambers upon each side, which make eight Chambers, that surround a great Hall in the middle. The King's Palace is also built after the same fashion: and generally the Persians Houses are very low, it being a rare thing to see one three Stories high. Yet all their Chambers and Rooms are arch'd, wherein the Persian exceeds us. For with­out all that trouble and time that we spend, they will presently raise an Arch so broad and high as easily demonstrates the skill of the Work man. The tops of their Houses are flat and terrass'd; being plaster'd with Earth mixt with Straw chopt very small, and well temper'd; which they bind together with a layer of Lime beat'n for seven days together, which makes it as hard as Marble, and if they want Lime, they pave the Terrass with square Tiles bak'd in an Oven, so that the Rain can do no harm. But they are very careful to shovel off the Snow, for fear it crack the Terrass with lying. Without the Houses show nothing, but within they are curiously painted with Birds and Flowers, wherein the Persians are no bad Artists. They take great delight to have several little Chambers, with several Doors, and Lattice-windows, the quarrels whereof are of Glass of various colours. This sort of glazing serves generally, and indeed more properly, for the Apartment where the Women may come. For they might have Crystal-windows if they pleas'd, but they glaze the void spaces in this matter, that their Women may not be seen; after they have fram'd the op'n place that gives light, like a Flower-Pot with several Flowers in it, which the Glass of several colours imitates to the life; whereby it is impossible that the Windows should be peer'd through; besides, that it is pleasant to the Eye. The Doors of their Houses are of Tehinar-Wood, which is very noble, and their Wainscoting is as neat. The Persians that love ostentation, always display their rich Carpets, Mattresses, Cushions, Coverlets, and all the most costly Furniture they have, in the fore part of their dwellings: For the Haram, or the Women's Quarter is but meanly adorn'd, in regard they are never visited by any men but their Husbands. In some of their Rooms they have very narrow Chimnies; for the Persians set all their Wood upright which they burn, because of the Smoak; besides, they make but small Fires, in regard they have so great a scarcity of Wood. When they would go to sleep, they lye down upon a Plank cover'd with a Carpet, and wrap themselves in a quilted Blanket. In the Sum­mer they sleep in the open Air, upon their Terrasses; and in regard the Women lye there too, there is an order obtain'd, that the Moullahs that sing upon the Mosquees shall not presume to go up in the morning, because it might be their hap to see the Women as they lay; it being one of the highest pieces of infamy imaginable for a Woman to be discover'd with her Face op'n.

There are some Houses that belong to great Lords, that have a square place before their Doors, where they that come to visit them may put their Horses, to the end the Street should not be pester'd. If you look upon the Front of their Houses, there is little ornament to be seen, unless it be upon some which have been lately built.

CHAP. V.
A Description of Ispahan, the chief City of the Kingdom and Do­minions of the King of Persia.

ISpahan, Sphahan, or Sphaon, as the Persians pronounce it, which some Travellers have too unwarily affirm'd to be a fine City, lyes in the Province of Hierac, which composes some part of the ancient Kingdom of the Parthians. It is the Capital City of all Persia, and a very large place, where the King usually keeps his Court. The Records of the Persians declare that formerly it was two contiguous Towns, one [Page 149] part whereof belong'd to Haider, and the other to Neamed-Olahi, two parts of Ispahan still retaining those two names, which has occasion'd great quarrels and de­bates among the people, while they have both been eager to prefer their own quarter. Nor indeed could Ispahan be accompted other than a Village, before Sha-Abas had conquer'd the Kingdoms of Lar and Ormus. But then observing so fair a Situa­tion, where he might as well be near the Provinces which he had newly conquer'd, as for the design which he had to extend his Dominions to the East and West, as he had enlarg'd them to the South, he quitted Casbin and Sultany to reside at Ispahan, as in the center of his Empire.

This City is seated in a vast plain, which extends it self three ways fifteen or twenty Leagues. Upon the South about two Leagues from Ispahan rises a very high Mountain, on the top whereof toward the West are to be seen the remains of a very strong Fortress, where Darius kept himself, when Alexander gave Battle to him in that Plain. In the side of the Rock is a Grotto, either natural or artificial, or both, out of which issues a natural Spring of excellent Water, where a Dervis usually inhabits.

The Circuit of Ispahan, taking the Suburbs all in, is not much less than that of Paris; but the number of Inhabitants is ten times greater at [...]rris than at Ispahan. Nor is it a wonder that a City should be so large and yet so ill peopl'd, where every Family has its particular House, and every House its particular Garden. What ever way you come to it you may discover first the Towers of the Mosquées, and then the Trees that environ the Houses, so that Ispahan seems rather a Forrest than a City. The Plain being fertile is well inhabited, but there are no Villages in it, only three or four Houses in a place together.

The Walls of Ispahan are of Earth, to which do belong some pittiful Towers without Battlements or Platforms, Bastions or Redoubts, or any other Fortifica­tion. The Moats also are as bad, neither broad nor deep, but always dry. In some places also the people have beaten down great gaps in the Wall, to get the nearest way into the City; yet they reckon ten Gates, which are but of Earth however, and of no defence; the chief of which are Der-Vasalsehab, not far from the King's Palace, Der-Tokshi, Der-Mark, Der-Vasal-Lembon, Der-Nasan-Abad, Der-Sha, and Der-Dekt. The Gates are made of Planks rudely joyn'd together, and cover'd with plates of Iron four fingers broad, and as thick as a Crown, fasten'd with flat-headed Nails. The Keys are never carry'd to the Go­vernour, but left with a silly Porter that op'ns and shuts the Gates as he pleases himself; for indeed there is no necessity of shutting the Gates when there are so many other ways into the City.

The City of Ispahan is ill laid out; for the Streets are narrow and unequal, and for the most part dark, because of the Arches that go from one House to another, so that a man is forc'd sometimes to feel his way for two hundred paces. Moreover the Streets are many times annoy'd with Loads of Ordure and the Carcasses of dead Beasts, which cause a most filthy stench, and would be very infectious certainly, but for the wholesomness of the Air. In the most part of the Streets are Wells, which are stop'd up in Summer, and open'd in the Winter to carry away the Rain and the Snow into the Arch'd Channels which run under Ground through the middle of the Street. There are also before every Door certain Troughs to receive the filth and ordure of every Family, which the Country-men come and carry away to Dung their Grounds. Every morning the Country-man comes with his Ass to lade Dung; and it is observable that he is more diligent to carry away the Dung of the Armenians, Franks, and Jews that drink Wine, than of the Persians that drink none. And this is the profit of the Servants of the House that sell an Asses Load of Dung for five, and sometimes for ten or twelve Kasbeshé.

The Streets of Ispahan, as of all the rest of the Cities of Persia are not pav'd, which makes them very incommodious both Summer and Winter. For in Sum­mer the dust puts out your Eyes, unless it be in the Streets where the great Mer­chants live, and about the Meydan, where there are people hir'd to water the Streets Morning, Noon, and Night. Those people go about the Streets also with a Boracho full of Water, and a Glass, with Ice in a Bag, to give them drink that desire it: Nor do they take any money, being paid out of the Legacies left by persons deceased for that purpose. In the Winter this dust turns to mire half [Page 150] the leg deep; though it be very true that there are very few people to be seen then in the Street; for in regard of the vaulted Channels that run through every Street, should the Soak'd Earth chance to fall under the Horse, it might endanger a Limb. Besides, the Persians are so superstitious, that they will hardly receive a man within their doors with a spot of Dirt upon his Cloaths, for fear of being defil'd by him.

You shall also meet with little Holes against the Walls of the Houses in the op'n Street, where the Persians are not asham'd to squat and Piss in the face of all the World. If there be any running Water in the Street, they take a little in their Hands and wash their Member with it; or if there be no Water, they rub it against a Stone or the Wall, which they take for a great piece of gentility and mo­desty.

That which farther contributes to the nastiness of the Streets of Ispahan, is, that the Butchers throw the Blood and Excrements of the Beasts which they kill into the Streets. If a Horse or a [...]le, a Camel or an Ass dye, they presently throw him into the Street. True it is, that there are people who come presently to buy it of the Owner; who make Harissé, which they sell to the poor Work-men. This Harissé is thus prepar'd; they boyl the flesh of the dead Beast with Corn, and after it is well boyl'd they mash it together, 'till it becomes like a Pottage. They also make Harissé of good Mutton; both which sorts they sell in the Market-place, or great Meydan of the City.

Though the City of Ispahan be dirty, yet there is a way for persons of Ability to avoid it; for they never stir but on Horse-back, with two or three Lackeys, call'd Chatres, that run before to make room. For the Men are all upon the false Gallop in the Streets, without any fear of hurting the Children: by reason that the Chil­dren are not suffered to play in the Streets like ours, but as soon as ever they come from School, they sit down by their Parents, to be instructed by them in their Pro­fession.

These Valets or Foot-men make a Trade of Running; of which the King and the Lords have several in their service; it being a piece of grandeur to keep a great many. They serve from Father to Son, undergoing an Apprentiship in Running. From six to seven years of age, they only set themselves to walk slowly. The next year they run a League at a time upon a handsom trot, the next year after they run two or three Leagues, and so proportionably for the rest. At eighteen years of age they are allow'd a Scrip of Flowr, with a flat piece of Copper to bake their Bread upon, and a Bottle of Water; all which they carry about them when they run. For these people when they are sent Post never take the Caravan-Road but the shortest cuts through the Deserts, and must therefore accustom themselves to carry their Provision. The King and the Lords have no Chatres, but what are Masters; which degree they are not to arrive at without some Ceremony and performing a Race, like our Jemmy and the Butcher of Croyden.

If he be a Lord that owns the Chater who desires to be a Master, he sends for all his Friends, sets up a Scaffold in the Meydan, provides a Collation, and sends for the Curtisans to divert the Company. Now there is not one of these Guests that does no bring something to give this Chater after the Race is run, either a Bonnet or a Girdle, or some other thing, part of which the Chater gives to his fellows. Then the Chater appears with his Legs greas'd, his Thighs bare, only a slight short pair of loose Breeches, and a Girdle with three little bells hanging upon his Belly. Thus accouter'd he starts from Ali-Capi, and between Sun-rising and Sun-setting he runs backward and forward to a Stone a League and a half from the City toward the Mountains; running in that time six and thirty of our common Leagues, or a hundred and eight Miles. While he runs, there is Kourouk in the Meydan, and upon all the Road where he runs, and three or four Horse-men that continually ride to and fro, to see that there be no deceit in the Chater's Race; who when he approaches near the City, ride before to give notice of his coming. Every time he starts and returns, the Drums and Trumpets sound; at the end of the Race there stand several persons with Arrows in their Hands, and ev'ry time he comes to the Stone they give him an Arrow, which he carries back every course to Ali-Capri. Every time he returns, the Curtisans rub him and make much of him. All the time he runs, he eats nothing, but drinks Sherbet now and then. If he acquit himself [Page 151] well, which appears by the number of Arrows brought back, he is admitted a Master by the approbation of the King's Foot-men, who are superior to all the rest. The Kans or Governours of Provinces run their own Chaters with the same Ceremonies, and in the sa [...]e manner.

The Fortress of Ispahan is nothing at all considerable. It joyns to the Wall upon the South side of the City, and is twice as long as broad, but without any defence in the World, unless it be of some pitiful Towers made of Earth. Here it is that the King keeps all the Rarities which he has purchas'd, or that has been presented to him. For as to his main Treasure, I believe it consists chiefly in Gold-Plate. Within the Fortress there is a large Field, sow'd every year with Rice and Corn; hard by which stands the House of the Capuchin-Friars.

Ispahan in general, unless it be the Meydan and some few arch'd Streets where the Merchants live, is more like a great Village than a City; the Houses standing at a distance one from the other, with every one a Garden, but ill look'd after, not having any thing in it perchance but only one pitiful Tree: true it is that they begin to build better of late days, but it is without the City. As for the Women, 'tis not a pin matter whether they live out of the City or within, in regard they never stir out of [...]oors, and as seldom go a-f [...]oo.

The Meydan or great Piazza of Ispahan was the contrivance of the great Sha-Abas, who had never done it, if a great Prince of the ancient Race of the Kings of Persia had not refus'd him the old Meydan, with several Priviledges, and the House that stood by it. Thereupon he design'd this new Piazza, to draw off the Merchants▪ and to spoil the old Market-Place, by their departure from that quarter of the City which is less inhabited at this day. It is not far from this old Meydan, that the Austin-Friars on the one side, and the Carmelites on the other have their Habi­tations. There are also two sides of that Meydan entire, under the Portico's, where sit only such People as sell Herbs, Fruit, and Victuals; the other two sides are almost faln to decay; but when it was all standing, it was as handsom as the new one: and it is to be wonder'd, that the Prince, who built it, did not choose the place where Sha-Abas has built his, as being near the Water, and consequently far more conve­nient.

The great Meydan then is a place about seven hundred Paces long, and between two and three hundred broad. It has Buildings upon all the four sides; it lyes in length directly North and South; the Fronts are every one Portico'd, and Ter­rass'd at the top; and on the City-side are little Chambers nine or ten Foot high, which fall very▪ much to decay, being only built of Brick bak'd in the Sun. They are inhabited, the greatest part of them, by the most infamous Curtisans of the City. At some Paces distance from the Portico's, is a Channel which is pav'd with stone, and runs round about the Piazza; Sha-Abas caus'd several Trees to be planted by the side of it, but both the Channel and the Trees being altogether neglected, are faln to decay; besides, that the smell of the Water in the Summer time is very noysom.

In the midst of the Piazza stands a kind of a May-Pole, or Mast of a Ship, where the People exercise shooting at Birds. When the King comes to shoot, they set a Cup of Gold upon the top of the Mast, which he is to strike down with an Arrow. To which purpose he must ride full speed, nor is he permitted to shoot 'till after he has past the May-Pole, turning himself upon the crupper of his Horse: a remain of the ancient custom of the Parthians, that kill'd their Enemies flying.

The Cup belongs to him that strikes it down; and I have seen Sha-Sefi, Grandfather of the present King, in five Courses strike down three Cups.

From this Mast or May-Pole down to the great Mosquee, they sell nothing but Wood and Charcoal: from the same Pole to the Sun-Dial upon the North-side, are none but such as sell old Iron-Tools, old Harness for Horses, old Coverlets, and other Brokery-ware, as in our Long-Lane.

From the Pole to another Mosquee, to the South, just again the Sun-Dial, is the place for all the Poulterers. The rest of the Piazza toward the Palace, is always kept clean, without any Shops, because the King comes often abroad in the Evening to see Lions, Bears, Bulls, Rams, Cocks, and all other sort of Creatures fight which are brought thither.

The people of Ispahan, as in many other Cities, are divided into two parts, the [Page 152] one call'd Hedari, the other Nametlaï; and upon all the Combats of Beasts before­mention'd, there are always very considerable Wagers laid between these two Tribes. The King, who is a neuter, gives to the Master of the Beast that gets the upper hand sometimes five, sometimes ten, sometimes twenty Tomans, according to the value of the Wager laid; and he that wins the Wager, presents the Master of the Beast likewise. They have also a Sport at breaking of Egg, by knocking the ends one against another, some of which Eggs come to three or four Crowns. The Hens that lay them are bred in a Country which they call Sausevare, about a hun­dred leagues from Ispahan, toward the Province of Karasan; the Cocks of which Country are bigger and stronger than other Cocks, and cost some of them a hundred Crowns. There are a sort of Tumblers also, that after Dinner set up their Stages in the Meydan, and toward the Evening, they that play the Maid-Marians come and en­compass a square place with a course piece of Calicut; and then through another very fine Cloth, the Wenches shew a thousand tumbling Tricks and antick Postures. When they have done, they come and ask the Spectators for Money, who give them every one what they think fit. Every Friday, which is as it were Market-day, the Country-folks bring to Town what they have made in the Villages, as Doors and Windows fitted to be hung up, Window-frames, Locks, and other things of that nature. Upon that day also they sell Mules, Horses, Camels, and Asses, which brings a great confluence of people from all parts.

Upon the West-side, where stands the Gate of the Palace, and Ali's Gate, be­tween the Canal and the Portico's are rang'd some seventy Pieces of Cannon upon their Carriages. These Guns, together with the Sun-Dial, were brought from Ormus by the Great Sha-Abas, of which the English ought to have had their share; for with­out their assistance he never could have tak'n the Town.

From the corner of that Front, which touches upon the Eastern Front of the Mosquee, in the middle, are all Sadlers Shops; and from that Mosquee to another corner that touches upon the Western Front, live the Book-Sellers, Book-binders, and Trunk-makers. In the middle of the Southern Front stands a Portal, with a Tower upon each side, which leads to a Mosquee, the Gate whereof is cover'd all over with Plates of Silver, and is certainly the neatest Portal and fairest Entrance into any Mosquee of Persia.

At the other end of the same Front, where it joyns to that upon the West, there is a great Portal that leads to a false Gate of the King's Palace; near to which▪ as soon as you are enter'd▪ you meet with the Apartment of the Great Treasurer, who is a white Eunuch, and having the Keys of the Chamber where the Money lyes, takes care to pay what-ever the King orders him. Through that false Gate all the King's Provisions are carry'd into the Palace. This way also enter they that are entertained for the Manufactory of the King's Tissues, Silks, Sattins, Coverlets, and the like. In the same Enclosure also the Franks, who are under the King's Wages, and live at Zulpha, come every day to work; as also all the most particular and eminent Artists that the King hires.

The Western Front, which makes one of the two lengths of the Meydan, is thus appointed; from the Southern angle that touches the Trunk-maker's quarter, live all your Pedlers that sell all the small Commodities of Norimberg and Venice.

As for the King's Palace, I cannot make any handsom description of it, in regard there is nothing of Beauty either in the Building or in the Gardens. I think I have been as far in the House as a man could go, every time I was sent for by His Majesty; but excepting only four Rooms which they call Divans, I saw nothing but pitiful low Galleries, and so narrow that hardly two men could pass a-brest in 'em. In one of those Galleries I had audience of the King, in the Garment of Honour which he had bestow'd upon me. But In regard I have spok'n of two of them in another place, and that the other two are much alike both Building and Furniture, I shall say no more of them here.

From the King's Palace Gate to Haly's Gate live the Goldsmiths, Lapidaries, and Gravers of Stones for Seals: Haly's Gate is a plain Gate, naked of Work: of which I have already spok'n.

Between Haly's Gate, and the other angle of the same Western Front, stands a great Gate which leads into a Bazar, where all the Armenians that live at Zulfa keep their Shops, and sell all sorts of Cloth that comes out of Europe, and other the [Page 153] choicest Wares of Persia. At the end of that Bazar stands a fair Inn two Stories high, which the Mother of Sha-Abas the second caus'd to be built. In the middle stands a great Fountain with four great Gates, which lead into four other Inns. Here by the way let me give a Traveller and a Trader in Persia this advice; that if his Goods be not very heavy, he never hire a low Chamber, as being three times dearer than those above: For the Chambers which the Sun lies upon most in the Summer, are the Chambers which cost least. Not but all the Chambers in the Inn are Tax'd at the same rate by the King; but the Host for his profit will find some pretence or other to raise his price, pretending those Chambers be hir'd already which you desire, especially if they be corner Chambers, which are the largest and most commodious. And indeed without this collusion Chambers would be very cheap. The best convenience of those Inns is, that a man is more secure in one of them then in a private House: For there if it happ'n that a piece of Goods be stol'n; or that your Chapman prove insolvent for Goods bought, the Inn-keeper is to make all good▪ being by the Law to receive so many blows aday 'till he pays the sum demanded. The Merchant also gives two in the hundred for every thing that he sells, and when the Market is done they presently go to the Host, who sets down in his Book the qua­lity of his Goods▪ and the names both of buyer and seller. If he knows not the buyer, he is bound to go and enquire after him, and if he be not solvent, the Merchant takes his Goods again. Sometimes the Merchant to save the two in the hundred, combines with the Purchaser to carry away some of his Goods without the knowledge of the Host, which is done by greasing his Deputies fist, who will pre­sently shut his Eyes. But then if the Purchaser proves insolvent, the Merchant dares not complain, because his Goods are not Register'd in the King's Book, whom he has defrauded of his Custom.

No less secure are the Bazars or Market-places, where the Merchants shut up their Shops very slightly, the Bazars being strongly guarded both within and with­out all night long. As for the petty Stalls in the Meydan, every one puts up his Ware in a Box Padlock'd up, and then lay them down at one end of the place one by another. As for the course sort of Ware, as Tents, Cords, Ropes, and such other things they only heap them under a large Coverlet fasten'd at the four corners by four sticks, for the Meydan also is as strongly guarded as the Bazar.

Between Haly's Gate and that which leads to the Bazar where the Armenians keep their Shops▪ live all those that deal in Russia Leather, making Borachio's to tye under the Horses Bellies▪ little Buckets, and Furniture for Horse-men, as also Bowyers, Fletchers, and Forbishers. From the last Gate to the end of the Gallery, live all the Druggists and Apothecaries.

At the Angle upon the two fronts upon the East and North, there is a Gate that leads to the Great Bazar; next to that live only your Salls-men that sell whole Ha­bits for men, as Shirts, Sheets, Hose, and the like. There be also those that sell Leather Shoes for men and women; which Shoes are always worn by persons of quality.

Out of this Bazar you go into another full of men that work in Copper, such as make Pots, Plates, and other Uten [...]ils for the Kitchin. Here also live those that make Files, and the blades of Sythes. The rest of the Bazar is possess'd by Dyers of Calicut; and at the end of the Bazar is a fair Inn, where all the Merchants live that sell Musk, Russia Leather, and Fu [...]rs.

I have in another place observ'd that the King has a great Revenue out of the Ba­zars and Inns which he has caus'd to be built, which is particularly laid out in pro­vision for his Table. For the Law of Mahomet forbidding Princes to impose Taxes or Customs upon the People, they do not believe that the money which arises from thence is fit to be employ'd or laid out for the necessaries of life, believing that their food so purchas'd would do them no good. By virtue of this prohibition of Mahomet it is, that the Merchants take all the liberty they can to deceive the King of his Customs, believing that they cannot offend the Prince, while they transgress not the Law. Besides, that if they should pay all the King's Duties, the price of Goods would rise so high, so as to spoil the whole Course of Trade and Commerce. Neither would the Reve­nue of the Caravansera's, Bazars, and Gardens suffice for the Kings Kitchin, were not the several Kans or Governours of Provinces oblig'd to supply that expence eve­ry Week in their turns, whereby those expences cost the King little or nothing.

[Page 154] Upon the North-Front of the Meydan, are made under the Portico's separations for Chambers, that look upon the Piazza, where people go to smoak Tobacco and drink Coffee. The Seats of those Rooms are plac'd as in so many Amphitheaters, and in the midst of every one stands a large Vessel full of running Water, wherewith their Pipes be cleans'd when they are over-foul. All the Persians that have any spare time, fail not every day to resort to those places between seven and eight in the Morning, where the Owner of the Room presently brings them every one their Pipe and their Dish of Coffee. But the Great Sha▪Abas, who was a man of a great under­standing, finding those places were only so many Meeting-houses, where men assem­bl'd to talk and prattle of State-affairs, a thing which no way pleas'd him; to break the neck of those petty Cabals, he order'd that a Moullah should be sure to be betimes at every place before the rest of the People came thither, and that he should entertain those Tobacco-whiffers, and Coffee-quaffers, sometimes with a point of the Law, sometimes with History, sometimes with Poetry. This custom is still observ'd: so that after this entertainment has lasted two or three hours, the Moullah rising up, crys to every one in the Coffee-Room, Come my Masters, in good time, let's all now retire every man to his business. Straight every one retires upon the Moullah's words, who is liberally entertain'd all the while by the Society.

In the midst of the North-Front stands a great Portal, with a large Dial over it, which Sha-Abas brought from Ormus when he took it from the Portugals. But the Di­al is of no use, nor is ever like to be. Round the Tower of that Portal runs an op'n Gallery, with a kind of a Cieling over head supported with Pillars; from whence every Evening about Sun-set, and at Midnight, a noise of Drums and Trumpets is to be heard through the whole City. Though the truth is, the Musick would ne­ver charm a curious Ear. Out of some parts of the Gallery are contriv'd little Dormi­tories, where the chiefest of the Court lye. In all the Cities where the Kans reside is the Custom of making this ratling noise of Drums and Trumpets observ'd, and not elsewhere.

On each side of the Portal, under the Horologe, are five or six Banks of Jewellers, who there put to sale certain parcels of Pearls, Emralds, Granats, and Turquoises, which are not of any great value: every parcel being set by it self in a Dish, and the whole Stall cover'd with a silk Net, to preserve the Stones from being stoln.

Just against the same Portal, going toward the South-Front, you meet with two little Goals five or six Foot high, and sev'n or eight distant one from the other. Here the men play at Pall-m [...]ll on horse-back, the Horse-man being to strike the Ball run­ning at full speed, between the two Goals.

Through that Portal you enter into an Enclosure much like the place where the Fair of St. Germans is kept, and there it is that the Merchants of Gold and Silver-Tissues and other rich Stuffs, with all your finest sorts of Calicuts and Linnens, keep their Shops.

The Court side of the Meydan, which is upon the East, and which answers to the grand Front where the King's House stands, is thus appointed. In the middle stands a Duomo cover'd with a kind of bak'd Earth, and as well the Duomo as the Portal, which is very high, are all varnish'd over. You ascend nine or ten steps, the Port of Haly facing it on the other side of the Piazza. From the end of the Portico's that touch the North-side of the Mosquee, live the Shop-keepers that sell sowing-Silk, and small Manufacturers of Silk, as Ribands, Laces, Garters, and other things of the same nature. From the Mosquee to the other end, are all Turners, that make Cradles for Children, and Spinning-Wheels. There are also some Cotton-beaters, that make quilted Coverlets. Without the Portico's are none but Smiths, that make Scyths, Hammers, Pincers, Nails, and such like things; with some few Cutlers.

This is all that can be said of Ispahan, and that great Piazza, which some per­haps have set out in better colours. But I have represented all things as they are, as being one that have seen them oftner, and beheld them a longer time than ever any Frank that Travell'd into Asia.

CHAP. VI.
Of Zulpha, a little City, separated from Ispahan by the River Senderou.

ZƲlpha, which others call Julpha and Giolpha, is distant from Ispahan to­ward the South half an hours walk, the River Senderou running almost at an equal distance between the two Cities. The way that leads from one City to another is a Walk some fifteen hundred Paces long, and seventeen broad, almost equally divided by the River. It begins from a Pavilion or Tabernacle forty Foot square, which joyns to the hinder part of the King's House, with a double Story, to which several Windows give light, clos'd with wooden Lattices very artificially wrought. None but the King and his Houshold pass that way into the Walk. For they that go from Ispahan to Zulpha, find the way into the Walk through a Ga [...]e which is close adjoyning to the Tabernacle. This Walk is call'd the Street of Tcharbag, or the Street of Four Gardens.

A Channel [...]uns all along the Walk from the Tabernacle, where a little Rivulet falls into it, and fills it as far as the great Bridge. The two sides of the Channel which are pi [...]'d with Stone, and are two or three Foot broad, makes one way which Passengers may▪ and many times do take; for the usual way both for Horse and Foot, lyes upon each side of the Walk, behind the Trees, which are panted in a streight line to the very Walls of the King's Gardens, which close the Alley on each side. It is a kind of a Causey of Free-stone, somewhat rais'd, and four or five Foot broad. There is but one row of Trees on each side, straight and high, call'd Tchinards, with one tuft at the top. The space between the Channel and the Trees is not pav'd, but lyes common, and is sometimes sow'd. About two hundred Paces from the Tabernacle or Banqueting-house, the River falls into a great Pool, about thirty or thirty-five Foot in diameter; and in that place, as also in others somewhat beyond it, where there are also other Pools, the Walk is cross'd by a Causey pav'd and rais'd, ten or twelve Foot broad, as the rest are. Upon the left hand of the first Pool stands another Tabernacle or Banqueting-house, much alike in structure and bigness to the former; in which place, in a low arch'd Room with a Fountain of Water in the middle, you may go and drink Coffee. From that house to the Bridge the Walk descends, and the Water makes some falls.

All the Gardens on each side of the Walk, both on this side and beyond the Bridge belong to the King. But you must not imagin that these Gardens, or that of Hezardgerib, which is the fairest of all Persia, are so curiously set out, nor so well kept as ours in Europe. For they have no such lovely Borders, nor such close Walks of Honeysuckles and Jasmin as are to be seen in the Gardens of Europe. They suffer the Grass to grow in many places; contented only with a good many great Fruit-trees, tufted a-top, and planted in a line, which is all the grace of the Gardens of Persia.

In each side of the Walls between which the Walk runs, at a true distance of space, are gates neatly contriv'd, and over each a little Room. Almost in the middle of the Walk between the great Banqueting-house and the Bridge, upon the left hand, stands a House of the Dervi's, to whom the King has given one of his Gardens to build upon. There they keep the Relicks of Haly, or some other Prophet; for you shall see them standing under a certain Arch, before which the Persians make a most profound Reverence. These Dervi's come every Afternoon about three or four a Clock into the Bazars of Ispahan, every two, an old one and a young one, choosing his quarter. They go from Shop to Shop, instructing the People upon some Point or other of the Law: the young Dervi's answering the old ones at certain times. Their Habit is only two Sheep-skins or Goat-skins, the one hanging before, the other behind, with a great leathern Girdle, four or five fingers broad, garnish'd with several great Plates of Latten. They throw another Sheep-skin cross their Shoulders, which they tye before, under their Chins. Upon their Heads they only wear a little Lamb-skin in form of a Bonnet, letting the feet hang down to their Necks, [Page 156] over their Cheeks. They carry a great Club in their hands, as the Painters represent John the Baptist in the Wilderness. Between their Girdles and their wasts they stuff a company of pitiful Flowers, or else a sort of Herbs, which after Exhortation, both the young, and the old Dervi's bestow upon the Merchants and Tradesmen, from whom at the same time they receive Alms. Toward the evening they go home again; and I forgot to tell you, that before the door of the house, stands always a large Vessel of water, with several little Cups, and Ice in the Summer, where all passengers may drink upon free-cost.

The River of Senderou, which, as well as the rest of the Rivers of Persia, except the Aras, is not able to carry a Boat, is a very great relief to Ispahan. Behind the Mountains of the South beyond Zulpha is another River, call'd Abkuren, which a­bout five or six Leagues above Ispahan, runs within a League and a half of Senderou. Sha-Abas the first attempted to have joyn'd the two Rivers together, to which pur­pose he went about to have remov'd certain Rocks that stood in his way; but not being able to compass his design, his Successors laid aside all the thoughts of attem­pting any more. Could it have been done, the Campaign of Ispahan would have been one of the most fertile and delicious places in the world; whereas now the River is of no use, running through desart Countreys and Plains of Salt. As for the River of Senderou, in Winter it over-flows, but in Summer it has very little water, being oftner foarded than cross'd over upon Bridges. About four Leagues above Ispahan they are constrain'd to force it into their Lands, to water their Fields and Grounds, which else would produce nothing at all. Wells they have a great many in several places; but besides that, they are not able to furnish that great quantity of water which is necessary; the River Water is much better to fatten the Land. Now you must ob­serve, that their Channels never return to the River, being wasted upon the Ground; so that the River of Ispahan being very much wasted before it comes to the City, by reason that it is still lessen'd by so many Channels, about ten or twelve Leagues from thence, it ends as it were quite spent in a few Mershes. This scarcity of water which is so general over all Persia, is the reason that they are extraordinary Husdands of it, and buy it very dear. Therefore is the Superintendent of the water, which brings the King in a very considerable Revenue, one of the most contended-for em­ployments in the whole Court. For every Garden is tax'd more or less according to its bigness, for the water it requires once a week; which water is let go into the quarters which have need of it; every Garden having a particular Channel, whence they have their water by turns. But you must have a care of attempting to bring this water in before your turn; for should it come to be known, an easie Fine would not excuse the matter. I knew two Franks, who, because they presum'd to take in water in the night time before it was their turn, had like to have lost all their Land by Confiscation, had it not been for the particular Favour of the King to the Franks; and yet all that favour did not excuse them from being soundly amerc'd.

There are four Bridges a quarter of a Leagues distance one from another, that cross the River of Senderou to Ispahan. That which crosses the walk, bears the name of Alywerdi-Kan, who caus'd it to be built, being also call'd the Bridge of Zulfa. It is built of good Brick, joyn'd together with Free-stone, and very level, not being higher in the middle than at either end. It is not above three hundred and fifty paces long, and twenty broad, being supported by several small Arches of Stone, which are very low. Of each side there is a Gallery eight or nine foot broad, which runs from one end to the other, several Arches twenty five or thirty foot high supporting the Platform, where, when the heat is not extream, they that please may walk for the sake of the fresh Air. But the most usual passage is under the Galleries, where there are several out-lets upon the River, to let in the fresh Air. For the Galleries are very high, from the level of the Bridge, to which you ascend by easie steps, the middle of the Bridge not being above twenty five foot broad, serving for Wagons and Pack-horses. There is also another way all along by the water side, where there are several Stones laid to step upon, to keep you from being wet-shod. It crosses through all the Arches of the Bridge, through little doors made in every Arch from one end to the other, descending from the Bridge by a little pair of Stairs, tak'n out of the thickness of the Arches supporters. There is another Stair­case to ascend up to the Galleries of about two fathoms broad, with Stays or Rails on both sides. This Bridge is truly a very neat piece of Architecture, if I may not say, the neatest in all Persia.

[Page 157] There are also three other Bridges upon the River, one above the Bridge of Zulfa, and two below. The first but meanly built, but very commodious for the Armerians, when they travel Westward, who would else be forc'd to go a great way about, through the whole City of Ispahan.

The first of the other two Bridges below the Bridge of Zulfa, was built by Sha-Abas the second, Father of the present King. It is almost equal to it in Structure; but it has one particular beauty, which is a hexagonal place in the middle of the Bridge, which causes the Water to fall in that part with a pleasing noise. For that being the deepest part of the River, Sha-Abas resolv'd to build a Bridge there; partly for the Gaurs sake, to the end, they might not come through the walk of Tcharbag, and that going from Ispahan they might have a shorter cut home. The Habitation of the Gaurs is only a large Village, the first Houses whereof are but a little way from the River; though the walk that goes from Ispahan to the King's Bridge is both longer and broader than that of Tcharbag, planted on both sides with a row of Trees, but no Channel in the middle.

Before each of the Avenues to the Bridge, stands a House that belongs to the King for his divertisement. That upon the left side of the River toward Ispahan was by the great Sha-Abas giv'n to the Capuchins. For as soon as they came to Ispa­han, upon their Examination, the King was extreamly tak'n with their behaviour. He ask'd them how they liv'd, and whether they took any money? To which the Capuchins making answer, that they never handled any money, but contented them­selves with Alms; the King believing his Subjects, would give them very little, bestow'd that House and Garden upon them. But they stay'd not long there, be­cause it was too big for them to repair, and too far from the City, so that the Roman-Catholicks in the Winter could not get to their Chappel. Now they have built them­selves a very handsom House not far from the King's Palace, at the Cost of Father Joseph, one of their own order.

There is another old Bridge a quarter of a League below the Gaurs Bridge, which is upon the Road from Ispahan to Schiras.

But to return to the long-walk of Tcharbag, which continues above eight hun­dred paces beyond the Bridge of Zulfa to the Garden of Hezardgerib. The Rivu­let that passes that other part of the walk, comes from the same River which they have cut three or four Leagues above Ispahan. When you have walk'd about four hundred paces, you met with a fall of Waters that tumbles into a Pool, from whence there are twelve steps to ascend to the end of the Alley. The walk is fronted by the great House which stands before the Garden of Hezardgerib, or the thousand Acres. The House consists but only of one great Hall over the Gate, and four small Chambers at the four corners of it.

Hezardgerib is the fairest Garden in Asia, though it would be accounted no­thing in Europe. However as it lies upon the descent of a Hill, it consists of sixteen Terasses, sustain'd by a Wall sixteen or seventeen foot high. There is but little Water in any of the Wells; but that which has most is in the fourth Terrass. That is a great Octagonal Pool about a hundred and twenty foot in Diameter, round about which are several Pipes that throw up the Water about three foot high, and there are three steps down to the Water. A Channel pav'd with Stone runs through the principal Alley, which goes no farther than the building. This Channel is as wide as that of the Channel of Tcharbag, whence it is supply'd as being right oppo­site to it. In the tenth Terrass you meet with another Fountain of the same bigness and form with that in the fourth; and in the last which terminates the Grand Alley and the length of the Garden, there is another Channel which crosses all the Alleys which▪ like the great one compose the leng [...]h of the Alley. Besides this, there are op'n Rooms to take the fresh Air, some falls and murmurs of Water, but for borders and close Alleys, and Arbours, you must expect no such thing, either in Hezardgerib, nor in any other part of Persia.

Having walk'd in the great walk of Tcharbag, you meet upon the right hand with a Street between two Walls of the Gardens that belong to the King, which Street leads you to Zulfa, not above two or three Musquet Shots distance off.

Zulfa a Colony of Armenians which Sha-Abas brought from Zulfa, a City of Armenia, is so much encreas'd for some years since, that it may now pass for a [Page 158] large City, being almost a League and a half long, and near upon half as much broad. There are two principal Streets which contain near upon the whole length, one whereof has on each side a row of Tchinars, the roots whereof are refresh'd by a small Channel of Water, which by a particular order the Armenians bring to the City, to water their Gardens. The most part of the other Streets have also a row of Trees, and a Channel. And for their Houses, they are generally better built, and more chearful than those of Ispahan.

See the Descri­ption of Zul­pha. How they came to be setled here, I have already describ'd: And now the number of Inhabitants is strangely increas'd by the accession of several other Christians of divers Sects, as Jacobites, Cophtes, and Nestorians, who formerly liv'd in the Suburbs of Ispahan. Neither was Sha-Abas so cruel in transplanting the Armenians away out of their own Countrey, for they were all at that season poor labouring men, who knew not at all what belong'd to Trade. Since that time they are grown very rich: so that the Armenians have no cause to be covetous of the Habitations of their Ancestors. And now I will tell you how they came to be such great Proficients in Trade.

Sha-Abas, who was a man of a great Genius, and a person of great undertaking, considering that Persia was a barren Countrey, where there was little Trade, and by consequence little Money, resolv'd to send his Subjects into Europe with raw Silks, so to understand whence the best profit would arise, to bring Money into his Country. To which purpose, he resolv'd to make himself Master of all the Silk in his own Country, by purchasing it himself at a reasonable rate, tax'd by himself, and to reap the gains by his Factors: and withal, thought it necessary to seek an Alliance with the great Kings of Europe, to engage them on his side against the Turk. He first sent to the King of France, Henry the Fourth. But he dying before the Am­bassador arriv'd, answer was made the Ambassador, That if the King of Persia had any thing to say to the King of France Lewis the Thirteenth, he must send a new Ambassador, which was never done.

Three or four years after he sent an Ambassador to the King of Spain, accom­pany'd with a Persian Merchant of Ispahan, putting into their hands a considerable quantity of Bales of Silk. He also sent along with them a Portuguez Austin-Friar, to be their Guide and Interpreter. The Persian Merchant would have sold the Silks, as was the King's order, and have bought a Present more becoming. But the Ambassador over-rul'd by the Friar, resolv'd to present the King of Spain with the Bales of Silk. The Merchant not able to oppose the Ambassador, returns home forthwith to give an account to the King, who approv'd his management. The Ambassador proceeds, and coming to the Spanish Court, presents his Bales of Silk to the King, who ask'd the Ambassador, whether his Master took him for a Woman, that he had sent him so many Bales of Silk to spin; and immediately sent away the Present to his Queen, presenting the Ambassador but very meanly: who thereupon seeing the Errour he had committed, made hast home; but upon his return, the Persian King having notice of the ill success of his Negotiation, caus'd his Belly to be ript op'n in the publick Market-place.

About fifteen years after, he trusted a considerable quantity of Silk with a Merchant's Son of Ispahan, and sent him to Venice: who when he came there, took a stately Lodging, and spent his Money at a strange rate, especially among the Courtisans; to maintain which expence, he continually sold great quantities of Silk. The Venetians seeing a private man live so splendidly among them, and not believing so great a quantity of Goods could belong to one single Merchant, but rather imagining him to be a Factor for some Company who suffer'd for his folly, wrote to all the Ports of the Levant, and having intelligence who he was, the Senate thought fit to seize his Person and his Goods, before he had consum'd all; at the same time giving a civil account to the King of Persia, what they had done. To which the Persian King return'd a most obliging Answer of Thanks, sending withal an intelligent Persian Merchant to take an account of what was left, to whom the Venetians were very punctual. As for the Prodigal Persian, who thought it not his wisest way to return into Persia, what became of him is not material to this Story.

Sha-Abas by these Experiments observing the little inclination of his Subjects to Trade, who were naturally addicted to Pride and Expence, which is no part of a Merchant's business, cast his Eyes upon the Armenians, men able to endure the [Page 159] labour of long Journeys, sober persons, and great Husbands, and such who being Christians, might more freely Trade among the Christians; and made choice of them, as being most proper and fit for Trade. Whereupon, picking out the most Judicious among them, he deliver'd to every one so many Bales of Silk, according to their Capacity; for which they were to pay at their return, a reasonable Rate tax'd by the King, who allow'd them what more they got for their Expences and Gains. Those people in a short time became so expert, that there is not any sort of Trade which they will not now undertake; for now they run as far as Tunquin, Java, and the Phillippines, and indeed over all the East, except China and Japan. But if they do not thrive, they never return; as being a place where they must either give an exact Account, or else suffer the quick and severe Justice of Drubbing, which never fails those Factors that are ill Husbands for their Masters.

And indeed the Armenians are so much the more fit for Trading, because they are a people very sparing, and very sober; though whether it be their virtue or their avarice, I know not. For when they are going a long Journey, they only make provision of Bisket, smoak'd Bufalo's flesh, Onions, bak'd Butter, Flowr, Wine, and dry'd Fruits. They never buy fresh Victuals, but when they meet with Lambs or Kids very cheap in the Mountainous Countries; nor is there one of them that does not carry his Angle to fish withal, when they come to any Ponds or Rivers. All these provisions cost them little the Carriage. And when they come to any Town where they are to stay, they club five or six together, and lye in an empty Chamber which they furnish themselves; every one carrying his Mattress, his Coverlet, and his Kitchin-Instruments, which is a great piece of Thrift. When they travel into Christendom, they carry along with them Saffron, Pepper, Nutmegs, and other Spices; which they exchange in the Country-Towns for Bread, Wine, Butter, Cheese, Milk-Meats, and other Provisions which they buy of the poor Wo­men. When they return out of Christendom, they bring along with them all sorts of Mercery-ware, and Pedlery-ware of Noremberg and Venice; as little Looking­glasses, trifles of Tin enamel'd, false Pearls, and other things of that nature; which pays for the Victuals they call for among the Country-people.

In the beginning of their Trade, there return'd very few Caravans into Persia without two hundred thousand Crowns in Silver, beside English and Dutch Clothes, fine Tissues, Looking-glasses, Venice Pearls, Cochenel, and Watches; which they thought most proper for the Sale of Persia and India.

At length those Armenians became so exquisite in Trade, that several of them have left Estates of two, some twenty thousand Tomans. But the richest among them was Cotgia, or Monsieur Petrus, who left forty thousand Tomans in coyn'd Money, besides his Horses, Furniture, and Lands in the Country, his Jewels and Plate; all which are never reckon'd a Merchant's Estate, but only the ready Cash with which he trades. Cotgia Petrus was very much esteem'd for his Charity, and the great Church which he built, which is a kind of Covent, with a Bishop and Monks. Nor is the fair Market-place, all environ'd with Shops, a little beholding to his Gene­rosity.

The Armenians of Zulpha have this advantage over all the Christians of the East, that they enjoy Lands and Priviledges, the King not permitting the least injustice to be done them, nor that any Mahometan should live at Zulpha. They have also the priviledge to be as well clad as the Persians, and to make use as they do of Bri­dles of Gold and Silver. Their Wives also are very richly habited, in strip'd Sattins purfl'd with Gold, and other rich Europaean Silks.

The King names whom he pleases among the Armenians to be their Chief; whom they call Kelonter, who judges all their differences, and taxes them to make up the Sum which they are to pay to the King every year.

The Language of the Armenians is either vulgar or learned: the learned is only us'd by the Ecclesiasticks, in reference to their Religion. They write like us, from the left to the right, having found out peculiar Characters about four years since. They have three Languages very natural to them, which however are very different: the Armenian, which is their ancient Country speech, which they have preserv'd from Father to Son; the Persian, which is the Language of the Country where they live; and the Turkish, of which they make very much use in course of Trade. As for their Women, they speak nothing but the Armenian, as having no converse with [Page 160] strangers, and never stirring out of their houses. There are some Armenians speak Italian and French, as having learnt it in Europe.

There are in Zulpha fifteen or sixteen Churches and Chappels of the Armenians, among which you are to count two Nunneries for Women. There are in Ispahan Austin-Friars, Carmelites, and Capuchins, and in Zulpha Jesuits. The Jesuits that came last have but a little House, but to make them amends they have a large Garden. Though the number of the Religious Teachers is far greater then the number of Hearers: for in all Ispahan and Zulpha, take the Franks that come out of Europe, or born in Persia, as well Men as Women, there are not six hundred persons that profess the Catholick Religion. As for the Armenians, they are so obstinately fix'd to their own Religion, that they will hear of no other; and nothing but Money has some­times caus'd them to feign the embracing of another. Friar Ambrose a Capuchin staid a while at Zulpha, to whom several of the principal Armenians came to School to learn French, in hopes of establishing a Trade with France. But the Armenian Archbishop and Bishops fearing lest the Children should be infected with some other Religion, excommunicated all Fathers that sent their Children to School. And finding that they little regarded the Excommunication, they shut up the Church doors, and stir'd up the People against the Religious Franks; so that Father Ambrose was forc'd to leave Persia, and retire to Surat.

Moreover there are in Ispahan both Jews and Indian Idolaters. Nor are the Jews so miserable and beggarly, as they seem to be▪ they intrude, according to custom, into all Business; so that if any has a mind to buy or sell any rich Jewel, he need do no more but speak to them. In the Reign of Sha-Abas, the Athemadoule [...] persecuted them so grievously, that either by force or by cunning he caus'd them to turn Mahometans; but the King understanding that only power and fear had constrain'd them to turn, suffer'd them to resume their own Religion, and to live in quiet.

There are about ten or twelve thousand Banians in Ispahan, who are known by their yellow Complexions, or rather by a yellow Mark made with Saffron upon the top of their Foreheads. Their Turbants are less than usual, and their Shoes are almost like ours, embroider'd with Flowers a-top. They are all Bankers, and very knowing in Money. The greatest part of the Money of the principal Money'd men of Ispahan is in their hands for improvement sake. So that if you want a considerable Sum, you may have it the next day upon good Security, and paying a severe Interest, which those Banians will squeez up sometimes to 18 per Cent. But if it be not very privately exacted and paid, the Law of Mahomet, which forbids the taking of Interest, lays hold upon the whole Sum, and confiscates it every Penny.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Religion of the Persians; of the great Feast of Hocen and Hussein, and the Camel-Feast.

THE difference among the Mahometans, doth not consist in the different Explanations which they put upon the Aleoran; but in the several Opi­nions which they hold concerning the first Successors of Mahomet, from which have aris'n two particular Sects entirely opposite; the Sect of the Sunnis, and the Sect of the Schiais.

The first, who are of the Turkish belief, maintain that Abou-baker succeeded im­mediately to Mahomet, as his Vicar or Vicegerent; to him Omar; to Omar Osman▪ to Osman Mortuz-Ali, Nephew and Son-in-law to Mahomet by Marriage of his Daughter. That Osman was Secretary to Mahomet, a person of Courage, as well as the other three▪ and that they were all valiant Souldiers, and great Captains, who extended their Conquests more by force of Arms than by Reason. And thence it comes that the Sunnis will not allow of Disputes, but propagate and maintain their Religion altogether by force.

The Schiais, who are of the Persian belief, detest Abou-baker, Omar, and Osman, as Usurpers to the Succession of Mahomet, which only belong'd to Haly, his Nephew [Page 161] and Son-in-law. They hold that this succession consists in elev'n High Priests descen­dants from Haly, who makes the twelfth in this order. 1. Haly, Son of Aboutaleb. 2. Hocen, eldest Son of Hali. 3. Hussein, his second Son, who suffer'd death in defence of his Father's Succession. The place where the Sunnis gave him battel and slew him, is call'd Kerbela near to Babylon, and is a holy place in high venera­tion among the Persians. 4. Iman-zin-el-Abedin. 5. Mahomet-el Baker. 6. Iafer­el-Scadek, who introduc'd the Law into Persia, that if any Christian, Jew, or Idolater turn'd Mahometan, he should be declar'd general Heir to his Family to the exclusion of Brothers and Sisters, and that he might allow what he pleas'd to his Father and Mother. Whence arose two mischiefs, that some Armenians, Christians, and Jews turn'd Mahumetans, to get the Estate of the Family, and others turn'd Mahumetans, to keep their possessions. 7. Moussa-Katzem. 8. Hali-el-Rezza, whose Tomb at Meshed is sa highly venerated among the Persians, as Mahomet's among the Turks. 9. Mahammet-el-Ioüad. 10. Hali-el-Hadi. 11. Hocen-el-Askeri. 12. Mouhemmet el-Mouhadi Shaheb-za­man. The Persians hold the same belief as to the last Iman, as we do of Enoch and Elias▪ which is the reason that several people leave them in their Wills Houses ready furnish'd, Stables full of stately Horses, and other necessaries for them to make use of when they return to Earth again. They attribute to this Iman the Sirname of Zaheb-zaman, or Lord of Time.

These two Sects of Sunnis and Schias over-run the three principal Kingdoms of India, viz. the Great Mogul's, the King of Golconde's, and the King of Visapour's. The first and last being Sunnis, that is to say, both the Kings and Lords of the Court; for their Subjects are most of them Idolaters. Some Schiais there are in the Courts of both Kings, in regard the Officers of the Army are for the most part Persians, though in outward shew they may follow the Religion of the Prince. But the King of Golconda Koutoub-Sha is a zealous Schiais.

I come now to the Grand Festival of the Persians, which is the famous Feast of Hocen and Hussein.

Eight days before the Festival begins, some of the more zealous sort black all their Bodies and their Faces, and go naked in the Streets with only a covering about their secret parts. They carry two Flints, one in each hand, which they knock one against another, wrything their Bodies, and making a thousand antick Faces; and all the while crying out, Hussein, Hocen; Hocen, Hussein; which they act and speak with so much Labour, 'till they foam again at the mouth. In the Evening, the devout people admit them into their Houses, and feed them very well. During those days, as soon as the Sun is set, you shall see at the corners where several Streets meet, Pulpits set up for certain Preachers, who prepare the people that flock to hear them to the devotion of the Feast. Now in regard all Ages, and Sexes go, there is no time in all the year so favourable for the Women to meet their Gal­lants.

In the year 1667. the third of July, I saw the Festival by the favour of the Nagar, who appointed me a place just against the Déla where the King sate. This Dela is a Room built with a jetting upon that side of the Meidan next the Palace Gate, one story high. Several Pillars sustain the flat bottom or floor of the Déla, en­rich'd with a Grotesco work of Gold and Azure, in the mid'st whereof there was a Fountain that was fill'd with Water by the contrivance of a Pipe. The Stage or Déla was op'n upon three sides, the longest side jetting out upon the Piazza. Upon the Wall of the opposite side, which was close, were to be seen several English and Hollanders, both men and women pictur'd with Bottles and Glasses in their hands, as if they were drinking to one another. Sha-abas the second caus'd this Painting to be drawn by a Hollander.

About sev'n a Clock in the Morning Sha-Sephi the second, who since has chang'd his name to Sha-Soliman the second, came and seated himself upon his Throne set up in the mid'st of the Déla, all his Nobility standing about him. So soon as he was sate down, the Great Provost appear'd at the end of the Piazza mounted upon a fair Horse, attended by certain young Lords, who caus'd the People, consisting of the Companies of the two quarters of the City, which are twelve in all, to ad­vance to the places which were design'd them. For formerly the Companies would strive for the way; and therefore the King to prevent disorder, order'd there should be a Provost, or Master of the Ceremonies to place them without disturbance. [Page 162] As he was about his duty, a Horse-man entred the Piazza, arm'd with a Bow, a Quiver, and a Scimitar, follow'd by seven Men that carry'd every one a Pike upright in their hands, with every one a Man's Head at the top. Those were the Heads of cer­tain Ʋsbeck-Tartars, the neighbouring and mortal Enemies of the Persians, which those men had cut off from the shoulders of their conquer'd Foes. The King caus'd five Tomans a piece to be giv'n to them that carry'd the Heads, and ten Tomans to their Leader. After them enter'd three hundred Turks, which were fled from the Borders of Turky▪ from whence the Country-people were tak'n by force, and sent to the Warrs of Candy. They complain'd, that whereas they were wont to be sent to their Winter-Quarters about the middle of October, the Turk kept them to the same hard service in Winter as in Summer. All these were order'd to advance into the middle of the Piazza, where they made their obeysance to him three times, and then humbly besought him that they might dwell in his Kingdom, with their Wives, their Children, and their Cattel. The King order'd Money to be distributed among them, and that they should have Lands assign'd them to manure. Then the Próvost caus'd the Com­panies to advance, every Company having the Thill of a Wagon carry'd before him; upon every of which Thills was a Bier three or four Foot high, the Wood of the Thill being painted with a Grotesco of Gold and Silver, and the Bier cover'd with Sattin. When the first Company had order to march, three Horses were led before, richly harness'd; when they were come about a hundred Paces forward into the Piazza, in view of the King, they that led the Horses caus'd them to gallop, and then all the Company [...]ell a running and dancing about with the Bier. Besides that, every one flung up his short Cassock, his Girdle, and Bonnet, put their fingers in their mouths, to whistle as loud as they could. While the naked people, with their Flint-stones in their hands, ran knocking their Stones together, crying out, Hussein Hocen, Hocen Hussein, 'till they foam at the mouth again▪ not omitting to wryth their Bodies▪ and to make all the scurvy Fac [...]s as before describ'd. The three Companies succeeding one another in the same Formalities, by and by came two Companies more with a little Bier upon their Thills, and in each Bier a little Child that lay as if dead. They that accom­pany'd these two Biers wept and sigh'd most sadly. These two Infants represented the Children of Hussein, who when the Prophet was slain, were tak'n by Yerid, Caliph of Bagdat, and put to death.

Upon this occasion you shall see a great number of Curtisans that come to the Ceremony fall a weeping, who thereby believe their Sins are forgiv'n.

When all the people were come into the Pi [...]zza, notwithstanding all the care and good order that was tak'n, there were several that went to Sharps, accounting it a great honour to fight smartly in the Kings presence; and farther believing, that if any one be kill'd upon that occasion, he shall be Sainted; as indeed every one gives some­thing toward his Inter [...]ment. The Grand Provost seeing the Quarrel grow hot, and fearing more mischief, sent for five Elephants, which ceas'd the Combat, by drawing the Eyes of the Spectators upon them. The Elephants march'd one before another, according to their Pay that was allow'd them, and their skill in War. Not that the King of Persia makes any use of them in the Field, but only for State, keeps such as the Indian Princes present him withal. Those five Elephants were cover'd with Houses of Cloth of Gold, with a Fringe of the same round about. And upon the first, which was the highest and the biggest, sate two Men, the one upon the neck, who guides the Elephant; the other upon the crupper, carrying the King's Arm's in a Standard fix'd to a half-Pike. Upon the other four sate only one Man a-piece, who were the Governours. When they came before the place where the King sate, they were all rank'd five a-bre [...], at what time the biggest, which was in the middle, stretch'd out his two fore-legs forward, and his two hinder-legs backward, 'till his belly almost touch'd the ground; after which manner the Elephant makes his obey [...]ance. The other four did the same. Then laying their Trunks upon the ground, and raising them again over their heads three times more, they were made to stand with then heads where then [...]ayls stood; and their Houses were turn'd up, to the end the King might see in what condition they were, and whether well look'd after or no: which being done, they were led away again.

Upon one side of the [...] where the King stood, a little Scaffold was set up, cover'd with Tap [...]y, some five Foot lower than the Kings. In the middle of the Scaffold stood a g [...]a [...] [...]ow-Chair cover'd with black Velvet, where sate a Moullah [Page 163] with six other Moullah's round about him. The Moullah made a Discourse upon the Death of Hussein and Hocen of about half an hour long, which being ended, the King caus'd a Calaat or Habit of Honour to be giv'n him, as also to the others, though not so rich. When they had all put on the Habit, the same Moullah return'd to his Chair, and made a Prayer for the health of the King, and the prosperity of his Kingdom.

All these Ceremonies lasted from seven in the Morning 'till Noon, at what time the King retir'd into his Haram. As for the People, they carry their Biers up and down the City, and where-ever two Companies meet, whether it be for the upper hand, or to get formost, they presently fall together by the Ears, and knock one another down: For they are not permitted to carry any other Arms than good big Clubs, almost as big as Levers.

Some time after the Feast of Hussein and Hocen, the Persians celebrate another Festi­val, which they call the Feast of the Camel, in remembrance of Abraham's Sacrifice. They have a great reverence for this Festival, saying that it was a Camel and not a Ram which God sent to reprieve Ishmael (affirming that Ishmael was to have been sacrific'd, and not Isaac.) They choose out for this Ceremony one of the fairest Camels they can meet withal, and adorn and dress him up with several Plates of counterfeit Gold and Silver, and then lead him without the City to a place which is before a Mosquee on the other side of the River of Ispahan, upon Zulpha side; the Deroga or Provost accompanying the people. The King was formerly wont to be at this Feast, accompany'd with his Nobility, and I have seen him there; but of late years he never goes, the Deroga supplying his place.

When the King went thither, several Moullahs pray'd for half an hour, after which the King took a kind of a Jav'lin and darted it against the Camel: but now in the ab­sence of the King, the Deroga gives the first stroak. At the same time they fling the Camel to the ground, with Ropes ty'd to his legs, and cutting off his head and neck together, they divide the rest of the Body into eleven parts more, to the end all the twelve Companies may have every one their share. Every Company carry their share to the Master of the Companies House, who is generally the ancientest among them. Which part is kept and salted up 'till the next Feast, and the piece the year before, so 'till then preserv'd, is then boyl'd with Rice, and is the foundation of the Feast for the chief of the Company, who take it for an honour to eat of it: For the rest, they boyl Rice with Mutton and Hens, and besides that, distribute large Alms to the Poor.

CHAP. VIII.
Of the Religion of the Gaurs, the Relicks of the ancient Persians, adorers of Fire.

THere are no men in the world so scrupulous of discovering the Mysteries of their Religion, as the Gaurs; so that I was forc'd to frequent their company very much in most of my Travels, to pick out what I have here to deliver.

Of the present Condition of the Gaurs.

AFter the Persians began to persecute the Gaurs, great numbers of them retir'd to Surat, and others into the Province of Guzerat. Now the King of Persia lets them live in quiet; and there are now above 10000 in Kerman, where I staid three Months in the year 1654. All that live in India are Tradesmen, and for the most part Turners in Ivory; those in Kerman deal in Wool. Four-days journey from whence stands their principal Temple, where their Chief Priest resides; whither they are once in their lives oblig'd to go in Pilgrimage. There are some of these Gaurs live near Ispahan.

Of their Original, and their Prophets.

THey say that the Father of their Prophet was a Frank by Nation, whose Name was Azer▪ and a Carver by Trade. That he left his own Country to live in theirs, which at that time was the City of Babylon; where he took a Wife who call'd her self Dogbdon. That one night his Wife dreamt that God had sent an Angel from Para­dise to visit her, who brought her very rich Cloaths, which she put on. That a Celestial Light presently over-spread her Face, and render'd her as beautiful as the Sun; and that when she wak'd she found her-self with Child, which Child prov'd to be the Prophet Ebrahim-zer-Ateucht. That the Astrologers of that time, by their skill in the Stars knew of the Birth of that Infant sent by God, who was to govern Men, and reign in their Hearts. That those Astrologers went and declar'd the same thing to the King, telling him that there was a Child suddenly to be born, that would one day reprive him of his Crown. Whereupon the said King, call'd Neu­brout, and a great Tyrant, caus'd all the Women with Child to be put to death, through the whole extent of his Dominions.

But by a Miracle the big Belly of the Mother of their Prophet not appearing, she remain'd undiscover'd, and brought forth a Son. Her Husband, who knew nothing of this Mystery, fearing he should lose his head if he did not discover the business to the King, before he found it out another way, went and confess'd that he had a Child born, but that he knew nothing of her being with Child.

Now you must know, that contrary to the custom of other Children, that cry so soon as they come out of the Mothers womb, this Child laugh'd so soon as he was born. For being to triumph over the Hearts of the people, he was to shew signs of joy; so that the people began already to rejoyce in their future felicities. This being signifi'd to the King, he call'd his Astrologers together, to tell him the meaning of so extraor­dinary a thing, and what would become of the Infant. But the Astrologers not being able to satisfie him, he sent for the Infant, and would have slain him with a Sword with his own hand, but God dry'd up his Arm immediately, so that he could not. However, not terrifi'd with so great a punishment, transported with Choler, he caus'd a great Fire to be kindled, and commanded the Infant to be thrown into it. But by the power of God, the Fire which he had prepar'd to consume the Infant turn'd into a Bed of Roses, where the Child most sweetly repos'd.

They who from that hour began to honour the little Prophet, took away some of that Fire, which has been preserv'd to this time. They keep it, say they, in honour of so great a Miracle; and they have it in great veneration, because it discover'd the merit of their Prophet.

Nevertheless the King stop'd not there, but still obstinate in his impiety, notwith­standing all these Miracles, he prepar'd new torments for the little Infant; but God chastis'd his incredulity and that of his people very severely, by sending such an in­finite number of Flies, and that of such a pestiferous nature, that who-ever were stung with them dy'd without remedy, unless they immediately came and worship'd the Prophet, and kiss'd his Feet, in testimony of their repentance. As for the King, who still continu'd in his impenitency, an exemplary fate befel him. For one or those Flies stinging him in one of his Ears, he dy'd a most tormenting death.

His Successor was Sha-Glochtes. He also at the beginning of his Reign began to persecute the little Infant, who now began to increase in years and vertue. The King imprison'd him: but he was astonish'd when he heard that one of his Horses, which he always confided in when he went to Battel, as being assur'd of Victory when he rode him, had lost his four legs. Thereupon, wiser than his Predecessor, and acknow­ledging from whence so dire a Correction proceeded, he sent for the Prophet ou [...] of Prison, ask'd pardon for his incredulity, and pray'd him by his intercession to restore his Horse his legs again. The Prophet willing to do him that favour, pray'd to God four times, and every time he pray'd one leg return'd to the Horse again. The King beholding such a Miracle, was half converted; but being desirous to be farther con­vinc'd, he desir'd the Prophet to throw himsel [...] into a B [...]th of melted Silver, which he would provide for him▪ promising if he came out safe, that he and all his People would receive him as one sent from God, and be obedient to his Precepts in all things. The Prophet resolutely undertook his offer, and the Bath being ready, cast himself [Page 165] fearlesly into it; and as he went in, so he came out without the least harm. Then the King and all the people that were present ador'd him for a real Propher▪ and gave him the name of Zer-Ateucht, or Wash'd in Silver.

The Prophet perceiving that all the people had him in so much veneration, w [...]th­drew himself, and would not be seen any more. Nor do they justly know what became of him; which makes the greatest part of the Gaurs believe, that he was tak'n up into Paradise both Soul and Body together. Others say, that having found an Iron Coffin upon the Road near Bagdat, he put himself into it, and was carry'd into Heav'n by the Angels. They allow their Prophet three Children, who are not yet come into the world, though their names be already giv'n them. They say that this Prophet Ebrahim walking one time upon the River without a Boat, three drops of his nature fell from him upon the water, which are still preserv'd there. That their God will send a Virgin, very much belov'd by him, upon the same River, who by the receptien of the first drop shall become big of the first Child, whom they call beforehand Ouchider. He shall come into the world with authority, and shall cause his Fathers Law to be receiv'd, and confirm it, not only by his eloquent Preaching, but by many miracles. The second, whose name is Ouchiderma, shall be conceiv'd after the same fashion; he shall assist his Brother, and by causing the Sun to stand still ten years, shall convince all the world of the Truth of his Doctrine. The third shall be conceiv'd by the same Mother, and shall be call'd Seno [...]et-hotius: He shall come with more authority than his two Brothers, and shall perfectly reduce all people to the Religion of their Prophet. After which shall be the universal Resurrection, at what time all the Souls, either in Paradise or Hell, shall return to take possession of their Bodies. Then say they, shall all the Mountains, and all the Minerals in the world be melted, and shall fill up the great Chaos of Hell, whereby the Mansion of the Devils shall be utterly destroy'd? After this the world shall be levell'd, and be made fit to inhabit, and men shall have every one their apartment answerable to the degree and quantity of the good which they did in their life time: but that their chief delight shall be to behold and praise God and Ebrahim their Prophet. They add that before the Resurrection, those that are in Paradise do not behold the face of God, no not the Angels themselves, except only one, who is always attendant on him to receive and execute his commands. They also say that God will have pity upon the Damn'd, and that they shall go into Paradise, as having suffer'd enough already for their sins. By which it appears, that the Paradise of the Gaurs [...]s less remote from sense than that of Mahomet's in­vention; and that they have a confus'd knowledge of the mysteries of Christian Religion.

Of the Books of the Gaurs.

EBrahim-zer-Ateucht being taken up into Paradise, they receiv'd by his means seven Books of Laws, which God of his goodness sent them to instruct them in the way of their Salvation. They also receiv'd seven others, containing an Inter­pretation of all the Dreams that could be Dream'd. Lastly, seven others, wherein were written all the secrets of Physick, and all the possible means for the long preser­vation of health. They say that fourteen of these Books, which contain'd the expli­cation of Dreams and secrets of Physick are lost; for that Alexander the Great carry'd them away, as esteeming them a vast treasure; and for the Books of their Religion, because they were written in a language that none but the Angels understood, Alex­ander for madness caus'd them to be burnt: for which rashness of his God punish'd him, and afflicted him with that terrible sickness whereof he Dy'd. Some Doctors and Priests that had hid themselves in the Mountains to save their lives from his [...]ut­chery, after Alexander was Dead, met again together, and compos'd one Book by the strength of their memories. I saw that Book which is a good large one, and written in a different Character, either from the Arabian, Persian, or Indian. Their Priests themselves that read in that Book hardly understand what they read, but they have other Books that explain what is contain'd therein. When they read in that Book, as also when they pray, they tye a Handkerchief about their mouths, as if they were afraid their words should mix with the Air and receive any impurity.

Of the manner of their Baptism.

THe Gaurs never use Circumcision, but at the Birth of their Children practise something like our Baptism. For some days after the Child is born, they wash it with Water wherein certain Flowers are first boyl'd; and during that dipping, the Priest, who is present, makes certain Prayers. If the Child dye without that Washing, they do not believe but that it goes to Paradise; but they hold that the Parents shall give an account for their neglect of the Infant, because that Washing increases his favour and his merit in the fight of God.

Of their Marriages.

THe Religion of the Gaurs permits them to have five Wives, if they can maintain them; nor is it laudable to repudiate any one but in case of an evident Adultery, or that she turn Mahometan; besides, it behoves her Husband to stay a whole year, to see whether she will repent or no. If she come and acknowledge her fault to the Priest, he enjoyns her Penance for three years; after which he remarries them, and they become man and wife again.

As to the Ceremony of Marriage, the Priest, when the Couple come to him, asks the Man and the Woman in the presence of Witnesses, whether they both consent; then taking a little Water he says a few Prayers over it, and then washing both their Fore­heads he pronounces certain words, and there's all. But they are not to marry within the third degree; nor do they know what it means to desire a Dispensation.

But you must observe by the way, that though they are allow'd five Wives, there is but one which can be truly said to be marry'd, with whom they are oblig'd to lye at least two nights in a week, Fryday and Saturday, and she always goes before the rest. But if she have no Children in seven years, the man is allow'd to marry another, but not to repudiate the other, whom he is bound still to maintain according to his quality.

So soon as Women or Maids perceive the custom of Nature upon them, they pre­sently leave their Houses, and stay alone in the Fields in little Hutts made of Hurdles or Watlings, with a Cloth at the entring in, which serves for a Door. While they are in that condition, they have Meat and Drink brought them every day; and when they are free, they send according to their quality, a Kid, or a Hen, or a Pigeon for an Offering; after which they go to the Bath, and then invite some few of their Kind­red to some small Collation.

Of their Fasts, Feasts, and principal Ceremonies.

THe Gaurs drink Wine both men and women, and eat Swines▪flesh, provided it be of their own breeding and feeding. They are very careful lest their Hogs eat any ordure; for should they perceive that they had devour'd any thing of nastiness, they are strictly forbid'n to eat them. They never pare their Nails; so that if by way of disgrace, or by any misfortune they are constrain'd to cut their Nails or their Hair, they carry that which they cut off to some place appointed without the City for that purpose. Five days in a year they abstain from Meat, Fish, Butter, and Eggs; and three other days they fast altogether 'till Evening. They have also thirty Holy­days in honour of thirty of their Saints, which they keep very strictly, no man dar­ing to work. But the day of the Birth of their Prophet is celebrated with an extra­ordinary Pomp; besides that then they bestow large Alms.

There is one day in the year when all the Women of every City and Village meet together to kill all the Frogs they can find in the fields; and this is done by the Com­mand of their Prophet, who was one day very much annoy'd by them.

Their Priests have several Books full of small Pictures in Water-Colours, ill done, representing how the several Sins of Men shall be punish'd in Hell, especially Sodomy, which they abominate.

Of their Funerals.

WHen the Gaurs are sick they send for their Priests, to whom they make a kind of Confession; whereupon the Priests enjoyn them to give Alms, and other good Works, to gain pardon of their Sins.

[Page 167] They neither burn nor bury their dead, but carry the Corps without the City, into a wall'd place, where are abundance of Stakes seven or eight Foot high, fix'd in the ground, and tye the dead Corps to one of the Stakes, with his Face toward the East. They that accompany the Corps fall to their Prayers at a distance, 'till the Crows come; for those Cemitaries draw the Crows to them. If the Crow chances to fasten upon the right Eye of the deceas'd, then they believe the person to be happy, and for joy they give large Alms, and make a Feast in the field. But if the Crow fixes upon the left Eye, then they take it for an ill Omen, return home sad, without speaking to one another; give no Alms, nor eat nor drink.

Of their Adoration of Fire.

THe Gaurs would not be thought to give Honour to Fire under the title of Ado­ration. For they do not account themselves Idolaters, saying that they acknow­ledge but only one God, Creator of Heaven and Earth, whom they only adore. As for the Fire, they preserve it and reverence it, in remembrance of the great Miracle, by which their Prophet was deliver'd from the Flames. One day being at Kerman, I desir'd to see that Fire, but they answer'd me, they could not permit me. For say they, one day the Kan of Kerman being desirous to see the Fire, not daring to do otherwise, they shew'd it him. He it seems expected to see some extraordinary Brightness; but when he saw no more then what he might have seen in a Kitchin or a Chamber-fire, fell a swearing and spitting upon't as if he had been mad. Where­upon the Sacred Fire being thus profan'd, flew away in the form of a white Pigeon. The Priests considering then their misfortune, which had happen'd through their own indiscretion, fell to their Prayers with the People, and gave Alms; upon which, at the same time, and in the same form the Sacred Fire return'd to its place: which makes them so shy to shew it again. When they put any persons to their Oaths, they Swear them before this Fire; for they think no person so impious, as to swear false before that Sacred Fire, which they take for the Witness of their Oath. Their Priests put them in dread of very great punishments, and threat'n them that the hea­venly Fire will forsake them, if they prove so wicked as to swear falsely before it.

Of their Manners and Customs.

THe Language of the Gaurs is different from the Persians as is their Character and manner of Writing. They love to feast, and to eat and drink well, being very profuse of their Wine and Strong-water. They never eat Hares, because they have their monthly Purgations, like Women: for the same reason they never eat Mulber­ries, believing that they partake of the nature of Women and Hares.

If, when they comb their Hair or their Beards, any one hair happ'ns to fall upon their cloaths, those cloaths must be wash'd in the stale of a Cow or an Ox to purifie them again. If by chance they happ'n to touch any ordure or nastiness, when they come home they must wash themselves in the same Urin. If one of their Priests meet a dead Corps in the High-way, and chances to see it, he is oblig'd to wash himself in Cows-Piss, which they hold to be a good Purification: an Opinion held in some parts of India also. I ask'd one of their Priests how they came to understand the virtue of this Urin; who answer'd me, that a certain person who was contemporary with the first Man, having his Arm bruis'd and very black, by reason of some accident that befel him through the malice of the Devil, fell asleep in the fields, and as he lay, an Ox staling, a drop of the Urin flew upon his Arm, and presently heal'd that part which it wet, and restor'd it to its former whiteness: which the man perceiving when he wak'd, pre­sently follow'd the Ox, and staid by him 'till he stal'd again, and then receiving the Piss upon the whole wound, was perfectly cur'd. They also preserve it, and compound it with a Water, which they cause them to drink who have committed any Sin, after they have been at Confession for it. They call that Water the Cazi's Water; which Urin ought to be preserv'd forty days, with an infusi on of Willow-Bark, and certain Herbs. When any person is confess'd of his Sin, if it be a crying Sin, the party is bound to stay ten days in the Cazi's House, and not to eat or drink but what the Priest gives them. And in order ro Absolution, the Priest strips him naked, and tyes a little Dog to his right great Toe, which he leads with him about the Cazi's [Page 168] House wherever he goes, sometimes a whole day, sometimes longer, according to the hainousness of the crime. In that posture he desires the Cazi to purifie him, telling him that for his part he believes himself to be purifi'd. The Priest makes answer that it is the Dog that must purifie him, and not he. After that he powrs the com­pounded water seven times upon his head, then gives him a draught to drink, and so he is absolv'd. This Penitence costs the criminal Sawce, who is afterwards bound to feast all his friends at the Cazi's House. Being surpriz'd at this superstition, I ask'd whether the women were shrifted thus by the Cazi; but I found that the Cazi's Wives confess and absolve the women and maids.

One more strange custom they have, that when a man is upon the point of death, they take a little Dog and set it upon the expiring parties brest. When he is just breathing his last, they put the mouth of the Dog to the mouth of the person dying, and cause him to bark twice in that posture, that the Soul of the deceas'd may enter into the Dog, who they say will deliver it into the hands of the Angel appointed to receive it. Moreover when any Dog happ'ns to dye, they carry him out of the City, and pray to God for the Carrion, as if the Beast receiv'd any kindness after death by their Prayers.

Of the Beasts, which they love or hate.

THere are some Beasts which the Gaurs do mightily respect, and to which they give a great deal of Honour. There are others which they as much abhor, and which they endeavour'd to destroy as much as in them lies, believing that they were not created by God, but that they came out of the body of the Devil, whose ill nature they retain.

The Beasts which they principally admire are the Cow, the Oxe, and the Dog. They are expresly forbid to eat of the flesh of a Cow or an Oxe, or to kill them. The reason why they so esteem these Creatures is, because the Oxe labours for man, and Ploughs the Ground that produces his food. As for the Cow they more dearly affect her for the Milk she gives, but especially for the purifying qua­lity of her Urine.

The Creatures which they abhor are Adders, Serpents, Lizards, Toads, Frogs, Creyfish, Rats, Mice, but above all the rest Cats; which they say are the resem­blance of the Devil, who gave them so much strength that a man can hardly kill them; so that they rather suffer the inconveniency of Rats and Mice, than ever to keep a Cat in their Houses.

As for the other Animals before-mention'd, if any of the Gaurs fall sick, they hire poor people to go and find those Creatures out and kill them; which they reck'n in the number of those good works that comfort the Souls of the deceas'd. The rea­son why they hate them so, is, because they believe the Devils make use of them to torment the Damn'd; and therefore they do a work of charity that destroy them, whereby they mitigate the pains and torments of Souls in Hell.

The last King of these Gaurs was Sha-Iesherd, who was driv'n out of his Country by Omar the second, successor to Mahomet.

Of the RELIGION of the ARMENIANS, and of their Principal CEREMONIES. CHAP. IX.
How the Armenians Consecrate and Administer the Sacrament.

SInce the Armenians Traded into Europe and began to be Travellers, their Churches are better set out then they were heretofore. They spare no cost to adorn the Choir and the Altar; you tread upon rich Carpets, and for the structure and embellishments of it, they employ the best Workmen and the choicest Materials they can meet with. From the body of the Church to the Choir there is usually an ascent of five or six Steps. Nor is there above one Altar in any Church, upon which they set the Consecrated Bread, before they set the Chalice where the Wine is. When the Mass for the Ceremony is said by an Arch-bishop, at the rea­ding of the Gospel they light an abundance of Wax Tapers, which Tapers are like Torches. After tbe Gospel is read, several of the Noviciates take sticks in their Hands about five foot long, at the end whereof are Latten Plates with little Bells hanging about them, which when they are shak'd, imitate the sound of Cymbals. Other Noviciates there are which hold a Copper Plate in their Hands hung about with Bells, which they strike one against another: and at the same time the Ecclesi­asticks and Laity sing together indifferent Harmoniously. All this while the Arch-bishop has two Bishops of each side of him, who are in the room of a Dean and a Sub-dean; and when it is time, he goes and unlocks a Window in the Wall on the Gospel side, and takes out the Chalice where the Wine is. Then with all his Musick he takes a turn about the Altar, upon which he at length sets down the Cha­lice, saying certain Prayers. After that, with the Chalice in his hand, and the Bread upon the Chalice, he turns toward the People, who presently prostrate themselves upon the Ground, beat their Brests, and kiss the Earth, while the Arch-bishop pronounces these words; This is the Lord who gave his Body and Blood for you. Then he turns toward the Altar, and eats the Bread dip'd in the Wine; for they never drink the Wine, but only dip the Bread in it. That done, the Arch-bishop turns once more toward the people with the Bread and Chalice in his hand, and they that will receive, come one after another to the bottom of the Choir, whither it is not lawful for any Lay-person whatsoever to ascend; to whom the Arch-bishop gives the Bread dip'd in Wine that is in the Chalice, which Bread is without leven, flat, and round, about as thick as a Crown, and as big as the Host of the Mass, being Consecrated the day before by the Priest, whose Office it is. They never put Water in their Communion-Wine; affirming that Water is for Bap­tism, and that Christ when he instituted the Holy Supper drank it pure, without any mixture of Water.

When the Armenians come to the Communion, the Arch-bishop or the Priest says these words: I confess and believe that this is the Body and Blood of the Son of God, who takes away the sins of the World, who is not only ours, but the Salvation of all Mankind. The Priest repeats these words three times to the people, to instruct them and to teach them to what end they receive the Sacrament. Every time the Priest says the words, the people say after him word for word; and when the Priest serves the people, he breaks the Host into little bits which he dips in the Wine, and gives to every one of the Communicants. That which I most wonder at is, that they give the Communion to Children of two or three months old, which their Mothers bring in their Arms; though many times, the Children put it out of their mouths again. They never administer the Sacrament all the time of their Lent, for then they never say Mass but upon Sunday noon, which they call Low-Mass, at which time they never see the Priest, who has a Curtain drawn before the Altar, and only reads the Gospel and Creed aloud. Sometimes upon Thursday in the Passion week [Page 170] they say Low-Mass about noon, and then they Confess and administer the Sacrament: But generally they stay 'till Saturday, and then the Communicants, after they have receiv'd, are permitted to eat Fish, Eggs, Butter, Oyl, or any thing else except Flesh. Upon Easter day, by break of day, the Priest says Low-Mass, Confesses, and Admini­sters, after which it is lawful to eat Flesh. But the Beasts must be kill'd upon Easter­day, and not so much as upon Easter-eve. They have four other Feasts in the year, wherein they observe the same Ceremony, eating neither Flesh, Fish, Eggs, Butter nor Oyl for eight days: which four Feasts are Christmas, the Ascension, the Annunciation, and St. George's. Before this last Feast they stretch their devotion to the utmost, for some will fast three days, some five, one after another.

CHAP. X.
Of the ordination of their Priesthood; and their Austerites.

VVHen a Father designs his Son to the Priesthood, he carries him to the Priest, who puts the Cope, op'n on both sides, about his Shoulders; after which the Father and Mother take him home again. This Ceremony is repeated seven times in several years, according to the years of the young Child, 'till he come to be of age to say Mass. If he be not de­sign'd for a Monk, but for the Priesthood, after the fourth time of putting on the Chasuble or op'n Cope, they marry him; for their Priests marry once, but if that Wife dye, if they intend to marry again, they must give over saying Mass. The six first Ceremonies being over, when the Youth comes to the age of 18 years, at what time they are capable of saying Mass, as well those who are design'd for Monks, as those who are marry'd Priests, they proceed to the seventh and last Ceremony, which must be perform'd by an Archbishop or a Bishop; who invests the young Priest with all the Habits which the Priests wear that say Mass. That being done, he goes into the Church, out of which he is not to depart for a whole year; during all which time he is altogether employ'd in the service of the Church. The Priest who is mar­ry'd, must be five days after he has said Mass before he returns home to eat or drink, or lye with his Wife. And as well the Monks as Priests, when they intend to say Mass again, must remain five days in the Church, without either going to bed or touching any thing with their hands, unless it be the Spoon where-with they eat their meat: not daring all the while to spit or blow their noses. The next five days after they have said Mass, though such days upon which they might otherwise eat Flesh and Fish, they are oblig'd to feed upon nothing else but Eggs without Butter, and Rice boyl'd with Water and Salt. The morning before they celebrate Mass, if the Priest have by chance swallow'd a drop of Water, he must not say Mass.

Their Austerities are such, that many of their Bishops never eat Flesh or Fish above four times a year; but more then that, when they come to be Archbishops, they only live upon Pulse. They have six months and three days in a year wherein they keep Lent, or particular Fasts, which you please to call them; and during all that time, as well the Ecclesiastical persons as the Laity, feed only upon Bread, and some few Herbs which grow in their Gardens. There was an Armenian of Zulpha whose super­stition was so great, that he made his Horse to fast with him, allowing him but very little either to eat or drink for a whole week together. As for the poor labouring people, they only feed upon Pulse, boyl'd in Water and Salt: for during their chief Lent, they are permitted no more then others, to eat either Butter or Oyl; nay though they lay a dying, it is not lawful for them to eat Flesh upon those days where­in that diet is forbidd'n. They may only eat Wall-nuts or Small-nuts, Almonds or Pistaches, or some such other Fruit that affords no Oyl; and they have this farther liberty, to pound them, and put them among their Pulse or their Herbs, and boyl them with Rice.

CHAP. XI.
Of their Baptism.

TIS the custom of the Armenians to Baptize their Infants upon Sunday; or if they Baptize any upon the week days, it is only in case of necessity when they think they will not live. The Midwife carries that Infant to Church, and holds it in her arms, 'till either the Archbishop, the Bishop, or the Priest has said some part of the Form of Baptism. Then he that baptizes takes the Infant which is naked, and plunges it in the Water, and then taking it out again, puts it into the hands of the God-father, and goes on with the Prayers. While he reads them, with the Cotton which he has in his hand he twists a string about half an Ell long. He makes another also of red Silk, which is flat; then twisting those two strings together, he puts them about the Child's neck. They say, that these two strings, one of white Cotton, and the other of red Silk, signifies the Blood and Water which flow'd from the Body of CHRIST, when he was wounded with the Lance up­on the Cross. Having ty'd the cord about the neck of the Child, he takes the holy Oyl and anoints the Child in several parts of the body, making the sign of the Cross in every place where he drops the Oyl; every time pronouncing these words, I baptize thee in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. He first anoints the Forehead, then the Chin, then the Stomach, the Arm-holes, the Hands and Feet.

As to the making this Oyl, you must know, that every seven years, upon the Eve of our Lady in September, against which day they observe a small Lent of eight days, tke Patriarch makes this holy Oyl; there being no person but he who has power to make it. He uses all sorts of fragrant Flowers, and Aromatical Drugs; but the principal Flower is that which the Armenians call in their Language Balassan-Jagué, we in ours, the Flower of Paradise. When the Oyl is made, the Patriarch sends two Bottles to all the Covents of Asia, Europe, and Africa, without which they cannot baptize.

The Ceremony of Baptism being over, the God-father goes out of the Church with the Infant in his arms, and a Taper of white Wax in each hand. According to the quality of the person, when the Child is carry'd out of the Church, the Trumpets, Drums, Hautboys, and other Instruments of the Country make a hideous noise and go before the Infant to the Parents House, where being arriv'd, the God-father delivers the Child to the Mother. She prostrates her self at the same time before the God-father, kissing his feet; and while she continues in that posture, the God-father kisses her head. Neither the Father nor the God-father names the Child, but he that baptizes gives him the Name of the Saint whose Festival falls upon the Sunday on which the Child is baptiz'd. If there be no Saint's day that Sunday in the Almanack, they take the next Name whose Festival succeeds the Sunday of Baptism; so that they have no affected Names among them. Upon the return of the God-father with the Child home, there is a Feast prepar'd for all the Kindred and Friends, and him that baptiz'd the Infant, with whom all the Priests and Monks of the Covent, at least of the Parish, go along. The poor people were wont to be so prodigal at these Feasts, as also upon their Marriages and Burials, that the next day they had not wherewithal to buy Victuals, much less to pay what they have borrow'd for so needless an ex­pence. But now the poor Armenians are grown so cunning to avoid the Bastinado's which are gi'vn to Debtors upon the soles of the Feet, when they cannot pay, accord­ing to the custom of Persia; that they carry the Child to Church upon the week­days: without any Ceremony, with tears in their eyes, pretending it to be sickly and like to dye, and so make no Feasts at all.

If the Women lye in fifteen or twenty days, or two months before Christmas, they defer the baptizing the Infant 'till the Festival, provided the Infant be healthy. Then in all the Cities and Villages where the Armenians live, if there be any River or Pond, they make ready two or three flat-bottom'd Boats, spread with Carpets to walk upon, in one of which upon Christmas-day they set up a kind of an Altar. In the morning by Sun-rising all the Armenian Clergy, as well of that place as of the parts adjoyning, get into the Boats in their Habits, with the Cross and Banner. Then [Page 172] they dip the Cross in the Water three times, and every time they drop the Holy Oyl upon it. After that they use the ordinary form of Baptism, which being done, the Arch-bishop or the Minister plunges the Infant in the River or Pond three times, saying the usual words, I Baptise, &c. and the same anointings as before: though it seems a wonder to me that the extremity of the weather does not kill the Child. The King of Persia is many times present at this ceremony when it is perform'd at Ispahan, riding on Horse-back to the side of the River with all his Nobility. The Ceremony being over he goes to Zulpha to the Kelonter's House, where there is an entertainment prepar'd for him. Neither is there any place in the World where a King may be entertain'd with less charge than in Persia. For if any private person invite the King, and that His Majesty pleases to do him that Honour, 'tis but for the inviter to go to the chief of the Officers, and to carry him twenty Tomans, or three hundred Crowns, and to tell him withall, that the King has promis'd to accept of a small Collation with his Slave. For then the Governour is oblig'd to send to the House of him that treats the King all things necessary for the entertainment. Else it were impossible to be done, in regard the King eats in nothing but in Gold Plate. At the end of the Feast the King is always presented with some European Rarity, not less worth than four or five thousand Crowns. Or if the person have no Rarity to present, it suffices to offer in a Bason the value in Venetian Ducats of Gold, with all the submission imaginable. Besides all this, some Presents must be giv'n to some of the Lords and principal Eunuchs of his train; and others sent to the Queen Mo­ther, if living, and to the Sultaness, his Wives and Sisters. Thus though the enter­tainment may be made with little trouble, yet otherwise it proves somewhat expen­sive; though the Armenians of Zulpha are well enough able to bear the charge. I was twice at this Ceremony upon Christmas day in Ispahan. The first time I saw Sha-Sefi, and the second time Sha-Abas the second, who drank both so hard, that in their Drink they committed those crimes that very much stain'd their memories: For Sha-Sefi returning home stab'd his Wife, the Mother of Sha-Abas▪ Sha-Abas ano­ther time returning home in drink, would needs drink on, and force three wo­men to drink with him; who finding he would not give over, stole out of his Com­pany. The King perceiving them gone without taking leave, in a mad humour sent his Eunuchs for them, and caus'd them to be thrown into the Fire, where the poor women were burnt; for there is no resisting nor examining the Kings com­mand.

CHAP. XII.
Of the Marriages of the Armenians.

THE Armenians Marry their Children before either party have seen each other, nay before the Fathers or Brothers know any thing of it. And they whom they intend to Marry must agree to what their Fathers or Parents command them. When the Mothers have agreed among them­selves, they tell their Husbands, who approve what they have done. Upon this Approbation, the Mother of the Boy, with two old Women and a Priest come to the House where the Mother of the Daughter lives, and present her a Ring from him whom they intend to betroth. The Boy appears afterwards, and the Priest reads something out of the Gospel as a blessing upon both parties; after which they give him a sum of Money according to the quality of the Father of the Girl. That done, they present the company with drink, and this is call'd a betrothing or affi­ancing. Sometimes they agree a Marriage when the Children are not above two or three years old; sometimes two women that are friends being both with Child at one time together, will make a match between the two Children before they are born, if the one be a Boy and the other a Girl. So soon as they are born the Contract is made; and when once the Boy has giv'n the Ring, though it be twenty years after before they are Marry'd, he is bound every year upon Easter-day to send his Mistriss a new Habit with all the trimming belonging to it according to her quality. Three [Page 173] days before the Celebration of Marriage, the Father and Mother of the Boy prepare a Feast, which is carry'd to the house of the Father and Mother of the Girl, where the kindred of both parties meet. The Men are in one place by themselves, and the Women in another; for they never eat together at publick Feasts. The Evening before the Nuptials the Bridegroom sends a Habit to the Bride; and some time after he comes to receive what the Mother of the Bride has provided for him, on her part. If the Bride has no Mother, some ancient Woman next a-kin dresses the Bride. At length the Bride gets upon one Horse, and the Bridegroom upon another, each Horse being sumptuously harness'd, with Bridles and Saddles of Gold and Silver, if the persons be rich: those that are poor, and have not Horses of their own, repair to the Great men, who willingly lend theirs upon such an occasion. As they set out from the Virgins habitation, the Bridegroom goes before with a Veil of Carnation-Tiffany upon his Head, or else of Gold and Silver Net-work, the Meshes whereof are very close, that reaches below the Stomach. He holds in his Hand one end of a Girdle some three or four Ells long, and the Bride that rides behind holds the other. She is also cover'd with a large white Veil from head to foot, that spreads also a good way over the Horse. Under which Veil, that rather seems a large white Sheet, the Bride is hid in such a manner, that there is nothing to be seen of her but her Eyes. Two Men walk on either side of each Horse; and if they be Children of three or four years old (for so young they marry) there are three or four Men to hold them in the Saddle, according to the quality of their Parents. A great Train of young Men, the kindred and acquaintance of both parties, follow after, some a horse-back, some a-foot, with Tapers in their hands, as if they were going in Procession: and besides all these, the Drums, Trumpets, Hautboys and other Instru­ments of the Country, all attending to the Church-door. When they are alighted, every one makes way for the Bridegroom and Bride, who advance up to the foot of the Altar, still holding the Girdle in their hands. Then the Bridegroom and the Bride meet, and lean forehead to forehead. Then comes the Priest, and turning his back to the Altar, lays his Bible upon their Heads, instead of a Desk, a weight suffi­ciently heavy, as being a thick ponderous Folio. There he lets it lye while he reads the form of Matrimony, which Office is most usually perform'd by a Bishop or an Archbishop. The Form is very much like ours. The Bishop demands the Bride­groom, Wilt thou have such a one to thy Wife? then to the Bride he says, Wilt thou have such a one for thy Husband? to which they both answer with a nod of the Head. The Matrimonial Benediction being giv'n, they hear Mass; which being ended, they return both together to the Daughters habitation, in the same order as they set out. These Nuptials last three days: where the Women drink more than the Men. The Man goes to Bed first, the Woman pulling of the man's Breeches, though she does not lay aside her Veil 'till the Candle be put out. Let it be what time in the year it will, the Woman rises before day. So that there be some Armenians that in ten years after they are marry'd never saw their Wives faces, nor ever heard them speak. For though her Husband may speak to her, and all the rest of her kindred, yet she never answers but with a Nod. The Women never eat with their Husbands; but if the Men feast their Friends to day, the Women feast theirs the next Day.

CHAP. XIII.
How the Armenians Bury their Dead.

SO soon as any person dyes, one appointed for the Services of the Dead runs immediately to the Church to fetch a Pot of Holy-Water, which he presently pours into a great Vessel full of Water, into which they put the dead Corps. This man is call'd Mordichou, or the person that washes the Dead, which Mordichou's are so much detested among the people, that it is an ignominy to eat or drink with those sort of people. Whatever the party deceas'd has about him at the time of his death belongs to them, though it be any excellent [...]ewel; for it is the custom of the East to lye in their Breeches, Shirt, and Wastcoa [...], in regard they [Page 174] never make use of Bed cloaths. So soon as the Corps is wash'd, they dress it with a clean white Shirt, a pair of Breeches, a Wastcoat▪ and a Bonnet, all new, never having been worn before. Then they put the Body in a linnen Sack, and sow up the mouth of it. That being done, the Priests come and take up the Body to carry it to Church, which is attended by all the kindred and friends of the deceas'd, with every one a Taper in his hand. Being come to Church, they set down the Corps before the Altar where the Priest says certain Prayers; and then setting up lighted Tapers round about the Corps, they leave it so all night. The next day in the morning a Bishop or an ordinary Priest says Mass, at the end whereof they carry the Body before the door of the Bishop's house, attended as before; at what time the Bishop comes forth and says a prayer for the Soul of the deceas'd. Then eight or ten of the poorer sort that are next at hand, carry the Body to the Church-vard. All the way they sing certain Dirges▪ which the Priests continue, while the Body is let down into the Grave. Then the Bishop takes three handfuls of Earth, and throws them one after another into the Grave, pronouncing these words; From Earth thou cam'st, to Earth thou shalt return, and stay there 'till our Lord comes. These words being said, they fill up the Grave. Those of the kindred and friends that will go back find a Collation ready; and if any other persons will go along, they are not refus'd. For seven days also they allow Dinners and Suppers to certain Priests and poor people, if they are per­sons of ability: believing no Soul departed can be sav'd, unless the survivors are at that expence. Whence it comes to pass, that so many of the poor people are so miserable, and Slaves to the Mahometans, by borrowing Money to defray those expences, which they are not able to pay again.

When an Archbishop or a Bishop dyes, they add this farther Ceremony, that an Archbishop or a Bishop writes a little Note, and cutting op'n the Sack puts the Note into the Hand of the deceas'd, wherein are these words; Remember thy self, that from Earth thou cam'st, and to Earth thou shalt return.

If a Slave dye before enfranchiz'd, when the Body is brought into the Church, the Master writes a Note, wherein are these words; Let him not grieve, I make him free, and give him his liberty. For they believe that he would be reproach'd in the other World for being a Slave, for which his Soul might suffer tribulation. If the Master be dead, the Mistress does the same. If an Armenian makes away himself, they never carry the Body out of the door of the house, but make a hole in the wall, where they can most conveniently, and carry him to his Grave without any Ceremony.

The night preceding the Feast of the Holy Cross, Men, Women, and Children go to the Church-yard, whither they carry good store of Food, not forgetting their Wine. Immediately they fall a weeping over the Graves of the dead, and after they have spent some time in that doleful Exercise, they all fall to eating and drink­ing; thus passing the whole night by turns, in blub'ring, eating, and bubbing.

As for the poor people, they would think themselves undone, and the most unfortunate in the world, should they want Provision and Wine to go to the Church-yards, the night before the Feast of St. George, where they go to frolick it, rather then to pray for the Dead.

There may be some few Armenians that embrace Mahometanism for worldly Interest, but they are generally the most obstinate persons in the world, and most firm to their superstitious Principles.

CHAP. XIV.
Examples of the Constancy of the Armenians, in maintaining their Religion against the Persecutions of the Mahometans.

IT is the custom of the Armenians, that when any one of them apostatizes, and desires to return again to the Church, he cannot have Absolution but at the same City or Village where he first abjur'd his Religion.

Now it happen'd that a young Armenian being sent to Smyrna with a very considerable quantity of Goods, and falling to debauchery, turn'd Mahometan, to [Page 175] the end he might defraud his Father and his Brethren of their Estate, according to Haly's Law, already mention'd. But after he had spent good part of the Goods in Debauchery, he return'd to the Three Churches, where the Grand Patriarch liv'd, to be absolv'd from his Fault; but the Patriarch telling him he must go to the Bishop of Smyrna, he went accordingly; and in some few days after he had under­gone the Penance enjoyn'd him, he went to the Cadi, and with a great Resolution, Sir, said he, you know that some years since I turn'd Mahometan; now I come to declare before ye that I have repented, and do repent of the foul Crime I committed, when I deny'd the Saviour of the World, and embrac'd your wicked Law. The Cadi, who thought it had been at first only some evaporation of Extravagance, endeavour'd to reclaim him by fair words and promises; but when he heard him persist in his resolution, when he heard him curse and blaspheme Mahomet, he caus'd him to be carry'd to the Piazza, where he was cut to pieces immediately. For no persons go with more courage and joy to suffer for their Faith, then the Armenians.

In the year 1651 there happen'd to be a Wedding between a young Turk and a Virgin of the same Nation. To this Wedding was invited an Armenian Lady, who was a great friend of the Bridegroom's Mother. The Armenian had an only Son of about twelve years of age, that earnestly desir'd to go along with her; at first she refus'd him, knowing that after the age of five or six years, no Youth is permitted to be in company with the Turkish Women or Maids. But the Boy still pressing his Mother, and being seconded by an Aunt, who to please her Nephew, told her she might let him go in Girls Apparel; at last the indulgent Mother, over-rul'd by the importunity of the Child, took him along with her in a female dress. Three days the solemnity of the Turkish Weddings last: but the very first day, an old Gipsy-Turk casting her Eye upon the young Armenian, and finding him too sparkish and too nimble for a Girl, suspected his Sex; and calling his Mother aside, told her, that by all the gestures and actions of the Child, she could be no Girl, but a Boy in dis­guise. The Mother not only deny'd the matter, but also seem'd highly offended at the old Womans suspition; who as much incens'd to have her judgment que­stion'd, decoy'd the Child among the Eunuchs of the Family, and caus'd him to be search'd; and finding herself in the right, spred it presently about the house. Im­mediately the people cry'd that the Chambers were defil'd, that the Armenian Lady had done it in derision of their Law; and seizing Mother, Aunt, and Youth, carry'd them all before the Basha, demanding Justice. The Basha dismiss'd the Mother and the Aunt, but kept the Youth six or sev'n days, hoping the rage of the people would be over. But in vain he strove to plead for the Child, though the Father offer'd them half the weight of him in Gold, for the Basha was forc'd to deliver him up into the hands of the marry'd Womans kindred; who carry'd the Child to the Market-place of the City, where they stript him stark naked; and first they flea'd him from his Neck behind down to the Wast, and so left him with a Guard upon him all night. The Cadi and Moullah's exhorted the Child to turn Mahometan, and they would preserve him from further mischief. His Mother beg'd him to have pity upon her and himself, and to turn Mahometan to save his life. But neither tears, nor all the tender words that grief and affection could inspire, could shake the con­stancy of the Infant, who with a resolute utterance answer'd, that he had hitherto suffer'd, and still would suffer patiently; and that nothing griev'd him, but that his Mother should exhort him to deny his Saviour. Next day the pitiless Turks came and flea'd all his Breast and his Stomach, and so left him all night under a Guard, intending to have flea'd him part by part every day. But the Basha abhorring their Cruelty, came the next day with his Guards, and caus'd his Head to be cut off.

Van is a City peopl'd as well with Armenians as Turks; so that it is a usual thing for the Armenian and Turkish Boys to play together. One day it unfortu­nately fell out, that the Boys playing one among another, and flinging Stones at each other, an Armenian Boy hit a young Turk full upon the Temples, and strook him dead. Presently the other Turkish Boys and the Rabble seiz'd him, and carry'd him to the Basha; the Father and Mother of the Child slain follow'd with hideous out­crys, bawling for justice, or that the Boy should turn Mahometan to expiate his fault. The Armenian Parents offer'd a large sum of Money to redeem their Chi [...]d; but the adverse party obstinate against all accommodation, the Basha was constrain'd [Page 169] to deliver the Child, giving sentence that the young Armenian should endure the same death the Turk had suffer'd, and no other. Immediately the Turks hurry'd the poor Child to the place where he had unfortunately slain his play-fellow; and after the Parents of the young Turk had had the two first hits, he was presently brain'd by a show'r of Stones from the Rabble. Yet as near death as he knew himself to be, without any disturbance at all, he exhorted his weeping play-fellows to stand firm to the Faith of Jesus Christ, for which he was going to dye.

Another time an Armenian Merchant coming from the Indies to Grand Cairo, went to the Coffee-house according to custom, being a rendezvous of all the Mer­chants in the Town. There falling into discourse, by reason of the heat of the weather, he took off his Bonnet made after the Armenian fashion of divers Colours, and laid it behind him, keeping his black Cap only upon his head. When the Moullah came about to hasten the people to go away according to the custom, which I have already declar'd, the Armenian hastily rising up, a Turk, concealing the Merchant's Bonnet, clap'd his own Bonnet upon his head. Upon that all the Turkish Merchants that were there came and congratulated the Armenian Merchant, telling him, how glad they were to see that he had embrac'd the good Law. At which words the Armenian surpriz'd, takes off the Turbant, throws it to the Ground before all the Company, and stamp'd it under foot. This action of contempt so enrag'd the Turks, that they carry'd him before the Basha, before whom it was in vain to justifie himself, or to affirm that the Turbant was malitiously put upon his head; for the Turks swore the contrary, and that he took it of his own accord, and therefore he must either turn Turk or dye for it. Upon his refusal they put him in Prison, and in a few days the sentence was brought him from the Mufii and Cadi, that he must either turn or be burnt alive. The severity of the sentence overpowr'd him at first to embrace the Mahumetan Law. But four or five years after returning from the Indies to Cairo, he came where the Basha was sitting in Council with the Grandees of the Country, and getting as near the Mufti as he could, and throwing his Turbant in his face; There Dog, said he, Thou wert the cause that I have worn it so long, of which I have repen­ted, and do repent from the bottom of my heart; for I know that neither thou nor thy Law are worth a Straw. At the same time the croud laid hold of him, and drag'd him to the Piazza, where he dy'd in the midst of the flames with an admirable constancy.

A rich Merchant of Zulpha, call'd Cotgia Soultenon, was so well belov'd by Sha-Sefi, that he often went to Dine at his house. But one day it fell out that the King having eat and drank to excess, upon his return home fell crop-sick, upon which the report ran that the Armenian had poyson'd him. Which report coming to his ears, fearing left the King should dye, and himself be put to cruel Torments, he took a dose of Poyson and dy'd. Which when the King, who was well again the next day, understood, he was very much troubl'd for his death.

The same Cotiga Soultenon had a Cafer sent him from Melinda for a Slave; who being young and very apprehensive, soon learnt the Persian and Turkish Languages, and was instructed in the Christian Religion, and Christen'd by the name of Huzod or Joseph. After his Master's death he turn'd Mahumetan, and so continu'd twenty years. At the end whereof returning to Zulpha, he beg'd pardon of the Church; and all the rest of his days so crucify'd himself with Fasting, that every one pitty'd him; and when the Armenian Bishops told him he had done well, he made no other answer, but that he was not worthy to live upon the Earth who had deny'd his Saviour, only he hop'd that he would have mercy upon him; and so continu'd his austere penance 'till he dy'd.

CHAP. XV.
Of the Author's reception at the Court of Persia in his sixth and last Voyage, and what he did there during his stay at Ispahan.

I Arriv'd at Ispahan the 20th of December, 1664. So soon as the Nazar was inform'd of my arrival, he sent the Kelonter or chief of the Armenians with seven or eight more to congratulate my arrival, and to assure me of all the kind Offices he could do me. The next day he sent the same Armenians with four Horses; and to tell me that the King had a desire to see what I had brought; for which purpose the Kelonter had order to furnish me with men. Thereupon I took Horse, accompany'd by all the Franks that were at Zulpha. When I came to Court, I was brought into the place where all the great Ambassadours had audience, where I found attending the Nazar, and Father Raphael superior of the order of the Capuchins, ready to deliver me my Box of Jewels which I had left with him in the Covent for more security. After I had expos'd my Goods upon a fair Table cover'd with a Carpet of Gold and Silver, and that the Nazar had dispos'd every thing in order with his own hand, the King enter'd, attended only by three Eunuchs for his Guard, and two old men, whose office it was to pull off his Shoes when he goes into any Room spread with Gold and Silk Carpets, and to put them on again when he goes forth. The King had nothing on but a single pair of Drawers of Taffata, chequer'd red and white, which came half way the Leg, his feet being bare; a short Cassock that came but half way his body, with a large Cloak of Cloth of Gold with hanging-sleeves down to the Ground, furr'd with Sable Martin. The first thing I shew'd was a large Candlestick of Chrystal of the Rock, the richest piece of that nature that ever was seen. The next was a suit of Tapestry hangings held up by several men, as I had appointed. The Nazar then caus'd me to advance and do my obeysance to the King, who presently knowing my Face again; Oh, said he to the Nazar, This is the Fringui Aga who sold me so many Rarities about six years ago, when Mahomet Beg was Athemadoulet. After that the Nazar shew'd him all my Rarities as they lay in order. Among the rest I besought His Majesty by Frier Raphael, to accept of a great Steel Mirror, which when he look'd in, he wonder'd to see his Face so big. But when Frier Raphael had told him the nature of it, he caus'd it to be held to one of his Eunuchs, which had a monstrous Hawk Nose, the sight whereof held him in laughter and divertisement for above a quarter of an hour. After that the King retir'd, leaving me alone with the Nazar▪ and Friar Raphael. As for my Jewels I put them up my self, and had a place assign'd me to Lock them up and keep the Key, but for my large pieces of Goldsmiths work, the Nazar committed them to the trust of one of the principal Officers of the House.

The next day early in the morning the Nazar sent for me and Father Raphael, and made his Secretary write down the price of every thing, according to his de­mands. He had also his own Artists to prize them; but that I did not value, in regard I knew the price much better then they. After he had shew'd the Jewels, price and all to the King, we were several times before we could agree; but at length he told me, that the King would give me Twenty-five in the Hundred profit for all the Stones; leaving me the Pearls, which he thought I might put off at a better price in the Indies; which was an offer I could not refuse, and therefore I sign'd the Agreement according to the Nazar's desire: Which when his Majesty had seen, he bid the Nazar tell me I should be his Jeweller in Ordinary, and that for my sake all the Franks should be the better us'd within his Territories, and that I should have any favour of him that▪ I desir'd. I besought his Majesty to give me his Patent with his Seal affix'd, whereby I might be priviledg'd to Trade in his Dominions, without paying Custom for such and such Merchandize, and in such manner as I should think fitting. I also besought him graciously to grant his Protection to a Nephew of mine, whom I had left at Tauris to learn the Lan­guage, that he might be serviceable to his Majesty when I was dead and gone. [Page 178] Thereupon he caus'd my Nephew to be enrol'd presently as one of his Domestick Servants▪ and order'd the Nazar to take particular care of him.

The next day after my agreement with the Nazar, the King gave audience in the great Hall of the Palace to the Ambassador of the Ʋsbeck-Tartars. All the Lords and Officers of the Crown s [...]ood in the Court where the Ambassador was to pass: there were also nine stately Horses, whose Furniture was very rich, and all different. Two Harnesses were cover'd with Diamonds, two with Rubies, two with Emralds, two with Turquoises, and one embroider'd with fair Pearls. Had he been an Ambassador from a Monarch for whom the King of Persia had had a greater esteem than he had for the Cham of Tartary, there had been thirty Horses: for according to the value which the King puts upon the Prince that sends to him, he either augments or abates of the number of his Horses of State. Every Horse is ty'd by the Reins to a Nail of Gold fasten'd in the Ground, with a Hammer of Gold lying by. There was another Nail of Gold behind, with a Cord ty'd to it, that held their hinder legs. They set also before every Horse a Caldron of Gold, out of which they draw up Water into a gréat Manger; though all this be only for State, for they never water their Horses in that place.

Out of the first Court the Ambassador enter'd into a large Gallery, between a long File of Musqueteers on each side. Thence he enter'd into a Garden through an Alley about eight Fathom broad, all pav'd with great Marble Stones, in the middle of which runs a Channel of Water four Foot wide, with several Water-works that spurted out of the Channel at equal distances. On each side of the Walk to the Hall where the King sat, there is a Pond almost as long as the Walk, and in the middle of the Pond another sort of Water-works. Several Offi­cers of the Army were rang'd all along the Alley; and at the end of one of the Ponds were four Lions ty'd; and at the end of the other, three Tigers couchant upon Carpets of Silk, having Men to guard them with Half-pikes in their hands. The Hall took up more ground in length then in bredth, being op'n every way; the Cieling was sustain'd by sixteen wooden Pillars, of eight pannels every one, and of a prodigious thickness and height. As well the Cieling as the Pillars were all painted with Foliage-work in Gold and Azure, with certain other Colours mix'd therewith. In the middle of the Hall was a Vase of excellent Marble, with a Fountain throwing out Water after several manners. The Floor was spread with Gold and Silk Carpets, made on purpose for the Place: and near to the Vase was a low Scaffold one Foot high, twelve Foot long, and eight wide, cover'd with a magnificent Carpet. Upon this Scaffold sate the King upon a four-square Cushion of Cloth of Gold, with another Cushion behind him cover'd with the same, set up against a great Tap'stry-Hanging, wrought with Persian Characters, containing the Mysteries of the Law. On each side of the King stood several Eunuchs with Musquets in their hands. The King commanded the Athemadoulet and four others to sit down by him, and the Athemadulet made me a sign to sit down; but the King knowing how little the Franks care for sitting cross-leg'd, order'd me to be told that I might stand upright, if I thought good. The King was clad in a Silk streak'd with Gold: His Cloak was a Gold-ground with Flower of Silk and Silver, Furr'd with a Martin Sable, the blackest and most glis [...]'ring that ever was seen. His Girdle was very rich, and upon his Bonnet he wore a Plume of He­rons Feathers fasten'd with a transparent Jewel; in the middle of the Jewel was a Pear-fashion'd Pearl, set with great Topaze's and Rubies.

About half and hour after the King was sat, the Nazar and the Master of the Ceremonies brought the Ambassador, who neither himself nor any of his Train were very well clad, and caus'd him to stay at the foot of the steps into the Hall from the Garden. When the Ambassador had ascended the steps, he prostrated himself be­fore the King, then advancing nine or ten paces he did the same again; after which the Master of the Ceremonies caus'd him to sit down, leaving between him and the King space enough for eight men. After that I observ'd that the Nazar went often between the King and the Ambassador, and between the Ambassadour and the King; but I could not tell what they said. So that I being by that time quite tyr'd, made my obeysance to the King, and went home to my Lodging.

The next day the Nazar signify'd to me that it was the King's pleasure to favour me with a compleat Cal [...]at, or Habit of Honour; and to pay me my money.

[Page]

Page. 178.

This is the God worthy to be praisd

Persian Travells.

The Kingdome belongs to God

the God most high▪

The God of mercy to the Compassion al [...]

O mahomet O▪ Haly:

the Prophets.

These great Caracters with those that are upon the side of the names of the 12 Prophets signifie.

To the name of God.

God who is the aid of mahomet.

The King who has all power.

Se [...]erat▪ [...]afar▪ Elfeteseni, Elmaussi▪

These are the names of the four Prophets that haue followed the Doctrine of Haly.

This Containe the names of the 12 Prophets without their surnames.
AlyHassenHosseinAlizein
MahamJafarMoussaAly
Mahome [...]HalyHassenmahome [...]

That which is under the names of the [...]2 Prophets signifies as follows.

He who at this time enjoyes the Kingdome The Victorious Abas the second.

[Page]

Page▪ 179.

Persia Travells.

God is my Sufficiencie

He that is not for Haly is no freind of mine

He that is n [...]t at his dore as the dust though he were an Angel the dust be on him▪

The Slave of Haly King of the Country A [...]as the 2d. 1509.

this is that▪ wch is on the Kings seale

mahomet methi son of Hali Bala of the race of Sophi.

This is that. [...] is Contein'd in the seale of the Aemadoulet or first Minister of State & the seale in the Originall is sett behind, noe man dareing to fix his seale on the. side of the Kings.

[figure]

[Page 179] The next day in the Morning being sent for to the Court, I found the Nazar, the Grand Treasurer, and several other great▪ Officers expecting me in the Trea­sury, where the Money lay ready in seal'd Bags. My Sum amounted to three thousand four hundred and sixty Tomans, of which the Treasurer would have abated me a hundred and sixty for Fees. After a long contest, I gave him half, and carry'd away my Money; having first weigh'd two Bags Toman by Toman, and then weigh'd the rest of the Bags, Bag by Bag.

CHAP. XVI.
Of the Honours and Presents which the Author receiv'd from the King of Persia.

THE day following one of the Nazar's principal Officers brought me the compleat Calaat▪ consisting of Vest, Tunick o [...] Super-Vest, Girdle, and Bonnet. He also deliver'd me three Patents, seal'd by his Majesty and the Athemadoulet, which exempted me from paying any Customs within his Kingdom. Another to the Kan of Schiras, with a little Seal or Signet, commanding him to let me have three Loads of good Wine when I travell'd that way. A third with his Signet, in favour of my Nephew at Tauris; wherein the King declar'd that he own'd him as his Domestick Servant, and that he was under his Protection.

The First PATENT ran thus.

THE Command of him whom all the Ʋniverse obeys has been made, That the Beglerbegs of High Nature, the victorious and great Lords, Ornaments of the Kingdom, Possessors of Honour, the Judges in high place, practisers of Justice, the Visiers who preserve Reason, and have in their thoughts the removal of Vice▪ and the Commissioners who action affairs and difficulties of the Palace, the Overseers of the Roads, and the Conservators of the good Customs of the well-order'd Kingdoms of Kragon (which God preserve from all misfortune) MAY KNOW, That whereas the choicest of his Resemblers and Companions, * Aga TAVERNIER, French Merchants has brought so many Rarities of all sorts to the presence and view of the Lieurenant of the Eagles, who has all things according to his wish, has found the degree of favour and good will. And whereas We have com­manded him to perfect some Business for Ʋs, which so soon as he has finish'd, [...]e is to bring to the holy and pure view. Therefore through what soever Road or Coast of Our Thrice-spacious Kingdom the above-nam'd, shall have a desire or occasion to pass, Let not the Receivers of the Palace, out of any seeming expectancy from the above-nam'd, give him any trouble or molestation. But let them know, that it is necessary for them to give him all honour, and to make much of him, that he may go where he pleases. And whereas the Seal of High Nature, the Light of the Ʋniverse of Kragon, of thrice­noble extracton, the Master of the Age, has illuminated and adorn'd this Writing, Let them rest there, and give Credence to it. By the thrice-high Command. &c.

Kragon:
A King of China, so renown'd for his Justice, Victory, and Magnanimity that sometimes the Kings of Persia assume that Title in their Patents, and sometimes, in honour of him, stile themselves his Lieutenants.
Receivers of the Palace,
are Farmers of the Customs and other Subsidies.

The Second PATENT.

To the Governour of Schiras,

THE Command of Him whom all the World ought to obey, is such, That the Illustrious and High Lord, whose Office ought to be honour'd, the Governour and Prototype of Visiers and Grandees, Mirza-Mahomet-Sadée, the Visier of Fars may be assur'd of Royal Favours when he understands the Contents of this Command. He shall give three Loads of Wine, of that which he has in his custody, to the Cream of his Equals, Aga TAVER­NIER, French Merchant, and you shall take an Acquittance. All the Grand Visiers, and Officers of Customs, and Guarders of Passes also let them not molest him at all, let them take nothing from him, let them permit him to go and come as he pleases, and let them obey him.

The Cream,
is the Character of an honest man among the Eastern people.

But to return to the Calaat. You must take notice, that the Persians call a Calaat, any Present which one person makes to another inferior to him in dignity▪ some­times a Vest alone, sometimes a Tunick with the Girdle only, sometimes a Tur­bant, or a Horse, with Bridle and Saddle; to those in the Army the King sends a Sword or a Dagger, and all these go by the name of Calaat's. Secondly, you must take notice, that when the King sends a Calaat to a Governour of a Province, he names himself the person, that is to carry it. For both in Turkie and Persia, the Receiver of the King's Present is oblig'd to pay the Messenger, in so much that sometimes they hardly scape for a thousand Tomans. But when the Calaat is sent to any private person, the Nazar chooses out of his Domestick Servants one to carry it. I gave twenty-five Tomans into Father Raphael's hand, who order'd his business with so good a grace, and so advantageously for my Purse, that he complemented away the Messenger very well satisfi'd with half.

The next day the Nazar sent to me to put on my Calaat, and to come and do my obeysance to the King, who was that day to go abroad. Thereupon I summon'd together all the Franks, and order'd the Trumpets and Drums to be made ready as I rode from the Palace home. For then the people come out to see who the King has honour'd that day, who is always known by his Habit, which is still the newest and gayest of all the rest.

It happen'd, that the King being indispos'd did not go away that day; however I apply'd my self to the Nazar, and told him how much I was oblig'd to the King for the honour he had done me, and that I was resolv'd to shew my self before the greatest Monarchs in Europe in the Habit he had bestow'd upon me; that they might behold the beauty and richness of my Calaat. The Nazar fail'd not to repeat my Compliment to his Majesty; who thereupon order'd me the Persian Cloak, with hanging-sleeves, and fac'd with sable Martins.

Two or three days after the Nazar sent for me again to Court, whither I went, accompany'd by the Zulp [...]ian Franks, as before. I was no sooner come to the Palace, but the Nazar met me in the great Hall, attended by two Officers, who carry'd the Cloak which the King had appointed for me, and presently taking the Cloak out of their hands, he put it about my shoulders, saying these words, It is the King's pleasure to honour thee entirely. It was a most magnificent piece of Silk, and very richly furr'd, having been valu'd at eight hundred Crowns. In this I was particularly beholding to the Nazar, who might have sent me my Cloak home to my Lodging as well as the Calaat; but he was pleas'd to put it upon my back in the Palace with his own hands, to spare me the charges of a new Present. After this the Nazar took me by the hand, and led me to the Hall, where the King was sitting upon a [Page 181] large Cushion, having no more than twelve Eunuchs for his Guard; some with Bows and Arrows, and some with Musquets. By that time I had advanc'd two or three paces in the Hall, the Nazar order'd me to fall upon my knees, and touch the Ground with my forehead; then taking me by the hand, he led me within two or three paces of the place where the King was sitting, where I was order'd to make the same obeisance as before; after that he caus'd me to retire seven or eight paces, and there to stand. And then it was that His Majesty was pleas'd to tell me, that he had contriv'd the Models of several pieces, which he would have made in France; and ask'd me whether I would carry them along with me, or whether I would presently send them into France to be made up while I dispatch'd my business in the Indies? I told His Majesty, that so soon as he would be pleas'd to deliver them to me, I would send them for France. After this and some other discourse I made my obei­sance, and retir'd toward the door of the Hall. Having thus done my duty to the King, I went and kiss'd the Nazar's hand; and then taking Horse at the Palace-Gate, with the rest of the Franks that accompany'd me, we rode home with the Trumpets and Drums of the Country before us. When we came to Zulpha▪ with our Torches before us, for it was three hours after Sun-set, the Men and old Women came out of their Houses to see us pass along, and severall presented us with Fruits, Sweet-meats, and Wine, obliging us to drink almost at every House 'till we got home.

CHAP. XVII.
How the King was pleas▪d to divertise himself in the Author's Com­pany.

ABout two days after betimes in the Morning I was sent for to the Court in that hast, that I had [...]arce time to make me ready. When I came to Court, I found the Nazar, Father Raphel, and two Hollanders, upon whom the Nazar had began to cast a particular eye of favour all together. After we had stay'd a while, the Nazar brought us to the Room where the King was, sitting upon a low Pallet, with two Mattresses cover'd with a rich Carpet. He lean'd his back against a large Cushion four foot long, having before him eight or ten Plates of Fruits and Sweet-meats. Before him also stood two Bottles, with long round necks of Venice Crystal stop'd with Pitch, full of Schiras Wine, with a Cup of pure Gold; upon one side a kind of a very small Fat and with a handle, within three or four Fingers sull of the same Wine, with a Gold Ladle that held a good Chopine of Paris. The Bottles were for the King's drinking; that in the Fat for those that the King did the Honour to drink with him. After we came in and had made our several obeysances; said the King to Father Raphael, Raphael, bia, bia, that is, come bither, come [...]ither, who thereupon rising, and falling upon his knees when he came near the King; Raphael, continu'd the King, if thou wilt drink Wine, stay here, if not, be gone. The Fryar unaccustom'd to drink Wine, reply'd that since His Majesty did him so great an Honour, he was willing to drink a little. 'Tis very well, answer'd the King smiling, go then and take thy seat. Thereupon the King commanded one of the Dutch-men to fill some Wine, which he did, but with a trembling hand Heav'n, knows, as never having been at such a Festival before. And I observ'd that having laid his Hat upon the Carpet, the King commanded him to put it on, it being a very ignominious thing in Persia to be bare-headed. Thus the great Ladle went about very smartly, considering it was but early in the Forenoon: But at length the King bethinking himself that the Franks were not used to drink without eating, gave such order, that immediately they spread before us a Sofra of Cloth of Gold instad of a Table-Cloth; and over that a Leather Covering of the same length and breadth, and over that a sort of Bread as long as the Sofra; for had the Sofra been ten Ells long, the Bread must have been as long. This Bread is no thicker then a piece of Paper, and folds like a Napkin. It is made with a [Page 182] Rolling-pin, and bak'd upon Plates of T [...]n'd Copper. This Bread is nev [...]r eat'n, but only serves for a Table-Cloth to preserve what falls from the Dishes, and what▪ every man leaves particularly upon his own Pla [...]e, which is all wrap'd up in the Lea­ther and giv'n to the poor. Next to that they set upon one end of the Sofra a sort of most excellent Bread two foot long and one broad, then which never was better eat'n in the World. By and by follow'd Boyl'd and Roast flesh and fish, with two Chests of Limons of Mazandran, and Granates from Schiras.

After we had made a large Breakfast, the King was pleas'd to put me upon a dis­course of my Travels into the Indies, and ask'd me what Princes I had had access to, and how many I knew by their faces? Then causing a Satchel to be brought him, he open'd it himself, and shew'd me several portraitures in Miniature. Presently I knew Sha-Gehan, Aurenge-Zebe, and three of his Sons; the King of Golconda and Visapour; Sha-Est-Kan, and two Raja's. Among the rest he shew'd me a Persian Lady's Picture and gave it me; to the end, said he, that your French Ladies may see how our Persian Ladies are clad. After that he shew'd me the Pictures of two Venetian Curtisans, the one a Widow, and the other a Virgin, with a Parrot upon her hand clad after the French mode. Upon which the King putting the question to me which I lik'd best? I reply'd that she pleas'd me best who had the Parrot upon her fist. And why not the other, said the King? Because, answer'd I, she looks like one that had renounc'd the world. Thereupon the King falling into a laughter, and turning toward Father Raphael; Patri, Patri, said he, is it possible that such a Lady as this should have renounc'd the World? This led us into a discourse of beauty, wherein when the King demanded my opinion, I told him that Womens beauty depended very much upon the Custom of the Country; for that in Japan Women with broad faces were most in request; in China small feet were admir'd; in the Isles of Borneo and Achen, Women the blacker their Teeth were, the more they were belov'd; that in the Island of Macasser, to make their Women lovely, they pull out four of their Teeth when they are young, to put in four of Gold in their room; as I have seen a Captain of Java, who pull'd out four of his fore Teeth, and set four Diamonds in their place. In short, I told his Majesty that in his own Dominions full Eye-brows which meet together were highly esteem'd; whereas the Women of France pull them up by the Roots. But which, said the King, dost thou like best, the black or the fair? Sir, continu'd I, were I to buy Women as I purchase Diamonds, Pearls, and Bread, I would always choose the whitest. With that the King fell alaughing, and order'd me a brimmer in his own Cup, which was a great Honour indeed. From hence we fell into a more serious discourse con­cerning the present State of Europe, speaking very low, and the rest of the Com­pany retiring all the while out of hearing. Only I observ'd that there was one Lord middle ag'd, and clad after the Georgian mode, who stood within five or six paces behind the King, and that many times as the King drank, he only wet his Lips, and gave the rest to that Lord to drink, which when he had done, he reti [...]'d again to his place. Upon inquiry I found he was the King's Uncle by the Mothers side.

While we were talking of serious things the Curtisans were bid to retire out of the Hall, which they did, into a Gallery that look'd upon a Garden, where they sate, where immediately a Sofra was laid before them cover'd w [...]th Fruits and Sweet­meats, and one of their Society continually powr'd out the Wine which they drank round without intermission: One would have thought they should have been fuddl'd; yet when they came in again, no man could perceive they had been drinking. After they had Danc'd a while, they were order'd to retire again, and the King sent for his Musick, which was both Vocal and Instrumental; his Instrumental Musick consisted of a kind of a Lute, a Guittar, a Spinet, and two or three Base Flutes. He had also in the Gallery where the Curtisans were, a large Ebony Cabi­net eight foot high, adorn'd with several Silver figures, which prov'd to be an Organ that went alone. It was part of the present which the Muscovite Ambassadors made the King, which he order'd to be set a going, that we might hear it as we sate. No sooner had the Organ stop'd, but the Curtesans were call'd in again, and the King caus'd the Gold Ladle to go round, commanding that no man should leave a drop. When every man had done, the King was pleas'd to ask me which of the Curtisan's I thought to be handsomest? Thereupon I rose up, and taking a [Page 183] Wax▪Candle in my hand, I went and view'd them all. The King laugh'd, and being very glad to see my face among theirs, Bring hither, saith he, her to whom thou hast most a fancy. In obedience to which, I pick'd out the eldest, as I thought, and led her to his Majesty, who caus'd us to sit down by him. Then the King pointing to another, And why, saith he, did you not choose yonder Girl, which is younger and handsomer; commanding them both to kiss me one after another, that I might understand the difference between the Caresses of one and the other. But I reply'd, that were I to choose again, I would make the same choice, be­lieving prudence to accompany age. However I besought his Majesty to consider, that it was not for me to look upon elder or younger▪ and that though he had giv'n me the liberty to send the elder home to my Lodging, yet it was not in my pow'r to accept of his favour, in regard I had a Wife, to whom I never had been unfaithful.

We had thus droll'd together 'till eleven a Clock at night▪ when the King started another Question, Whether any one present knew how to Sing? It hap­pen'd that there was one Monsieur Daulier there, that Play'd upon the Virginals, and pretended to Sing, who immediately began a Court-Air. But his Voice being a high-pitch'd Voice, and for that the Persians are altogether for Bases, the King did not like him. When I ▪perceiv'd that, being in a merry vein, though I knew not a Note, yet having a good deep voice, and clear, I sung an old Air that came into my head, which begins,

Fill all the Bowls then, fiill 'em high,
Fill all the Glasses there, for why
Should every Creature drink but I?

The King was so pleas'd, that he cry'd out, Baricala, Baricala, as much as to say, Oh the works of God! an expression of admiration usual among the Per­sians.

By this time it was very late, and the King growing sleepy, gave us leave to de­part; which we did very willingly, having had hard labour for seventeen hours together.

The next night the King fell a drinking again, and there was in his presence an Agi or Pilgrim newly return'd from Mecca, and consequently oblig'd never to drink Wine after that. While the Agi staid, there was one of the Persian Lords got so impertinently fuddl'd, that he twice stru [...]k the Agi's Turbant from his head, refus'd to drink when the King commanded him, play'd the fool with the Curti­sans when they were dancing, and committed so many other acts of folly, that the King incens'd at such a continuation of Buffonry, in a great fury, This Rascal, said he, has lost all his respect, and thinks he is no more my Slave; drag him out by the feet, and throw him to the Dogs to eat. Immediately four or five of the King's Officers came and drag'd him out of the Hall by the feet, and every body wonder'd he was not thrown to the Dogs, according to the King's Command; but 'tis thought that some of the King's Woman beg'd for him, so that his punishment was chang'd.

There was one of the Curtisans that gave one of her Companions a box on the ear, not in the King's presence, but in the Gallery where they were drinking together. However she did not strike so softly, but that the King heard the noise of the blow. Whereupon he commanded her that had giv'n the blow to be had before the Deroga or Judge of the Town, whom he order'd to expunge her out of the number of Curtisans, and to put another in her place; that she should have a hundred Tomans giv'n her, and that the Deroga should cause her to be marry'd.

The next day I waited on the King, and receiv'd those Models which he had bespoke me to send into France. They were the Patterns of certain Drinking-Cups and Trenchers, with the Model of a Dagger drawn with his own hand: for he had learnt to draw of a couple of Dutch-men that were in his Service. The [Page 184] Dagger was to be Goldsmith work enamel'd. When I had receiv'd his Instructions, I took my leave of his Majesty: and then going to wait upon the Nazar at his Country-house, I took leave of him also, who assur'd me of his affection upon all occasions, and did me several kindnesses at my departure.

The End of the Fourth BOOK.

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE PERSIAN TRAVELS OF MONSIEUR TAVERNIER: BEING A Politick and Historical Description of PERSIA: With the ROADS FROM ISPAHAN to ORMƲS.

CHAP. I.
The Genealogy of the Kings of Persia, of the last Race.

AFter that Tamerlane had extended his Conquests into Asia, and de­feated the Army of Bajazet, whom he took Prisoner, together with his Wife, he return'd into Persia, where at that time liv'd a Cheik, whose name was Aidar, a Person in high reputation for his Holi­ness, He was a Person of great wit, and the first in the dignities of the Law, which gain'd him great authority and belief among the People. He gave great honour to Tamerlane, and shew'd Eminent kindnesses to all the Officers of his Ar­my; in recompense whereof, Tamerlane, who was a generous Prince, and full of gratitude, made a Present to the Cheik of a great number of Captives, which he brought along with him out of Turky. The Cheik planted one part of these Slaves about Ardevile, and seated the other near his own residence. Now in regard he assum'd to himself to be descended in a direct line from Maho­met, he cover'd his head after another manner then all the rest of the Persians, wearing a kind of flat Bonnet, growing broader and Broader to the top, and so pleighted, as to make twelve pleights of a Ruff, in honour of the twelve Pro­phets. In the middle, a kind of a Pyramid about a fingers length seem'd to rise out of the Bonnet, but was indeed sow'd to it. Such a Bonnet as this the Cheik appointed all the Slaves to wear that Tamerlane had giv'n him, and this is that which at this day distinguishes their Successors from the other Persians. And it is the custom, where Kans or Governours of Provinces reside, that all the Sophies both in the City and the neighbouring parts, meet in the Piazza every Friday in the afternoon, where they pray to God for the health of the King and the Kan, and for the prosperity of the Kingdom; after which the Kan sends [Page 184] [...] [Page 195] [...] [Page 196] them Victuals to eat, not without some other effects of his Liberality.

The Cheiks Sons considering of what a number of Slaves they were Masters▪ and that the greatest part of the people, preposses'd in favour of their Father, out of the opinion they had of his Sanctity, took their part; the more powerfully to engage them, shew'd themselves liberal to all, and when they found themselves strong enough, revolted against Alamout King of Persia, their lawful Soveraign. After many Skirmishes, at length they gave him Battel near to Tauris, wherein Azi­mout was defeated, and slain by the hand of Ismael Sophi, the Cheiks third Son, who is properly to be accounted the fist King of that Race: I mean of the Race of them that did not embrace the Alcoran, but according to the Interpretation of Haly, Mahomets Son-in-Law.

To Ismael Sophi succeeded Sha-Tammas his Son, and to Sha-Tammas Sha-Ismael the second, who reign'd but a short while; for his cruelties constrain'd the Nobility of the Country to set up in his room Mahomet-Coda. bendé his Brother; though little skill'd in the affairs of Government or War, Many thought he was blind, but he was only dim-sighted, through the application of a hot Iron to his eyes, by the Command of his unnatural Brother in the beginning of his reign. He was the Father of Sha-Abbas, that succeeded him, who setl'd the affairs of Persia in a very good condition.

Sha-Abbas the first, by his Valour and good Conduct gain'd the name of Great. When he came to his Throne, upon the North and West side he found nothing in his power but the City of Casbin; but afterwards, as he was a personage of great wit as well as courage, partly by policy, and partly by force, he recover'd several Provinces to the West, and conquer'd the Kingdoms of Lar, Ormus, and Can­dahar.

Of many Sons that Sha-Abbas had, not one surviv'd but only Sophi-Mirza, a Prince of great wit, and dextrous at his Arms. All the people lov'd him, which made his Father jealous of him, that he waited for his death to ascend the Throne. And that which augmented his jealousie was, for that one day being a hunting, Sophi-Mirza drew the first arrow at a Boar; it being a capital crime in Persia to shoot before the King. However Sha-Abbas for the time conceal'd his displea­sure, unwilling to fly out in fury against the Prince, in regard he had no more Sons. But Sophi-Mirza having had a Son by a Slave, which pleas'd him, Sha-Abbas's joy encreasing as the Child grew, his jealousie also daily encreas'd against the Father of the young Prince; so that being no longer able to dissemble his fear, he caus'd his eyes to be put out. Nay his jealousie went a great way farther; for he now fear'd the blind Prince, and having therefore resolv'd his death, he commanded a Lord of the Court to bring him his head. The Lord in an astonishment refus'd to obey the King, and besought him rather to take away his life, than to constrain him to embrue his hands in the blood of his Prince. The King offended at him for his refusal, banish'd him his Court; and the next day gave the same command to another Lord, who without any scruple put it in execution, and brought him the head of his Son in a Bason of Gold. That object of pity brought him to himself; so that not being able to look upon so sad a spectacle without tears in his eyes, upbraiding the villany of the Lord, he ex­pell'd him from his sight, forbad him his presence for ever, and sequesterd all his estate, only allowing him a Mamoudi, or nine French Sous aday. The other Lord, who had so generously refus'd to aid him in so bloody an act, the King recall'd from Exile, and bestow'd upon him one of the best Governments of the Empire.

Ever since that time all the Male Children of the Blood Royal are shut up in the Womens Haram, where they are bred up in ignorance, having only two or three Eunuchs to teach them to write and read, and to keep them company in their recreations, whether it be in shooting with a Bow, or riding about the Gardens upon an Ass; for they never allow 'em a Horse: besides that all that time they are never permitted to see the people. In this manner it was that Sha-Abbas bred up his little Grandson, many days causing him to take Opium to render him more stupid. So that when he came to the Throne, after his Grand­fathers death, the Physicians thought it convenient that he should drink Wine, to restore his natural heat, and renew his vigor. Sha-Abbas reign'd forty years, [Page 197] and dy'd at the end of the year 1628. Before he dy'd, he gave command, that he should be bury'd in some place unknown to all the world, and that they should set his Grand-child upon his Throne, and give him the name of Sha-Sefi.

So soon as Sha-Abbas's eyes were clos'd, the General of the Horse, and the chief Captain of the Harquebusses, with whom the Commands were left, rode in all haste to Ispahan, and coming to the Palace, desir'd to speak with the Mo­ther of the Child. The Mother was in a sad affright, believing that they came to put the young Prince to death. But when they had dissipated her fears, and that she understood that they came to set him upon the Throne by the command of his Grand-father, she embrac'd the young Prince, and return'd him into the hands of the Eunuchs. When he was come out of the Haram, the two Lords, attended by several others, saluted him King, and acknowledg'd him for their Soveraign. At the same time they took off his Cloaths and tore them, which in Persia is a mark of mourning; and according to custom, put him on another plain Garment, which he wore till midnight. Then they disrob'd him again, and put him on his Royal Robes, and set him upon the Throne, where all the Lords came and did him homage, and the next day he was acknowledg'd by all the Acclamations of the People. For when the Royal Habit is put upon the new King, the Drums, Trumpets, Timbals, Haut boys, and other Instru­ments, make a din in a peculiar place of the Meydan appointed for that purpose. Which is the Signal to give notice to the people to meet the next morning, to acknowledg the new King. Sha-Sefi for many years was a Novice in the art of Government. But time opening his eyes the first remarkable thing which he did, being at Casbin, was to cut off the head of Ali-Kouli-Kan, that great Captain who had conquer'd the Kingdoms of Lar and Ormus for Sha-Abbas; and the heads of three of his Sons. After that, returning to Ispahan, he cut off the heads of seven of the principal Lords of his Court; and by little and little took the Government into his own hands. Of those Lords whom Jam-Kan was the chief.

For 'tis thought that Sha Abbas had left a private order with Mirza Take, and the Dowager Sultaness to rid themselves of those Lords so soon as Sha-Sefi should be setl'd in his Throne, and that they had plac'd Governors in all places wherein the King might confide. These Lords having smoak'd the private order of Sha-Abbas, and believing that the time of execution drew near, prevented the Athemadoulet Mirza Také; for meeting one morning before the Palace-door, they kill'd the Porter, and entring his Bed-Chamber, stab'd him before he could rise. After this execution, they went to the King, whom J [...]ni-Kan boldly told, that they had slain Mirza Také. The King at that time dissembling his anger at so bold an enterprize, and an attempt upon the Royal Authority, answer'd him, that he had done very well, and that he had prevented those orders which he intended to have giv'n him. The Sultaness his Mother then govern'd the King­dom, together with the Athemadoulet, from whom she receiv'd four hundred Ducats in Gold every day for her little pleasures; and held a private Coun­cil with him in her Haram, where he had free admission, as being cut close. In this Council it was, that these two persons over threw in the night whatever the Lords concluded in the day; chang'd the Kings mind, and over-rul'd his thoughts as they pleas'd themselves, by vertue of that power which they had over him. Eight or nine days after, as these Lords were sitting in Council with the King, an Eunuch enter'd, which was the signal for the King to get out of the way; and as soon as the King was gone, the Chamber was fill'd with Eunuchs, that rushing in immediately fell upon Jani-Kan and his Accomplices, and cut off their heads. Their heads and bodies were immediately expos'd to the view of the people in the Meydan; and for that it is not the custom in Persia to take any cognizance of what the King does, the most part of the people spurning the heads with their feet, cry'd one to another, See the heads of those Dogs that have disobey'd the will of the King.

I told ye, that Mirza Také was clean cut, which occasions a particular story: He was Governour of Guilan in the Reign of Sha-Abbas, and having abus'd one of his Pages, the young Lad stole secretly to Ispahan, and made his com­plaint [Page 198] to the King; who having heard it, immediately sent him to b [...] Go­vernour of Guilan, in the place of Mirza Také, and order'd him to send him his head by one of the Officers, which he dispatch'd along with him. The King also, in regard the Page was very young, appointed him a person able to advise him in his affairs. In the mean while Mirza Také missing his Page, and making no question but he was gone to make his complaint to the King, which would of necessity prove his ruin, if not prevented; he resolv'd to di­vert the storm by punishing himself, and caus'd that part to be cut clean off that committed the crime. At the same time, and in that bad condition where­in he then was, he caus'd himself to be put into a Litter, and taking his Chi­rurgeon along with him, he gets to Ispahan by another way which was not usually travell'd, for fear of meeting the Page, and causing himself to be car­ry'd into the Palace in that pitiful and languishing estate, desir'd to speak with the King, who was surpriz'd at his arrival. But the Kan having presented him in a plate of Gold with the undoubted marks of his repentance, besought his Majesties pardon. Whereupon the King considering the rigor and extraor­dinary punishment which he had inflicted upon himself sent him back to his Govern­ment, and recall'd the Page, whom he otherways gratifi'd. And this was the man whom Sha-Abbas upon his Death▪bed order'd that Sha-Sefi should make Athemadoulet, as being the fittest for the employment of any person in his Kingdom.

Sha-Sefi not content to have rid himself of the Lords that had presum'd to invade his Authority, was resolv'd to have the head of Ali-merdan-Kan, Go­vernour of Candahar; of whom he was jealous, by reason of his vast riches, his Plate being all Gold, and his House as magnificently furnish'd as the Kings. But the King could not bring about his design; for the Kan being press't to come to Court, and believing it was only to take away his head, to free himself from the danger, deliver'd Candahar to the Great Mogul, by whom he was kindly entertain'd, and highly cafess'd. Neither was Ali-merdan-Kan's wealth of his own getting, but left him by inheritance, as being descended from the ancient Kings of Candahar, who were originally Tart [...]rs. Now whatever favours or ad­vancement the Great Mogul bestow'd upon Ali-merdan-Kan, the same did the Persian King bestow upon his two Sons: whereas all the world believ'd, that after such a piece of Treason committed by their Father, the King would have ript up their bellies. This piece of policy of Sha-Sefi was very advantageous to Sha-Abbas the second, when he besieg'd Candahar with fifty thousand men. For the greatest part of the Mogul's Army being compos'd of Persians, they remembring how kindly Sha-Sefi had us'd the two Sons of Ali-merdan-Kan, made little resistance against the King of Persia, who enter'd Candahar in a small time. The Great Mogul troubl'd at the loss, ask'd Ali-merdan-Kan, by what means he might retake Candahar; who presently made answer, that it would be very easie, if he could find such another Traytor as he had been.

But to return to Sha-Sefi; his Reign was very violent, of which I will give you this Example:

One day the King returning from the Kelonters House in Zulpha, having drank to excess, commanded that the Sultaness should come to him; who un­derstanding that he was in drink, made no great haste, so that the King in the mean time fell asleep▪ But waking again soon after, and not seeing the Queen, he call'd for her a second time [...] of which when she had notice, she came im­mediately: When she came into the Chamber, she perceiv'd the King asleep, and in expectation of his waking, hi [...] her self in a Nick behind the Hangings; where generally the Mattresses and Coverlets are laid by. The King waking, and not yet perceiving the Sultaness, in a great ch [...]se demanded why she was not yet come. The Queen-Mother, who was a Georgian Slave; and mortally hated the young Sultaness, who was the Daughter of the King of Georgia, and therefore disdain'd by her, took an occasion to put her out of the Kings fa­vour; and having first spoken ill of her, made a sign to the King to let him understand that the young Queen was hid in such a Nich. Upon that the King rising in a great [...]ury, stab'd the poor Princess with his Dagger four or five▪ times in the belly, and hardly knowing what he had done, went to bed again. The [Page 199] next day, forgetful of the Fact, he call'd for the Queen; but when they told him what had happen'd, he began to be deeply sensible of his error, and sor­row'd excessively; and at the same time sent an express order through his Ter­ritories, that no man should drink Wine, and that the Governours should break all the Wine-Vessels wherever they found any, and spill the Wine. But this order did not last above a year.

During the Reign of Sha-Sefi, the Kan of Erivan sent him a Colt, which I saw, which was begot by a Mule. Not long after the King dy'd of a Surfeit, with excess of drinking, after he had reign'd fourteen years.

Sha-Abbas the second was set upon the Throne at Casbin, with the usual Ceremonies, at the end of the year 1642, and made his entry into Ispahan in the beginning of the year following. Upon the day of Solemnity all the Citizens were order'd to be in Arms, and to march out of the City, where they were fil'd off upon each side of the Road. In the same manner were all the standing Infantry and Cavalry rang'd for five Leagues together, All the Road for two Leagues together without the City was cover'd with Tissues of Gold and Silver, with Carpets of Silk, and other rich Stuffs; all which costs the King nothing. For the Sha-Bander, who is like our Mayor, takes care to tax every one what he is to furnish toward that Solemnity. The English and Hollanders went also forth to meet the King; among whom I was one. When we came near the King, Jani-Kan, General of the Cavalry, gave the King notice who we were. Whereupon we all alighted, and the King holding his Leg stretcht out of his Stirrup, we all kiss'd his Boot. When he came where the way began to be spread with rich Carpets, he found the Grand Mufti and the Grand Cadi, at­tended by a great number of Moullahs, who made a Prayer after their man­ner. Prayers being ended, the King rode on, the Athemadoulet being on the left hand, which is the most honourable, and the General of the Cavalry on the right, yet not even with him, but so as that their Horses heads reach'd to the Crupper of his. There was no person but the King that rode over the Tissue, that Honour belonging to him alone; nor is the way spread above the breadth of the Stuff; and as soon as the King is pass'd over it, the people fall to scrambling, and carry away every one what they can get for themselves.

About a quarter of a League from Ispahan is a Garden, with a Great Room over the Gate, where the King made a halt, thinking to have made his Entry into the City. But an Astrologer came to him, and told him, that the hour was past, and that he must tarry three days before the hour would prove propitious again. So that he was constrain'd to betake himself to the Garden of Hezardgerib till the time came, whither the Nobility also were all forc'd to come betimes in the morn­ing, and to stay till the evening. The day that the King made his Entry, the way from the Garden to the City was also spread with Carpets. For three days to­gether the Fire-works play'd in the Meydan; and round the Piazza from top to bottom were lights hung out; and in the principal Inns, the richest Merchants, had adorn'd the Doors and Windows of their Chambers, according to the Mode of the Country; and I believe it cost the Chief of the Holland Company, above nine hundred Tomans.

In the year 1643, came the Prince of the Ʋsbecks in person to desire aid of Sha▪Abbas against his Children, who had caus'd his own Subjects to rebel and make war against him. His eldest Son first took Arms, and getting the advan­tage of a Battel, the other Brother treacherously took part with him; which nothing dismay'd the Father, to whom the chief of the Nobility still adher'd. Toward the end of the year 1642, the Prince lost another Battel and his left, eye, which was shot thorough with an Arrow; which constrain'd him, so soon as he was cur'd of his wound, to come and crave succour from the King of Persia; which he easily obtain'd. Sha-Abbas designing to receive him honou­rably sent above ten thousand Horse as far as Cashan; which is four days jour­ney from Ispahan, and five or six thousand Foot two days journey from thence to meet him. Every day he was attended by different Officers. Every day they set him up a new Tent, and spread new Carpets; and every day chang'd the twelve Horses that were led before him, whose furniture was all over cover'd with Jewels. For a League and a half from the City the way was spread with [Page 200] all sorts of Silk Stuffs to the very Palace; and the King of Persia went him­self to meet him, as far as where the Stuffs were begun to be laid. Though Sha-Abbas was very young, yet he was resolv'd to shew, that he look'd upon himself as a potent King in the peaceable possession of his own Dominions, and that he went to meet a dethron'd Prince, that came to desire his Aid. For so soon as he perceiv'd the King of the Tartars, he made a shew of spurring on his Horse; and being come up to his Horses head, he put his foot out of the Stur­rup, as if he intended to have alighted, but did not. The Tartarian Prince, as old as he was, presently leap't to the ground from his Saddle to salute the Persian King, who return'd him some [...]light Compliments about his having alighted; at which time the Athemadoulet and other Lords remounting him, the two Kings rode together upon the Silks, the King of Persia giving the left hand to the Tartar. The King of Persia very generously lent him a considerable assistance of 15000 Horse▪ and 8000 Foot, and sixty thousand Tomans in Money. The Tartar in Exchange gave him one of his Provinces bordering upon Persia, which yeilded him a very good Revenue, in regard the Inhabitants were all Shepherds, or Tur­eomans, that breed an infinite number of Cattel, wherein the wealth of that Pro­vince consists.

While he reign'd, he had a Present made him from the Governour of Schiras, of a Wild Ass, whose Skin was as red as Scarlet, having a Horn growing out of his forehead about a foot long.

Sha-Abbas reign'd about twenty-four years, and dy'd at Te [...]zon, of an in­flammation in his throat, which came by excessive drinking. His body by his own order was buri'd at Kour. So soon as he was dead, the Lords that were about him, sent advice of his death to the Prince that now reigns, by the To­pigi-Basha, who is General of the Musqueteers, and Mirza Bayad the Chief of the Astrologers. So soon as they came to the door of the Haram, they de­sir'd to speak with the Mother and the Son; who believ'd them come upon some dismal design. But they presently confirm'd them to the contrary. For as soon as the Prince came forth of the Haram, they sell at his feet, and saluted him King, declaring the death of his Father. Whereupon the Prince imme­diately tore his Garment according to the custom. And indeed they have another custom, that as soon as the new Prince comes after much entreaty out of the Haram, he throws himself to the ground, at the door of the Haram, and then rising and sitting upon his heels, one of the Lords that are sent, girds the Scimiter about his waste, saying these words, May it please your Majesty to remember your Slave, that had the Honour to gird you with this Scimiter. Which done, he goes and sets the Trumpets a sounding, and the Drums beating, whereupon all the people in the morning come running to the Gate of the Palace, crying out, Patsha Salamalek, I salute thee Emperour. Which is all the Ceremony us'd when any King of Persia ascends the Throne. For I never saw any Crown set upon the head either of Sha-Abbas or Sha-Sefi. Only in Persia they gird on the Scimiter, as in Turky they put on the Bonnet of the Sophi's, which is very richly set with Jewels, but has not the least resemblance of a Crown. The same Ceremony of girding on the Scimiter, is us'd to the Mogul, the Kings of Visapour and Golconda; and they also put the Bon­net upon their heads, which is set with the richest Jewels in the possession of those great Monarchs.

Sha Sefi the second, some time after his coming to the Throne, fell dange­rously sick, not having ever enjoy'd a perfect health before. Now it is the custom in those Countries, that upon such an occasion all the Lords of the Court, and Governors of Provinces, give a sum of money, according to their willingness and liberality. This sum is usually in Gold, which they put into a Bason very richly set with precious Stones, and bear it three times over the King's he [...]d, pro­nouncing these words, Patsha Bashena Olson, This money is sacrific'd for the health of the Kings head. If the King recover all that money is giv'n to the poor, to which the King and his Haram add very liberally. But if the King dies, the money is put into the Treasury, and the poor have nothing. The twentieth of August 1667, was the critical day of his distemper, and every one thought he would have dy'd. Upon which all the Grandees of the Court seeing him in that condition, went to the Mosquee call'd Babaron, which is without the City, to [Page 201] pray for his health, and altogether gave near a thousand Tomans to the poor. The next day they commanded the Christian Armenians to pray for the reco­very of the King. Whereupon as well the Ecclesiasticks as the Laity went to their prayers upon the side of the River which is between Ispahan and Zulpha. They also sent their Kelonter, with fifty Tomans in Gold, to bear over the Kings head; though the Armenians pronounce not the same words as the Persians, saying only, Ber [...]i te Sadduk, destin'd for Alms.

Thus the danger being over in a few days, they made it their business to re­cover him to a perfect habit of health; but in regard the King continu'd in a languishing condition, and for that the Physicians could not discover the cause of the distemper, the King began to believe that it proceeded from the igno­rance of the Physicians; for which reason some of them had receiv'd none of the best entertainment already. At length it came into the thoughts of some others of the Physicians, who were afraid for themselves, that in regard Persia was thus doubly afflicted, with Famine and Sickness of the King, both at one time, it must of necessity be the Astrologers fault, that miss'd the favourable hour when the King should have ascended the Throne. Thus being troubl'd at their disgrace, pretending to have no less skill in future knowledg than the Astrologers, who had not chos'n a true time for the King to ascend the Throne, they concluded that for the perfect recovery of his health, and the restoring of plenty to the Nation, it was necessary to renew the Ceremony at a lucky hour, and to change his name. This proposition pleas'd the King and his Council. The Physitians and Astro­logers joining together, observ'd the first unlucky day, which would certainly be follow'd by another that would prove fortunate. Now there being among the Gaures, some that pretend themselves descended from the Rustans, who were ancient Kings of Persia and Parthia, that very morning one of those Gaures setting himself upon the Throne, with his back against a wooden Figure which represent­ed him to the life, all the Grandees of the Court came and did him homage as their King, as he had order'd them to do. This action lasted till the favourable hour was come, which happen'd a little before Sun-set. Then it was that an Officer of the Court came behind and cut off the head of the wooden Figure, while the Gaure immediately took his heels and fled. Presently upon that the King ap­pear'd in the Hall, upon whose head when they had put the Bonnet of Sophi, and re▪girt him with the Scimitar, he ascended the Throne, and took the name of Soliman. He was forc'd to act this Comedy to satisfie the Law, which contriv'd that he should change his Name, and take a new possession of his Throne, by ejecting a Usurper that had wrongfully clam'd it. For which reason the Gaure was set up as Pretender, as laying claim to the ancient Lineage of the Persian Kings, and being of a different Religion. From that time the King reco­vering, and the Famine decreasing, the Physicians were in great repute, and the Astrologers were cast out of favour, except two or three of the most skil­ful.

Sha-Soliman before his coming to the Crown, had convers'd with none but Women and black Eunuchs; from whom he could not learn the art of Ruling. At present he only divertizes himself with his Wives in going a hunting, very rare­ly troubling himself with business but relying wholly upon his Ministers of State. He will not be seen for ten or twelve days together; all which time there are no Petitions to be preferr'd, nor Complaints to be made.

CHAP. II.
Of certain particular Actions which denote the Vertues and Vices of the Kings of Persia, from Sha-Abbas the first to Sha-Soli­man the present King. And first of Sha-Abbas the Great.

SHa-Abbas, who was a passionate Lover of Honour, sought all ways ima­ginable to furnish his Empire with the supports of wealth and good Government. He would not suffer any Indian or Banian to live as a Tradder in his Dominions; they having crept in since under the Reigns of Sha-Sefi the first, and Sha-Abbas the second, who came very young to the Throne. Neither had Sha-Abbas any reason to permit them to trade in his Kingdom; for they are worse Usurers than the Jews, and seldom it happens, but that they have all the Money in the Nation, which they take up at nine or ten in the hundred, and let out again upon pawns at two and a half per Cent. a month. From such devou­ring Pests and Vipers as these, Sha-Abbas thought it but reasonable to preserve his people; so that before these Vermin crept into Persia, the Money was all in the hands of the Armenians of Zulpha. And indeed those Banians have been the ruin of many poor people, of which I will only bring one example among many.

I was at Ispahan in the year 1662, when one of those Banians lent six or seven Tomans per Cent. a month to a poor Persian, who had utter'd several pieces of Linnen upon the place. Those Banians will have their Interest paid every month; but the Persian had slipt three or four, having no Money to pay, in regard his Debtor could not pay him. Thereupon the Banian dunn'd him perpetually, and threaten'd to have him drub'd till he pay'd it, according to the Persian custom. The Mother of the Persian troubl'd to see her Son haunted in that manner, one morning as he was going to the Meydan, bid him, if he met the Banian, that he should be sure to bring him home, and she would pay him his Interest, and some of the principal, with some Money that she had sav'd of her one. Toward even­ing the Banian met his Debtor, whom he readily follow'd home upon promise of payment. The Mother desir'd him to set upon the Caursi, which is the place where they make their fires, it being cold snowy weather, and set fruits before him to eat. While he thus eat and warm'd himself, night came on apace, and the woman putting him in hopes of payment, spun out the time so long, that the Banian not being unaccustom'd to cold weather and late hours, was easily perswad­ed to stay all night at the Persians House. When 'twas time to go to Bed, the Ba­nian threw himself upon one Quilt, and the Persian upon another. About two houres after midnight, the Mother comes softly into the Chamber, with a sharp Razor in her hand, intending to have cut off the Banians head; but unfortunately mistaking, kill'd her own Son instead of the Banian. The Banian having had such an escape, stole cunningly out of the House, and declaring the murther to the Divan-bequé, or the Chief Justice, He caus'd the woman to be apprehended, and brought before him; who confessing the fact, he commanded her to be ty'd to the tail of a young Mule, and to be dragg'd about the City till the Mule had kick'd her to death.

In the year 1667, eight or ten days before I departed from Ispahan, there was a Banian found buri'd in a Street near the Capuchins house; they had cut off his arms and legs, and so put him into the hole; but buri'd him so shallow that the Dogs scrap'd away the Earth, and discover'd him; but who committed the fact, was not then known.

Sha-Abbas was not only willing that all the trade should be in the hands of his Subjects, to make profit thereby, and to draw the Money into his King­dom, but he would not suffer it to be transported when it was brought in. He saw that the Pilgrimages of his Subjects to Mecca, their Expences and Pre­sents carry'd out abundance of his Ducats of Gold; therefore more politick than religious, he strove to hinder those Pilgrimages as much as in him lay; and [Page 203] going himself in person to Meshed in Pilgrimage to the Tomb of Iman-rez al­ready spoken of, over which one of the Legs of Mahomets Camel hangs as a great Relict; and upon his return relating and giving out strange Miracles of Iman-rez, on purpose to divert his Subjects from going to Mecca.

Among the rest of the cunning knacks that Sha-Abbas made use of, to know how squares went in his Kingdom, without trusting too much to his Ministers, he oft'n disguis'd himself, and went about the City like an ordinary inhabitant, un­der pretence of buying and selling, making it his business to discover whether Mer­chants us'd false weights or measures or no. To this intent one evening going out of his Palace in the habit of a Countryman, he went to a Bakers to buy a Man of Bread, and thence to a Cook to buy a Man of Rost-meat, (a Man is six Pound, six­teen Ounces to the Pound.) The King having bought his Bargains return'd to Court, where he caus'd the Athemadoulet to weigh both the Bread and the Meat exactly. He found the Bread to want fifty-seven Drams, and the Meat forty-three. The King seeing that, fell into a great chafe against three or four of them that were about him, whose business it was to look after those things; but especially against the Governour of the City, whose Belly he had caus'd to have been ript up, but for the intercession of certain Lords. Besides the reproaches that he threw upon them for being so negligent in their Employments; and for their little affection to the publick good, he laid before them the injustice of false weights; and how sadly the cheat fell upon poor men, who having great Families, and thinking to give them eight hundred Drams of Bread, by that fraud depriv'd them of a hundred and forty three. Then turning to the Lords that were present, he demanded of them, what sort of justice ought to be done those people? When none of them daring to open their mouths, while he was in that passion, he commanded a great Oven to be made in the Piazza, together with a Spit long enough to roast a man; and that the Oven should be heated all Night, and that they should make another fire to be kindl'd hard by the Oven. The next morning the King caus'd the Baker and the Cook to be apprehended, and to be led quite through the City, with two men go­ing before them, who cry'd to the people, We are going to put the Baker into a red hot Oven made in the Piazza, where he is to be bak'd alive, for having utter'd Bread by false weights; and the Cook is to be roasted a live, for having sold meat by false weights. Thus those two men serv'd for an example not only to Ispahan, but to all the Kingdom, where every one dreaded the severe justice of Sha-Abbas.

CHAP. III.
Of what fell out most memorable in the Reign of Sha-Sefi the first; and particularly of the death of Iman-Kouli-Kan, and his three Sons.

IMan-Kouli-Kan was the last Kan of Schiras, whose Government extended over the Province of Lar, to the Golf of Persia, under the Reign of Sha-Abbas these Kans being the most potent in all Persia, Iman-Kouli-Kan was he who in the Reign of Sha-Abbas conquer'd the greatest part of the Kingdom of Lar, and the Kingdom of Ormus, with all the Coast of the Persian Golf, from Cape Jasques to Balsara.

This Iman-Kouli-Kan was prodigiously rich, belov'd and respected by all the world; besides he was wonderfully magnificent, his expenses almost equalling the Kings; which occasion'd Sha-Abbas, who discours'd with him one day parti­cularly upon that Subject, to tell him, that he desir'd him to spend every day one Mamoudy less than he, that there might be some difference between the expences of a King and a Kan.

The noble qualities of this Iman-Kouli-Kan had gain'd the affections of the people; for he was magnificent and liberal; highly recompenc'd brave Soldiers and Students; he lov'd Strangers, and had a particular care to cherish Arts and Sciences. To which purpose he built a fair Colledg at Schiras, for the instruction of Youth; and several Inns, as well in the City as upon the Roads; for the Tra­vellers. He caus'd Mountains to be cut thorough to shorten the way; and join'd others by Bridges, of such an advanturous Structure, that it is hard to conjecture how such prodigious Arches could be made over such vast Precipices and Torrents.

Now in regard Iman-Kouli-Kan▪ was strick'n in years, he seldom went to Court, chusing rather to continue in his Government, where he was belov'd and respected by all men. But the King being young, and the Government of the Kingdom in the hands of the Queen-Mother and the Athemadoulet, who were extreamly jealous of the Kan, those two persons link'd together in Interest for the maintenance of the Kings Authority and their own, fretted to see the Kan's Court almost as splendid as the Kings; and that nothing of the Reve­nue of Schiras, Lar, Ormus, or any part of the Persian Golf came to the Kings Coffers, as being solely at the disposal of the Kan; but that on the contrary, the King was oblig'd to send him Money to pay the Army. But that which troubled the Queen-Mother most of all, was the pretention of the Kan's eldest Son to the Crown, who was also a person of a daring and [...]mbitious courage. For the Kings of Persia esteem it a great Honour to bestow upon any Kan or great Lord, one of their Wives out of their Royal Haram; and Sha-Abbas had given to Iman-Kouli-Kan one of his own proper Wives, whom he lov'd extreamly. 'Tis thought that when she left the Haram she was three months gone with Child by Sha-Abbas, for somewhat above six months after she was bedded by the Kan, she lay-in of a Son, of which the King was the reputed Father, and who being born before Sha-Sefi, pretended a right before him to the Throne. By vertue of this claim, contrary to the will of Sha-Abbas in favour of Sha-Sefi, this ambitious Lord, who only pass'd for the Kan's eldest Son, vehemently sollicited his Father to seize upon Sha-Sefi, and to make him­self King, or at least to op'n a way for him to the Throne. Now it happen'd, that one day being a hunting with the young King near Schiras, the impatient young Lord coming to his Father; Sir, said he, see now the opportunity that offers you the Throne; for I will go presently and bring you Sha-Sefi's head. But the Kan holding his Son by the Arm, told him, that he would never con­sent to the death of his King; protesting to him, rather to dye a thousand deaths; adding withall, that it was the Kings will to appoint Sha-Sefi to suc­ceed him, as being the Son of his Son, and consequently his lawful Heir: that [Page 205] the young Prince was recommended to his care, and in regard he had promis'd and sworn, he was so far from falsifying his trust, that he would maintain his possession to the last gasp.

This generous resolution of the Kan broke the young Lords design upon the Kings person. However the Sultaness being not ignorant of the train that was laid for the young King, and against the repose of the Kingdom, thought it her wisest way to prevent the blow, and to rid her self o [...] such persons as had conspir'd the death of the King. The Kan's two other Sons took part with him they call'd their elder Brother. And as for the Kan himself, though he were upright in his Loyalty, yet his power, his wealth, his reputation among the Souldiery, and the affection that the people bare him, concurr'd together not only to render him suspected, but guilty. The Sultaness and the Athemadoulet took counsel together, which way to divert the storm that threaten'd the Kings head, to whom they represented, that he was not safe in his own person so long as Iman-Kouli Kan and his three eldest Sons liv'd. The King easily be­liev'd them, and resolv'd to be rid both of Father and Sons together, but the difficulty was to get 'em to Court, wherein opportunity it self assisted them. For at that time Amurath the Great Turk at the head of a vast Ar­my, was already advanc'd within [...]he Confines of Persia, had tak'n Erivan, and had ruin'd Tauris. Upon the first news of this march, the King sends for all the Kans and Governours to attend his person, with all the Forces under their command. Among the rest, the Kan of Schiras receiv'd the same orders; who thereupon assembl'd all his Troops, both Horse and Foot, who were not only the most numerous, but the best disciplin'd and stoutest Souldiers of all Persia. As he was upon his march to Casbin with his three Sons, the eldest having well consider'd of affairs; Sir, said he, We are making hast to the King, to the end our heads may the sooner fall at our feet. Perhaps my Son, reply'd the Kan, thou maist speak the truth; but to this day I never was a Rebel against the King, I have done whatever he commanded, and whatever may happ'n I will obey him till death. The Kan arriving at Casbin, was by the King welcom'd with great de­monstration of joy. Some days after, he took a general Muster, and then made a great▪ Feast which lasted three day, to which all the great Lords and Kans that were at Casbin were call'd. The three Sons of Iman-Kouli-Kan were of the number; but the Father excus'd himself, as well by reason of his age, as also representing to his Majesty, that it better befitted him to employ his time in taking care of his affairs, and in praying for his Majesty; however if it were his Majesties express command, he would not fail to obey; to which the King return'd for answer, that the Kan of Schiras was at his liberty to do as he thought fit. The third day of the Feast the King rose from his Seat, and going out of the Hall, without speaking a word to any person, went into a Room hard by. Half an hour after, three sturdy resolute Fellows with some other Ragamuffi [...] attendants entring the Hall with their Scimeters drawn, seiz'd upon the Kans [...]hree Sons, and cut off their heads. They were put▪ into a Gold Bason, and presented to the King; who commanded the Fellows to carry them to their Father, and as soon as he had seen them, to take off his head to make the fourth. The Assassinates found him at his prayers; but being in­terrupted to see the heads of his three Sons, he desir'd leave only to conclude, which having done, with a countenance undisturb'd, and without any other words or expressions in his mouth than what is usually said among the Per­sians, Let the Kings will be done, he submitted to a death which he might have easily avoided. The four heads were brought back to the King, to be sent into the Haram to his Mother. So soon as he had taken off the heads of the Father and the three Sons, the King dispatch'd away certain Chappars or Courriers, with order to the Lieutenant of the Kan, to put to death all the rest of the Chil­dren. The command was obey'd, and they were all put to death, but only two that were at Nurfe whom their Nurses so well conceal'd, that never any tidings could be heard either of the Nurses or of the Children.

After the death of Iman-Kouli-Kan, the Province of Schiras, with its de­pendances, has been govern'd by a Vizir, who agrees with the King what Rent to pay him yearly. In the years 1665 and 1666, the Vizir gave him fifty [Page 206] thousand Tomans a year. But in the year 1667, the King abated him eight thou­sand Tomans, in regard he had taken from him a small part of his Government to pleasure a Favourite.

Besides what the Government of Schiras pays to the King in ready Money, he is oblig'd every year to send him a present of all the rarities that grow or are bred in the Province. These Presents consist in Horses, of which there is the best breed of any Province of Persia. In Granates, Oranges, and Le­mons, sweet Oils and Waters of several sorts, especially Oil of Roses, with which the women rub their bodies and heads; and the water of a certain Flower that grows upon a tree not much unlike our Willows, which water is call'd Arak-Bilmitshe, which is a great refreshment to those that use it; be­sides other Oils and Essences which the Governour is oblig'd to present. Yet were he only oblig'd to present the King, the expence might be born well enough; but for fear of being displac'd by any other Favourite, he is con­strain'd to make Friends of all the other great Lords and Favourites at Court; which there is no way to do, but by continual presents. Whereas the ancient Kans, who were a kind of pretty Soveraigns in their Governments, were only wont to send a few Baskets of new Fruits in their season for the service of the Kings Table. To defray this expence, the Governours are forc'd to ty­rannize over the people; who when they come, as many times they do, two or three Villages together, to complain to the King, are forc'd after long wait­ing, to return with empty Purses home again, by reason that they who should give them admission, are the only persons that debar them from it; and pa­tiently to submit to the Extortions of the Vizar; which is a piece of policy pra­ctis'd likewise by all the other Kans and Governours of the Persian Provinces. As for Sha-Sefi himself, he was very severe, and one whose punishments oft'n amounted to acts of cruelty. One day being a hunting, a poor Country man appear'd from behind a Rock, with a Paper in his hand, being deputed by the Village to make some complaint to the King. But while the poor man cry'd for justice, the King without making any answer, shot two arrows into his body and slew him. That which mov'd Sha-Sefi to this act of cruelty, was because he had some of his Wives with him in company. For then there is no mercy to those poor people that happ'n to be in the way where the King chances to pass by: no not for them that are in the Country round about, where the Eunuchs have order to kill all men they meet. When the King gives notice of his intention to carry his Wives into the Country, this is call'd Courouk; and there is nothing more troublesome nor more inconvenient in the world to the poor people that live in the Villages through which these women are to pass; for upon notice giv'n them, they must leave their Houses for a League or two of either side. When there is a Courouk at Ispahan, let the weather be never so bad, the people must leave their Houses, and if they have no Friends in some distant quarter to retire to, they have no way but to repair to the Moun­tains. Such is the excess of the jealousie of the Kings of Persia; which indeed de­rives it self to all his Subjects, who will not permit their women to be seen by any but their own Husbands.

The Persians both men and women are so addicted to take Tobacco, that to take Tobacco from them, is to take away their lives. So that if the King should prohibit ▪Tobacco for any time, he would lose a good part of his reve­nue. However Sha-Sefi in a humor having once forbidd'n Tobacco to be taken in any part of his Dominion, his Spies (that are in every City) found in the Indian Inn two rich Merchants of that Nation smoaking their noses. Immediately they were seiz'd, bound, and carry'd to the King, who commanded forthwith that Justice should be done upon them in the Meidan, which was, that they should pour melted lead down their throats till they were dead.

The people thought the King had only intended to have scar'd them, and would have repriev'd them upon the place. Insomuch that four Banians went to the Athemadoulet, and offer'd▪ to pay two thousand Tomans into the Kings Treasury, so that he would be pleas'd to spare the two Merchants lives. The chief Minister made the proposal, but the King falling into a passion, and asking the Athemadoulet, whether those Indian Dogs thought that a King of Persia would [Page 207] sell Justice, sent a second order for the execution of the Merchants without delay.

The same Sha-Sefi having giv'n command that the Eyes of a young Lord of the Court should be put out, one of the principal Officers of the House being present, and seeing the Executioner prick the eyes of the unfortunate young man with the point of a small knife, shut his own eyes and turn'd away his head, as abhorring such a spectacle. The King perceiving it, and vex'd to fee those signs of pity, and a dislike of an act that he approv'd; What, said he in a fury, art thou afraid to pu­nish the wicked? And at the same time commanded his eyes to be pull'd out of his head.

It is a custom, that if any man points at the King as he passes along in the Street, or upon the Road, he must lose his hand. One day Sha-Sefi being in the Country, two Merchants of Constantinople were upon the Road, where the King and his Train were to pass. They stopp'd to see the King, and when he came near, one of the Merchants pray'd his Friend that oft'n had seen him, to shew him which was he. The other knowing that only the King wears the Heron tops in his Bonnet, inno­cently lifted up his hand to distinguish him, by pointing, from the rest of the Lords that follow'd him. For which act two Horse-men came presently to him, and cut off his hand with a Sc [...]miter.

CHAP. IV.
The tragical and memorable Story of Ralph Sadler, Native of Zu­rich, in the Reign of Sha-Sefi, who had retain'd him in his Service.

RAlph Sadler, born in Zurich, was a Watch-maker by Profession, who put him­self into the service of the Emperors Resident at the Ottoman Court, with whom he went to Constantinople. This man I desir'd to take along with me into Persia; and coming to Ispahan, he set himself to work, and made a small Watch about the bigness of half a Crown; which being a neat piece of work, the English would needs buy, to present it to Iman-Couli-Kan, paying the price demanded, which was two hundred Crowns. Iman-Couli-Kan presented it to the King; who was mightily pleas'd with it, in regard it was the least striking Watch that ever had been seen by the King, who therefore carry'd it hanging about his Neck under his Cloathes, in a Gold Chain. One day the King happening to wind up his Watch, and turning the Key the wrong way, broke the Fusil, for which he was so much troubl'd, that he sent for the Watch-maker from Ispahan to Casbin; whither when Ralph came, he presently made the Watch as good as ever. The King thus satisfy'd in his work and in his per­son, order'd him a Pension of thirty Tomans, and Diet for him and a man, and provision for two Horses: commanding him withall to make some new pieces of work. Now a skilful workman in the service of the Persian King, has this advantage, that if he pleases the King, besides his Wages that are duly paid, the King out of his liberality bestows on him a present, which usually amounts to a third part or half his Wages; or else his Wages are rais'd, which is more advantage­ous than a present.

Ralph was oblig'd every morning to wait upon the King at his rising, to wind up his Watch; and was so much in the Kings favour, that every morn­ing when he came out of the Kings Chamber, he had a Glass of Wine pre­sented him, as a mark of esteem. And indeed the King had such an affection for him, that to retain him in his service he often sollicited him to turn Maho­metan.

The Embassador of Holstein coming to Ispahan, and seeing Ralph so much in favour with the King, endeavour'd to gain his Friendship.

Thus Ralph oft'n keeping company with the Embassadors, and having one time tarry'd till late at night upon the debauch with them, returning home to [Page 208] his Lodging, where he kept a young Nestorian girl, in the Court of the House met a young Persian, Brother to one of the Kings Porters. The Persian knowing him­self guilty, and surpriz'd to see Ralph so soon return'd, skip't over the Wall into the Garden and fled. The next day Ralph (who knew who he was) told his Brother of it, and desir'd him to speak to the young Persian not to come any more to his House; for if he did, he must expect what follow'd.

Some days after, the Embassadors treated all the Franks; when Ralph be­ginning to be warm, call'd the young Persian to mind, and slipping home with­out taking his leave, open'd the door softly, and found the young Persian again with his Mistriss. Thereupon Ralph calling his Slaves to help him, bound his arms, and ty'd him to a Tree in the Court; and so leaving him there▪ went to bed. By and by one of Ralph's Servants, who knew the Persian, sell a jeering him; which so incens'd the Persian, that he having his feet at liberty, and the fellow with­in his reach, gave him such a kick upon the bottom of his Belly, that he first swoon­ed away, and then dy'd. The other Slaves seeing him fall, waken'd Ralph with cries, who thereupon snatching up a Pistol that was charg'd with a brace of Bul­lets, shot the Persian into the head. The Persian being thus slain, Ralph went in the morning to wind up the Kings Watch; and being ask'd by the King, as he was wont to do, what news in Ispahan, told him plainly what he had done, and the reason why. The King upon his report told him, he had done well according to the strictness of the Country.

The Athemadoulet at that time was Mirza Také, who hated Ralph. For the Armenian Merchants having presented the Athemadoulet with several Watches at a time, it happen'd that once he sent to Ralph about thirty Watches toge­ther to be mended. For which the Athemadoulet, to gratifie him, and knowing that he kept four or five Servants, and seven or eight Horses, sent him fifteen or twenty Camels load of Straw and Barley for his Horses. But Ralph slight­ing such a present as that, Go (said he to the Athemadoulets Servant) tell thy Master, that I am neither a Horse nor an Ass, and therefore let him eat his Present him­self. Which message so provok'd the Athemadoulet, that he study'd [...] but revenge.

Thereupon the Athemadoulet, whose business it is to attend [...] being when he rises, and to report to him the news of the Town, told him among the rest, what Ralph had done. The King reply'd, that Ralph had confe [...]s'd it to him already, and that he had pardon'd him, in regard [...] had reason to do as he did. But the Athemadoulet made answer, that Ralph had minc'd the mat­ter; and represented the story to the King far otherwise than it was making the worst of it he could upon Ralph's side; and the more to incite the King, he put him in mind of the fair occasion he had to force him to turn Mussulman, there being no way to expiate his crime, but by turning Mahometan, or suffering the Law. The King thus over-rul'd, sent for Ralph, told him, he was now better inform'd of the crime he had committed, and that he must either turn Ma­hometan or dye. Thereupon the King sent him to Prison. Eight days after, the King (who had a great love for him, and therefore troubl'd that he must be constrain'd to put him to death, unless he would turn Mahumetan,) sent for him again, and offer'd him two thousand Tomans, after a powerful perswasion by words, but all signify'd nothing. Upon that he sent him back again to Pri­son. But yet remembring that he had once approv'd the fact, he sent for Ralph a second time, and offer'd him ten thousand Tomans, and a Wife out of his Haram, with all her Jewels; which Ralph refus'd, with the same resolu­tion as before. The King incens'd at the fierceness of his resolution, deliver'd him to the Brother of the party slain, to execute the Law upon him. The Holstein Embassadors were resolv'd to have beg'd his life; but the Athema­doulet, smelling their design, would not permit them Audience. However, the King commanded all the Franks, and all the Armenian Clergy to be present at the Execution, to save all his blood, and put him in a Coffin; he commanded also, that he should be buried at Zulpha in the Armenian Church-yard, and have a Tomb made over him.

Thereupon Ralph was led to the Meidan, with that triangular Instrument of Wood which the Persians call a Palenk, about his neck. This Palenk was the [Page 201] cause that the Brother of the deceas'd, who was to be the Executioner, not only miss'd his first blow, but wounded himself in the Leg, while his Skain being born off by one of the sides of the triangular Instrument, by the force of the blow light­ed upon himself. Whereupon the people making a great shout hinder'd farther execution for that time. The King being advertis'd thereof, remanded him to Prison, and after a few days sent for him a third time into his presence; but though the King offer'd him a thousand Tomans, and that the Lords urg'd him to turn, though it were but for a while, and in outward appearance; yet neither threats nor promises could move the Zurickian, who was thereupon executed at the end of October, 1637.

All the Franks willingly contributed to raise him a Tomb; which was cover'd with a small Duomo, supported with four Pillars, ten or twelve foot high. The Armenians have made him a Saint; so that when they are sick of a Feaver, they come and make their devotions at this Tomb; and every time they come they carry away a piece of a Stone; so that the Tomb wants repairing every year.

The Athemadoulet, to the end the King might be the less sensible of the want of him, had told the King, that his Majesty would find no great miss of him, in regard he had a Servant who was almost as good as himself. But some few days after, the Kings Watch that he always carry'd about him, being out of order, and Ralphs Apprentice not being able to remedy the fault; the King for madness that he had been the Watchmakers death, threw the Watch at the Athemadoulets head. There, cry'd he, Dog as thou art, by thy advice I put Ralph to death, the most skilful man of his Profession that ever will come into my Kingdom. Thou deservest for thy counsel, to have thy belly ript up. But I swear by my Throne, that from this time forward I will never put a Christian to death for his Religion. And I question whether any of you would have had the same courage to have dy'd for the Law of Haly. And indeed they have been very cautious ever since; nor has any of the Franks been put to death, though they have flown out before the King in words and actions rash enough.

CHAP. V.
Of some particulars under the Reign of Sha-Abbas the second.

SHa-Abbas the second, Son of Sha-Sefi, was no less cruel then his Father; and would be no less punctually obey'd.

He had two Sisters, which he marri'd to two of the richest Lords of his King­dom, though of a very mean extraction. Some time after, the King under­standing that they were both with-Child, order'd Physick to be given them to de­stroy the fruit of their Wombs. About three months after, he was told that they were big again; then he suffer'd 'em to be brought to bed; but commanded that they should not give the Children any nourishment, but let 'em starve to death.

The same Sha-Abbas caus'd the tongue of one that fill'd him Tobacco to be cut out for a word spok'n idly. For the King calling for Tobacco, one of the Pages ran hastily for it to him that had it in charge, and bid him dispatch; who answer'd him briskly, Gebennemé sabreijté, that is, to Hell, have a little pa­tience. The King being inform'd of it, commanded his tongue to be cut out. The poor man desir'd him that was the Executioner, to cut it as deep as he could in his throat, and to leave it very short; by which means he spoke some words muffling,

The people cry'd out against the Nazar, who being a person of low ex­traction, and advanc'd to that high dignity in a short time, grew so proud that he contemn'd all the Lords of the Court. There was no dealing with him [Page 202] about any business, unless he were first presented; and he paid no body with­out making some advantage of it. Every body had reason to complain; yet no person knew how to come at the King to make their complaints. At length they bethought themselves of making their application to two black Eunuchs, who had the Kings ear in the night. One was call'd Aga-Saron, who was the Meter or Master of the Wardrobe; and the other Aga-Kafour, or high Treasurer. These two Eunuchs seeing the King in a good humour one night, let fall certain words concerning the Nazar, and his management of affairs and thence slid into a discourse of his injustice, that caus'd the people to cry [...]ut against him, and speak evil of his Government. Now it happen'd one morning that the King intending to go a hunting, the Grand Master, who had always a large train attending him, coming to the Kings Tent, the Meter deny'd him entrance. About the same time the King came forth, and seeing the Nazar, commanded his Officers to take off the Bonnet from the dead of that Dog that took Gifts from his people; and that he should sit three days bareheaded in the heat of the Sun, and as many nights in the Air. Afterwards he caus'd him to be chain'd about the neck and arms, and condemn'd him to perpetual imprisonment, with a Mamou­dy a day for his maintenance; but he dy'd for grief within eight days after he was put in prison.

Jafer-Kan, being a generous Lord, and one that kept a magnificent train, was Governour of Asterabat. At first he was very mild, but at last he began to exact such sums from the people, that his oppressions were very heavy; nor were these violences of his conceal'd from the Kings ear, who being one day drinking with some of his Lords, and seeing the Master of his Musick in the Room, who was a merry droll, and had always some pleasant news or other to tell the King; his Majesty was pleas'd to ask him, what the people said of Jafer-Kan; adding withall, that he had made him Governour of several Pro­vinces, and had never heard any complaint of him before, but that now he was accus'd of strangely tyrannizing over the people. The Musick Master being a meer flatterer, and knowing that Jafer-Kan was extreamly belov'd by the King, confidently averr'd, that the Governour was falsly accus'd, and that he had always known him apter to give then to receive. There was at the same time in the Room, an Agis call'd Manouchar-Kan, lately return'd from a Pilgrimage to Mecca; him the King also ask'd, what was his opinion of Jafer-Kan, and his Government, being a person that had been long aquainted with him; to whom the Agis, thinking to please the King, return'd the same answer, that the Mu­sick Master had giv'n. Whereupon the King, who had been well inform'd of the Kans behaviour, turning toward the Lords that were present, what think you, said be, of these two Flatterers, that absolutely know the contrary to what they speak? And at the same time commanded two of the Musick Masters teeth to be pull'd out of his mouth, and to be driv'n into the head of the Agis; which had like to have cost him his life, being a very old man. As for Jafer-Kan, he was disgrac'd for a time, but being a Person endow'd with noble qualities, valiant, generous and pleasing in conversation, he was recall'd to Court, and knew so well how to make his tale good, that his Majesty gave him the Government of Shemeloubostan, of which Semeran is the Capital City. Shemeloubostan signifies a Country manur'd to bear fruit. Nor is there any Province in Persia that so abounds in Pastures and Castles, that daily fall to ruine.

Jafer-Kan being restor'd to favour, the King sent for several Lords of the Court to come and drink with them. He also commanded five French Artifi­cers which he had in his service to wait upon him, a Goldsmith nam'd Sain, two Watchmakers Lagis and Varin, and two Musket-makers Marais and Ber­nard. After they had heated themselves a little with Wine, the King drew a Ruby out from off his finger, which I sold him for a hundred Tomans, and a Dia­mond Jewel worth thirteen or fourteen hundred Tomans, which he gave to Jafer-Kan, with whom he was whispering at the same time. Now though the Nazar were at a distance, yet without doubt somewhat of the discourse was heard; insomuch that the Wine emboldning him, he told the King aloud, that if he would let him have but four thousand Horse, he would cut all that Rab­ble to pieces. The King bid him hold his tongue and go to sleep; testifying [Page 211] his displeasure at his discourse. For the Nazar conjectur'd that the King was talking to Jafer-Kan about the incursions which the Ʋsbeck Tartars often made from Meshed side. As for the Franks three of the five were gone home to sleep, Sain, Lagis, and Bernard: Maras and Varin stay'd behind in the Room. But Marais being of a humor that when he was drunk he could not hold his tongue, and having heard what the Nazar said, he likewise▪ took upon him to tell the King, that if the King wanted a General, there was none fitter to make a General then Jafer-Kan, and presently began a long repetition of his praises. The King commanded him to hold his tongue, which he did for a while, but then falling again into his former impertinencies, the King commanded him to be dragg'd out of the Room by the feet, and that they should rip up his belly. Thereupon Marais was seiz'd upon by the Meter, who having a great kind­ness for the Franks, and knowing that the King had a singular love for Ma­rais, delay'd the execution of the Kings command, pulling his Cloathes off very slowly; and finding that the King did not rise to go into his Haram, which is the sign of no pardon to be given, he caus'd him to be dragg'd as near the person of the King as he could, thereby to try whether the King would have compassion on him or no; while certain Lords took the boldness to implore the Kings mercy in his behalf. At last when the King saw him dragg'd along, he commanded the Officers to let him go, and withall order'd him to put on his Cloaths again, and resume his place.

The King of Persia's eldest Son comes very raw to the Throne; and his first divertisement is to make short journeys into the Provinces, thereby by little and little to gain the knowledg of such things as concern him. Above all things he never fails to visit the principal Church of the Armenians at Zulpha. That which makes him so curious, is his desire to see the Armenian women, who are very handsom; being also further incited thereto by the Sultanesses, who are glad of any recreation. And then he has a Courouk through all Zulpha, at what time all the men must retire to Ispahan, or to their Friends at a distance. Sha-Abbas the second went several times in that manner to Zulpha; and one day among the rest, upon the report of the beauty of the Wife of the Ke­lonter Gorgia Safras, Son of Kelonter Gorgia Nazar, the King having seen her, lik'd her very well, and desir'd her to go along with the Sultanesses, who carry'd her into the Haram, where she continu'd fifteen days, and then return'd home with a fair Neck-Lace of Pearls, which the King gave her when she went away.

To say the truth of Sha-Abbas the second, he was a man too much given to drink, and too much govern'd by his passion, otherwise he was a lover of justice, and very magnificent and generous to Strangers.

CHAP. VI.
Of the misfortune of Mahomet Beg in the reign of Sha-Abbas the second.

MAhomet Beg was born at Tauris, the Son of a Taylor, who bred him a Scho­lar. He had a quick apprehension, and was naturally enclin'd to vertue; and being desirous to advance himself in the world, he had the good luck to ob­tain the employment of Major-Bashi, or chief of the Essayers and Refiners of Mo­ney, who has a power to visit all places where money is coyn'd. After that, he became acquainted with the Aila Verdi Beg, or Mr. Godsgift, the Kings chief Huntsman, by the title of Mert-Shekar-Bashi, who gladly presented him to the King, to whom the King was very thankful, so soon as he had found the noble Qua­lities of the person he had presented. Thereupon so soon as Mahomet Ali-Beg, grand Master of the Kings House dy'd, the King bestow'd that Employment upon Maho­met Beg, who not only gain'd the favour of his Majesty, but the good will of all the Lords of the Court. He had a great respect for them all, without medling with any of their employments, and supprest his revengeful spirit, not finding it seasonable as yet to disclose his passions.

Kalife Sultan at that time Athemadoulet hapning to dye, the King conferr'd that place upon Mahomet Beg, who at first behav'd himself in that employment to the satisfaction of all men. He apply'd himself particularly to the searching out of Mines; for there had a report ran among the people for many years, that if certain mountains nine or ten miles from Ispahan toward the West were well digg'd into, there might be found store of Gold, Silver and Copper. To which purpose he made use of a Norman, whose name was La Chapelle de Han, who vanted at that time to have great skill in Chymistry, Mines and Minerals, for which reason he was recommended by the Governor of Ispahan to the Athemadoulet then at Casbin with the King, who presently sent him back again to the Governour to furnish him with all things necessary for his Expences, and for the work which he undertook in the Mountains. Thither went La Chapelle, and after fifteen days toyl return'd to Ispahan with two or three hunder'd weight of earth, and set up fur­naces to draw out the metal. The Athemadoulet was so wise as to give order to the Governour of Ispahan, and three or four more persons of Quality to overview the Norman, to see that he play'd no foul play. But though there was not so much as a half peny worth of silver in all the earth from the bottom to the top, though the Persians watch'd him so narrowly as they did, he made a shift to shuf­fle in an Abassi among the earth, as it was in the furnace without being perceiv'd. Nevertheless the Athemadoulet, to whom it was carry'd, presently found out the cheat, though he took no notice of it, hoping to make better use of the Norman in other things; only he forbad him to dig any more in that place, in regard the expence would exceed the profit.

La Chapelle, who was very skilful at putting off his merchandize, and one who knew to make the best use of the least smackering that he might perhaps have in Mechanicks, and the power of Motion, had the cunning to amuse the Athemadoulet for ten years together, being a passion ate Lover of new Inventions; and the better to infinuate himself into the Kings favour assum'd to himself the Invention of several Rarities which he shew'd the King, who thereupon allow'd him a very handsome pension. Thus encourag'd, he undertook to cast Canons, bring the water to the top of the Kings house, and several other things, yet when all his designs fail'd for want of Art, and that he found he could do no more good in Persia, resolving for India, he dy'd at Ormus.

The Athemadoulet missing of Gold and Silver Mines, applg'd himself to the dis­covery of Copper Mines, wherein he was more fortunate; for in those Mines he also found veins of Azure, of which there is a great quantity consum'd in painting the Grotesco Flourishes upon the Ceilings and Arches of their Houses. He also found out a Mine of Lead near Yerde: and being still upon new discoveries, he found out [Page 213] a Mine of Talk, Stone, Allum, and Coles, but of neither so good as in other Coun­tries. He was so obstinate in the search of Metals, that if any person had an occa­sion to speak with him, let him be never so busie upon never so important affairs, it was enough to bring him some stones of a supposed Mine, or someting rare ei­ther for Colour, Figure or Weight. He also gave full power to them that brought him any tidings of a Mine to go to the place, and to press the Countrymen from their labour to dig in the Mountains and break up rocks: and if they found no­thing he cast the fault upon the ignorance of the Labourers.

He also apply'd himself to the study of Mechanic Motions. He would have found an Invention, whereby the half Vail that hangs in the Kings Megeler, or Council Chamber, and is drawn to and fro by certain Officers in the Summer, to gather the cool Air, should have bin made by Engine-work. Then he took a fan­cy for water Engines, the most necessary thing in the world for Persia to relieve the drowth of the Country, but wanting necessaries, as Beams, Rafters, Wheel­work, Cordage and Iron, he could not begin those Engines, the figures whereof La Chapelle had left him in a Book.

But as Mahomet Beg was studious in these things, so was he Ambitious and Re­vengeful to that height that he could not observe a moderation in his resentment against those that had given him any distaste. In his height of Passion he caus'd several Kans to be depriv'd of their Provinces, and by confiscating their Estates reduc'd them to utmost necessity.

The Kan of Erivan had a Son who was a lovely and a well proportion'd Gentle­man, and always attended at the Kings Elbow. One day that the King was drinking with some Lords, he commanded the Kan of Erivans Son to carry a Gold Cup full of Wine to the Athemadoulet, who perceiving that he had enough already, made a sign with his eye to the young Lord to return it back. The young Lord passing by the King told him ingeniously that the Athemadoulet had no desire to drink, whereupon the King commanded him to go and powre the Wine into his besome. As the one was oblig'd to obey; the Athemadoulet was forc'd to suf­fer, and to permit the young man to open his bosome and powre down the Wine; for not daring to shew his anger, he was forc'd to dissemble the best he could for that time. But having resolv'd to revenge the affront upon the Kan of Erivan Father of the young Lord, who had only done what the King command­ed him, he resolv'd to lay hold upon the opportunity that presented it self, know­ing that there were several complaints come against him from the Armenians of Erivan. Thereupon the Athemadoulet sends for the Kelonter, encourages him in his suit, and gives him instructions how to proceed. To this end Mahomet Beg appoints him to meet him such an hour at the Kings Stables, whither the King presently coming, the Kelonter threw himself at the Kings feet, and be­sought him for Justice against the Kan of Erivans oppressions: while Mahomet Beg fail'd not to heap up aggravations against the Governour, and the King, though he had heard but one side, as easily condemn'd him upon the Accusation of the Kelonter and his Prime Minister. Thereupon an Officer of the Kings, call'd Negef-Couli-Beg, a man of a quick and active spirit was commanded to go in all haste, and seize upon the Person of the Kan. Who being come to Erivan found him upon his seat of Justice, confiscating and condemning to fine and Corporal punishment a near Kinsman of the Kelonters. The Messenger boldly entered into the Megeler or Council Chamber, goes directly to the Kan, told him he was the Kings prisner, and gave him a blow with his fist upon the neck, about which he was to wear the Triangle of great thick pieces of wood already describ'd, into which the neck is enclos'd, while the Arms and Hands of the Prisner are put through another piece of wood that crosses the Triangle, which is a great pain to the Prisner. Thus was the Kan carry'd night and day to Ispahan, but when he came there the King shew'd him more mercy, and allowed him his house for a prison, yet not suffering him to go to the Bath, nor to shave his hair, nor to stir out of the Apartment where his women were. These are penalties impos'd upon those that fall into disgrace at Court, whom the King shuts up in their houses, in­tending no severer punishment. For the Kan being belov'd by the King was re­stor'd to his favour, and to his former charge of superintendant of the Kings Mosquee.

[Page 214] Neither did this fright'n others from bearing up against the Power of Mahomet Beg, though every one had not the same success. For ill it far'd with the Go­vernour of Schiras, who was call'd Mirza Haddi. He was a person of great wealth and knowledge, and one day in Council took upon him to tell Mahomed Beg, that he was not of his opinion, and withall to lay before him his defects, and ill conduct. But the Prime Minister so deeply lay'd to heart the boldness of Mirza Haddi, that he resolv'd to revenge himself by all means imaginable. He suborn'd false witnesses, and other persons to make complaints before him of the Governour of Schiras. There was a necessity for the party accus'd to appear before Mahomet Beg as his Judge, but the Governor trusting to his Innocence, nere minded the rage of his ad­versary, not believing he could receive any injury from him. In the mean time Mahomet Beg inform'd the King what he pleas'd himself, and overpow'ring him by his authority, confiscated all Mirza Haddi's Estate, and sent him to prison to the House of the Nazar, who was call'd Ismaet Beg. When he came there they hung him upon Tenter-hooks by the feet against the wall, and drub'd him so long; that he was forc'd to be carri'd into another Room upon a Slaves back. His Lieu­tenant and an Eunuch, that had bin his Treasurer, were serv'd in the same sawce, and all three put into a high Chamber that serv'd instead of a prison. His Vizier or Lieutenant was releas'd in a short while, but Mirza Haddi and his Eunuch were still kept close.

Nor is the manner of his revenging himself upon Mir-Kassem-Beg, the Deroga, or Provost of Ispahan less remarkable. While Mahomet Beg was only Majer-Ba­shi, there was some gold Plate stoll'n out of the Kings Kitchin. Thereupon the Deroga sent his Officers to seize upon all the Goldsmiths in Ispahan, that knew nothing of the matter, as being utterly Innocent of the Robbery. In the mean time he put them all in prison, and lockt them close up, intimating to them that he was resolv'd not to release them without a good sum of money. The poor Goldsmiths thus ill us'd, apply'd themselves to the Majer-Bashi; who sent his Of­ficers to intreat the Deroga to consider that the Gold-smiths were innocent of the Robbery, and that being in some manner under the Jurisdiction of the Mayer-Bashi, as being Artificers in Gold and Silver, he ought not to refuse to discharge them at his request. But the Deroga not seeing the money come, bid the Officers of Ma­homet Beg tell their Master that he knew what belong'd to his employment, and further, said he, Let the Taylors Son meddle with his own business; tell him withall, added he, that if he pleases I will shew him his Sister's drawers. For a little before the Deroga had by his Spies surpriz'd her toying in a Garden with two young Lords, from whom he squeez'd a considerable sum of money. Mahomet Beg not powerful enough then to prosecute his revenge, let it sleep, but when he came to the height of preferment, he remember'd the Deroga, and bethought himself which way to ruin him. Nor was it long ere an opportunity offer'd it self. For there being a report that the Enemy appear'd about Candahar, a Frontier Town of Persia upon the Mogulls Territories, the Athemadoulet advis'd the King to raise a good number of Souldiers about Ispahan, as being lusty nimble fel­lows and us'd to labour, and to send them to Candahar, to be ready against all accidents. The King having an entire confidence in the Athemadoulet, order'd him to lose no time, but to commit the management of the Levies to such persons as had perfect knowledge of the plain Country. Then Mahomet Beg, studying his re­venge, told the King that there was no person fitter for the employment than the Deroga, Mir Kassembeg, who according to his cruel and covetous humor, soon abus'd his Commission, the thing which he, who had procur'd it, chiefly desir'd. For whereas the King intended that none should be enroll'd but those that were wil­ling, the Deroga forc'd every body, especially the Sons of the richest Farmers, who rather than part with their Sons gave the Deroga his own demands to spare them. When Mahomet Beg had got matter enough against the Deroga, he underhand stirr'd up the Country people to make their complaint, giving them to understand that it was contrary to the Kings intention to have them tormented in that manner; that his Commission was only to list those that would go of their own accord. The Villages easily encourag'd, sent their Deputies to Ispahan, whom he kindly recei­v'd and presented the same hour to the King. His Majesty having heard them, and Mahomet Beg having seconded their complaint, the King order'd that they [Page 215] should make an exact list of what the Commissioners of the Deroga had robb'd them of. Mahomet Beg lost no time, but by vertue of his Authority and the Kings command, sent his Officers into all the Villages to take the Oath of eve­ry Country-man to the end they should declare the truth, under the penalty of a Fine and Corporal punishment, of what had been exacted from them to the ut­most Shayet. This Oath was to be put in Paper, sign'd by every one that made it, in these words, Let my head be confiscated to the King, and my goods to his Divan, if I do not punctually the Order of his Majesty. The accompt being made of all the money for which they had compounded with the Deroga, it was presented by Mahomet Beg, who aggravated the Tyranny of the Deroga, and represented to his Majesty that for thirty years he had thus devour'd the Territories of Ispahan. Thereupon by the command of the King, who was then at Ispahan, the Deroga was to be carry'd into the Meydan, and being ty'd up by the heels to receive a certain number of Bastinado's upon the feet for so many Fridays one after another; and moreover the nerves of his heels were to be cut, and his ankles to be boar'd tho­rough. The Kings command being thus seal'd, Mahomet Beg committed the ex­ecution thereof to his trusty Instrument Negef-Couli-Beg, who coming to Ispahan assembl'd the chief of the City, together with the Vizir or Governour, and the Deroga or Provost, who thought of nothing; being met, before they broak open the Kings Seal they made a publick Prayer for the prosperity of the King; which being ended, the Vizir open'd the Letter and read it with a loud voice. When the Vizir came to read the Sentence against the Deroga, he was seiz'd with astonish­ment, at what time Negef-Coult-Beg coming to the Deroga, and striking him upon the Neck with his fist, threw him down under his Horses feet, and caus'd him to be bound according to custom. Immediately he was hurri'd to the Piazza, where he receiv'd so many Bastinado's upon the soles of his feet that his nayls fell off. The next Friday they brought him to the same place, where they repeated the same Execution, and boar'd his ankles. The Deroga being very ancient, his pains put him into such a condition as mov'd Negef-Couli-Beg himself to compassion, who wrote presently to Court, that the continuance of so much torment, would infal­libly be the death of the old man. Upon that the King order'd that there should no more be done to him; only that he should be shut up in the inner part of his House with his Wives, depriving him of his employment, but leaving him his Estate.

But Mahomet Beg, not having yet compleated the revenge he sought, was re­solv'd after he had thus tormented him to deprive him, also of his Estate. To which purpose he advanc'd to the Office of Deroga, a Georgian Renegado who was call'd Padada-Beg, whom he taught all the tricks imaginable to pick the peoples-pockets. The design of Mahomet Beg in this, was to let the King under­stand, that if the new Deroga could heap up such a sum of money in five or six months, what a prodigious sum must Mir-Kassembeg have heap'd up in so many years. In short, the new Deroga instructed and encourag'd by Mahomet Beg, le­vy'd unjustly such a vast number of fines, committed so many extortions and ra­pines upon the people, that at the end of six months the people began to tumult at the Palace gate. The Divan-Bequi, who is the first Minister of Justice, took the peoples part; whereupon Mahomet Beg perceiving he had been too hasty in his design to be reveng'd upon the Divan Bequi, who had cross'd his designs, one morning caus'd several files of Musqueteers to be drawn up at the Kings Haram. The King surpriz'd at the sight, Mahomet Beg told him that his Majesty was not safe so long as the Divan Bequi stirr'd up the people to Rebellion: which so in­cens'd the King, that he caus'd the Groom Porter to go immediately and pull out the Divan Bequi's eyes, which was immediately done; nor did the old man say any more, but with his face all besmear'd with his own goar, desir'd the servant upon whose arms he lean'd, to turn him toward Mecca that he might pray for the prosperity of the King. All his goods were confiscated and brought into the Trea­sury; but Mer Kassem-beg still enjoy'd his, thought he was forc'd to spend the remain­der of his days in his own house.

Thus Mahomet Beg preserv'd himself still in the Kings favour, and had remov'd all those persons from the Court that had no kindness for him, and was indifferently safe, till Mir-Tchekar-Bashi another favourite, whom the King highly lov'd, began [Page 216] to make head against him. These two haughty spirits would not give an inch one to another: and both equally strove to possess the Kings favour, to have the dis­posal of Affairs. Mir-Tehekar-Bashi, who had brought Mahomet Beg into Fa­vour, being the elder pretended a respect due to his years, and Mahomet Beg pre­tended more due from him by reason of his place. During this contest ran a re­port of a rebellion upon Georgia side. Whereupon the Athemadoulet perswaded the King to fend Mir-Tehekar-Bashi, lately made Koular Agasi or General of the Slaves toward Georgia, that so he might remove his Rival from Court. The Fa­vourite sets forward with a flying Camp, but not finding any Enemy that oppos'd him, wrote back to the King that he saw no appearance of an Enemy, and that therefore it was a needless▪ thing to tire the Souldiers in a Country where there was no face of War, and begg'd his Majesties leave to return. The Athemadoulet on the other side labour'd to hinder his return by preaching to the King the advan­tages of the stay of those forces in those parts.

In this interim the Ʋsbek Tartars had made inroads upon the Frontiers of Ca­rassan, and had slain several of Manoutcheks people, who was governor of the Pro­vince. Mahomet Beg who was his Kinsman, gave the King to understand that the Kan of Corassan had behav'd himself valiantly, but conceal'd the defeat of the Kan. On the other side the Koular Agasi sent Letter upon Letter to the King, but perceiving that none of them came to the Kings hands, he sent to Ispahan one of his discreetest and most trusty servants, who coming to Court intermix'd him­self among the rest of the Lackeys. The Athemadoulet spying an unknown face, and being always mistrustful, demanded who he was? To whom the Messenger an­swer'd that he was a poor Souldier upon the frontiers of the Kingdom, who be­cause he could not get his pay there was come to Court to see if he could there get any recompence for his service: upon which reply the Athemadoulet took no farther notice of him. Presently after, the young man meeting the Meter told him he had Letters of importance to deliver into the Kings own hard, of which the Meter giving notice to the King, the messenger was immediately call'd in. The King having read the Letters which discover'd to him what the Athemadoulet had conceal'd from him touching the no necessity of keeping forces upon the Frontiers of Georgia, and the loss which the Kan of Korassan had receiv'd, transported with choler against his prime Minister, sent for him, and after he had most bloodily revil'd and reproach'd him, he was within a little of killing him with his own hands. But the Nazar and some other Lords there▪present took the boldness to represent to the King the long services which Mahomet Beg had done the Kingdom, and that since his Majesty had rais'd him from the dust to the highest honours of the King­dom, it would not be for his honour to destroy at one blow a person that he had lov'd, and might still be useful to him. This discourse somewhat appeas'd the King, so that he only gave him in custody to the Nazar. Three days after the King exil'd him to Kom, with all his Family, not permitting him to shave himself▪ go to the Bath, or to come abroad. This Exilement lasted for several years. But my Letters from Persia in the year 1674. enform'd me that Sha-Solyman, the present King, has restor'd him to his Primier Dignity, and that he still governs as Athema­doulet, the King finding no man more capable than himself.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Rebellion of the Prince of Jasque, a Vassal to the King of Persia, in the reigns of Sha-Sefi I. and Sha-Abbas II.

BEtween Cape Jasque, and Cape Guadel which are the two most Southern points of Persia, there lies a mountainous and mershie Country, which extends it self from the Ocean toward the Province of Kerman, and in several places is inac­cessible. It is possess'd by three petty Princes, the one a Mahumetan, the other two toward the East both Idolaters. The first is the most potent of the three, and nearest to the Province of Ormus. He also assumes the title of Prince of Jasque, as his Ancestors did before him. Now after Sha-Abbas the first had conquer'd Or­mus, he went about to have made himself master of all the coast that extends it self beyond Cape Jasque; but meeting with resistance, he only obtain'd that the Prince of the Country should acknowledge the King of Persia for his Lord, and that as his Vassal he should pay him an annual tribute. And indeed during the reign of Sha-Abbas, who knew how to make himself fear'd, the Prince of Jasque pay'd his tri­bute very orderly. But Sha-Sefi succeeding his Grandfather very young, this tributary Prince shook off his yoak, and refus'd to pay. Which not being regard­ed in the reign of Sha-Sefi, the Prince of Jasque thought to do the same in the reign of Sha-Abbas the second. But at length after he had refus'd to pay for some years, the Kan of Ormus pretending the Country to be under his Jurisdiction, and that the Kings honour was concern'd in the Princes refusal, incited Sha-Abbas to send forces against him to reduce him to obedience. The King granted the Com­mission to him that had undertaken the business: who presently gathering toge­ther an Army of 20000 men, the most part Horse, thought to have surpriz'd his Enemy. To which purpose that he might take the nearest way, he march'd direct­ly toward Cape Jasque. But as it was the shortest cut, it was the most dangerous▪ insomuch that the Kan, who hunted all the way he march'd, according to the custom of Persia, had the misfortune to fall into a bogg, where he was stifl'd, to­gether with 20 or 30 horsemen more. The death of the Kan being divulg'd, the Army retreated back again: but as soon as the King receiv'd the news, he sent the Brother of the deceas'd Kan to succeed him. In the mean while the Rebel Prince believing within himself, that he was not to be thus at quiet, and expecting to be attack'd by the new Kan, stood upon his guard. And indeed the new Kan march'd with all the speed he could, and enter'd the territories of the rebellious Prince, but being beat'n was forc'd to make more haste back again to Ormus, with the loss of an abundance of men.

The Prince of Jasque puft up with this success, did not believe that the Persi­ans would be so hasty to come again: and thereupon he resolv'd upon a Voyage for Mecca to give the Prophet thanks for his Victory. To which end he embarqu'd at the nearest place he could to Cape Jasque, thence to make sail toward Arabia. But the Governor of Kan understanding his design by his spies, way-laid him by Sea, took him and▪brought him to Ormus. At that time the heats being exces­sive, the Governour was retir'd, according to custome, to the Mountains some ten or twelve Leagues from the City, whither the Prince was carry'd and brought to the Kans tent. But while the Kan was expecting the return▪of the Messenger which he had sent to the King for orders what to do with the Prisoner, the Princes wife hearing of her husbands misfortune, and being a woman of a manlike cou­rage, taking along with her about five or six hundred horse, with little noise and by long marches she at length fell unawares upon the Kan about midnight, kill'd him with her own hand, cut in pieces the greatest part of his men, whom she found asleep, carry'd away ten or twelve of his wives, and set her husband at li­berty in spite of the Persians, who had not time to rally themselves.

The news of this defeat coming to Court, the King being highly incens'd, sent away the third Brother to be governour of Ormus, with special command to the [Page 218] Governours of Schiras, Lar and Kerman forthwith to raise 30000 horse to revenge the affront and reduce the Rebel. The Kan of Ormus march'd at the head of that Army, and gave Battel, but the Prince being succour'd by the other two Idola­trous Princes his neighbours, the Persians were again beaten. Only the Prince of Jasque lost his Lieutenant General, a valiant Captain, and a very good Soul­dier.

The King understanding that the Lieutenant General was the Kans Prisoner, gave him leave to do with him what he would, in revenge of his Brothers death: who thereupon devis'd the most cruel torments that ever were heard of. For he first caus'd the body of the Lieutenant General to be larded with lighted Candles, and then setting him upon a Camel order'd him to be led softly about the streets eve­ry day in the very heat of noon. A torment almost insufferable, which the hero­ic Indian nevertheless endur'd with an invincible courage. After the Kan had tormented him in this manner three days together, the chief of the Holland Com­pany and other strange Merchants abhorring so much cruelty, begg'd of the Kan to surcease his rigour, who readily granted them their request.

CHAP. VIII.
Observations upon the reign of Sha-Soliman the present King.

ALi-Couli-Kan had bin three or four times exil'd from the Court, for speaking with two much liberty. For he was bold and could not keep his tongue between his teeth. For which reason he was call'd the Kings Lyon, who was wont to chain him up when he had no occasion for him, and to let him loose when he had any business for him to do. The last time he was exil'd, he was kept five or six years in a Fortress out of which he had never stirr'd: But one day, having a smooth tongue, he over-perswaded the Commander to give him leave to go a hunting with him. When he return'd, with the help of some of his servants, he fell upon the Commander, and gave him so many Bastinadoe's upon the feet, that he had like to have kill'd him: telling him withall, that it was to teach him his duty, not to let a man go that the King had committed to his charge. Sha-Sephi, though very young, hearing of this, and desirous to see Ali-Couli-Kan, notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Grandees to hinder his return, commanded him to be set at liberty, and that he should have a better allowance to live upon. Two or three days after, the King sitting in Council, the whole Assembly was amaz'd to see Ali-Couli-Kan enter, who approaching his Majesty with a profound reverence, told him, that the Lyon being now let loose was humbly come to kiss his hands. Thereupon the King fell a laughing, and casting a favourable glance upon him told him he had done well. Nor was it long ere the King finding him no less pleasant in conversation, then a valiant and expert Captain, made him Generalissimo of his Armies, as he had bin in the reign of Sha-Abbas.

When the Court saw Ali-Couli-Kan so well receiv'd, every one then labour'd to testifie their joy for his return. They sent him Horses, Mules, Camels, rich Carpets, and every thing fit to furnish a Lords house. But all this while he wanted money, which because he could not meet with among the Persians, he was forc'd to have recourse to the Armenians, of whom he desir'd to borrow sive or six hunder'd Tomans. As for the Kalemer he would have had the sum lent, but the rest would not. Thereupon the King taking a walk to Zulpha, Ali-Couli-Kan put it into his head to go and see the great Cathedral belonging to the Armenians, where several Bishops with several Monks reside. The King entring into the Church, where the Bishop stood ready at the head of the Clergy to receive him, and seeing all things new and strange, as coming but lately out of the womens Haram, ask'd his fa­vourite what sort of people those were clad in such an extraordinary manner. Ali-Couli-Kan told him they were Devils, Devils! said the King, What! added he, dost bring me into a house of Devils? The King thus incens'd against the Armenians, [Page 219] resolv'd to force 'em to turn Mahumetans. But Ali-Couli-Kan, being a Georgian, repenting that he had rais'd the Kings indignation to so high a pitch, and not be­lieving it would be any advantage to him for the Armenians to turn Mahumetans, contented himself only with frighting them, which was enough to bring the Arme­nians upon their knees, and to make them come and beg the Intercession of his authority. Which favour, as he order'd it, cost the Armenians ten thousand To­mans to the King, and four or five thousand Tomans to his Favourite.

The 23. of September 1677. the King made a Cavalcade, then which there could be nothing imagin'd more magnificent. All the richest Furniture was brought out of the Exchequer into the Meydan. The golded buckets to water the Horses. The golden Fat out of which they take the water, together with buckles, harness and nails of gold, to which the Horses are ty'd. After the King had play'd at Mall, as I have already describ'd, and had also shot at the Goblet upon the top of the Mast in the middle of the Meydan, he went and sate in the Divan, which is over the Gate call'd Ali Capi, where he had the pastime to see Lyons, Bulls, Bears, Tygers and Rams fight. But that which was most admirable, was to see a man stand upright upon the Saddle while the horse ran full speed, which he did three times the whole length of the Meydan. The first time, 'tis true, he fell but the two last times he stood firm.

One day the same Ali-Couli-Kan▪presented two handsom Youths to the King, which had both delicate voices. The King hearing them sing, was very much troubl'd that he could not make use of them in his Haram, which Alli-Couli-Kan observing, sent for a French Chirurgeon, and promis'd him a great reward if he could cut the youths and save their lives. The Chirurgeon for lucre of a large recompence, cut them both and cur'd 'em very well. Which done, Ali-Couli-Kan, presented the two youths to the King, who was surpriz'd to see them, but was well pleas'd that he had got two such new attendants in his Haram. But see the reward of such a wicked action. Ali-Couli-Kan dy'd soon after. The Chi­rurgeon never was pay'd: and being advis'd to present a Petition to the King by the Meter, the Meter ask'd him whether he would turn Mahometan: which when the Chirurgeon deny'd to do, the Meter bid him be gone like a Rascal, telling him withall that he did not think the Religion of the Christians had permitted such acts of villany. The two youths were born at Cashan, and had both Fathers and Mothers, and were promis'd in Marriage. When their Parents heard of it, they came to Ispahan, to weep over their Children. Which the King observing, to appease their sorrow, gave them a Pension during life.

CHAP. IX.
Of the Government of Persia.

THE Government of Persia is purely Despotick or Tyrannical. For the King has the sole power of life and death over all his Subjects, independant from his Council, and without any Trials or Law-proceedings. He can put to what death he pleases the chief Lords of the Kingdom, no man daring to dispute the reason, nor is there any Soveraign in the world more absolute then the King of Persia.

The King deceasing and leaving Male Issue behind him, the Eldest ascends the Throne, while his Brothers are kept in the Haram, and their eyes are put out: and if there be the least suspicion of any contrivance against the King, they are forth­with put to death without any farther examination. And not only they, but the Children also of the Kings Brothers and Sisters. I remember when I first travell'd in­to Persia, they were not so rigorous, but were contented to move a red hot iron to and fro before their eyes. But Sha-Sefi perceiving his command had been neg­ligently executed, and that the poor unhappy Princes had some sight left them [Page 220] he order'd their eyes to be digg'd out of their heads. Sha-Sefi's cruelty went yet farther, for he spar'd not his Eldest Son Sha-Abbas, the lawful Heir to his Throne, ordering one of his Eunuchs to move an Iron before his eyes, no man being able to tell the reason. But the Eunuch compassionating the young Prince, did indeed move an Iron, but not a red hot Iron before his Eyes, and teaching him to counterfeit himself blind, preserv'd his sight till his Father lay upon his death-bed: at which time his Father was very penitent, for having put out the eyes of his Eldest Son, to whom the Throne of right belong'd. The Eunuch seeing the King so sadly afflicted and ready to give up the ghost, assur'd him that he would restore the Prince to his sight, and to comfort him at his death, brought the Prince with perfect eyes to the bed side. The sight of which pro­long'd the Kings life till next day; and gave him time to command all the Gran­dees of the Court to obey Sha-Abbas his Eldest Son, as his lawful Successor and their King.

But to return to these blind Princes; There were several at Ispahan when I was there: and I knew one particularly, who is still alive, and is a person of ex­cellent natural parts, As blind as he is, he is a great lover of Curiosities, and has built him a House in Ispahan, which is worthy a mans sight. He is overjoy'd when any person brings him any rarities out of Europe, feeling them in his hands, and causing his Eunuchs, which are very apprehensive, to tell him the meaning of every thing. He is a great admirer of Clock-work and Watches, and can tell by his finger when a Watch is right in the Case. To know what a Clock it is, he has little points set up in the Dial-plate, and a half hand, to the end he may not be deceiv'd which part of the hand points to the hour. By means of certain figures which he makes of soft wax, and sets in or­der upon a Table, he will cast up an accompt very exactly. Several other good qualities I admir'd in him; and it griev'd me to see a man reduc'd to that miserable Condition, only because he was of the blood Royal of Per­sia.

Though the Employments of the Kingdom generally fall from Father to Son, yet the King if he pleases may bequeath the Governments of Provinces or any other dignities to any of his Goulams which are his Slaves, if he find them ca­pable, and thinks they may be fit for his service. The Father to leave the Em­ployment to his Family, labours by degrees to introduce his Son, and to obtain the Survivorship for him. But if the Father dye, and leaves the Survivorship to an Infant, there is generally a person of Age and Experience sent along with him. Some there are also that obtain employments by presenting the Favourites at Court.

The State of Persia is distinguish'd like most of the European States, into three Bodies. The first is that of the Sword, which answers to the Nobility, and com­prehends the Kings houshold, the Kans, and all the Souldiery. The second is that of the Quill, comprehending all those that belong to the Law and the Courts of Justices. The third is compos'd of Merchants, Handicrafts-men and La­bourers.

CHAP. X.
Of the first of the three Orders or States of Persia, which com­prehends the Kings Houshold, the Kans or Governours of Pro­vinces, and the Souldiery.

THE Primier Minister of the Kingdom is call'd Athemadoulet, or the support of Riches. His office is the same with the Grand Vizir's in Turkie, and may be compar'd to the ancient Mayors of the Palace in France. In regard all the af­fairs of the Kingdom pass through his hands, he ought to be rather a Gownman then a Souldier: and herein he only differs from the Grand Vizier, who is always to be at the head of the Army, and for every slight fault or distaste is subject to be strangl'd by the Grand Signior. Whereas in Persia where the Government is milder, the Prime Ministers generally dye in their beds, or if they are Depos'd, they are only exil'd to some frontier City, where they live as private men.

When the King is young, the Prime Minister has a hard game to play, for then the Favourite Eunuchs and the Sultanesses disannul and cancel in the night what­ever orders he makes in the day time.

The Nazar or Seer has the charge of all the Kings goods, of his breeds of hor­ses, of his moveables, of his Cloaths and Plate: much like the grand Master of the Kings House in France.

The Mehter, who is always a white Eunuch, is the first Gentleman of the Kings Chamber, and follows the King with a kind of bag hanging by his side full of handkerchiefs. And as he is always at the Kings elbow, if he have the Kings ear, it is easie for him to befriend or do unkindnesses, as his inclination leads him. During the minority of the King, some of these Mehters have been known to go­vern the Kingdom.

The Mir-Akhor-Bashi, or Grand Esquire, has the Charge of the Kings Stables, which as well as the Gate of Ali-Capri, are a place of Refuge, and whoever saves himself therein, let it be for Murther or Debt is safe. All the Horses in the Kings Stable are mark'd with a hot iron upon the left hip, and those that belong to pri­vate persons upon the right. Those that the King gives to them that serve in his Armies, have the Kings mark, and are not to be sold, but they may be chaffer'd away. If any of those Horses happens to dye in a Horse-mans hands, he must flea off the Kings mark, and carry it to the under Officers of the General of the Cavalry, to have a nother, otherwise he would be forc'd to buy another at his own expences. Those people by laying the skin in the water, know, though by what art I cannot tell, whither the Horse dy'd of age or sickness, or whither he were malitiously kill'd. For in times of Peace there are som Horse-men that will kill their Horses, to save the Charges of keeping any more than themselves: then at the next Muster they bring the skin of their Horse, with the mark on, to the Of­ficers, and get another, unless they be found out. Nor are their Horses only mark'd, but their Scimitars, Musquets, Bows and Quivers, all which they must shew to the Commissioners every Muster.

Sha-Abbas, the second being at Casbin in the year 1654, took a general view of his Cavalry, which lasted for ten or twelve days. For the King sitting in the Portal of one of his Gardens, with his Officers standing about him, every day caus'd so many troopers to ride by him: which were all stout active men and well mounted. Every Souldier gallop'd singly by him; and coming just under the King, he shot an Arrow against a Butt of Turf that was thrown up upon his left hand, and when the Muster was over, the King advanc'd the Pay of every Horse-man, who according to the sentence of the Judges had shot nearest the mark.

I was then at Casbin, and I remember one Souldier, who quite contrary to what the other Horse-men did, walk'd his Horse along by the King, and never-shot, but only lay'd his hand upon his brest, and then upon his forehead, which is the [Page 222] Ceremony of Salutation us'd by the King. He was a very homely fellow, with a flat tawny countenance: so that his behaviour and his presence offending the King, in a chafe he commanded that [...]lack rascal to be cashier'd out of his service. Immediately they took away his Horse and his Arms, and were going about to have drubb'd him, but that the General of the Cavalry made them a sign to let him alone. Immediately the General gave the King to understand that he was one of the best Souldiers in the Army: as he had signally made it appear at the Sieges of Erivan and Candahar. Upon that the King caus'd his Horse and Arms to be restor'd him again, and commanded him to ride by him as the rest of the Souldiers had done. When he came against the Butt, instead of obeying the Kings command, he turn'd his Horse to the right and left, without saying a word. The General fearing he would offend the King again, bid him shoot. What shall I shoot at? Sir said he. Against the place where all the rest have shot, answer'd the Gene­ral. Then the Souldier shaking his head and smiling, 'Tis not my way, said he, to spend my Arrows against a wall; for I know how to make use of 'em better against the body or head of the Enemies of my King. I would then shoot thrice before another could shoot once. At the same time he draws out two Arrows out of his Quiver, one of which he held in his mouth, and put the other to his bow: and then set­ting spurs to his Horse he out-rid the Butt for the nonce, to shoot backward, which he did, and hit the very middle of the white, then turning his horses head and passing the Butt as before, he shot the second Arrow into the same hole, whence they had pull'd the first Arrow. Then the General approaching near the King, told him that by what he had heard and seen, he might well believe that Horseman to be as brave a Souldier as any in the Army: which his Majesty con­fess'd, and from three Tomans advanc'd his pay to 15 Tomans.

The Mir-Shikar-Bashi, or the Grand Master of the Hunt, who is also employ'd as Grand Falconer. He has under him a thousand Officers, and a great number of Birds of prey, and manag'd Hawks.

The Seguan Bashi receives the orders of the Grand Master of the Hunt. He has charge of the Doggs, Lyons, Leopards, and other Beasts for Chace.

The Kindar Bashi, who has charge of the Kings Saddles.

The Zinkan-Courlshisi is the chief of the Querries, that hold the Kings stirrup, when he gets a Horseback.

The Kelege-Courlshisi carrys the Kings sword.

The Oriaje-Courlshisi carrys his Bow and Arrows.

The Vakanviez is as it were the chief Secretary of State: an employment never conferr'd but upon a Favourite. He also reads all Petitions and Papers that are re­presented to the King.

The Kasnadar-Bashi is he that keeps all the Money which is in the Kings Cof­fers, whom we call the High Treasurer.

The Ishik-Agasi-Bashi is the Grand Master of the Houshold, who has several Of­ficers under him.

The Mehmender-Bashi is the Master of the Ceremonies.

The Hakim-Bashi is the Kings chief Physitian, by whose allowance all the Physiti­ans of the Kingdom are licens'd.

The Munedgin-Bashi is the chief of the Astrologers.

The Divan-Bequi is the chief Justiciar, as well in Civil as in Criminal causes, and he keeps his Court either in Ali Capi, or in the Kings House, where his Majesty sometimes presides himself when he pleases. Before him as being and Officer of great Authority, all the Criminals in the Kingdom make their appeal, and he makes out process against the Kans and other Grandees of Persia.

The Deroga is much like the Lieutenant Criminal in France, from whom it is lawful to appeal before the Divan-Bequi. He has an eye upon Robberies, Batte­ries and Murthers, and he has power to suppress Houses of Debauchery. If he catch any debauch'd persons, he has power to give them the Bastinado, or to fine them: and most commonly he spares corporal chastisement to punish their pur­ses.

The Sofragi-Bashi is he that spreads the Sofra before the King.

The Chirakgi-Bashi is he that has charge of the Wine: chiefly the Schiras wine, which is particularly kept for the King, who seldom drinks any other. Nor can [Page 223] any particular person in Schiras make Wine till the Court be first serv'd, and that with the leave of the Chirategi-Bashi; there being none but the Franks and Jews that make it.

The Mesheal-Bashi is the chief of the Torch-bearers; who furnishes the Court with Candles, which are all of Wax. To this Mesheal-Bashi belong all the fines of those that play at Cards or Dice, the Law of Mahomet forbidding all Games of hazard. This Officer has several inferior Officers under him, who go from place to place to spy where they can find any persons at play: and he has power to break open any house, unless the Master be of great Quality.

The Kahuergi-Bashi is he that has care of the Kahué, the Rose-water, and other distillations which the Persians drink; as Bilmishe, made of the buds of brown Sallows.

The Kara-Setashe is the King's Chirurgeon, or Barber, who lets him Blood, and shaves his Head; and cannot part with his place to another.

The Capigi-Bashi is the great Porter, who has under him several other Of­ficers.

The Melikultugagear is he that has charge of the Stuffs for the King's Houshold, and puts them out to the Taylors. He takes an account of the shreds and old ha­bits, which serve to make Cloathes for the Souldiers, deducting for them out of their pay.

The Gelander-Bashi is the chief of the Foot-men.

The Mir-ahe, or the Prince of the Seals, is the Superintendent of the Seals▪ and for profit, is one of the best employments in the Kingdom. He has the sale of the Canal-water to the Country-men; for which he makes the Farmers pay a severe rate.

The Karkrone is the House for the Royal Manufactures, where the Gold and Silver-Carpets are made, as also those of Silks and Worsted, together with Tis­sues, Velvet, and Taffeta's. There are other Workmen that make Coats of Mail, Bows, Arrows, Scimitars, and other Arms. In other Apartments are Limners that paint in Water-colours; Lapidaries, and Goldsmiths, that only make Silver-Rings. For in regard the Persians cannot say their Prayers when they have any Gold about 'em, they never wear Jewel or Ring of Gold, because it would be troublesome to pull 'em off, and lay 'em up so many times a-day. And therefore the King of Persia causes all his Jewels to be set in Silver, as we set all our Stones in Gold. As for working Goldsmiths, they have none in Persia; all their Gold and Silver-Plate being wrought by the Copper-smiths in round figure, for they have not the art to frame an Oval.

The Nakkashe-Bashi is the Serjeant-Painter, who only works in miniature; they cover their Pictures with a Varnish made of Mastich steep'd in a certain Oil that distils from a Rock that points upon the Caspian-Sea not far from Shamatri. It distils out of the Rock at first like water; but afterwards it thickens till it be­come as thick as Sallet-Oil, preserving still its whiteness. There are also three other Rocks not far from the former, from whence this Oyl distils; but it is thicker, and of darker colour.

The Negeach-Bashi is the chief of the Joyners.

The Embardar-Bashi has the charge of the King's Granaries, and other Provi­sions, having several Officers under him.

The Odondar-Bashi is the Master of the Wood-yard.

The most part of these Officers have their diet in the King's House, or else an allowance of Diet from thence.

The Tushemal-Bashi is the Clerk of the Kitchen. He orders what shall be serv'd up to the King, and when the Table is clear'd, he sticks his Knife in the best dish, and orders it to be carri'd home to his own House.

Now for the Officers of War, the principal are; First, the Sepeh-Salar, Gene­ralissimo of the King of Persia's Armies, who is never constituted but in time of War; which being ended, his employment ceases. His place in Council is im­mediately next to the Athemadoulet.

Now in regard the Militia is divided into three sorts, there are also three Ge­nerals. The three Bodies of the Militia are the Corschis, the Goulams, and the Tufenlegis.

[Page 224] The Corschis are descended from a forreign race, which have still a great repute for their Valour. These people live in Tents, like the Turcomans; and they send their Youth betimes to the King. They furnish their Youth also with all neces­saries, and maintain them till they come to be taken notice of by the King. They are all Horse-men, well paid, and well look'd to, and are many times advanc'd to the Supreme Dignities of the Kingdom. They are generally call'd Kesel-Bashi, or Red-heads, because that formerly they wore red Bonnets. It is said that the King has about 22000 of these Corchis in pay, all good Souldiers, that do won­ders in Battel. Sha-Abbas the first did what he could to abolish this Militia, and to set up the Goulams in their stead. His hatred against them was only because he thought them too powerful; for he was wont to say to his Favourites, that nothing but the Puissance of the Corchis, could oppose the Royal Power, There­upon he took away some of their Priviledges, and gave them to the Doulams; but he could not bring about his design any farther.

The General of the Corchis is call'd Corschi-Bashi, and ought to be one of their Body; nor can the King impose another upon them. The Mim-Bashi commands a thousand Men, the Yux-Bashi commands a hundred, and the Om-Bashi com­mands ten. The Corschi-Bashi has 150 Tomans a year; the Mim-Bashi sixty-two; the Yuz-Bashi thirty, and the Om-Bashi fifteen. The pay of every Horse man is from nine to fifteen Tomans a year. Besides, every year the King makes a gene­ral Muster, and then he gives to the Corschis a third part more than their usual pay; however, to some more, to others less, either according to favour or merit. When the King has resolv'd to put a great Man to death, he commits the execu­tion of his command to a Corschi.

The Gouler-Agasi is General of the Goulams, or Slaves. For indeed they are either Slaves, or the Sons of Slaves of all sorts of Nations, who do the King ve­ry good Service. They are for the most part runnegade Georgians; and there are about 18000 of these Goulams, being all Horse-men whose pay is from five to eight Tomans a year. The Corschis are very good Husbands; but the Goulams, as soon as they have receiv'd their pay, fall a drinking and swaggering; whereas the other, if he has a Piaster to spare, will buy a Sheep with it: For in regard they live in Tents, their Riches consists in Flocks. The greatest part of the Court of Persia is made up of these two Bodies. The Goulams have this peculiar to them­selves, that they are very rarely known to revolt. For being all Slaves, and of different Nations, there are no ties of Affection or Kindred between them: And if the King has an occasion to punish any of them, the chief of their Body is to execute his orders. The Goulams carry no other Arms besides a Bow and Ar­rows, with a Skain. Though some wear Coats of Mail, and Head-pieces: others Vambraces and Battel-Axes. These Horse-men never entrench in the Field like ours in Europe, nor have they any Field-Marshals to assign them quarters. For after the chief have taken up the best places, the rest set up their Tents as neer as they can to the Pavillion of the General.

The Tufenkgiler-Agasi is the General of the Tufenkgis, who compose the third Body of the Militia. This part of the Souldiery was but lately instituted, being compos'd of men taken from the Plough, as being most fit for labour. They are Foot-men with only a Scimiter and a Musket. But when they march, they have a Horse or a M [...]le between three or four, to carry their Baggage and Provisions. Their pay is not above four or five Tomans a year. And for their Officers, their pay is more or less according to their Quality and Command. They are in no, great reputation, being laugh'd at by the old Souldiers, as being a company of poor Countrey-men, that dare not look an enemy in the face. Not but that the Infantry of Persia is able to do good service; though, as numerous as they are, the King never makes use of them, but in case of necessity. When he marches in person, he sends for eight or ten thousand, which he sends for out of what Province best pleases him, and they prove very useful to the Army, as Sutlers. This Infan­try is compos'd of the Countrey-men that live in Tents, abiding in the Mountains all the hot Summer, and betaking themselves in the Winter to the hot Countreys. Every Tribe or Family knows how many men it ought to set out. And there is not a Foot-man that has not his new-Suit in his Chest, and his Musket and Scimi­ter in very good order. They are well train'd, and well disciplin'd; for every [Page 225] three months the Governor of the Province takes a view of all the Souldiers in his Province, and causes them to be exercis'd in his own presence. They are order'd to shoot at a mark, and they that hit it, are sure to have some reward from the Governor. When the King sends for any part of his Infantry, they pre­sently know who is to lead 'em; and they are lusty, and well cl [...], never put­ting on their best Cloathes but when they muster, or march into the Field. They pay to the King little or nothing: for of all their Cattel great and small, they pay but one in the hundred to him, and one Abassi, or 18 Sous of our Money.

The Eshek-Agasi, or chief of the Keshekshi's, who are the King's Guards, and carry a Musket with a very wide bore. They were but lately instituted by the Athemat-doulet, when he intended to destroy the Divan-begui. This Officer has about 2000 men under him, of which he disposes every night a certain number, round about the Palace. When the King sits in Council, he stands there with a Battoon in his hand, and throws himself to the ground when the King beckons to him to come and receive any command from his mouth. The Topigi-Bashi is the Master of the Ordnance, and chief of the Sea-affairs, but he has little to do in either employment. For, as for the Cannon, there are only some two or three pittiful Guns in some of the Frontier-towns: And for Ships, there are none in Persia but what come from Europe or the Indies to Ormus or Balsara. The Per­sians themselves have no other Ships than some few large Barks in the Persian-Gulph, and in some parts of the Caspian-Sea, where they keep a Fleet against the Ʋsbeck Tartars, the Kalmoukes, and other people.

As for the Kans or Governors of Provinces, they are generally chosen out of the body of Corschi's and Goulams; who are handsom persons, and generally much more Valiant than the natural Persians. For the natural complexion of the Per­sians is not good, as may be seen by the Gaures, the original, Inhabitants of the Countrey, who are for the most part tann'd, and ill-shap'd. So that there is hardly a Persian, from the King to the meanest of his Subjects, who is not a Georgian, or sprung from the loins of Georgians, For they fetch a great number of Slaves out of Georgia; by the frequent Marriages of which women, the Georgian Valour and Beauty are become Natives of Persia.

The Kans or Governors of Provinces are as so many petty Kings, fear'd and re­spected by all the people. And when they are settl'd, they are never depos'd, but upon repeated complaints of their excessive Tyranny. There are some of these Governments that yield the Kan seven or eight thousand Tomans. But they are bound to present the King every year at Nourons, or New-year-tide.

Under the Kans there are also Governors of lesser quality, who are also im­mediately preferr'd by the King, and cannot be depos'd by any person but him­self. If they abuse their Authority, the complaints brought against him are first carri'd to the Kan, which, if they concern the Government of the Kingdom, the Kan is bound to inform the King thereof. But if the complaints are not considerable, then the Kan may do Justice himself, and make the Sultans know their duty.

There is yet a third sort of Governors, call'd Asephs, who are the King's Lieu­tenants in places where he had Kans in former times; or where he ought to have them still, but only to save charges. For in the Provinces where Kans Govern, they and their Officers, almost equalling in name and number the Officers of the King's Houshold, devour all the profits of the Province, but what the Kan is ob­lig'd annually to pay.

By what I have wrote as well concerning the King's Houshold, the Governors of his Provinces, and the Officers of his Army, it may be easily concluded that the King of Persia's Court is the most magnificent and glorious of all the Courts of Asia; and besides, that it is the most Polite and Civil of all the Orient.

CHAP. XI.
Of the second Order, containing all those that belong to the Ec­clesiastical Law, and their Courts of Justice; and, in general, of all the Gown-men; such as are chiefly the Officers of the Chamber of Accounts.

THE second of the three Estates of Persia comprehends the Gown-men, such as are the Doctors of the Law, the Officers of Justice, and those of the Chamber of Accounts.

As the Athemat-doulet is the Prime Minister in Temporals, the Sedre is the Prime Minister in Spirituals, and the High-Priest of the Law. However, he does not pretend to take place before the Athemat-doulet either in Council, or in the publick Ceremonies. There is this difference between the Sedre and the Mufti in Turkey, that in Persia, Ecclesiastical Dignities are no bar from Civil Employments; so that the Sedre is many times made Athemat-doulet.

The Dignity of Sedre is not limited to one single person, but may be divided between two, in regard there are two sorts of Legacies, the one from the King's of Persia, the other from particular persons. Therefore for the more careful Superintendency over these two sorts of Legacies, there are sometimes two Se­dres appointed. The one is call'd Sedre-Kras, particular or peculiar Sedre who manages all the Revenues of the Royal Foundations, and distributes them to the Mullaks and Students according to their merit. The other is call'd Sedre-el-man­koufat, who has the management of private Foundations. In the year 1667 the King created two Sedres, and marri'd them to two of his Sisters.

The Sedre has two men under him, whose Authority is almost equal to theirs. The one is call'd Sheik-el-selom, and the other Cadi: and these are they that decide all controversies in Religion, judge of Divorces, make Contracts and publick Acts. These two Dignities are in the King's nomination: and in all the principal Cities of the Kingdom there are two of these Ecclesiastical Judges for all matters that concern the Law.

To every Mosquee there belongs a Pichnamaz, who is always first there before Prayers begin; and he teaches the people to Pray by learning of him, having their eyes always fix'd upon him to that end. This Pickanmaz is the same with him whom the Turks call Iman. The Moullah's are the Doctors of the Law, as are the Hodgia's in Turkey, and they are well paid out of the Legacies giv'n to the Mosquees, for reading every Friday, and interpreting the Alcoran to the people. He that reads, sits in one Chair; and he that interprets, in another, somewhat lower upon the left-hand of the Reader. They are also bound to teach the Sci­ences to all those that require it: And as a mark of Sanctity, they wear a great white Turbant, with a single Chamlet-habit of the same colour. Their gate is grave, and their discourse very serious; yet all this is but pure hypocrisy. When they light into any considerable company of people, they presently rise, and ex­hort 'em to go to Prayers. At the same time they wash their heads, their hands, and their feet, and spread a felt upon the ground, or if they are poor, a single mat. Upon this, at one end, the Maulla kneels, at the other lies a flat Stone about the bigness of the palm of a man's hand, which was brought from Mecca. Which Stones the Moullah's always carry about 'em; for being commanded while they are at their devotions often to kiss the ground, they rather choose to kiss a Stone brought from so holy a place, than the prophane Earth. They have a kind of a Mariners compass, which directs them punctually where Mecca stands, to the end they may know which way to turn when they say their Prayers. The Prayer which the Moulla's make, seems to be accompani'd with a great deal of zeal, and they take great notice all the while whether the company be atten­tive or no. Some Persians are so superstitious, that a Vizir of Schiras suffer'd his leg to rot off, because he would not let a Christian Chirurgeon touch him, for fear of being defil'd.

[Page 227] There belongs also to every Mosquee a Monteveli, who looks after the repairs of the Building, and the Provision of what belongs to the Mosquee; together with a Mouazen, who cries morning and evening from the top of a Tower, That there is but one God, and that Mahomet is his Prophet.

Colledges, the Persians call Medrese; where there are a great number of Scholars bred up at little charge, out of the Legacies left to the Foundations. They al­low them a Chamber without any Furniture, they being to provide a Coverlet and a Mattress for themselves, They have no certain Masters, but sometimes they go for their instructions to one, sometimes to another, seldom to the Princi­pal of the Colledg, who is call'd Monderes, and is generally the greatest Block­head of them all. But there are several other persons in every good City that are forward to teach the Sciences to purchase honour to themselves. For which reason they are very liberal, to get a great company of Fol­lowers together, who are as so many Trumpets to publish the wisdom of their Akroom or Doctor. But when their Liberality ceases, the Trumpets want breath at the same time.

Now as to their manner of studying, the Student first reads two or three lines, and then the Doctor Expounds. Then another reads two or three lines more, and so one after another; every one rising up out of respect after he has done reading, and standing upright till the Doctor bids him sit down again. One of these Doctors shall teach all manner of Sciences in one day; for he is not learned that cannot talk of all. And certainly had the Persians those advantages of Books, and that method of study which we have in Europe, they would prove to be men of great understanding: for with those little helps they have, they will give a good account of their own Theology, of Logick, Physick, and the Mathematicks, wherein they strive to reach the bottom of things as deep as they can. Their Books are for the most part the works of an ancient Persian Author, whose name was Kodgia Nesir in the City of Thouss, in the Province of Korassan. 'Tis very probable he was well skill'd in the Greek and Arabick, having translated into Per­sian several Books out of those two Languages. They have some pieces of Ari­stotle which are accounted the best in the West: The Almagestes of Ptolemy, which they call Magesti, some tractates of Euclide, some fragments of Archimedes: the Opticks of Ehne, Heister, and other excellent Books. Some have affirm'd that they have been skill'd in the doctrin of Sines and Tangents for above this 800 years: and indeed they are very curious at this day in Mathematical Instruments. They have also a great inclination to Poetry, the chief grace whereof they be­lieve to consist in design of accidents, and high comparisons observing thime as we do. As for Physick, they have Galen, whom they call Galenous; Averroes, whom they call Aboualt, or great Father; and Hermes Trismegistus, whom they call Or­mous. The most considerable of their Historians is Ronze el Sapha, who wrot a Chronology from the Creation of the World to his time; wherein there are abundance of fables, but little truth. He says that the World was inhabited by Devis for an infinite number of years before the Creation of Adam, and that God for their enormities depriv'd them of their power upon earth, and gave it to man to manage. Their Books, though deer, are very common, and every Trades-man buys 'em, being very ambitious to learn the Sciences themselves, and to encou­rage their children to do so too. They send them betimes to the School, which they call Meklebe, of which there are several in every Quarter. They make a hideous noise in their Schools, repeating their Lessons alltogether aloud, while the Master corrects every Boy that does not keep along with the Cry. As for the children of persons of Quality, they have Tutors at home, never stirring out of doors till they are 18 years of age, unless it be to go a hunting or a shoot­ing now and then. Hence it comes to pass, that the Children are discreet, civil and modest; so that you shall never hear an ill word come out of their mouths.

In the Chamber of Accounts are many Officers, whom I look upon as Gown­men. All the Books and Registers pass through their hands, particularly such Pa­pers as concern'd the King's Revenue. All which are register'd in the Chamber of Accounts at Ispahan, which is call'd Defter Krone. As to the Fee-Lands call'd Moulkerbar, which belong to particular persons, they owe to the King a certain [Page 228] annual Rent, which the Governors of Provinces exact with a severe extorti­on.

The Mestempti and the Memaleck are they that value the Rent of all Lands in Demesh, which is one of the principal charges of the Defter Kroon. They also take cognisance of all the King's Farns, Quit-Rents, Provisions and Ex­pences of Receivers and Collectors. There is also a Mestempti to value Lega­cies.

The Nazar controuls the Mestempti and the Memalek, and his hand is requir'd to all Papers of dispatch.

The Deroga or Provost of the Defter-Kroon is to prosecute and punish all that are guilty of false Receipts, or of Exaction.

Into this Office are deliver'd all the Grants and Assignations of the wages of the King's Officers. Every man comes and receives his own, or sends for it to those places upon which this Money is assign'd.

In every Village or Borough there is a Reis, or chief of the place, to whom the Officers apply themselves for their Money: For should they terrify the Countrey-man, he would run quitè away, and pay nothing. The greatest cheat in this Chamber of Accounts, is, that in regard the Officers keep the Roll of the Officers wages, they will give them divers Bills to receive little parcels at several places distant from one another, till the Sum be made up; to which trouble rather than the Kings servant will be put, he will give a good gratuity to the Officer to pay him all together. But because the Officers are not able to satisfy all that come, there are certain Thahsilders or hoarders up of Rent, who buy for ready Money as cheap as they can, such Bills as private men come to receive at the Chamber; and when they have got a good number together, they go and receive them altogether at the Chamber, and make great advantage. By this misgovernment of the Defter-Kroon, several persons are very much opprest. For he that has but 30 Tomans a year, shall be forc'd to give a good share out of it to have the rest in ready Mo­ney; which has been often the ruine of the Persian Army, through the abuses and defalcations put upon the poor Souldiers. During the Reign of Sha-Abbas the 1; and toward the beginning of the Reign of Sha-Sefi his Son, the Exche­quer was better regulated; but when the Persians come to be at Peace with their Neighbours, the King and his Lords have minded nothing less then the payment of the Souldiery.

The greatest part of the Lands in Persia belong to the King, and are only farm'd by private persons. The rest of the Lands are measur'd, and every Land pays so much a measure. The King also has a vast income by the Merchandizes that pay Custom and Toll. The Port of Bander Abassi alone brings him one year with another, when least, besides accidents, neer upon 20000 Tomans.

CHAP. XII.
Of the third Estate of the Kingdom, comprehending the Trades­men and Merchants: as also of the Trades, Manufactures, and Commodities of Persia.

THe Commerce of Persia, as in all other Kingdoms, consists in the Trade of the Country and Forraign Traffick. Only with difference, that the Country Trade is in the hands of the Persians and Jews, the forraign Traffic in the hands of the Armenians only, who are as it were the Kings and the Noble mens Fa­ctors to sell their silk.

As for the Handicraft trades, there are some Corporations that pay a certain yearly duty to the King, as Shoemakers, Cutlers, Smiths, and others. Some are free, as the Joyners and Masons; though he get by their labour as much as others pay him in money. For when the King requires twenty Masons for a work which is in hast, the Marmar Bashi who is their Chief, summons them together, and they that gave most are excus'd. For when the King requires twenty, he summons forty: and thus every man lives by his calling. The practice is the same with the Chief of the Joyners, and all other Trades, who are Officers pay'd by the King, and never work unless they please themselves, commanding all that are under their Jurisdiction. As for Carpenters and Joyners work, the Persians know little what belongs to it, which proceeds from the scarcity of Wood, that does not allow them materials to work upon. So that for Chains, Tables and Bedsteads, there are no such things to be seen in Persia: the Joyners business being only to make Doors and Frames for Windows, which they make very neatly of several pieces of wood joyn'd together, so that a man can hardly put a Tennis Ball through the holes where they put the glass. Nor can it be expected that the Persians should work like other Europeans, having no other Tools then a Hatchet, a Saw, and a Chizzel, and one sort of Plainer, which a French-man brought among them.

Their nobler Arts are Writing, for Printers they know none. All their Books are writt'n, which is the reason they so much esteem that Art. There was an Armenian who had set up a Printing-Press at Ispahan, and had Printed the Epistles of St. Paul, the seven Penitential Psalms, and was going about to Print the whole Bible, but not having the way of making good Ink, and to avoid the ill consequen­ces of the Invention, he was forc'd to break his Press. For on the one side the Children refus'd to learn to write, pretending they wrote the Bible themselves, on­ly to get it the sooner by heart: on the other side many persons were undone by it, that got their living by writing.

The Persians use three sorts of hands, the first is call'd Nestalick, or the Set hand; the second Shakeste or Divanni, which is their Court-hand: the third Neskre, or the Running-hand, very like the Arabic. They write with small Indian Reeds; and say, that to write well a man ought to lean so slightly upon his Pen, that should a fly stand upon the other end it would fall out of his hand. When they write they hold their Paper in one hand to turn it according to the motion of the Pen, other­wise they could not make their dashes large and free, as the Character requires. They make their Paper of Cotton Fustian, very course, brown, and of no strength, for the least folding tears it. They sleek it with a sleek stone, and then rub it over to make it more sleek. Their Ink is made of Galls and Charcoal pounded together with Soot.

The Persians reck'n four Languages among 'em. The Persian call'd Belick, that is, sweet and pleasing. The Turkish, call'd Sciascet, or the Rodomontado Language. The Arabian, to which they give the Epithite of Feschish or Eloquent: and the fourth, call'd Coba [...]et, or the Speech of the Country people. The Persian in use among the Gentry is compos'd almost of all Arabie words: by reason that the Persian is very barren. But the Gibbrish of the Country people is so corrupt that they in the City can hardly understand 'em. The Arabian is the Language of the Learned, in which tongue their Books are written. The Language of the Court [Page 230] is Turkish, but much more soft and elegant then at Constantinople. As for the Persian Language, it is spoken in the Courts of the Great Mogul, and the Kings of Golconda and Visapour, in all which Courts a Noble man would take it for an af­front to be spok'n to in the Indian Language.

As for their Painters they only paint in miniature, and for Birds and Flowers they will draw them indifferently: But for figures and stories they know not what belongs to any such thing.

The Persians are most excellent Artists for manufactures of Gold, Silk and Silver, of which their rich Carpets and Tissues are made: nor do their Gold and Silver Manufactures ever grow black or lose their luster by long wearing or lying by. There are abundance that work in Silk stuffs of all sorts, and others that make Bonnets and Girdles of Gold and Silk. Others there are whose business it is to fast'n flowers of Gold and Silver to their Taffata's, with gum water, of which the women make Shifts and Drawers. And now they begin to make such large quantities of Taffata's, that they care not for the stuffs which are brought out of India, though they be much finer.

They also make great quantities of Linnen Cloth of all sorts of colours, upon which they fast'n several flowers with gum water, and some figures, though the Law forbid it. Which they learnt to do upon the Armenians carrying out of Eu­rope some ill-favour'd cuts and pieces in distemper which they bought here without judgment: these pieces they hang before their doors, and those hollow places in the walls where they put their Quilts and Carpets when they rise.

The Persians are excellent Artists at Damasquing with Vitriol, or engraving Da­mask-wise upon Swords, Knives, and the like. But the nature of the Steel which they make use of, very much contributes to their Art, in regard they cannot perform the same work neither upon their own nor ours. This steel is brought from Golconda, and is the only sort of steel which can be damasqu'd. For when the workman puts it in the fire, he needs no more then to give it the redness of a Cherry, and instead of quenching it in the water as we do, to wrap it in a moist Linnen cloath: for should he give it the same heat as to ours, it would grow so hard that when it came to be wrought it would break like glass. I speak this to undeceive those people who think our Scimitars and Cut-lasses are made of steel of Damaseus, which is a vulgar error; there being no steel but that of Golconda that can be Damask'd.

The Persians are also excellent Artists at making Bows and Arrows, and such other weapons as are us'd in that Country. As for Bridles and Sadles their Ar­tists far exceed ours, especially in their sowing, which they do so neatly and with so much art with a kind of back-stitch, that it looks almost like an embroidery. There are an infinite number that live by dressing Seal-skins and Goat-skins, the first to make boots for the Gentry and better sort of Merchants, the latter for the poor people.

There is also a sort of earthen ware made at Kerman which is very fine, and be­ing brok'n looks as white within as without. It does not endure heat so well as Porcellane, which has this quality, that if you powre never so hot liquor into a Porcellane cup, neither the foot nor the brims a-top will be any thing the warmer.

There are abundance of poor people that get their living by mending glass To­bacco-pipes, for when they are brok'n they join them together again with a cer­tain mastic made of lime, and the white of an egg, then with a Diamond-pointed piercer they make holes in the glass, and bind the pieces together with a thin Latten-wire.

The most considerable commodities of Persia are the Silks which come out of the Province of Guilan. But there is not so much transported out of Persia as men imagin. For formerly great quantities of Velvets, Tissues and Taffata's were transported out of Persia into these parts, but now we make them better and cheap­er in Europe.

There is also a vast quantity of flat silk transported out of Persia into Turkie, Muscovy and Poland, which the women use in embroidery: for the Colours being lively, they embroider their shifts, handkerchers, vails, and other linnen with it.

The Seal-skins and Goat-skins which are dress't in Persia are transported by the [Page 231] Hollander into India and Japan. Great quantities also of both are transported into Muscovy and Poland.

The Ronas, that famous Root, of which I have already spoken, is transported over all India, where there is also a great vent of Persian fruits pickl'd in Vinegar, as also of their sweet waters.

Their Pistaches grow in great abundance about Casbin; Almonds from the Terri­tories of Yesd and Kerman, Raisins from several parts of the Kingdom, especially from Schirus: And their purgative Prunes, which they call Alonbacdra, from the Frontiers that border upon Tartary.

Great store of Quinces can died, and boxes of Marmaled made at Balsara, are thence transported into India, where they are bought up by the Mahometans and Portugueses. For the Banians will eat none, for fear they should by accident bury a fly in their stomachs.

Great store of dry'd Fruits are brought out of the Country of the Medes, and transported to Tooat, to Diarbequir, Nineveh and Dagdat. Among the rest a sort of small Apricots, very pleasing to the taste, which being boyl'd in water make a pleasant syrrup, and are the only diet for the sick in those parts.

There are also great store of painted Calicuts made in Persia, which being course, are only worn and made use of by the poor, so that there is very little transported out of the Country, but what is carried into Turkie.

The Persians also make a great deal of money of their Cattel; and to begin with their Camels, they sell vast numbers of them into Armenia and Natolia. But the Governours of the Provinces are very unwilling to part with them; which very much abates the trade. For the Turks very highly esteem the Persian Camels, as being stronger than their own. They also sell great store of Horses and Mules; but that trade is not so considerable, the chiefest part being only sent into India.

As for their Sheep, 'tis a wonderful thing to see what prodigious numbers come out of the Province of the Medes and the Higher Armenia, and the Forraign Mer­chants come as far as Tauris and Hamadan to fetch thew away. They drive them as far as Constantinople and Adrianople, and the greatest part of the Mutton which is spent in Natolia and Romania comes out of Persia, which very much enriches Persia with ready mony. But when Lamb is in season, as we travel with the Ca­ravans, we meet at every turn with flocks after flocks, the least of which consists of a thousand Lambs: and in regard there are some of those Lambs that are weary, and lag behind, we buy them at a cheap rate, the Shepherds that are not able to carry them, being glad to be rid of 'em.

Formerly the Merchant Fewellers brought some Turquoises of the old rock out of Persia; but for these 15 years last past there have bin none found. The last time I was there I could only meet with three, which were but reasonable. As for those of the new rock, they are of no value, because they do not keep their colour, but turn green in a little time.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the Justice and Policy of the Persians.

THe Justice of the Persians is very exact and very speedy. Suits are determin'd upon the place without any need of Advocates or Proctors. Not but that the Officers of Justice are easie to be corrupted, but in their unjust exactions, which they carry as secretly as possibly they can, they are sooner satisfi'd then the Turks: and if their injustice be discover'd, upon complaint to the King they are punisht without mercy.

The Kans do Justice in their Provinces, as representing the Kings person. Be­sides that, the King has a Divan Begui in every City, and the Kan places under him a Deroga, who is like the Lieutenant Criminal in France. He has under him an Aatas, who is a kind of Captain of the watch; who goes about the streets in the night to hinder disorders, and carries all people to Prison that he finds abroad at unseasonable hours, if they cannot give a good accompt of themselves. There is also a Kelonter, that is, the chiefest or greatest, who seems to resemble the Tri­bune of the People among the Romans, or the Provost of Merchants in France. The Kelonter is only responsible to the King, who places one in every City, and it is his business to defend the People from the injustice and oppressions of the Go­vernours.

Murther is severely punish'd, nor will money save the Criminal. When the Murtherer is tak'n, they carry him before the Divan Begui, who makes quick work. For he delivers him to the Parents or kindred of the person slain, who carry him to the place of execution, and without any compassion torture him to death.

I remember the Kan of Schiras had a Favourite, who falling in love with a young Persian Gentleman, would needs endeavour to have the use of his body. One day meeting upon the Road together, and lying at night under the same Tent, the Favourite about midnight came to his bed side, and after many sollicitations would have forc'd him. But being violently resisted, the Favourite for madness to see him disappointed, and liable to be discover'd, stabb'd the young Gentle­man to the heart, and fled to the Mountains. The Murther being divulg'd, the Mother, Widow and Sister of the young man repair'd to the Kan for Justice, who willing to save his Minion, offer'd them money: but they scorning his proffer, threaten'd to complain to the King. The Kan being thereupon constrain'd to pur­sue his Favourite, at length took him and sent him to Ispahan, telling them that he would not judge of the Affair, but refer it to the King. The Mother, Widow and Sister immediately follow'd the Murtherer to Ispahan; and demanded Justice of the King with that eagerness, that though the King had an inclination to have spar'd the Kan's Favourite for his Masters sake, he was forc'd to abandon him, and to bid them pay themselves with his blood. Immediately he was carri'd to the Meydan, where the Widow first stabb'd him to the heart with a Dagger, then the Mother took her turn, and after the Sister; and then holding a Cup to receive his blood, drank every one a cup full to quench the thirst of their revenge.

Nor are they so exact in the punishment of Murther only; for they punish dis­orders in houses of Debauchery with a proportionable strictness, of which I will give the Reader two examples. A young Hollander, coming to Ispahan, presently put himself into a Persian habit; and going in the evening to a house of good fel­lowship, met with certain Persians, with whom he happen'd to quarrel, and being well beaten for his pains, thought it not convenient to stay any longer where he had bin so ill entertain'd. Thereupon the Dutch Interpreter went and complain'd to the Athemadoulet, who inform'd the King. The King immediately sent for the people that had beaten the Hollander, and ask'd them why they abus'd a stranger? To which the others made answer that they saw no stranger, but only a man clad after the Persian garb. Whereupon the King told the Interpreter, that if the Dutch-man had worn his own Country habit, his Subjects durst not have abus'd him, but as the case stood, he had no reason to punish 'em.

[Page 233] One day it happen'd that there was a great hubbub in one of those houses of debauchery, where the woman had prostituted her own Daughter. The King in­form'd of it, commanded the Mother to be thrown headlong from a Tower: and that the Daughter should be torn a pieces by his doggs, which he keeps, a purpose for such chastisements.

Above all things there is an extraordinary care taken for the security of the High-ways. For which purpose guards are set at convenient distances, who are ready to pursue upon the least noise of a Robbery, and who examin people whence they come and whither they go. If they answer not as they should, or trip in their Answers, they carry them before the next Governor. Those Radars are so possed over all Persia, that you need no more then send to the places where they keep station, to know what is become of any person that has committed a crime. For it is impossible to scape, all the Passes are so well guarded. If any one endeavours to travel through the Mountains or unfrequented roads, then the Radars who are in all places, seize such persons upon suspition, for not taking the direct road.

As the Caravan was one day setting out from Tauris for Ispahan, a poor fellow took an occasion to rob a Cloak-bag during the hurly-burly of packing up, and sted cross the fields not knowing his way: the Merchant missing his goods, complain'd to the Governour, who having sought for him in vain, sent order to the Guards of the High-ways, to make a strict examination, and to send the person to him so soon as they had seiz'd him. In a short time the Thief was constrain'd to forsake his Cloak-bag and to come a thwart the fields for water. Who being examin'd by the Radars why he came alone by such a by way, and not knowing what to answer, was carri'd to the Governour. He was soon convicted and condemn'd to death, for Thieves find no mercy in Persia. Only they are variously put to death. For sometimes they are ty'd to a Camels tayl by the feet, and their bellies rip't open. Sometimes they are buried alive all but their heads, and starv'd to death: in which torment they will sometimes desire a Passenger to cut off their heads; though it be a kindness forbidden by the Law. But the most cruel punishment of all, is when they set Thief a Horse-back, with his extended Arms fasten'd to a long stick behind: then larding him with lighted Candles, they suffer the Candles to burn into his very bowels. Another and I met two in this misery, who desir'd us to hasten their deaths, which we durst not do, only we gave them a Pipe of Tobacco according to their desire.

As for those that steal in Cities, they tye them by the heels to the tayl of a Ca­mel, and rip up their bellies: and then as the Camel drags the poor creature along the streets, while one goes before him crying, The King has punish'd him for such a crime. If yet he be not dead, they hang him upon the next tree.

The Radars have little wages, which makes them use their Rhetorick to get what honestly they can out of the Travellers, to whom they tell long stories of their care for the security of the highways.

If it happen that a Merchant be rob'd, the Governour of the Province is to make good to the Merchant whatever he has lost, according as he shall make out by his Oath or his Book. Nor dare the Governors deny satisfaction, fearing a complaint at Ispahan. I my self was rob'd of two Bales of goods, between Lar and Schiras, to the value of 1400 Piasters, but upon complaint to the Governour upon my own oath and shewing him my Book, he pay'd me all my loss in gold, and gave me a present in wine besides.

The Posts or Shappars are those that carry the Kings dispatches to the Gover­nours of Provinces. When they are sent any whither, the Kings Esquire finds them a Horse, and a man that runs to the end of the Stage, to bring him back again. If these Curriers meet a Horseman upon the road, they have power to dis­mount him, if their own be not so good, or be tyr'd: and the Horseman must ei­ther run after his Horse, or send some body to the end of the Stage. Sometimes these Curriers abusing their power, within a quarter of an hour after they have chang'd their Horse, if they meet another better mounted, they will take away his Horse too. Nor dares the Horseman resist, though he be never so much too strong, for there is no pardon for them that lay so much as a finger upon one of these Shappars; at other times they will pretend to take away a mans Horse [Page 234] only to get money. But they are forbid to deal so by the Franks; and I have pass'd by them, when they have said nothing to me.

Their Government in relation to Belly-timber is the best in the world For there is a Mohteseb, who is the chief of the Government, whose business it is to set a rate upon all sorts of Provision, being assisted by three or four more Assessors. Every first day of the week there is a publick Proclamation of tax upon the weight of every thing. Which Assessors in the evening advise together against the next day whether to raise or abate the price before set. This order was esta­blish'd by the great Sha-Abbas, and was in his reign more punctually observ'd then it has been since. By the by observe, that all provisions of belly-timber are sold by weight and not by measure: so that you may send a Child to Market; for if the Commodity be not weight, 'tis well if the buyer be satisfy'd with having his money again. For if the seller be discover'd to sell by false weights, they are led about the streets with a Taktekolas, or a Bonnet like a Bee-hive upon their heads, and a Bell about their necks to expose 'em first to the laughter of the people; after that they are fin'd, and receive so many drubs upon the soles of their feet.

If this good order were not observ'd in Persia, the poor would suffer very much. For the handicraft tradesmen that work all day in shops remote from their houses, where their wives are continually shut up, eat nothing at noon but a little fruit in season: and then in the evening when they leave work, they go to the Market and buy for their Families boyl'd or roast meat, of which there is great plenty. Therefore are they so exact, lest so many poor labouring men should be de­ceiv'd.

One day a Baker of the City came to the Kan, complaining that the Judge of the Government had set too low a price upon bread, so that he should be a great Ioser. To whom the Kan made answer, that 'twas not his business to alter the price: bidding him go to the Magistrate that was concern'd. But the Baker belie­ving the Kan could do any thing, sent him a present of fifty Tomans. The Kan seeing the ill design of the Baker to oppress the poor people, and the ill opinion he had of him as a seller of Justice, commanded him to be carri'd to the Piazza, and there to be drub'd upon the soles of his feet till he pay'd the other fifty Tomans, which the Kan forthwith distributed to the poor, and caus'd the price of bread to be abated instead of raising it.

CHAP. XIV.
Of the Manners and Customes of the Persians.

THe Manners and Customs of the people are usually correspondeut to their Religion. The Persians never preserve the name of their Predecessors, but like the Jews, for distinction sake, say, such a one, the Son of such a one. When they Circumcise a Child and give him a Name, they write three or four Names like Lots in Paper, which are drawn by a Child, and which the Child draws, that is the Name of the Child. The women that are barren, swallow that which is cut from the Child, believing it will make them conceive.

The Persians are generally very inquisitive after the time to come, consulting their Astrologers like Oracles: The King has always two or three by him, to tell him the good or bad hour. There is an Almanac which is sold every year in Per­sia, which they call Tacuim; but is indeed an Ephemerides, containing the Longi­tudes and Latitudes of the Planets, the Conjunctions and Oppositions; and other such things. This Tacuim is full of predictions about War, Sickness and Famin. It sets the proper seasons to put on new cloathes, to let blood, to Purge, or tra­vel, with many other instructions of the same nature. They give great credit to this Tacuim, and they that can get one, govern themselves in all things according to the Rules there set down. Others to know the success of their affairs, go to [Page 235] a Doctor of the Law, and desire him to open the Al-couran, and to tell them the Alcouran is the Book of the Law, so enti­tl'd for its ex­cellency, as we say, the Bi­ble.issue of their busines [...] ▪ Thereupon the Doctor muttering some strange words, opens the Book, and if he meets with affirmative commands, he declares the undertaking shall prosper. If negatives, he disswades from the enterprize. I re­member a Gardiner belonging to the Capuchin Friers, would needs go to one of those Moullah's, to know whether he should get by an Ox that he was about to buy. Whereupon the Moullah assur'd him he should reap great profit by his bar­gain: but quite contrary, the Ox dy'd upon his hands within three days, to the great astonishment of the Gardiner. When a Capuchin tax'd the Moullah for the falsities of his pretended Art, the Moullah reply'd, that God knew that the Gar­diner would spend his Money upon lewd Women, and therefore took from him the means and support of his debauchery.

They also use a sort of divination, which is call'd Rambé, by even or odd, the Masters of which mystery, call'd Rammals, keep Shops on purpose to delude the people. When they see people coming, they have persons suborn'd on purpose; who holding out their hands shut, ask the Rammal what he thinks they have in their hands. The Rammal at first seems to be at a stand; throwing certain Dice, call'd Kiabetain, the specks whereof are some even, some uneven; but when there are people anough gathered together, he tells point by point how many specks his fellow-Cheat has in his hands. Who counterfeiting astonishment, encourages the poor silly creatures that stand gazing, to spend something for a lye which they sell them. They also make use of the Faal; which is to open a Book, and by numbers even or odd, to prognosticate good or bad fortune. In their interpretation of dreams, the Interpreter foretells the future to him that enquires conformable to what he says he saw in his dream. He has a great Book lying before him, full of little Pictures and Grotesco-work, wherein he strives to shew the people some Fantasm or Apparition, which they will tell you they saw in the night. These cheats are usually practis'd about the Palace, where all the idle people flock together; as al­so upon the Road to Zulpha, where they lye upon the Road to catch the silly Passengers.

The Persians are mightily addicted to ill language, and foul-mouth'd reproaches. So that when two men fall out, instead of fighting with their fists, they fight with their tongues, and curse one another. But they never blaspheme God: for if they should hear one swear, or wish themselves at the Devil, they would cry out in an astonishment, Is not that Fellow a fool to give himself upon trust to the Devil, and renounce▪Paradise? When they would affirm any thing to be true, all their Oaths are Ser-azire-sha, By the King's beloved head; or, Erva pigumbir, by the Spirit of the Prophet. I remember once at Galata, walking with some of the French Embassador's Servants, we saw two Turks at Cuffs; after they were par­ted, one of them gave the other a thousand curses; to which, the other reply'd no more than only this; I wish, said he, thy Soul may have no more repose in Paradise, than the Hat of a French-man has in this World, alluding to our manner of salutation, and putting off our Hats so often as we do.

The Persians are naturally great Dissemblers and Flatterers; and they make it their study to acquire esteem and applause. They love to give and receive Pre­sents: more especially to present the King. Which Presents are valu'd, and ac­cording to the estimate, they must send ten per cent. to the Serjeant Porter, and five per cent. to his Deputy: which, if they do not pay willingly, they are forc'd to pay: which I saw the Deputy of the Holland-Company forc'd to do.

The Luxury and the Expences of the Persians is excessive, as I have in several places observ'd. And though it be against the Law of Mahomet to make use of Gold or Silver-plate, which sets aside that metal only for Commerce and for Mo­ney; none but the poor observe that Law, for the rich make no scruple to trans­gress it.

The Persians are very much accustom'd to make mutual Visits one to another at their solemn Festivals, and to wish one another good cheer, and a merry season. The more noble sort stay at home to expect the Visits of their▪ Inferiors; after that they get a Horseback, and return their Visits. The Curtisans continue their Visits all the year long, and going to the Noble-mens Houses, stay in the great Hall till they come out of their Harams. Whither, when the Noblemen come, [Page 236] they lay their hands upon their stomachs, and bow, which is their manner of sa­luting the Company that tarries for them. After some few Compliments, they get a Horseback, attended by all their Visitants, who accompany them to the King's House, in expectation of some kindness, by vertue of their favour. The favours which the King usually does to such people, is to send them to the Gover­nours of Provinces with a Hawk or a Culaat, with order that the said Governours remember the Serjeant Porter.

The Kan being advertiz'd that the Calaat is coming, he rides forth of the City to meet it, attended by all his principal Officers, the chief of the City, and the greatest part of the Inhabitants. The Juglers also must give their attendance, to­gether with the Drums and Trumpets, and all the Musick-makers. They rendez­vouz usually in a Garden one or two leagues from the City, where the King's Mes­senger stays with the Calaat. So soon as the Governour perceives him, he makes a low obeysance, and a Prayer for the King; giving God thanks for that the King is pleas'd to preserve him in his memory: then he puts on the Calaat, which is according to the quality of the Governour: sometimes the Robe alone; some­times Robe and Cloak: sometimes Robe, Cloak, Girdle, and Bonnet; to which, if he be a Grandee, are added the Scimitar and Dagger: which method is also observ'd toward Embassadors. When the Kan has put on the Calaat, he returns to the City with all his Retinue, goes to the King's House; for the King has a House in every City,) kisses the Columns of the Gate, and makes certain other Prayers for the prosperity of the King: At length he rides home, where he makes a great Feast, shewing the Calaat to all persons that come to him, who by way of complement cry Moubarek-bashet, that is, may it be blest, and prove a good omen.

The Persians are not much addicted to play: for besides, that the Law forbids it; the Meshaldar-Bashi has a power to fine and punish Gamesters, as I have said already. For which reason he has spies, to which the meaner sort of people dare not refuse entrance into their Houses: but the richer sort laugh at 'em; and will give 'em nothing. Among the Persian Games, there is one game at Cards which the Persians call Gengefé. We have but four distinct marks upon ours, but they have eight. They also play at a kind of Chess, and at Trictrac; which two Games are most in use. The Shopkeepers play in the Streets with little Marbel-bowls, not much unlike our Childrens Bowling-stones. But as for Bowling-greens, or Tennis-Courts, they know not what they mean.

Neither the Persians nor any of the Eastern People accustom themselves to walk as we do. And therefore when they see us walking to and fro together in a Garden-Ally for two or three hours together, they are amaz'd. They only spread a Carpet in the fairest place of the Garden, and set themselves down to contem­plate the verdure of the place: and if they rise, 'tis only to pull the fruit from the trees. For they love to eat what they gather themselves, never caring for what others have handl'd.

The Men never dance, only the Women of Pleasure, which are always sent for to their Feasts; where they dance open-fac'd, and shew a thousand postures to di­vertise the Company. Their juglers are every jot as good as ours; but whereas ours make use of Balls, they shew their tricks with large Hen▪eggs. Their Dancers upon the Ropes far exceed ours. I have seen some of them that have ty'd a Rope to the top of a high Tower, and fasten'd the other to the ground, and then walk­ing up to the top with their counterpoises in their hands, have laid themselves up­on the Rope upon their backs, and have slid to the bottom with a swiftness like lightning.

The Persians are altogether as superstitious as the Turks. Before they say their Prayers they are oblig'd to wash: every one having a Reservatory for water in his own House, which is always full of water. They plunge their heads in the water, wash their mouths, rub their foreheads; and if a man shews them any nasti­ness in the Vessel, there's water enough, they cry, for purification; though, if it be Pond-water, it must be four or five foot deep. But if it be Running-water, the least quantity in the World serves to purify 'em, and render 'em fit to pray: while they ground their belief upon this maxim of the Law of Mahomet, that if it should run through Pishkill, or Camels-dung, it would be sufficient for purification. There is one sort of washing appointed by their Law, which is, to go to their [Page 237] Baths after they have been with their Wives; and there are some so superstitious as to go there every day. These Baths are round Chambers, so close, that there is no light but what comes from little round windows made in the top of the roof. In the first place, there is the Krofiné, which is a Chamber seven or eight foot square; where, in the middle of the Room, is a great Copper plate, in the form of a flat Bason, and underneath they make a fire of Brushes or Horse-dung: so that the Plate heats all the water which is in the Chamber: When it is hot enough, a servant belonging to the Bath goes up to the Terras, and winds a horn, to give notice to them that have a mind to come. Should a Persian or a Mahu­metan miss once in eight days, he would feel an itching all over his body not to be endur'd. For the pores, which the heat of the Bath had open'd, coming to be shut, the vapours of the body not able to get out, prick and tickle the skin. The Men go early in the morning, and stay till two hours after Sun-rising: At the en­try of the Bath is the place where they undress; and when they are stript all but the secret parts, which they cover with a napkin, they pour hot water upon their shoulders: and then comes a man and rubs off all the sweat and filth of the Body with a coarse Cloath; after which they plunge themselves into a Reservato­ry of hot water, which they call Kolletain. But these common Baths are very dangerous, and many people of both Sexes have got the foul Disease, who were never addicted to impurity.

There are also in Persia hir'd people, which they call Saka's, whose business it is to give water to the people as they go along the Streets. Their Barbers are very neat, and surpass ours for lightness of hand; for a man can hardly feel their Ra­sors. They have also a Knife to pare the nails of the hands and feet, which they do very dextrously. As for their Beards, those that belong to the Law cut it with Seissers, but they leave it not so long as the Turks do, by much. But the Courtiers and Souldiers shave all off, except from their upper-lips, where they take it for a mark of great honour to wear long Mustaches, which they say is the ornament of the face.

The habit of the Persians is a Robe which they call Gabaye, that comes down a little below their knees. This is of very fine quilted Cloath, well cotton'd in the Winter, but much thinner in the Summer. These Linnens would be very cheap, but that the Persons of Quality change their Robes every day. Their Sleeves are long, and close to their arms, and reaching as far as the wrist. The Robe is fit to their Bodies as far as the Wast; but then it is made wide and loose▪ Over this they wear a noble Girdle of Silk, adorn'd at the end with flowers of Gold, over which they wear another Girdle of fine Kerman wool. The richer sort are so vain as to wear three Girdles, two of Silk, and one of Kerman-wool, which is ty'd uppermost. Under the Robe or Vast they wear a short Wastcoat of flower'd Fustion quilted, their Shirts being of Silk of divers colours. They use as little Soap in Persia as they can▪ for Soap is very rare in Persia. When we come out of the Indies, we are forc'd to bring with us Linnen enough to serve us for six months, and then carry it back again; for they wash much better in In­dia then in Persia. Their breeches being of Silk, come down to their Ankles, without any codpieces. Their Sesse, or Bonnet, which we call a Turban, is made of a piece of fine Silk mingl'd with Gold, being in form much like our large Pompions: the top thereof is a little flat; and here it is that the end of the Silk being garnish'd with flowers of Gold and Silver, ends in a kind of Posie. These Bonne [...] are very heavy, especially those that are for the most part nothing but Gold and Silver. The meanest of those is worth 200 Crowns; but there are some which the King and the great Lords wear, that are worth four or five hundred. You shall seldom meet an Officer of any Quality that does not wear a rich Jewel in his Bonnet. The Courtiers and Souldiery wear their Daggars upon their stomachs, stuck in their girdles. The meanest Souldier inlays the handle and [...]heath of his Dagger; but the Grandees have them all beset with Pearls. There was in the handle of Sha-Abbas the Second's Dagger, a Diamond of above sixty Carats, which, with some other Stones that belong'd to it, was valu'd at 13000 Tomans, or 200000 Crowns. Over their Vest they wear a Justicoar, much like ours. It is fasten'd at the top with a button: and most usually they have nine tufted buttons before set by three and three at an equal distance: but they only [Page 238] serve for ornament. This Justicoar is either of Cloath, or Tissue; which in Win­ter is lin'd with Martins, or else with a grey Lambskin that comes from Korasan. And indeed the Persians love diversity of colours in their habits: for their Justicoar is of one colour, their Vest of another, their Breeches of another; and their Shooes, especially the Womens are green, red, yellow, or violet. The Girdle and Turban are always of strip'd Stuff, unless it be the Moullah's, which are always plain.

Besides all this, in the Winter they wear a long Cloak down to their heels, with sleeves of the same length, lin'd with rich Furs. The Persons of Quality, and some of the meaner sort of people make no more of Cloath of Gold and Silver, then we do of Druggets. A man that has but seven or eight Tomans a year, shall spend five in Cloaths; which excess in habit is crept down among the Rabble, so that a man can hardly tell the Servant from the Master. And it is a Proverb among the Persians, Corbebé Lebas, fine Cloaths make Men esteem'd at Court. Neither Sha-Abbas the Second, nor his Grandfather Sha-Abbas the First, would allow of this disorder, but that Men should go clad according to their conditions. For one day, seeing one of his Servants with a pair of Cloath of Gold-breeches, deman­ded what wages he had? but when he understood that it was nothing neer sufficient to maintain him at that rate; to deter others from the like vanity, he order'd him so many Bastinadoes upon the soles of his feet, that he dy'd in a few days. Others say that the Fellow being surpriz'd at the King's Question, made him answer, that being troubl'd with the Gout, he had been advis'd to wear that sort of Stuff for its warmth. To which the King reply'd, that he had been told a very bad remedy, and that he would shew him a better and a shorter way to cure the Gout, and so commanded him to be drubb'd, as before is rela­ted.

In regard it is very cold in Persia, they make use of three sorts of Furs. The Lamb and Fox's skin for the meaner sort, together with the Cat's and Fox's skin. But the third sort, which is the Martin's Fur, is for Grandees of the Court, and other Persons of high Quality. They have also a way to make Cassocks that will keep out the rain, the wind, and the cold, which are made of Kerman-wool, as our Felt-makers make their Hats.

And now I have said 'tis cold, give me leave to tell ye how they warm them­selves. In all Houses there are little Chambers, in the middle whereof there is a square hole about a foot deep, and three or four foot long, according to the bigness of the Chamber. Over the hole is a thing like one of our Tabourets, which covers the hole with a large Carpet, to keep in the heat of that which is kindl'd in the hole; so that being plac'd under the Tabouret as far as the wast, though as cold as ice before, in a minute you shall be almost in a sweat, and be ready to fall a-sleep, if you take not a great care. All the Nobility have Cham­bers with Chimneys, where they set the Wood upright; the Mantle-tree comes forward, low, and semi-circular. It is two or three foot deep, and as many wide, to avoid smoaking.

They are full of their Compliments, which they call Travezea: and their man­ner of salutation is quite different from ours. For they never uncover their heads, but bow, and lay their right-hand upon their brests. When they come into the company of their Betters, they fall upon their knees to set themselves upon their heels, which is a mark of respect.

The Women in Persia are very richly habited; but their habit is all of a piece, though little different in shape from the Mens. It is open before and comes not down below the calf of the leg. Their Girdle is not ty'd fast, but hangs carelesly: their Sleeves are also close to their arms, and reach to their wrists. Upon their heads they wear a little Bonnet rais'd like a little spire, and adorn'd with precious Stones, according to their Quality; from which Bonnet falls a veil behind, which is very graceful. They wear Breeches like the men, and their Shooes are almost like theirs. The Women of Ormus wear only a sin­gle pair of Breeches with a shift over them. The Armenian Women wear besides, a little Justicoar without sleeves, and upon their heads, a fine Linnen-Coi [...] ty'd under their chins. Their hair is gather'd into a long tress, to which they sometimes add more, which is false, to make a long lock, that is done [Page 239] up in a Velvet or Sattin-Case embroider'd, and hangs behind down to the wast.

Handsome Women are very plentiful in Persia, as well the tawny as the white. For the Merchants that bring both from all parts, choose the handsomest they can pick out. The white Women are brought from Muscovia, Poland, Cirassia, Mengrelia, Georgia, and the Frontiers of Tartary. The black from the coast of Melinda, and the Red-Sea.

The Persian Women are seen by none but their own Husbands. They are very idle in their Houses, not so much as looking after any thing of Housewifery. In­deed every thing is at the Husband's disposal, so that the Women are rather Slaves then Wives. They spend their time in taking Tobacco, after several fashions. When they go to the Baths, she's the Woman that wears the best Clothes, and brings the best Collation. They that have Slaves, cause 'em to rub their arms, their legs, and their thighs, till they fall asleep; having no other divertisement in their voluptuous Prison. The higher a man is in dignity, the more he glories in having a great number of Wives and Slaves; and his absolute power keeps them in order either willingly, or by constraint.

There are two sorts of Eunuchs for the guard of the Sultanesses and the Wives of the Nobility: Some are white, but they never come neer the Women, but are order'd to guard the first doors of the Haram. The others are black, frightful to look upon, and flat-nos'd: who attend only upon the Women. If there be a necessity for a Woman of Quality to go abroad, the Eun [...]hs go before and be­hind with Battoons in their hands, to make the Corrouk, and drive all the people out of the way. When the King goes into the Countrey, if any one be asleep in the high-way, and be perceiv'd before he wakens, he is immediately cut to pieces as he lies. In the time of Sha-Abbas the Second, one of the Fellows that help'd to set up the Womens Tents, being weary, fell asleep in one of them upon the ground. When the Women came, they, seeing a man asleep, set up a shrieking; upon which, the Eunuchs coming in, wrapt up the Fellow in the Carpet as he lay, and carrying him into the Fields, buried him alive, Carpet and all.

CHAP. XV.
Of the Diseases of Persia, and the manner of curing them.

THE Persian Children are seldom sick of the small-Pox, but in lieu of that, they are very subject to Scald-pates, till ten or twelve years old. Which, it may be, proceeds from their shaving so young, and so often: for they shave at five or six months old, and two or three times a week.

As to the Pox, the Persians would be more troubl'd with it, but that the dry Air of the Countrey is an enemy to it: besides, they never lye twice with the same Woman, without going to the Bath to sweat out the venom of that distemper. As for the Gout, or Gravel, the Persians know not what it means: But the Ar­menians are troubl'd with the latter, especially those that in their youth accustom'd themselves to drink more Wine then Water.

To those that are troubl'd with the Cholick, they usually prescribe the eating of Horse-flesh; and I have seen many cur'd by that means.

Generally the Persians, especially the rich, or those that have wherewithal to live handsomely, are much less subject to Sickness then the people of Europe. Some take the reason to be, because of their China ▪drink which they drink every Spring, boyling an ounce in three pints of water, and so continuing the Dose for ten or twelve days one after the other: all which time they keep a very moderate diet, and eat no fruit for a month together. This drink causes the Patient to sweat; and the sweat being wip'd off, dyes the Linnen, nay the very walls of the Cham­ber of a yellow colour. As for any method of Physick, they have none in Persia. [Page 240] For the Dysentery, they take sower Curdl'd-milk, with Rice unbruis'd boyl'd in water, to which they add a little Rhubarb powder'd.

At the beginning of a Disease they forbid Bread, and instead thereof prescribe Rice boyl'd in Hen-broath, or sometimes in fair water. For diet is the chief Re­medy which the Physitians prescribe in all Diseases, and account most soveraign. Indeed the remedy is well prescrib'd in many distempers; however it is by them never prescrib'd according to reason or method, but only according to custom; whereby it often comes to pass that they forbid that which is good, and prescribe that which is bad. If the Patient be so poor as not to be able to send for a Physitian, two or three men set him upon an Ass, with a Scarf about his neck, which denotes him to be a sick person, and so lead him to the Physitian; who presently feels his Pulse, lets him Blood, and by and by taking his Pen in his hand, in a small piece of Paper prescribes more Hog-wash at one stroke, then three mens bellys are able to contain.

When a Physitian is call'd to a Consulation, he pretends not to take any Money: But his Atar or Apothecary finds a way to have the Doctor satisfi'd for his pains. They never permit the Sick to change their Linnen, how nasty soever it be. When they come home to the Patient, though they find him ready to expire, they tell the Servants that he will certainly recover; but then, on the other side, they go to the Parents or Kindred of the Patient, and tell them that the Patient is in a desperate condition, and cannot live. By this means they save their credit; for happen what will, the [...] have told truth either of the one side, or the other.

CHAP. XVI.
Of the division of Time among the Persians.

THE Persians divide the natural day into four parts. The first is from Sun­rising to Noon; the Second from Noon to Sun-set: The third from Sun-set till Midnight; and the fourth from Midnight till Sun-rise. At Midnight, Morning, and Sun-set, they make a most horrible din in every great City, of Kettle-Drums, Haut-boys, Latten-Basons, and other Instruments: upon which there are certain men hir'd to play for a quarter of an hour together, in some place where they may be heard all over the City. They have also great Cornets, about seven foot long, with deep mouths, which may be heard above half a league. But these Cornets are never us'd but in Cities where the Kans or Governours reside. These Instruments are also always employ'd at their great Solemnities; as also when the King creates any new Officer or Governour. These Instruments have also a pri­viledg to play at all Houses where they understand there is a Male-child born. The meaner sort dare not refuse 'em; but the Nobility value not their priviledg of a straw.

The Persians in the computation of time make use of Lunar-months. The first Mouharrem, the second Cepher▪ the third Rebia-el-Avel, the fourth Akner, the fifth Gemadil-Avel, the sixth Gemadil-Akner, the seventh Regeb, the eighth Shaabon. the ninth Ramezan, the tenth Shaval, the eleventh Zikadé, the twelfth Zilhagge. And every Month begins from the first appearance of the Crescent.

In their Astronomical Accounts, and the Calculations of the Longitude and La­titude of the Planets for the composing their Almanacks, they make use of Solar­months, thus call'd: Azar 31 day. Onzon 30 days. Ajar 31. Harizon 30. Te­mouzé 31. Ab 31. Eiloul 30. Techrion-el-Avel 31. Techrion-el-ilani 30. Ranon-el-Avel 31. Kanon-Elsani 31. Shaabat 28 or 29, answering to our February. The first month Azar begins upon our eleventh of March: so that it answer'd to our month of March before the Gregorian Reformation. Therefore they call this month Mah-Roami, or the Roman month. They also make use of the Egyptian months, which are thus call'd, Terverdin, Erdi-be-hoct, Kourdad, Tir, Mordad, Sheriver, [Page 241] Mohré, Abon, Azer, Dei, Bahmen, Espendarmouzé. The first month, Ferverdin, begins with the Vernal Equinox, every month not containing above 30 days, ad­ding the five which remain to the end of the year, which they call Kramsi Mouste­relzé.

The day of the Vernal Equinox is the first day of the year, which they call Neo­zonze, and is one of their Principal Festivals. For that day all the Grandees ap­pear at Court, and present the King according to their quality. If they can meet with nothing that is rare, they present him in Ducats of Gold, and there are some that present him to the number of ten Thousand. They also give God thanks for preserving them to see the new year, and for preserving the fruits of the Earth from bad seasons, for the Corn is by that time well come up. Upon this first day of the year, if a Persian has not money to buy him a new habit, he will go and mort­gage his own body to have one. So proud and luxurious are the Persians from the highest to the lowest.

CHAP. XVII.
Of the Feasts and ordinary Diet of the Persians.

THe Persians are nothing eager after delicacies or dainties; both the nobler and the meaner sort being very temperate in dyer. In regard that wood is so scarce and dear about Ispahan, they never eat boyl'd meat above once a day: and as for their Dinner which they call Shate, it consists of bread, cheese-curds, milk, burnt wine, melons and other fruits in season, to which the rich add wet and dry sweet-meats: At night their usual food is Pilaw and rost meat. They buy their Provision from hand to mouth, especialy the Mahumetans, which is a double charge. But for the Armenians, they live thriftily, and buy at once a good quan­tity of provisions to last for so long time.

Muttons, Kidds, Pullets and Pidgeons, are the usual dyet of the Persians; for as for Beef they very rarely eat it. The King and the great Lords will eat a piece of a Hare sometimes when they have been a hunting: but when they have kill'd a wild Boar, they send it always to some Christian, in expectation to be presented for the honour done him. They have no diversity of Victuals or made Dishes in Persia, their dyet being more proper to satisfie▪hunger, then to please a nice palate. Mutton and Lamb would be very good in Persia, if they knew how to roast it our way. But the Persians roast only at an oven, which is a hole made in the ground two foot and a half broad, and five or six foot deep. They burn nothing but bushes, and a kind of Turf mix'd with the dung of Cattel, and dry'd in the Sun. There are several roasting Cooks at Ispahan, that roast a whole Sheep at a time where he that comes to buy may have as much cut out as he pleases. Other Cooks shops are only for boyl'd meat or rice: their fruits which they pickle up in Vinegar being the only sawce which they have.

As for their Bread it is very white, for they have wheat enough to furnish the whole Kingdom. They bake every day, making up their Dow in the form of a thin Cake, strow'd over with Sesamum. They bake these Cakes in their Ovens in the ground, covering the batch over with little round flint stones, that are quick­ly hot and retain the heat. At Ispahan they make a great fire in an earthen pot, and when it is hot they spread the Dow against the sides of the pot. The Ar­menians make a sort of bread as thin as Paper, which they bake upon a thin Iron plate which is as thin as Paper. Their Plate and Dishes are of red Copper tinn'd within side. For they are forbid to make use of Silver by the Law of Mahomet. Nor does the King use any other then Gold Plate, of which he has great store. They have also a sort of Porcellane made at Kerman. To eat their broths they make use of wood'n▪spoons: for as for their rice, which is thick, they take it up in their fingers, and wipe their hands upon their handkerchiefs.

The first thing set upon the Table is the Pipe, the Tobacco, and the dish of [Page 242] Coffee; and indeed thus it is that they begin all their debauches. They suck and smoak of their Tobacco through water in a long glass bottel, by which means it comes cool into their mouths: else they would never be able to take it all day long as they do. They sing very little in their Cups: but they recite a vast num­ber of wicked Verses, which they rehearse with a great deal of gravity. They are so accustomed to take Tobacco, both men and women, that a poor tradesman that has not above five Sous to spend, will lay out three of them in Tobacco. If they had none, they say that they should not have damaque, that is, gladness in their hearts. Many will confess that their excessive taking Tobacco is hurtful; but if you tell 'em of it, they answer in a word, Adedehoud, 'Tis the custome.

Besides their Tobacco they have also Opium made of Poppies, cut as they grow, out of which they draw the juice and make it into Pills. They take no more at first then the head of a pin, increasing their dose by degrees, till they come to take the quantity of half a wall-nut. When they are come to that pitch they dare not give over, for fear of endangering their lives, or addicting themselves to drink wine. In their youth you shall see these Theriakis or takers of Opium, with pale pensive and dejected countenances, and the use of their speech almost lost: If they omit to take for a day together this ill continued drug that heats their brains, and cau­ses them to act ridiculously and to talk▪idly, when it has done working, they are as cold and stupid as before, which obliges 'em to take it▪again. For this reason they are short liv'd: or if they do live till forty, they complain heavily of the pains that proceed from the cold venome of the herb. They that have a mind to kill themselves, swallow a large piece, and drink Vinegar after it, to prevent the re­lief of any other Counterpoyson, and so they dye smiling.

They have another sort of drink to make themselves merry, which thy call Kokemaar, compos'd of boyl'd Poppy seed. They take it in broth, and there are particular houses call'd Kokemaar Krone, where people meet to divertise those that see the ridiculous postures which that intoxicating drink causes them to shew. Before it works they quarrel with one another, and call one another all to naught, but never fight. When the drug begins to work, they grow friends; and some are for making complements, others for telling a long tedious story, wnich renders them very vain. They have also another sort of liquor, which is call'd Bongue, very bitter, being made of the leaves of Hemp and some other drug mix'd with it, It makes those that use it shamefully foolish and ridiculous, which is the reason the Law has forbid that and not the former. The Ʋsbecks have brought into Persia, the Custome of taking in Pipes Tchouherse, which is the flower or rather the woolly substance which is found in hemp-closes. This fills the heads with strange conceits, sometimes pleasant and sometimes furious; those that take it being quite besides their sences for two or three hours.

Their Feasts are thus order'd: The guests come in the morning to the house whither they are invited and all the day long they spend their time in taking To­bacco and telling stories. Between whiles they have Sweetmeats, Coffee, and Fruits set before them. In the evening the Sofra is spread, and the table serv'd with boil'd and roast. If the person that treats be of any quality, he has a kind of a Governour of his house, that sits upon his heels with a Ladle or great wood­en spoon in his hand. Then the Inviter makes his complements to the chief of his guests, assuring him that the entertainment is only provided for him, only at his command he is ready to let the rest share with him. The Complements being thus pass'd, the Governour of the House with his great Spoon puts rice and meat upon the little plates, which the servants present by equal portions to every one of the guests. Then they fall to, taking out the rice by handfuls, and the meat with their fingers. Sometimes they mix curdl'd milk with their rice and meat, and making up a lump of all together as big as a Ten­nis ball, put it all in their mouths at a time, which is the reason they never sit long at Table; one making room for another till they have all done: for as soon as one has done, another comes into his place without any farther Ceremony. They have several Liquors in the room in Porcellain Vessels, but at meals they only drink to drive down their meat and to prevent thirst. When all is done, they bring a Bason with an Ewre full of hot water to wash their hands and faces. After which the Inviter complements his guests, and every one returns home; at which [Page 243] time the servants are very diligent to bring every man his shoes, in hopes of some little piece of silver.

The Armenians entertain their friends in the same manner, only that they be­gin their Feasts with a cup of strong water, and some sweet-meats, after which they give a couple of hard Eggs to every one of the guests. The Persians also have soon done, but the Armenians eat swift, and a long time without drinking, which they never do till the end of the meal. After they have given thanks and taken away the cloth, then they fall to drinking to excess. He that gives the enter­tainment never thinks he has done well, till his guests are not able to find the way out of the room, and the more they tumble about the room, the less he thinks he has spent his money in vain.

To conclude, the Persians are very Gentile, and afford their victuals with a free­will to all that will come and eat with them at Supper time: admiring at the custome of the Franks, who shut their doors when they sit down to their meals.

CHAP. XVIII.
Of the Marriages of the Persians.

THE Persians betroth their Children very young, that is at nine or ten years; but among the Armenians there are some marry'd and lye together at five or six. The Law of Mahomet allows them but four lawful Wives, whom they call Nekha. But there are others whom they call Amoutha or hir'd women, and of whom they may have as many as they can keep, and for so long time as they please, which is ratifi'd by the allowance of the Judg. They may also enjoy the Slaves whom they purchase. The Children both of the one and the other are ac­compted lawful, and inherit all alike, without the distinction of Elder or Younger; but two Daughters can have but the share of one boy. When the womans time that was hir'd is out, the man dismisses her, and she is oblig'd to stay forty days before she engage again, that it may appear whither she be with Child or no.

The man gives to the woman that he marries a Dowry assign'd upon his Estate, and sends her money and silks to make her cloaths. The maid also sends something to him, but very little, and all by the interposition and intercourse of the women. For the two parties never see one another. Upon the wedding day, they send to the Bridegrooms house, by the sound of Drums and Trumpets, certain Horses and Men laden with the Brides goods, which is many times done out of vain-glory, and more for shew then substance. The Bridegroom is led a foot, attended by se­veral women with Tapers in their hands, and a noise of Drums and other Instru­ments marching before them. Being come to the door of the Bridegrooms House, if he have promis'd a larger Dowry to the women then he is able or willing to give, he keeps his door shut. The Parents of the Maid knock, and he declares he will not have her at that price. But at length after some contests on both sides they agree, and the Virgin enters with her Mother and all her Kindred. Then the Moullah reads the conditions of Marriage; which being done, the women retire into the inner part of the House, the men feasting by themselves, and the women by themselves.

This is all that is done upon the Wedding-day, but the following days are not al­ways so pleasing, and it often follows that both parties do not agree, or that the husband misuses his wife. Then the women that requires separation, requires the Dowry promis'd her by her husband: which the man oft-times refuses, and if she persists in her demand, is many times so severely us'd by him, that she is constrain'd to cry, I'th Devils name let me go, I demand nothing of thee. Then they both repair to the Casi, or Cheit-Lesloon, who is a Doctor of the Law, and in his presence they discharge one another. This they may do by their Law three times. [Page 244] After that, the same woman can never return to her Husband again.

The Children derive their Nobility from the Father, whither he be born of a Slave, or an Amoutha, or a Legitimate wife. The Nobility of the Persians which is call'd Negabet, is founded upon their being descended from Mahomet. They who claim that extraction, have the title of Mir or Prince: and their Daughters carry the appellation of Mirza or Princess. They are very numerous and very poor. But the title of Mir without a good Estate or high Employment signifies little or nothing.

CHAP. XIX.
Of the Death and Burials of the Persians.

'TIs the Custome among the Persians, that when the Patient lyes very dange­rously ill, they light several fires upon the Terrass of the House, togive the People notice to pray for him. So soon as the breath is out of his body, the whole house rings with cries and lamentations, especially of the women who tear their hair, and shew such antick postures, that a man would think them possess'd▪ In the midst of their tears they make long repetitions of the worthy actions of the deceas'd, and every foot they set up a yelling. Then they go and advertize the Casi, that such a one is dead; to whom the Casi answers Sorchoama Salamet-Bashet. May your head be in safety. In the mean while he seals a Licence to the Mour­derehour, to take the body and wash it in a house which is built on purpose near a running water. After that come a great number of Moullah's, with the Ensigns of the Mosquee, which are long staffs like Pikes, at the end whereof are thin plates of Iron and Latten, so weak that they bend downward with the least motion: the bodies of the staves being wrapt about with certain pieces of Taffata. These Moul­lahs tear their throats crying out Alla, Alla, Alla, repeating nothing else, and dancing sometimes upon one foot and sometimes upon another; and because they that baul loudest get the most money, they put their thumbs in their ears with their fingers upon their cheeks, and tear their throats with all the force they have. The body being wash'd, the cloaths of the deceas'd belong to the Mourderchour. When they carry the Beire, it is the custome that every one that meets it, prof­fers their shouldiers to help carry, while the others case themselves; for which the Kindred of the deceas'd make some acknowledgment. If he be a person of Quality, all his Horses are bridl'd and saddl'd, and others perhaps borrow'd: One carries his Turban, another his Scimitar, another his Bow, another his Arrows, another his Buckler, and whatever else is of any use to set forth his Quality and his Courage. The biggest Church-yard that belongs to Ispahan, is Calreston; but there is not one handsome Tomb in it. The Armenians lay a great stone over the grave, and the rich set up an Arch with four Pillars, under which they eat and drink in the shade when they visit the Tombs of their Ancestors.

Their graves are six foot long, six foot deep, and two foot wide, wherein they lay the bodies with their faces turn'd toward Mecca; and then they set up two tiles of each side his face to keep the earth from falling upon it. If he be a rich man, or have been a stout Souldier, they bury with him his Turbant, Scimitar, Bow and Arrows, and set Victuals by him; which part of the hole being made up with bricks, the rest is fill'd up with earth. The Moulla's alone return to the house of the deceas'd, where they have meat set before 'em, and are also farther pay'd for their singing and bawling. A while after the Kindred coming to visit the Heir, discourse him upon the contempt of the world, tell him that it is but as a Caravan, some of which arrive sooner at their Journeys end then others. Eight days after the Heir returns their visits. As for the Grandees they order in their Wills that their bodies shall be either carry'd to Mecca or Meshed.

As well the Persians as the Turks▪ believe that as soon as the grave is fill'd, that the two Angels Neguir and Manguer, revive the dead as far as his wast; ask him [Page 245] the reason of Faith, and which way he said his Prayers, and that according to his merits they use him well or ill. As for the torment of Souls before the Resur­rection, that only consists in a grief for not having arriv'd to those perfections and Sciences to which they might have attain'd▪ and consequently for not having attain'd to that perfection which God requir'd of them. Otheres hold that the Souls of the unfortunate are tormented with Dreams and Visions; but that the Souls of the happy always enjoy the sight of pleasing objects; till the Saheb-el­zaman, or Master of time shall come to cónfirm the Law of Mahomet, who shall kill Dedgar, who is like our Antichrist, with his own hand; at which time all then alive shall dye in an instant, and then shall happen the general Resurrection, which they call Moavedet-hechre. That the same Bodies and Souls shall unite to appear at the day of Judgment before the Throne of the great Judge of the world; and that to go thither they must pass over a bridge call'd Polserat, shar­per then the edge of a razor, which nevertheless the Mussulmen shall pass over without any danger with the swiftness of a bird. But that misbelievers shall fall as soon as ever they set their feet upon it, and shall fal into a torrent of fire a­mong a thousand Devils arm'd with Cramp Irons, Pincers, and tenter-hooks. So that it is a kind of a Proverb among the Persians, if a man cannot obtain of ano­ther the Justice of his bargain, or to yield to right, Well, says he, before those passest Polserat, thou shalt restore it me double, for I will take hold of thy Coat, and binder thee from getting over till thou hast given me satisfaction; But the craftier sort laugh at this, and make answer with a smile, Well, well, we will venture stumbling as we pass over Polserat. The Porter of Paradise whom they call Rur­suen shall open them the gate. There they shall sit upon the banks of the great Kausser, which is a fountain where their Prophet shall give them of the water to drink out of a Ladle, and that afterwards they shall have a great number of women created on purpose for them, with all sorts of most delicious food. And for fear of souling this place of recreation and holiness with the excrements of eating and drinking, they say, that those things shall always evacuate in a perfum'd sweat, and that they themselves shall always remain in that condition. Others more refin'd, and not believing material enjoyments, affirm that Beatitude consists in the perfect knowledge of the Sciences; and for the sences they shall have their satisfaction according to their quality.

CHAP. XX.
The Author departs from Ispahan to Ormus, and describes the Road to Schiras.

I Set forth out of Ispahan the 24. of Feb. 1665. in the afternoon, and stai'd a League from the City, in a field whither some of my friends would needs ac­company me. About ten a clock at night, I set forward again, and travell'd till break of day; and then I came to a place where the Radars kept guard half a league from a great Town call'd Ispshaneck, which you are to cross. About ten a clock in the forenoon I came to Mahiar, where there is a very good Inn. But the Land between this and Ispahan is all very barren and without wood.

The 26th, three hours after midnight, I set forward through a dry Plain, which begins to grow more fruitful, about a Leagues from Comshe a great City, where I arriv'd by eleven a Clock in the morning. In it are several Inns, and indifferent handsome ones, considering that they are built only of Earth. This City is com­pos'd of a row of Villages that extend about half a League in length. About three quarters of a League on this side the City stands a neat Mosquee with a pond full of fish. But the Moullahs will not permit you to catch any, saying that they belong to the Prophet to whom the Mosquee is dedicated. However because it is a shady place in the Summer, Travellers rather choose to lye by this pond, then to shut themselves up in the City.

[Page 246] The 27th I travell'd from four in the morning till ten in the afternoon, through a plain sow'd with store of grain, and lodg'd in an Inn call'd Maksonb [...] ­gui.

The 28th I departed two hours after midnight, and after eight hours travel through a barren plain, I arriv'd at Yesdecas, a little City built upon a rock in the midst of a great Valley, and lodg'd in an Inn at the foot of the Rock. The same day in the morning I pass'd on to a neat house with fine Gardens call'd Amnebad; built by Iman-Kouli-Kan, Governor of Schiras.

The first of March, I departed an hour after midnight, and a little after I cross'd a short mountain, but so rugged and so craggie, that they have given it the name of Kotel-Innel-tebekeni, that is the Mountain that breaks the Horses shoes. The next day we pass'd by a scurvy Castle call'd Gombessala; then travelling through a flat Country, I came by ten in the morning to Dehigherdou, or the Village of Wall-nuts. I endur'd very sharp weather all the morning, for all that Country, and that which I travell'd the next day, is very cold at some times of the year.

The second day, I travel'd from midnight till ten a clock in the morning, through the Snow over a barren Plain to come to Cuzkuzar, where there is a new Inn well built.

The third, I rode a horseback from five in the morning till noon, first over the same Plain by a Lake side in a very bad way cover'd with snow that hid the holes; then passing a tedious long and rugged mountain, I descended to a Village call'd Asepas, where there is to be seen an old ruin'd Castle upon the point of a Hill. The Inhabitants were all Georgians by descent, but now turn'd all Mahumetans. I met with wine and fish, in regard of the many Rivolets, but the Caravansira is old, and ill provided.

The fourth, setting out by day-break, I rode over a Plain, which Sha-Abbas the first gave the Georgians to till, and in eleven hours I came to Ondgiom, a large Vil­lage upon a River, over which there is a fair stone-bridge.

The fifth, I got a horseback by two a clock in the Morning, and had two leagues in the first place of deep miery way; afterwards I pass'd a steep Mountain, craggy and durty. I pass'd through a Village call'd Iman-Shade, from the name of one of their Prophets that lyes buried there, and gave the Mountain its name, being all cover'd with bitter Almond-trees. I travell'd sometime between rude and craggy rocks, after which I met with a small River, which runs to Mayn, a little City where I lodg'd in a fair Inn.

The sixth, I departed three hours after midnight, and travell'd through a large Plain encompass'd with high and rugged Mountains; upon one of which that is divided from the other, stood a Castle which they say was ruin'd by Alexander the Great, of which at present there does not remain the least sign or footstep. I cross'd the river of Mayne over two stone Bridges, and then came to Abgherme; a place that stands in a Plain where there is an Inn half built; so call'd by reason of a Spring of hot waters that rises not far from it. In the morning I pass'd over a fair and long Causey, call'd Pouligor, being above 500 paces long, and 15 broad divided also by certain Bridges, to give the water free passage, by reason the Country is very full of mershes. At the end of this Causey stands an Inn very well built, but the gnats that haunt it will not suffer it to be frequented. I pass'd along by the foot of a Mountain, and after three hours travel, I stopp'd a while at an Inn that stands at the foot of another steep and craggie mountain.

I arriv'd at Schiras about six a clock at night. But here give me leave before I enter the City, to make two observations, the one touching the Road from Ispa­han to Schiras, the other concerning the ruins of Tche-elminar.

As to the Road from Ispahan to Scbiras, observe that in winter time when the Snow is fallen, when you come to Yesdecas, you must of necessity leave the direct road, because it is impossible to pass the streights of those Mountains, which I have mention'd. Therefore you must keep the left hand road eastward, through the Plains, taking a guide along with you.

This way, which is the longer by two days journey, was formerly unknown, because of a River, that in one place beats upon a steep rock, and closes up the passage, But Iman-Kouli-Kan with a vast expence of time and money, caus'd a [Page 247] way to be levell'd out of the Rock about 15 or 20 foot above the River, which he secur'd to the water-side with a Wall three or four foot high. This way con­tinues for half a league, and then you come to lye at a great Village in a Plain, where you take Guides to shew you the Fords of the River.

Having past the River, you cross over several fertil Plains water'd with great store of Rivers. Then you ascend a Mountain, from whence you have but a league and a half to Tche-elminar.

At the point of the Mountain, upon the right-hand of the great Road, are to be seen twelve Pillars still standing, that form a kind of a square. In the spaces of the Mountain are a great number of Niches, that are opposit to the Pillars, and were certainly the places where the ancient Persians put their Idols. Thence you come to Tche-elminar; where are to be seen a great many old Columns, some standing, and some lying upon the ground, and some ill-shap'd Statues, with little four-square dark rooms. All which together, easily perswades me, who have well consider'd the principal Pagods of India, that Tche-elminar was only a Temple formerly dedicated to Idolatrous worship. And that which confirms my opinion, is, that there is no place more proper for an Idolatrous Temple then this, by rea­son of the abundance of water. Besides, that the dark Rooms could be no other then the Chambers for the Priests; and where the Rice and Fruits that were the feigned nourishment of the Idols, were the better secur'd from gnats and flies.

Leaving Tche-elminar, you come to lye at a Village half a league farther, where is very good Wine. From thence to Schiras is a hard days journey; especially when the Snow begins to melt: for then the Road looks like a little Sea.

CHAP. XXI.
Of the City of Schiras.

THE City of Schiras lies in 78 degr. 15 min. of Longitude, and 29 deg. 36 min. of Latitude. It is seated in a plain that extends it self about four leagues from the North to the South, and from the West to the East about five leagues. Upon the South-east there is a Lake of salt water four leagues in com­pass: leaving the Plain as you travel to the South, you pass between two Moun­tains, which are not so close, but that they leave room for certain pleasant Valleys a league and a half wide.

The Soil about Schiras is good, and fruitful; and it is particularly famous for the most excellent Wines of all Persia. As for the City it self, there is nothing handsome in it: for it looks rather like a Town half ruin'd then a City. For­merly it was begirt with walls of Earth, which are now utterly decaid. The Houses are of the same Earth dri'd in the Sun, and whiten'd over with lime; so that when it happens to rain, when the Earth comes to be well moisten'd, the Houses fall of themselves. Only the Colledg which Iman-Kouli-Kan built, and some of the Mosquees are of Brick: and the best of those Mosquees is call'd Sha-Shiranue, which out of a particular devotion is kept somewhat better in re­pair. However, there is nothing in it worth taking notice of. Upon the North­east side, the City runs within a quarter of a league of the Mountain: and from a Stone-bridg, as you go out of the City to the foot of the Mountain, is a long Street in a streight line, where there stands a Mosquee, built by Iman-Kouli-Kan. Without, it appears fair enough; but within, it falls to ruine. There is an Octo­gonal Piazza before the Gate, and in the middle of the Piazza an Octogonal Vase, which is fill'd by a little stream that runs through the Street from the Mountain. Both sides of the Street from the Mosquee to the Mountain are wall'd in: and at certain spaces are great Gates one against another, with rooms over them; the Windows whereof open into the Gardens behind the walls: all along by which, runs a row of Cypress▪trees in a direct line: and in the middle of the Street [Page 248] about two hunder'd paces on this side the Mosquee, is another Vase, which receives the same water as it [...]ns from the Mountain. This Street was made by Iman-Kouli-Kan, after he h [...]d cut the Mountain at the end of it, to shorten the way from Schiras to Ispahan.

There are in Schiras three or four Glass-houses, where they make great and small Bottles, to transport the Sweet-waters that are made in the City. There are also made the several sorts of Vessels wherein they pickle their fruits of all sorts, which they send in great quantities into India, to Sumatra, Batavia, and other places.

There is no Silk made, nor any other manufacture in Schiras: only there are some few Chites or Painted-cloaths made there, which nevertheless are very coarse, and in use only among the meaner sort.

As you go out of the City upon the North-west side, you meet with a long Alley or Walk, in three parts whereof are plac'd three Stones, which they call Mills. At the end of this walk is a Garden call'd Bay-Sha, or the King's Garden. Over the Gate whereof is a great Room half ruin'd: and at the end of a large Walk planted with Cypress-trees, stands a neat piece of building, but altogether neglected. Upon the left-hand whereof is a great Pond pav'd with Free-stone, being all the beauties of the Garden: which, it is true, was full of Fruit­trees, Roses and Jasmins; yet, for want of order, it look'd like a Wilder­ness.

From the Garden to the Hill is a Plain of two leagues long, and one broad; which is all but one large Vinyard belonging to several persons. Beyond the Vineyard rise very high Mountains, from whence fall several little Springs that form a River, which is call'd Bend-Emir, from the name of a Town where the biggest Spring rises. This River of Bend-Emir waters the whole Vineyard of Schiras; where it never rains from Spring till Autumn: which is the reason that in the Summer there is no water in the very Channel next the City.

Their Wines are the best in Persia; but there is not so great a quantity made as people imagin. For, of all this great Vineyard, and in all the places round about the City for four or five leagues together, good part of the Grapes are dri'd, and a greater quantity pickl'd: and of the Wine, there are many Vessels full, which are burnt for the benefit of the poor Travellers, and Carriers, who find it a great refreshment to drink it with water.

Their Wine, as all other things, is sold by weight and not by measure. In the year 1666, a most plentiful year for Wine, the Provision of the King's House amounted to 50000 Mens of Keukné▪ or the ancient Men containing nine pound of ours, at sixteen ounces to the pound, (being the only weight for Wine,) and the King allows as much to the Franks, as for his own Houshold. The Jews of Schi­ras, who boast themselves of the Tribe of Levi, made above a hunder'd and ten thousand Mens, it being their chiefest livelihood; but the Governour of Schiras knows how to share with them in their profit. The whole account of Wine made at Schiras amounts to 200025 Mens, or 4125 Tuns, at three hunder'd pints to the Tun.

In Schiras is an ancient Mosquee, wherein is the Sepulcher of a Sadi, whom the Persians esteem the best of their Poets. It has been a very fair one, accompani'd with a large Building, which was once a Colledg; but it runs to ruine, as do also many other Edifices within the City. Just against this Mosquee you descend by a pair of Stairs into a large Well, at the bottom whereof is a Vase full of Fish, which no body dares to touch, it being Sacriledg to rob the Sadi of what belongs to him. A little beyond this Mosquee, upon a high Rock, stand the ruines of a Castle; and upon the top of all the Rock is a square Well cut out of the Rock. It is very deep, and ten or twelve foot broad: formerly, they told me, their Adulteresses were all thrown into it. There is one wonderful Well in this City; which is 15 years rising, and 15 years falling; that is, the water is one fifteen years rising to the top, and another fifteen years sinking to the bottom.

There are in Schiras two or three Bazars well built, through the midst whereof the water runs in a Channel.

To the South-west, a good league from the City, there is a little Hill divided from the great Mountain, upon which Hill are three Gates to be seen, the remain­der [Page 249] of an Idolatrous Tempel. There were four Gates, but the South-Gate is rumbl'd down: the rest are standing, compos'd of three Stones: Upon both the Stones that make the Jaums, there are two figures in half Relief, with their faces one looking upon another, with their arms extended; one holding in his hand a Pan, out of which issues a flame of fire; and the other a Towel folded up. The other Statue holds as it were a Purse in one hand, and a bowl of Fire in the other; the Figures being as big as the Life, only their faces are spoil'd; and as for the other doors, they are both the same.

Two Musquet-shot from thence, in a plain, rises a little Mountain, from the North-side of which fall many Springs that meet in a large Pond full of Fish. Some high Trees grow there, to shade the Habitation of a Dervi's that lives there. The place is pleasant, and all the Springs together fill a Channel large enough to water the neighbouring Fields. Here it was that certainly the ancient Idolaters came to wash, and thence went to the Temple to say their Prayers, and make their Offerings.

Half a league beyond, at the foot of a Mountain, is a place about 500 paces in compass, whence there fall a good number of Springs that meet in a Pond, en­viron'd with high Trees, and full of Fish. In one corner of the Mountain stand Figures, cut out of the Rock much bigger then the Life. The two which are uppermost look one upon another; and that upon the left-hand carries a large Turbant, such as the Grand Vizier of Constantinople wears when he goes to the Divan. From his Turbant to the middle of his Forehead, he was bound with the Tresses of his own hair, the ends whereof were fasten'd together with large Buckles behind in his neck. His habit was a Robe after the ancient fashion, with a kind of a Cutlace by his side. Nor did the opposite Statue much differ from this, only instead of a Turbant, he wore a kind of Miter upon his head. The two other Statues underneath the former, stretch'd forth their arms one to the other: the one representing a Man, the other a Woman. The Man seem'd to present the Woman a Nosegay of Flowers; but in truth it was a difficult thing to discern them, in regard they were both cover'd with a Fig-tree that grew just be­fore them out of the Rock.

About two thousand paces farther, there is a Lake of salt water about ten leagues in compass, which is fill'd by several Springs that fall from the Mountains: and here it is that the people make a great quantity of Salt. There runs into it also a salt River, over which you cross upon a large stone-Bridg about three miles from Schiras, in the way to Bander-Abassi.

Half a league from the City are two remarkable Wells: the one upon the top of the Mountain, the other upon the descent, cut out of the Rock: both of an extraordinary depth. There is no water in either, because they are half full of Stones, which they that come to see the Wells, throw into 'em. There are also to be seen the Ruines of a Castle formerly built there for the Guard of the High­ways. But since Iman-Kouli-Kan made the new way, the caus'd all those For­tresses to be defac'd, as being expensive to the King, and burthen some to the Mer­chant, from whom the Guards exacted Toll in those places. Now all the ways are free, and the Merchants travel securely.

About half a league from the City, toward the North, upon the brow of a high Mountain, stands a little Mosquee, like a Hermitage: and fifteen foot below it gushes out a fair Spring, which is the best in the places neer to Schiras. Neer to it is a little place encompast with a Pale, with four Pillars that uphold a Ceeling. Here it is that a Dervis sits, and entertains all them that come to visit him, to whom he presents Tobacco, according to the custom of the Countrey. This place is one of the best Prospects in all Syria, from whence you behold one way all the plain of Schiras, and all the City from one end to the other, with the Gar­dens. But people go not thither for the fair Prospect, or to visit the Dervis, but to admire a Cypress-tree not above three or four paces from the Prospect, planted among the Rocks; and of that bigness, that four men can hardly fathom it: it is proportionably high, and is look'd upon to be the fairest Cypress-tree in all Persia, where so many grow besides. This Tree is fed by the Spring which I have mention'd, falling some eight or ten foot below into a Cistern, which is always full; whence through a Canal it runs into a Garden in the plain some seven or [Page 250] eight hunder'd paces from the Mountain. In this Garden are to be seen the re­mains of a Palace of one of the ancient Kings of Persia: yet what is still to be seen, does not declare it to have been very magnificent. The King was call'd Padsha quieshel, the Scald-pated King. A thing not to be wonder'd at, in regard there are few Persians but such as either have or have had scald heads.

Two leagues from Schiras, to the South-west, at the foot of the great Moun­tain, stands a Hermitage, call'd Pir-Bouno, where three or four Dervis live, as be­ing a pleasant place; for the Dervis always choose out the most delightful places to pitch their Tents in: where they sit smoaking their Pipes with that gravity, that if the King himself should come by, they would not stir to give him re­verence. That which adds to the pleasure of that Hermitage, is a fair Spring of water that refreshes the Garden, and the number of fair Trees that are about it.

About a quarter of a league from the City, toward the West, is to be seen a Church-yard encompast with Walls; in the middle whereof, looking toward Mecca, stands a Monument very much frequented by the Dervis, and other devout people, who say their Prayers there, it being the Sepulcher of Hougia-Hafiz, for whom they have a very great veneration. The year of his decease is set down upon his Tomb; being in the year 1381: and he purchas'd that great esteem among the Persians, for having compos'd a great Book of Morality, and for that he was also one of the best Poets of his time. He has left one great Poem behind him in the praise of good Wine; which has caus'd many to aver, that Hougia-Hafiz was no good Mussul-man, in regard he has so highly prais'd a thing which is so strictly forbidd'n by the Law of Mahomet.

Neer to the Church-yard is a fair Garden, which men go to see for the beauty of the Cypress-trees, which are its chief ornament. They are to be admir'd for their height and bigness, among which, there is one that was planted by the hand of Sha-Abbas the Great himself, in the year 1607; and it may well deserve to have been planted by the hand of a Monarch; for it was bigger then the rest that had been planted above a hunder'd years before.

Without the City, upon the North-side, at the foot of the Mountain, is a Gar­den belonging to the ancient Kings of Persia, call'd Bag-Firdous. It is full of Fruit-trees, and Rose-trees in abundance. At the end of the Garden, upon the descent of a Hill, stands a great piece of Building, and below a large Pond af­fords it water. The rich Inhabitants of Schiras have been formerly very curious to have fair Gardens, and have been at great expences to that purpose. But nei­ther at Schiras, nor at Ispahan, is there any thing that may compare with those lovely Paradises of France and Italy.

There are many Inns in Schiras, but the Franks generally lodg at the Convent of the Carmelite Friars; and they that would be more private, lodg at another House that belongs also to the same Friars, which they would fain sell, as being a charge to 'em at this time.

CHAP. XXII.
A continuation of the Road from Ispahan to Ormus, from Schi­ras to Bander-Abassi.

THE sixth of March, by eight of the Clock in the morning, I departed from Schiras; and after six hours travel through the plain that continues fertil for a league together beyond the City, I came to an Inn call'd Badaadgi. The water is bad, being as it were luke-warm. Here cold weather begins to cease. The next day I set out by break of day, and came to a large and well-built Inn, only it stood remote from any Town. It is call'd Mouzafferi, and is the only place in Persia where I met with black Saligots, or Water-nuts, as big and as good as ours in Dauphine. The Countrey breeds nothing but Goats and Sheep: and about two leagues off runs a River along by the Mountain to the West.

The 18th I departed by day-break, and travell'd eleven hours through a stone-Countrey, cover'd with bitter Almond and Turpentine-Trees. I lodg'd in a fair Inn, call'd Paira, near to a River that comes from the West, and makes the Coun­trey fertil. There is some Wood in the Valleys, and some Villages appear on the other side of the River toward the South.

The 19th I set out by four of the Clock in the morning, and travell'd along a Valley, wherein were many Villages receiving the benefit of the River last men­tion'd. About eight in the morning I stopt at an Inn built in an Octogonal form, a good league from the River, with several Villages between. The name of the Inn is Kaffer.

The 20th I set out two hours after midnight, and travell'd till ten in the morn­ing through a dry Valley. By the way I met several Shepherds and Herdsmen, who were forsaking the hot Countreys, and driving toward Schiras for cool­ness.

They that travel upon their own Horses, and would see one of the richest parts of Persia, and some Antiquities, setting out from Kaffer, instead of following the Caravan-road, take the right-hand way by the side of the River, that runs a league and a half from the same Inn. When you have past the River, the way is very streight, and lies for two leagues together through a steep Rock, the Mountain up­on the right, and the River upon the left, where there is not room in some places for two Horses to ride a-brest. All along this way, toward the top of the Moun­tain, are little paths that lead to Caverns, some of which are so large, that they will contain two or three thousand men. Having past this way, you come into a Plain call'd Dadivan, four or five leagues in circuit; the greatest part of which is planted with Orange-trees, Citrons, and Granats. Some of these Orange-trees two men can hardly fathom, being as high as our Walnut-trees; and this is one of the most delicious situations in all Persia. I have travell'd through it several times, and sometimes only to divertise my self. The rest of the Plain is sow'd with Rice and Wheat. You set up your Tents under these Trees, and then the Countrey people bring Provision of several sorts, especially Partridges, Hares, and wild Goats. The River that crosses the Plain is full of Carps, Barbels, Pikes, and Crey-Fish. I remember one time a Countrey-man carri'd me down to the water, and before my face took up a Fish with his hand. He was so nimble at it, that having caught one which he did not think big enough, he threw it back again, and took up another. Now in regard that Travellers generally stay about ten or twelve days in that place, the Tumblers that live there-abouts, fail not to come and give you a Visit, to shew ye some of their tricks, and to tast your Schiras Wine. The English and Hollanders usually spend the end of the Summer in this Plain, for the benefit of the River, and the Trees: which become so large and fair, by means of the River, which the Countrey-men bring in by Canals, and shut it up in Ponds, among the Trees, to water their Grounds; which is all the good this River does in Persia: for all the rest of its course is through cragged Rocks, and salt Marshes.

[Page 250] The 20th of March, by ten in the morning, I came to an Inn which was call'd Moushek, which is a-lone-House at the foot of a Rock. There is a Spring about five hunder'd paces from it, but the water is hot, and has a sulphury tast; so that the Ca [...]tel will hardly drink it. Therefore you must go to a Cistern about two Musquet-shot from the Inn, where there is one newly set up, instead of another that was there before, into which a Jew once chanc'd to fall in, and was therefore broken by the superstitious Mahometans.

Three quarters of a league from Moushetz are two roads that lead to Lar, the one for the Camels, the other for the Horses and Mules. The first is the long­est by three days journey, and is call'd the Road of the Desert; for after you have past a great Town inhabited only by Camel-Masters, where you lye the first night, between that and Lar, you shall meet with nothing of Houses but only Herdsmens Tents, that feed sometimes in one place, sometimes in another. Upon the Camels Road there are another sort of Fowl like the great Partridges in their bodies, but their legs and feet resemble those of wild Ducks. The Camels take this Road, because it is impossible for them to pass the Mountain Jarron, over which the Horses and Mules are hardly able to travel.

I set out from Moushek the 21th of March, at two in the morning, and having travell'd till eight through a plain, but stony Countrey, I came to the little City of Jarron, which is rather to be call'd a Forrest of Palm-trees that bear excellent Dates. I lodg'd in an Inn five hunder'd paces from the City, and staid there two days.

The 24th, setting out presently after midnight, I travell'd a good hour, and then I began to mount the steep Mountain of Jarron, which is very high, and very long; but the descent is the most dangerous that ever I saw in all my Travels; and besides that, the Moon did not shine. Being at the top, after you have descended three or four hunder'd paces, you meet with a Bridg of one Arch, that reaches from one Mountain to another; a [...]old p [...]ece of Architecture, not enough to be admir'd▪ being rais'd at the charges of Iman-Kouli Kan for the benefit of Travellers. Be­ing come to the bottom of this, you must pass two others as steep in their ascent as in the descent; upon the top of one of which stands a Cistern, which, though it be very large, is generally emp [...]ed by the end of the Summer. Upon these Mountains there is such an infinite quantity of Partridg that a man cannot miss that will but shoot. By eight in the Morning I came to an Inn which is call'd Shakal, which is a-lone House in a Desert Countrey, but stor'd with bitter Almond­trees, and Turpentine-trees. Appoaching n [...]er to the Inn, you meet with two or three Cisterns, which are a great comfort to Travellers, water being very scarce upon this Rood. There are at Shakal nine or ten Radars for the Guard of the Road, who are also Masters of the Inn: So soon as you are alighted, they ask you if you will eat any Kid, being sure of their blow, and having no more to do but to go to the Mountain and fetch one, where they swarm. There are store of Partridges, which are almost as big as Pullets; of which you may easily kill as many as you please.

The 25th I travell'd five hours, from morning till noon. An hour after I took Horse, I met with a Mountain▪ the descent whereof was very sleep▪ They call it the Mountain of H [...]shen, at the [...]oot whereof is a Fountain of encellent water. A good league farther you meet with a fair Inn call'd Mouezeré, in the midst of a pleasant Grove, where there is an excellent Spring of water; but because there is no food to be had, you must go as far as Detad [...]mbé, a Village seated in a plain. A quarter of a league on this side, upon the top of a Mountain, appears the ruins of an old Castle; the Village it self being surrounded with Palm-trees. The Inn is a good one, provided with a very good Cistern.

The 25th I travell'd through a plain for three hours, and s [...]opt at Banarou, a lit­tle City well built at the soot of a high Mountain; upon which appars the re­mains of a large Castle. Benarou is the Frontier Town of the Province of Fars, bordering upon the Province of Lar.

The 26th I departed an hour after midnight, and travell'd till nine in the morn­ing, partly through the Plain, and partly through the Mountains, where I saw an old Tower for the guard of the Road. I staid at Bihry, a little City seated upon a plain, that borders upon a high Mountain. The Inn is new, and very magnifi­cently [Page 253] built by the Mother of Aimas, Kan of Lar, when the great Sha-Abbas took this Countrey from the Gaures, whom he constrain'd to turn Mahu­metans.

The 27th I set out at four of the Clock in the morning, and about seven I past through a Village seated in a small plain. A league from thence I lodg'd in an Inn call'd Pai-Cotali; that is to say, the foot of the Mountain, as being built at the foot of the Mountain. From thence to Lar is not above four or five hours tra­velling; but the way is very bad, and several swift Torrents are to be past over.

You may take another Road from Bihry, upon the right-hand toward the West; it is the shorter way by two or three leagues: but so bad, and so narrow, that in many places two Horsemen cannot ride a-brest, being for the most part all Rocks and Precipices.

Lar is the Capital City of the Province of the same name, which formerly bore the title of a Kingdom. It is but of an ordinary bigness, enclos'd on both sides with high Mountains, being built round about a Rock, upon which there stands a Castle of Free-stone, wherein the King keeps a Garrison. The whole Country is very hot, nor have they any water but Rain water, which they pre­serve in Cisterns, and which sometimes causes a wide Torrent that runs by one side of the City, and falls from a Cascade two stories high, made of Free-stone. In the City and parts adjacent, grow a great number of trees, especially Date trees and Tamarisk. The Gardens also and Mountains are full of Orange trees.

There are but two Inns in Lar, the one within the City, which is not a very good one; the other at the end of the City towards Ormus, which would be convenient, but that it is always afloat when the Rains fall; for which reason the Franks generally lye at the Hollanders House at the end of the City. And there is a necessity for staying at Lar, to change the Camels; for the Camels that come from Ispahan can go no further; every City having their particular priviledges. Which sometimes proves prejudicial to the Merchant, in regard the Governour will delay the change of the Camels till he is presented.

The Fortress of Lar takes up the whole surface of the top of the Rock; and there is but one way to climb it up, with great difficulty. It is more long than broad; and the four corners are fortifi'd with four Bastions, or Bulwarks, between which are rais'd several Towers, for the Souldiers Lodgings. That Fortress is the Royal Prison, whither the King sends such Prisoners as he takes in war, or sur­prizes by stratagem. I met with two there, one a Prince of Georgia, the other of Mengrelia. The two Princes had each of them a Toman a day allow'd them, and ten or twelve Servants to wait upon them. Upon one of the corners of the Castle, toward the West, was built a Banquetting House with three or four Cham­bers. In the middle of the Court stands the Magazine, full of Bows and Arrows, Bucklers and Muskets, enough to arm fifteen hundred men. For the Inhabitants of the Province, but more especially of the City of Lar, are accounted the best Musqueteers in Persia, and the best at making the Barrels of Muskets, all but the Breach, which they know not how to order so well as we. The Governours House answers to the great Road; but there is nothing at all of neatness without, only before the door there is a good handsome Court, about sixty paces square, and clos'd in with Walls, which leads you into two large Bazars of good Stone, very well arch'd.

The most part of the Inhabitants of Lar are Jews, who are famous for several Silk Manufactures, especially for making neat Girdles. The Countrymen wear up­on their heads a kind of a felt of fine wool, and very well wrought. It resembles a Cap not yet shap'd, with four Corners behind, and cut on the sides; and these sorts of Caps are made at Kerman.

There are an infinite number of Cisterns, as well within the City, as in the parts adjacent; and all but little enough, in regard that sometimes it does not rain for three years together. When the Rains fall they do not fill their Cisterns the first day, but rather cover them quite up, till the earth be well soak'd. Now for the distribution of this water they take an excellent course; for they never keep open above three Cisterns at a time; and when they do op'n them, the Governour or some other person appointed for that purpose, is present; so precious is water [Page 254] in that place, though never so bad. The water thus standing in the Cisterns some­times for many years together, breads worms, so that whither you strain it, or boil it, there will appear a kind of foulness in it, which is the seed of these worms. And this corruption it is that breeds worms in the legs and feet of men; which puts me in mind, that after my return to Paris, the fifth time of my travelling, I had one came out of my left foot an Ell an a half long, and another from under the ankle of my right foot half an Ell long.

The first of April I set out from Lar by five in the morning, and travell'd till three in the afternoon, through a barren stony Country, except it were only one Village call'd Tcherkah, near to which I met with some Corn-land, and several Palm-trees. I lodg'd at a little Inn call'd Shamzenghi. It is low, built like a Cross, with four doors to receive the cool winds every way. All the Inns are built in this fashion between this and Bander, and near to one another for the ease of Travellers. As for the Beasts, they lye without, for they have no Stables. All the Houses from Lar to Ormus are built after one manner. For there is a kind of a Pipe, like a Chimney, that runs from the bottom to the top to gather wind.

The second I left Shamzenghi about four in the afternoon, because the heat is cool'd by a gentle breeze toward the evening. Three hours I travell'd through a barren Plain, afterwards over most fearful Rocks, and about ten at night I came to Cormout, a great Village well stor'd with Palm-trees.

From Lar to Cormout is the worst way in all Persia. For many times there is no water to be found.

The third, I parted from Cormout a little after midnight; and having travell'd se­ven hours in very bad way, full of great stones and filthy puddles, I came to a new Inn call'd Tenquidalen. In the middle of it is a little vase of running water, fed by a little stream that falls from the Mountain. But the water being some­thing brackish, they have since that built a very fair Cistern. They also broach'd the Mountain to bring the water into a Plain, which was barren before, but is now fruitful, and beautifi'd with two good Villages. This was done by a rich Merchant, whose Children enjoy the Revenues of both.

The fourth, I set forward an hour after midnight, and travell'd through an un­inhabited Countrey, full of wide Torrents when the rain falls. There are but two small Inns upon the Road, and about eight in the morning I arriv'd at that which they call Gourba-Sarghant. It was built with the Money which a Merchant of Ormus left for that purpose; whose strength fail'd him in that very place, for want of a resting place. This Inn is not far from a Village that stands upon the Mountain to the North.

The fifth, setting out a little after midnight, I travell'd till seven in the morning through a dry and desert Countrey, yet stor'd with Lentisk trees, and lay at a good Village call'd Cauorestan, where the people were mowing large Fields of Barly. Here, if the Inn be full, you may lye at the Countrey-mens Houses, who are ac­custom'd to entertain Travellers, and get well by it. This place is famous for water-Melons, as big as our Pumpkins; and are the best in all Persia. The meat is very red, and as sweet as Sugar, which is a great refreshment to Travellers. The Kelonter of the place gave me two Raddishes, one weighing 30, the other 45 pounds, and were very good meat.

The 6th I set out after midnight, and travell'd till it was day through plains of Sand, over which it is impossible to find the way without a guide. About three a Clock in the morning I cross'd over two Bridges joyn'd together by a long Causey. Before I came to the first, I rode over another for a good quarter of a league, which Causey runs on a great way to the second Bridg, under which flows a salt River; the shoar of which is full of moving sands; so that before those Bridges were made, it was dangerous to [...]oard it without a guide.

This Caus [...]y and the two Bridges were made and built by a Persian, whose name was Aly; who wanting employment at home, apply'd himself to the King of Golconda, who lik'd him so well, that he made him General of his Army. Being thus advanc'd, he also turn'd Merchant, and trading first with one Vessel, then with two, got a great Estate. At length, all that he had thus got in forty years, to get him­self a name in Persia, he employ'd in making this Causey and the two Bridges.

[Page 255] These Bridges are both built over a River that comes from toward Kerman, and is swell'd by other streams that fall from the Mountains with a great noise and discharges it self into the Persian Gulph, neer to Bander Congo; but becomes brackish by passing through Mountains that are nothing but Salt.

From the great Bridg to Guitchi is one of the most pleasant Countries in all Persia, being a continu'd Grove. Guitchi is a place accommodated with two Inns, one a very fair one, and convenient; the other very ill seated, by reason of the dust that continually annoys it standing upon a sandy ground. It stands neer ten or twelve Arabian Tents; so that as soon as you come to the Inn, the Arabian Women presently bring Milk and Butter, and other refreshments.

A league and a half from Guitchi you meet with two Roads, one upon the left-hand that seems more beaten, the other upon the right. There a man may easily be deceiv'd that has no guides. For the left-hand way is a dangerous pas­sage, and a kind of a continu'd Labyrinth among Rocks and Precipices. The right-hand way, which is the best, is all upon the sand to Bander-Abassi, and is usually a days journey. You meet with two Inns by the way, the last of which is call'd Bend Ali, built by the Sea-side.

From Bend-Ali to Bander-Abassi, is but a little more then two leagues through a Countrey abounding in Palm-trees.

CHAP. XXIII.
Of the Island of Ormus, and of Bander-Abassi.

ORmus is an Island in 92. d. 42. m. of Longitude, and in 25. d 30. m. of Lati­tude. It lies at the mouth of the Persian Gulph, two good Leagues from the firm Land. There is neither tree nor herb that grows in it: for it is all over cover'd with Salt, which is very good and as white as snow. And as for the black shining Sand-dust of Ormus, it is very much us'd for standishes.

Before the Portugueses came to Ormus, there was a City where the Kings of Ormus, who where also Kings of Larr, resided. When the Portugals took it there were in it two young Princes, Sons of the deceased King, whom they carri'd into Spain. Where, in regard they were handsomely proportion'd, though some what swarthy, the King entertain'd them very kindly, and gave them an honourable al­lowance. One day that he had shew'd them the Esc [...]ial, and all the chief pieces of Architecture in Madrid, the King ask'd them what they thought of living in Spain. To whom they answer'd, that they had seen nothing but what was worthy admiration, but then fetching a deep sigh, and perceiving the King desirous to know the meaning of it, they gave him to understand that it was for grief that they must never more sit under their own Tree. For near to the City of Ormus was a Bannians tree, being the only tree that grew in the Island.

The Portugals being masters of the Island from an ill-built City, rear'd it to that hight of Magnificence which that Nation admires; so that the very barrs of their doors and windows were all guilt. The Fortress was a noble thing, and in good repair: and they had also a stately Church dedicated to the Virgin, where they were also wont to walk. For other place of promenading they had none. Since the Persians took it, the Castle indeed stands in good repair, with a Garrison [...] it: but the City is gone to ruine; for the Dutch carried most of the stones away to build Battavia.

Between the Island of Ormus, and the Continent the Sea is not very deep, for the great ships that sail in and out of the Gulf, pass by the other side of the Island. As for the Fortress which stands upon a poynt of the Island, it is almost [...]ncompass'd with the Sea, and lyes right over against Persia.

Bander-Abassi, so call'd because the great Sha-Abbus the first brought it into re­putation, is at present a City reasonably well built, and stor'd with large w [...]e­houses, over which are the lodgings of the Merchants. While the Portugueses kept Ormus, though they liv'd in the City, all the trade was at Bander-Abassi, as being the most secure Landing-place upon all the Coast. About 15 years ago it was an op'n town, but because it was an easie thing then to get into the Town, and rob [Page 256] the Custome-house in the night, it has bin since enclos'd with walls. To this place come all the ships that bring Commodities from India for Persia, Turkie, or any part of Asia or Europe. And indeed it would be much more frequented by the Merchants from all Regions and Countries.

But the Air of Bandar is so unwholesome and so hot, that no strangers can live there, in probability of health, unless it be in the months of December, January, Fe­bruary and March; though the Natives of the Country may perhaps stay without prejudice to the end of April. After that they retire to the cooler Mountains, two or three days journey off, for five or six months, where they eat what they gain'd before. They that venture to stay at Gomron during the hot weather, get a malignant Fever, which if they scape death, is hardly ever cur'd. However it bequeaths the yellow Jaundies during life to the party. March being pass'd the wind changes, and blowing at west south west, in a short time it grows so hot and so stifling, that it almost takes away a mans breath. This wind is by the Ara­bians call'd El-Samiel, or the poysonous wind, by the Persians Bade▪Sam [...]our, be­cause it suffocates and kills presently. The flesh of them that are thus stifl'd feels like a glewie fat, and as if they had been dead a month before.

In the year 1632. riding from Ispahan to Bagdat, I and four more Persian Mer­chants had bin stifl'd but for some-Arabians that were in our Company. For when they perceiv'd the wind, they caus'd us to light, lye down upon our bellies and cover our selves with our Cloaks. We lay so for half an hour, and then rising we saw our horses were in such a sweat, that they were hardly able to carry us. This happen'd to us two days journey from Bagdat. But this is observable, that if a man be in a Boat upon the water when the same wind blows, it does no harm though he were naked at the same time. Sometimes the wind is so hot that it burns like Lightning.

And as the Air of Gomron is so bad and dangerous, the soil is worth nothing: For it is nothing but Sand, nor is the water in the Cisterns very good. They that will be at the charge fetch their water from a fountain three leagues from Bander, call'd the water of Issin. Formerly there was not an herb to be seen: but by often watering the ground, Lettice, Radish and Onions have begun to grow.

The People are swarthy, and wear nothing about them but only a single shirt. Their usual dyet is dates and fish. Which is almost the dyet of their Cattel, for when they come home from browsing the barren bushes, they give them the heads and guts of their fish boyl'd, with the kernels of the Dates which they eat.

The Sea of Bander produces good Soles, good Smelts and Pilchards. They that will have oysters must have 'em caught on purpose, for the people eat none.

Upon Land they want neither for wine of Schiras nor Yesd; nor for Mutton, Pi­geons and Partridge, which are their ordinary dyet.

There are two Fortresses, one upon the East, the other toward the West. The Town increases in trade and building, and fills with inhabitants, who build their houses with the remaining ruins of Ormus.

The reason why the Trade is settl'd rather at Bander Abassi, then at Bander Con­go, where the Air is good and the Water excellent, is because that between Ormus and Congo lie several Islands, which make the passage for ships dangerous, besides that the often change and veering of the wind is requir'd: neither indeed is there water enough for a Vessel of 20 or 25 guns. Then the way from Congo to Lar is very bad. From Bander Abassi, to Lar it is very good, and provided with good Inns.

From the day that a Merchant takes up mony at Gomron, he is bound to return it in three months, and the change goes from six to twelve per Cent. When the Goods come to Ispahan or any other place, the Merchant is not to touch them, till she has pay'd the money which he borrow'd, unless the Creditor will trust him farther. Some Turkish and Armenian Merchants take up money at Gomron to pay it at Suratt; where they take up other money for Ispahan; at Ispahan for Erzerom or Bagdat, paying the old debt with the new sums▪ which they take up in each place. The money taken up at Erzerom is pai'd at Bursa, Constantinople or Smyrna. Money taken up at Bagdat is pai'd at Aleppo.

I always made accompt, that to take up money at Golconda for Ligorn or Venice, at change for change, the money returns at the cheapest rate, to 95 per Cent. but more oftentimes it amounts to a hunder'd.

[Page]

Persian Trauels

Page 257

the Roade ouer the Montaine

the Roade from Ispahan

the Roade from Ispahan

Pagod

Pagod

the Inn nere to W is interrd Monseur de Lalin

Bandar Abassi

The Bannians Tree

Bandar Congo

The Iland of Guesmich

A Villio

A Villig

the Ile of Ormus

Larec

The Platforme of Gomrom or Bandar Abassi of the Iland of Ormus & the Neighbouring Iles

THE PERSIAN GOLPHE

A promontorie of the happey

Arabia

CHAP. XXIV.
Of the Road by Land from Casbin to Ispahan to the Frontiers of the Territories of the Great Mogul, through Candahar.

The Persians count the distan­ces of places by Agats, that▪ make a large Province Lea­gue. THe most usual road from Ispahan to Candahar, which the Merchants choose in regard of the plenty of water which they me [...]t with, lies thus,

From Ispahan to Sakunegi.Agats 7
From Sakunegi to Mouchena de Radar.10
From Mouchena de Radar to Nanni.8
From Nanni to Danaraquie.15
From Danaraquie to Basabad.15
From Basabad to Abiger.9
From A [...]iger to Biabanact.5
From Biabanact to Caseni.5
From Caseni to Samagi.10
From Samagi to Sadarou.15
From Sadarou to Chechme-cha.8
From Chechme-cha to Karte.14
From Karte to Tabas, ville.4
From Tabas to Espaque.7
From Espaque to Teoque.7
From Teoque to Talkeaue.6
From Talkeaue to Cors.10
From Cors to Tesaitan.9
From Tesaitan to Berjan.7
From Berjan to Moti.7
From Moti to Sarbicha.5
From Sarbicha to Mont.7
From Mont to Dourat.12
From Dourat to Chechmeband.6
From Chechmeband to Zela.10
From Zela to Fara, ville.10
From Fara to Tecourmazetan.6
From Tecourmazetan to Siabe.6
From Siabe to Bacou.4
From Bacou to Dilaram.6
From Dilaram to Chaquilan.4
From Chaquilan to Dexkak.4
From Dexkak to Griche, ville.12
From Griche to Kouskienogout.10
From Kouskienogout to Candahar.12

All this while the Men ride upon Horses, and the goods are carri'd by Ca­mels.

The City of Candahar is the chief of one of the Conquer'd Provinces of Persia▪ having been often the occasion of war between the Kings of Persia and India. At length Sha Abbas became Master of it, the Prince that then raign'd there, choosing to put himself under the Protection of the King of Persia rather then of great Mogull: but upon this condition, that the Governour should be always one of his race. And therefore Alimerdan-Kan was the Son of the last Prince of Candahar. That Prince left behind him such a [...]ast Treasury, that his Plate [Page 258] was all of Gold, and he had so much Gold in his Coffers, that when he went to the Great Mogul he would not accept of any thing for his maintenance, but contented himself with one of the highest Dignities in the Empire, which he enjoy'd till his death. At Jehanabad he built a most neat House, with a fair Garden upon the River.

He got his wealth in some measure, for the greatest part came by Inhe­ritance, by the great advantages which he made of the Caravans that then pass'd oft'ner through Candahar then they do n [...]w adays. For by delaying the Mer­chants at the Custome-House, and by treating them himself, and receiving treat­ments from them again, he caus'd them to spend their Provisio [...] ▪ which they were forc'd to recruit again at Candahar.

The Grand Sha Abbas left the peaceable Possession of Candahar to Sha-Sefi his Grand-child. In whose time Alimerdan-Kan deliver'd it up to the Grand Mogal. S [...]a Abbas the Second retook it in the year 1650. Where­upon Sha-gehan sent his eldest Son to drive him out. But though his Army consisted of three hundred thousand men, yet the place ▪was so well defend­ed that he lost the best part of his Army before it. The next year Sha-jehan sent another Army under the Command of Sultan-Sujah, but he had no better success then his Brother. Thereupon Begum Saheb, Sha-jehan's el­dest Daughter, and passionately belov'd by him even to Incest, bearing the greatest sway in the Kingdom, and having a Vast Treasure, rais'd an Army at her own charges, and made Aurergzeb Commander of it. After many as­saults, Aurengzeb discoursing with his Generals one day who should have the honour if he took the City, and being told that his Sister would have the honour in regard she had rais'd the Army, the Prince either jealous of his Sister, or else▪ not loath to give occasion of being envy'd by his Brothers, assault­ed it no more, and when the rains came, rais'd his siege.

  • A. The Principal Citadel.
  • B. Another Citadel.
  • C. The Mountain that reach'd to the next Citadle, which Sha Sefi cut away after he took the City.
  • D. The Governours House.
  • E. The Lodgings for the Officers and Souldiers.
  • F. The Piazza of the City.
  • G. The great street.
  • H. The two Causeys that lead to the City.
  • I. The Path that leads from the Mersh to the City.
  • K. The lesser way that leads from the City to the Citadel.

Thus I have finish'd the most considerable Observations as well in reference to Turkie as to Persia. I have been curious to understand things▪ and have lo [...]kt wich a strict eye upon them: and I am oblig'd to inform the Reader, that he must not travel into Asia, in expectation of mending his experience in any of the nobler Arts of Painting, Sculpture, Goldsmiths work, or Turning. As for the Coverlets, Embroideries, Tissues of Gold and Silver, which are made in Persia, and which we admir'd formerly in France, all these give place to our new manufactures. Insomuch that the Persians themselves admire the rich goods of Europe, and when we carry any thither, they are in mediately bought up by the King and the Nobility. They neither understand any thing of Architecture: nor is there any thing in all Asia that equalls the Riches and Beauty of the Loure, or of any other of the Kings houses in France, which infinitely excell in workmanship all the magnificence of the Eastern Monarchs. Which has made me with astonishment admire that so many Travellers have ascrib'd to Persia and other Regions of Asia, those beauties for which they were never beholding either to Art or Nature. For if all they have said had been true, those won­ders could never have escaped my sight; and I dare assure the Reader that I have describ'd the naked truth of things as really they are.

The End of the Relations of Persia: and of the first Part of Asian Travels.
Page. 258. Persian Trauells.

The Platform of the famous Fortress of Candahar which is the Best Place in all Asia▪

THE INDEX TO THE Persian Travels.

A.
  • ACcident that befell the Author at Balsara. 64, 65.
  • Aleppo describ'd, 57.
  • Alexandretta, 55. The Road dan­gerous for Ships, ib.
  • Ali-Kouli-Kan his Story, 218, 219.
  • Allachars,—vid. Philadelphia.
  • Almanack Persian, 234.
  • Almerdan-Kan delivers up Can­dahar to the Mogul, 198. His an­swer to the Mogul, ib.
  • Amadan describ'd, 75,
  • Amadie, 108.
  • Amasia, 4.
  • Anna, 111.
  • Antioch, 56.
  • Aphian Carassar, 37.
  • Arabian Princes exact from the Caravans, 59, 61, 63.
  • Aras anciently Araxes, 9.
  • Arbele Plain, 73.
  • Arch-Bishop of Armeni, 16.
  • Ardevol describ'd, 24.
  • Armenians, their behaviour at Church, 13. Remov'd by Sha-Abbas, 16. Their Religion, ib. Their custom before meals, 18. Great Traders▪ 159. Their Languages, ib. Their Marriages 172▪ Their Christnings, 171, &c. Their Burials, 173.
  • Artaxate, 13.
  • Asiaticks idle.
  • Asparagus wild, 8.
  • Assaque, 114.
  • Astracan, 116.
  • Astrology admir'd by the Persi­ans, 234.
  • Athemadoulet, vid. Officers.
  • Athens, 121.
  • Aydar, 195.
B.
  • BAgdat describ'd, pag. 84.
  • Balsara, 88.
  • Baker, how punish'd, 234.
  • Bander-Abassi, 255.
  • Bannians expell'd by Sha-Abbas, 220.
  • Baptism of the Armenians, 171.
  • [Page 260] St. Bartholomew, 16, 17.
  • Basha of Cyprus, 81.
  • Bedovins, what; and how they live, 66.
  • Beauty among the Arabs, 112.
  • Betlis, 105.
  • Bey, what, 105, 106.
  • Bishop Armenian buri'd, 18.
  • Books Persian. 227, 229.
  • Bread, how made in the Desert, 62.
  • Bufalo's;—fighting of Bufalo's, an Armenian sport, 12.
C.
  • CAchan, pag. 30.
  • Calaat, how receiv'd by the Kans, 236.
  • Camels, their breeding, nature, and several sorts.
  • Camel-drivers, a rude sort of people, 48. One kill'd by a Cafer, ib. Great cheats, 50.
  • Candahar describ'd, 258.
  • Candy, remarks upon the Trade of it, 118.
  • Carriage what, 11. Where paid, 38.
  • Caravans, where they set out, 2. Constrained to stop, 8, 9, 11.
  • Caravanseras, the order among them, 45.
  • Casbin, 26.
  • Cazerom, 65.
  • Ceremony of the Taper among the Armenians, and the occasion, 12. At the Enthronement of the King, 200, &c.
  • Chamber of the King's Accounts, 227.
  • Charkliquen describ'd, 6.
  • Children of the King's of Persia, how bred, 196.
  • Chimneys, how made in Persia, 238.
  • Chio, 119.
  • Christians of St. John, and their opinions, 90, &c.
  • Chrysostom's Rock, 6.
  • Churches, the three Churches, 10, 11. The richness of the Armenian Churches, 12, 13.
  • Circassia, 126. Customs of the peo­ple, 129.
  • Civility of two Arabians very re­markable, 111.
  • Coffee-houses inspected by Sha-Abbas, 154.
  • Colledges Persian, 227.
  • Comania, 126. Customs of the people, 129.
  • Combat between two Bulls, one call'd Ali, the other Mahomet, 29.
  • Comouks, their Customs and Feasts, 128, &c.
  • Constancy of the Armenians in defending their Religion, 174.
  • Corgia Petrus his Wealth, 159.
  • Corinth, 121.
  • Coron, ib.
  • Corou, 31.
  • Covents Armenian, 16.
  • Courriers Arabian use Dromeda­ries for speed, 61.
  • Coins of Persia, 50, &c.
  • Curtisans, how distinguish'd, 86.
  • Customers of Bagdat, 83.
  • Curdes, a strange sort of Arabs, 106.
  • Customs of Persia, 234.
  • Cyclades Islands, 120.
  • Cyprian Birds, 80.
  • Cyprus describ'd, 79.
D.
  • DAnger of leaving the Caravan, pag. 6.
  • Darius, 73.
  • Debauchery punish'd, 232.
  • Dengbe, 26.
  • Dervichs, the strange reverence they gave to Sultan Amurat, 60.
  • Desert describ'd, 61.
  • Diarbequir describ'd, 104.
  • Diet of the Persians, 241.
  • Diseases of Persia, 239. Their Cure, 240.
  • Disposition of the Persians, 235.
  • Domenico Santis, the story of him, 72, &c.
  • Dromedaries, see Courrier.
  • Duties, where paid, 9, 10, 14, 18, 20, 59, 106, 107, 112, 115, 116.
E.
  • [Page 261]ECclisia, 17.
  • Embassadors expences born in Persia, 14.
  • Embassadors Indian, the story of him, 65.
  • Emirs of Arabia, 63, 64.
  • Ephesus, 34.
  • Erivan describ'd, 13. Betraid; retaken by the Persian, 14.
  • Etzerome describ'd, 8.
  • Euphrates, 8, 58, 71.
  • Exchequer Persian, 227.
  • Ezekiel the Prophet, his Sepulchre, 86.
F.
  • FEast of Hozen and Hussein, 161.
  • St. Francis of Paolo's Miracle, 113.
  • Franks in Alexander's Army, 14. Seat themselves near Erivan, ib.
  • Funerals at Bagdat describ'd, 85, 86. Inconvenient to the poor, ib.
  • Funerals of the Persians, 244.
G.
  • GAlleys of the Grand Signior; their demands when out at Sea, 54. Their present condition, 122.
  • Gaming not allow'd, 236.
  • Gaures, their Religion and pre­sent condition, 163. Their Original and Prophets, 164. Their Books, 165. Their Baptism, Marriages, Feasts, Fasts, and Funerals, 166. Their adoration of Fire, 167. Their Manners and Customs, ib. Beasts which they love or hate, 168.
  • Genealogy of the Persian Kings, 195.
  • Georgia, the present state of it, 123.
  • Gezire, 108.
  • Godfrey of Bologne's Arms, 55.
  • Gorno Fortress, 68.
  • Government of Persia, 219.
  • Grand Signior's power over his Basha's, 8.
  • Gregory, St. martyr'd, 13.
  • Gulph Persian, 95.
  • Guni, 114.
H.
  • HAbit of the Persians, 237.
  • Halicarcara. 10.
  • Haly not much resorted to by the Persian Pilgrims, and why, 62.
  • St. Helena, 22.
  • Hizargerib the fairest Garden of Persia, 157.
  • High-ways, how secur'd in Per­sia, 233.
  • Strangers bound to hire Horses from Alexandretta to Aleppo, 55.
  • Horses Arabian, 65.
I.
  • JAfer-Kan, the Story of him, 210.
  • Janizary strikes out an Armenian Bishop's eye, 10.
  • Jasque, the Prince there of Re­bels.
  • Jealousie of the Persians, 239.
  • Iman-Kouli-Kan, the story of his death, 204, &c.
  • Jonas Whale, 54.
  • Ispahan fully describ'd, 148, &c.
  • St. Jude, 86.
  • Justice of the Persians, 232.
K.
  • KAffa the City, 113.
  • Kaguisgan Fort, 10.
  • Kalmouchs, what sort of people, 127.
  • Kans of Persia, 14. Civil to stran­gers, ib. 225.
  • Kan of Erivan, betrays the Town, and teaches the Grand Signor to drink, 14. The Kan of Kerman kind to the Author, 41.
  • Kan of Kan, his sad end, 30.
  • Kars describ'd, 9.
  • Keckmish, 49. Besieg'd by the Hollander, ib.
  • [Page 262] Kerman describ'd, 41.
  • Kilet, 82.
  • King of Persia's favours, 236.
  • Kom describ'd, 28.
L.
  • LAke of Antioch, 56.
  • Lance that pierc'd the side of Christ, 13.
  • Languages us'd in Persia, 229.
  • Lar describ'd, 253.
  • Latitudes of the chiefest Cities of Persia, 135.
  • Locusts, 65, 81.
  • Longitudes of the principal Cities of Persia, 135, &c.
M.
  • MAhomet-Ali-beg, the story of him, 42, &c. He punishes his own Son, 44.
  • Mahomet-beg, his misfortune, 212. Revengeful, 213, &c.
  • Malta, the great Ceremony of the grand Muster upon Lady-day, 78.
  • Manners of Persia. See Customs.
  • Marante, 20.
  • Market-price, how settl'd, 55, 234.
  • Marriages of the Persians, 243.
  • Meal, the strange nature of Per­sian meal, 27.
  • Mengrelia, the present State of it, 125.
  • Messina describ'd, 2.
  • Milo Island, 120.
  • Mirza-Ibrahim, 23.
  • Mirza-Take, his story, 197.
  • Modon, 121.
  • Money of Persia. See Coins.
  • Monuments Turkish, 3, 4, 24, 25.
  • Mother kills her own Son instead of a Bannian, 202.
  • Moulla's, 226.
  • Moussal describ'd, 71.
  • Murder committed in the Desert, 112. Punish'd in Persia, 232.
N.
  • NAcksivan describ'd, 16.
  • Names and Employments of the Officers of the King's House, 221, &c. Of the Military Officers, 223.
  • Naxis, 120.
  • Nazar; vid. Officers.
  • Nemrod, or the supposed Tower of Bable, 86.
  • Nibia describ'd, 3.
  • Niniveh, 71.
  • Noah, where he liv'd, 16. His Wife, where buried, 20.
  • Nogaies, their Customs, 132, &c.
O.
  • OFficers of the King's Hous­hold, 221. Military, 223. Ec­clesiastick and Judicial, 226.
  • Ormus, 255.
  • Ozeman, 4.
P.
  • PAros Island, 12.
  • Passage of the Author from Niniveh to Babylon, 82. From Bag­dat to Balsara, 87. From Balsara to Ormus, 94.
  • Passengers; see Travellers.
  • Patras, 121.
  • Patriarch of the Armenians, 11. Feasts the Caravan, 12.
  • Pearls of great beauty and va­lue, 95, 144.
  • Persia, its extent and Provinces, 141. The Flowers and Fruits and Fruits there­of, 144. The Beasts of service, 145. Fish and Fowl there, ib. Buildings, 147.
  • Persians, their Superstition, 24. Their manner of Entertainment, 5. Their Civility, 77. Their extrava­gancy in Apparel, 238. Their Re­ligion, 160, Their Feasts and Diet, 241. Artists, wherein, 230. Com­modities of the Countreys, ib. Their Manners and Customs, 234.
  • Philadelphia now Allachars. 31.
  • [Page 263] Places of priviledg, 24.
  • Plains of Salt, 31, 39.
  • Polia or Folis, 4.
  • Policy of the Persians, 232.
  • Pointing at the King of Persia, loss of the hand, 207.
  • Porter of the King of Persia be­lov'd by him for his whiskers, 47.
  • Printing not us'd; and why, 229.
  • Proverb in Persia about living happy, 44.
Q.
  • Quitros Haven, 114.
R.
  • RAdars; what, 233.
  • Rafedi's; what, 85. Severe­ly chastiz'd for Superstition, ib.
  • Restoration for Robbery, how made, 233.
  • River that peutrifies, 15.
  • Relicks Armenian, 17.
  • Roads from France to Constan­tinople; [...]. From Constantinople to Ispahan; 3. From the borders of Per­sia to Erivan; 10. From Erivan to Tauris; 15. From Tauris to Ispa­han through Tauris and Casbin; 24. From Tauris to Ispahan through Zangan and Sultain; 26. From Smyrna to Ispahan; 32. From Ker­man to Ispahan; 41. From Paris to Ispahan another way; 53. From Aleppo to Ispahan through the great Desert; 60. Through Mesopo­tamia and Assyria; 66. From Nini­veh to Ispahan; 72. From Smyrna to Ispahan; 102. From Aleppo to Tau­ris through Diarbequir and Van; 103. Through Gezire; 108. From Aleppo to Ispahan through the small Desert and Kengavar; 109. From Constantinople to Ispahan by the Euxin-Sea; 113. From Warsaw to Ispahan over the black Sea; and Ispahan to Mosco; 115. From Or­mus to Schiras; 245. From Ispahan to Ormus, from Schiras to Ban­dar-Abassi; 251. From Casbon to Ispahan, and so through Candahar to the Frontiers of the Mogul, 257.
  • Robbery committed upon the Au­thor neer Tocat, 40.
  • Robbery; how punish'd, 233.
  • Rock of a strange nature; 107.
S.
  • SAdler Ralph; his sad story; 207.
  • Salmastre; 208.
  • Samatra, a place of Devotion among the Mahumetans, 83.
  • Santorini, a remarkable Island; 79.
  • Sardis; 37.
  • Sava; 28.
  • Schiras; 66. Describ'd: 247.
  • Seal of the King of Persia, 179.
  • Sedre, his Office, 226.
  • Sefi Kouli-Kan Governour of Ba­bylon; his death, 84, 85.
  • Sem the Son of Noah, 15.
  • Sexava, 28.
  • Sha-Abbas, 158. Sends to Henry 4th of France, ib. To Spain, ib. His answer, ib. He turns Merchant, ib. Kind to the Capuchins; 157. His madness in drink; 172. He punishes the Baker and Cook; 203.
  • Sha-Abbas the second, 209.
  • Shambe; the Inhabitants mad at 18 years of age; 17.
  • Shappars, what; 233. Their pri­viledges, ib.
  • Sha-Sefi destroys the Turks Ar­my; 20. His madness in drink, 198. His cruelty, 206.
  • Shaoux; what they are, 47.
  • Sherazoul, 73.
  • Sidi Fatima, 29.
  • Sinopus, 118.
  • Smyrna largely describ'd; 32, &c.
  • Sophiana; 20.
  • St. Simon; 86.
  • St. Stephens; 17.
  • Story of four French-men; 95.
  • Students Persian; 227.
  • Sultan Amurat makes his entry into Aleppo; 6.
  • [Page 264] Sultain describ'd; 27.
  • Superstition of the Persians; 236.
T.
  • TAmerlane; 195.
  • Tartars eat raw Horse-flesh; 7. Lesser Tartars; 132.
  • Tauris describ'd; 20, 21, &c. And the places adjacent; 23.
  • Temple of Ephesus. See Ephesus.
  • Teren; 108.
  • Thievery punish'd, 233.
  • Tigris; 71.
  • Time, how divided by the Persi­ans, 240.
  • Tocat, 5.
  • Tocia, 4.
  • Tower of Bable, vid, Nemrod.
  • Travelling very secure in Per­sia, 18, 233.
  • Travellers, how to behave them­selves, 47.
  • The treachery of a Janizary, 35, &c.
  • Turkey, bad travelling in Tur­key▪ 1
  • Turks, their Superstition, 9.
  • Turquoises, 144.
V.
  • VAn, 106.
  • Voyage, The Author's Voyage from Marseilles to Alexandretta, 78. The Author's first Voyage, 95. From Paris to Smyrna, 99.
W.
  • WAter bitter, 61. Scarce in Persia, 156.
  • Women of Bagdat, 86. Of Arabia, ib. Of Persia, 239.
  • Wooll of Persia very fine, 40.
  • Writing Persian, 229.
Y.
  • YEsde describ'd, 44.
  • Yesdecas, 66.
Z.
  • ZEo Island, 120.
  • Zulpha describ'd, 19, 155, 157, &c.
THE SIX TRAVELS OF J …

THE SIX TRAVELS OF JOHN BAPTISTA TAVERNIER, BARON of AUBONNE, THROUGH Turky and Persia TO THE INDIES, During the space of Forty years.

Giving an Account of the present State of those Countries, viz. Of their RELIGION, GO­VERNMENT, CUSTOMS, and COMMERCE.

AS ALSO The Figures, Weights, and Value of the MONEY and COINS severally currant therein.

The Second Part: DESCRIBING INDIA and the ISLES Adjacent.

Made English by J. P.

LONDON: Printed in the Year, 1684.

The EMPIRE of the Great MOGOL

TRAVELS IN INDIA.
The First Book.

What Roads to take, in Travelling from Ispahan to Agra, from Agra to Dehly and Gehanabatt, where the Great Mogul Resides at present: And how to Travel also to the Court of the King of Golconda; to the King of Visapour, and to many other Places in the Indies.

CHAP. I.
The Road from Ispahan to Agra through Gomron: Where is particu­larly describ'd the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Suratt.

IN this Relation of my Indian, I will observe the same Method as in the Reci­tal of my Persian Travels; and begin with the Description of the Roads, which lead you from Ispahan to Dehly and Gehanadatt, where the Great Mo­gul Resides at present.

Though the Indies stretch themselves front Persia for the space of above 400 Leagues together, from the Ocean to that long Chain of Mountains that runs through the middle of Asia from the East to the West, and which was known to Antiquity by the Name of Mount Caucasus, or Mount Taurus; yet there are not so many ways to travel out of Persia into the Indies, as there are to travel out of Turky into Persia; by reason that between Persia and the Indies there are nothing but vast Sands and Desarts, where there is no water to be found. So that you have but two Roads to choose, in going from Ispahan to Agra. The one is partly by Land, and partly by Sea; taking Ship at Ormus. The other altogether by Land, through Candahar. The first of these two Roads is amply describ'd, as far as Or­mus, at the end of my first Book of my Persian Travels. So that I am now only to speak of the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Suratt.

There is no Sailing at all times upon the Indian as upon the European Seas: You must observe the proper Seasons, which being elaps'd, there is no more ven­turing. The Months of November, December, January, February and March, are the only Months in the year to Embark from Ormus to Suratt; and from Suratt [Page 16] to Ormus: But with this difference, that there is no stirring from Suratt after the end of February; but you may Sail from Ormus till the end of March, or the fif­teenth of April: for then the Western-winds, that bring rain along with them into India, begin to blow. During the first four Months there blows a North-east­wind which carries them from Suratt to Ormus in fifteen or twenty days. Then veering a little to the North, it serves as well for those that are bound for Suratt as those that are bound from thence. Then the Merchants generally provide for a Voyage of thirty, or five and thirty days. But if they would Sail from Ormus to Suratt in fourteen or fifteen days, they must take Shipping either in March, or at the beginning of April; for then the Western-wind blows full in their Stern▪

The Vessels which Sail from Ormus run within sight of Mascate upon the Coast of Arabia, bearing off to Sea for fear of coming too near the Persian Coast. They that come from Suratt, do the same thing, to make the Entry of the Gulf. But neither the one nor the other touch at Mascate, to avoid paying Customs to an Arabian Prince, who took that place from the Portugals.

Mascate is a City situate just by the Sea-side, over against three Rocks that make the Entry into the Harbour very difficult, and at the foot of a Mountain upon which the Portugals have three or four Forts. It is observed that Mascate, Ormus, and Balsara, are the three places in the East where the heat is most in­supportable. Formerly only the Hollanders and English understood this Course of Navigation; but some years after the Armenians, Mahometans, Indians, and Banians, have built them Vessels. But it is not so safe to Embark in them, for they neither understand the Sea so well, nor are they so good Pilots.

The Vessels that Sail to Suratt, which is the only Part in the Empire of the Great Mogul, Sail within sight of Diu, and the Point of St. John, and come to an Anchor afterwards in the Road of Couali, which is not above four Leagues from Suratt, and two from the Mouth of the River toward the North. They transport their Wares from one place to another, either by Waggons, or in Boats. For great Vessels cannot get into the River of Suratt till they have unladen, by reason of the Sands that choak it up. The Hollanders return as soon as they have landed their Wares at Couali, and so do the English, it not being permitted to ei­ther to enter into the River. But some years since, the King has given the English a place to Winter in, during the rainy Seasons.

Suratt is a City of an indifferent bigness, defended by a pitiful Fortress, by the foot whereof you must pass, whether you go by Land or by Water. It has four Towers at the four Corners, and in regard there are no Platforms upon the Walls, Guns are planted upon wooden Scaffolds. The Governor of the Fort only com­mands the Soldiers in the Fort, but has no power in the City, which has a par­ticular Governour to receive the King's Customs, and other Revenues through the Extent of his Province.

The Walls of the Town are only of Earth, and the generality of the Houses like Barns, being built of Reeds, plaistered with Cow-dung, to cover the void spaces, and to hinder them without from discerning bet [...] the Reeds what is done within. In all Suratt there be but nine or ten Hou [...] [...]hich are well built: whereof the Cha-bander, or chief of the Merchants, has two or three. The rest belong to the Mahumetan Merchants; nor are those, wherein the English and Hollanders dwell, less beautiful; every President, and every Commander, be­ing careful to repair them; which they put upon the account of their Compa­nies. However, they do but hire those Houses; the King not suffering any Frank to have an House of his own, for fear he should make a Fortress of it. The Ca­puchin Friars have built them a very convenient Convent, according to the Model of our European Houses, and a fair Church; for the building of which, I furnish'd them with good part of the Money. But the Purchase was made in the Name of a Maronite Merchant of Aleppo, whose name was Chelebi, of whom I have spoken in my Persian Relations.

CHAP. II.
Of the Customs, Money, Exchange, Weights and Measures of the INDIANS.

TO avoid Repetitions, which cannot be shunn'd in the Course of long Travels; it behoves me to let the Reader understand what belongs to the Custom­house, Money, Exchange, Weights and Measures of the Indians.

When your Commodities are unladen at Suratt, you must carry them to the Custom-house adjoyning to the Fort. They are very severe, and very exact in searching the People. Particular Merchants pay from four to five per Cent. at the Custom-house for all sorts of Ware. But for the English and Holland-Company, they pay less: But I believe if they did but cast up what it costs them in Depu­tations and Presents which they are oblig'd every year to send to the Court, they would not pay much less for their Wares, then particular Merchants.

Gold and Silver pay two in the hundred, and when it is brought into the Custom-house, the Master of the Mint comes and takes it, and Coins it into the Money of the Countrey. They agree with him upon the day wherein he will un­dertake to return the new Pieces: And for so many days as he makes them stay after that, he pays them Interest, according to the proportion of the Silver which he receives. The Indians are very subtil and crafty in matters of Money and Payments; three or four years after the Silver is coin'd, it loses half per Cent. and goes at the same rate as old Silver; for, say they, it is impossible but that it should lose in passing through so many hands. You may carry all sorts of Silver into the D [...]inions of the Great Mogul. For in all the Frontier Cities there is a Mint, where it is purified to the highest perfection, as is all the Gold and Silver in India, by the Kings Command, and coin'd into Money. Silver in Bars, or old Plate, which is bought without paying for the fashion, is the Silver by which you shall lose least: For as for coin'd Silver, there is no avoiding the loss of the Coinage. All their bargains are made, with a condition to pay in coin'd Silver within the present year. And if you make payment in old Silver, you must resolve to lose according to the time since it was first Coin'd. In all places far remote from Cities, where the vulgar People have no great knowledg in Sil­ver: and where there are no Changers, they will not receive a piece of Silver, without putting it into the fire, to try whether it be good or no; And this is the common practice at all Ferries and Passages over Rivers. In regard their Boats are only made of Osier, covered over with an Ox-hide, and by consequence are very light; they keep them in the Woods, and will not take them upon their shoulders, till they have received their Money.

As for their Gold, the Merchants have so many cunning tricks to hide it, that it seldom comes to t [...] [...]owledg of the Customers. They do all they can to shift off paying the Custo [...] [...]nd that, so much the rather, because they do not run so much hazard as at the Custom-house of Europe. For in the Indian Custom-houses, if a man be caught in the fraud, he is quitted by paying double; ten in the hundred, instead of five: the King comparing the venture of the Merchant to a game at Hazard, where he plays quit or double. The King had granted to the English Captains, that they should not be searched when they came a-shore. But one day one of the English Captains going to Tata, one of the greatest Cities in India, a little above the Mouth of the River Indou, as he was going to pass the River, he was stop'd by the Officers of the Custom-house, who search'd and rifl'd him, what-ever he could alledge to the contrary. They found Gold about him, of which he had already carried off several quantities, at several times, that he had gone from his Ship to the City; but they quitted him, upon paying the usual Custom. The English-man, vex'd at such an affront, resolv'd to revenge himself; which he did after a very pleasant manner. He caus'd a sucking-pig to be roasted, and putting it together with the dripping, and sawce, in a China-platter, covered with a linnen-cloath, he gave it a Slave to bring along after him to the City; [Page 18] imagining what would fall out. As it pass'd before the Custom-house, while the Governors or the Cha-bander, and the Mint-Masters were sitting in the Divan, they fail'd not to stop him; and as the Slave went forward with the Plate cover'd, they told his Master that he must come into the Custom-house, and that they must see what he carried. The more the English-man cry'd, that the Slave car­ried nothing that paid any Duties, the less he was believ'd; so that after a long debate he took the Plate from his Slave, and carried it himself into the Divan; the Governour and the Cha-bander, gravely ask'd him, why he would not be obe­dient to the Laws? Upon which the English-man, replying in a great heat, that he carried nothing which paid any duty, threw the Pigg among them with such a fury, that the Sawce and Pigg flew all upon their Garments. Now in regard that Swines-flesh is an abomination to the Mahometans, who believe every thing defil'd that touches it; they were forc'd to change their Clothes, take down the Tapestry of the Divan, to pull down the Divan it self, and build another, not daring to say any thing to the English-man; for the Cha-bander, and Mint-Master are very observant to the Company, by whom they reap a great deal of profit. As for what concerns the Heads of the Companies, as well English, as Dutch, and their Associates, they have so great a respect for them, that they never search them at all, when they come a-shore; though they will not stick to conceal their Gold, like particular Merchants, and to carry it about them. The Trade of Tata, formerly very great, begins now to decay, because the Mouth of the River grows more dangerous, and full of shallows every day more than other, the Sand-hills having almost choak'd it up.

The English finding they had learn'd the trick of rifling their Cloaths, studi'd out other little ways and contrivances to conceal their Gold: And the fashion of wearing Perriwigs being newly come out of Europe, they hid their Jacobus's, Rose-Nobles, and Ducats in the Net of their Perriwigs, every time they came a-shore.

There was a Merchant that had a mind to convey some Boxes of Coral into Suratt, without the knowledge of the Customers. He Swam then into the Town, some days before the Ship was unladen, when it might be done securely before the Customers had any suspition of any thing. But the Merchant repented him afterwards, the Commodity being spoyl'd. For the Water of Suratt River being always thick and muddy, there clung to the Coral, which had lain a long time in the Water, a slime like a white crust or skin, which was difficult to be got off; so that after the Coral was polish'd, he lost by it above twelve per Cent.

I come now to the Money which goes for currant through the whole extent of the Great Mogul's Dominions; and to all the sorts of Gold and Silver, which is carri'd thither in Ingots to make profit thereof.

In the first place you must observe that it is very profitable to buy Gold and Silver which has been wrought, to melt it into Ingots, and to refine it to the highest purity: For being refin'd, you pay not for the Portage of the Alloy, which was mix'd with it before: And carrying the Gold and Silver in Wedges, you pay neither to the Prince nor to the Mint what they exact for Coinage. If you carry coin'd Gold, the best Pieces are Jacobus's, Rose-Nobles, Albertus's, and other anci­ent Pieces, as well of Portugal, as of other Countries, and all sorts of Gold that have been coin'd in former Ages. For by all those old Pieces the Merchant is sure to gain. You may also reckon for good Gold, and which is proper to be carri'd thither, all the Ducats of Germany, as well those coin'd by the several Prin­ces, as by the Imperial Towns, together with the Ducats of Poland, Hungary, Swedeland and Danemark; and indeed all sorts of Ducats are taken to be of the same goodness. The Venetian Ducats of Gold formerly pass'd for the best, and were worth four or five of our Sous, more than any others; but about a dozen years ago they seem to have been alter'd, not going now for any more than the rest. There are also Ducats which the Grand Seignior Coins at Cairo, and those of Sally, and Morocco: But these three sorts are not so good as the others, and are not worth so much as they by four Sous of our Money.

Over all the Empire of the Great Mogul, all the Gold and Silver is weigh'd with Weights, which they call Tolla; which weigh nine Deneers, and eight grains of our Weights. When they have any quantity of Gold and Silver to sell, the In­dians use yellow Copper-Weights, with the King's mark, to avoid cousenage. And [Page 19] with these Weights they weigh all the Gold and Silver at once, provided it a­mount not to above a hundred Tolla's. For the Changers have no other weights, but from one Tolla to a hundred; and a hundred Tolla's come to 38 Ounces, 21 Deneers, and 8 Grains. As for the Gold and Silver which is not coin'd, if there be much, they essay it; and having put it to the Touch, they bid to the utmost value to out-vye one another.

In regard there are some Merchants that have above forty or fifty thou­sand Ducats at a time, the Indians weigh them with a weight which is just the weight of a hundred Ducats, which is also mark'd with the Kings Mark; and if the hundred Ducats weigh less than the weights, they put in so many lit­tle stones till the Scales are even; and after all is weigh'd, they make good to the Changer the weight of those little stones. But before they weigh these Gold-Coins, whether they be Ducats or other Pieces, they put the whole quantity in­to a Charcoal-fire, till they be red-hot; and then quench the Fire with water, and take them out again. This they do to find out them which are false, and to melt off the Wax and Gum, which is cunningly dropt upon them to make them weigh the more. But because there are some Pieces so artfully hollow'd and stopt up again, that you cannot perceive it, though they have been in the fire, the Changers take the Pieces, and bend them; by which they know whether they be good or no; and those which they suspect they cut in pieces. After they have viewed them all, they refine those which they do not take to be good, and pay for so much as proves to be good, as for good Ducats. All this Gold they Coin into that sort of Money which they call Roupies of Gold; except those Ducats, which are stamp'd only up­on one side, which they sell to the Merchants that come from Tartary, and other Northern Parts, as from the Kingdoms of Boutan, Asen, and other remote parts. With these Ducats the Women of those Countries chiefly adorn themselves, hanging them upon their Head-attire, and fixing them upon their foreheads. As for the other Ducats, that have no figures, they are not so much as enquir'd after by the Northern Merchants.

As for all the other Pieces of Gold, there are great quantities of them Sold to the Goldsmiths, to the Gold-wyar-drawers, and in general to all that work in Gold. For if they could put their Metal unmade into Roupies, they would never Coin; which they can only do at the Coronation of their Kings, to throw Silver Roupies among the People; or to sell them to the Governours of the Provinces, and other Grandees of the Court, who then want great quantities of them to present to the new King at his first coming to his Throne. For they have not always Jewels or other things rich enough to present him, as well at that time, as at another Festival, of which I shall speak in due place, when they weigh the King every year. At such times I say, they are very glad of Gold Roupies; as also to present to such Favourites at the Court, by whose interest they hope to gain higher Commands, and more considerable Go­vernments.

In one of my Travels, I found by experience the vertue of these Roupies of Gold. Cha-jehan, Father of Orang-zeb who now Reigns, had given to one of the Lords of his Court, the Government of the Province of Tata, whereof Symdi is the Metropolis. Now though the very first year of his Government, there were very great complaints made against him, by reason of the Tyranny which he exercised over his People, and his great extortions, the King suffered him to continue four years, and then recalled him. All the People of Tata were over joy'd▪ believing the King had called him away, only to put him to death; but it fell out quite otherwise; for the King caress'd him, and gave him the Government of Halabas, more considerable than that which he had quitted. This kind reception, which he had at the Kings hands, proceeded from this, that before he came to Agra, he had sent before him a present of 50000 Roupies of Gold, and about 20000 Roupies of Gold more to Begum-Saheb, who had then the whole Power in her hands; as also to other Ladies and Lords at the Court, to support his Reputation. All the Courtiers are very desirous to have a great quantity of Gold; because it lies in a little room, and then because they covet, as a great Honour, to leave vast Sums behind them, to their Wives and Chil­dren, of which the King most not know. For as I shall tell you in another place, [Page 20] when any great Lord dies, the King is Heir to all his Estate; his Wife having no more then his Jewels.

But to return to our Roupies of Gold; you must take notice, that they are not so currant among the Merchants. For in regard one of them is not worth above fourteen Roupies, which make one and twenty Livres of our Money, at thirty Sous the Roupie, and that there are few of these Roupies of Gold to be had, but in the Houses of Great Men; when it falls out that they make any pay­ment, they will put them at a Roupie of Silver, or at least at a fourth part of a Roupie more than it is worth, which will never turn to the Merchants profit. Cha-Est-Kan the King's Uncle, to whom I had sold a parcel of Goods at 96000 Roupies, when he came to pay me, ask'd me what Money I would be content to take, whether Gold or Silver. Before I could return him an answer, he added, that if I would leave it to him, I should take Gold Roupies: Nor did he give me this advice, but because he believ'd it would turn to his advantage: I told him I would be rul'd by him; thereupon he caus'd his Servants to tell me out so ma­ny Roupies in Gold, as made up the just Sum which was due: But he would force me to take the Roupie in Gold for fourteen Roupies and an half in Silver, though among the Merchants they went but for fourteen. I was not ignorant of it; but I thought it best to receive my Money according to the Prince's humour, in hopes he might make me amends another time, either for the whole, or part of what I might lose. I let him alone two days, after which I went to him again, and told him I had tried to put off his Roupies at the price I had received them; so that in the payment of 96000 Roupies, I had lost 3428 and one 16th. the Roupie of Gold which he forc'd me to to take at fourteen Roupies and an half of Silver, be­ing worth but fourteen. Thereupon he fell into a passion, and told me he would see as many Lashes bestow'd upon the Changer, or Holland-Broker, whose fault so­ever it were; that he would teach them to understand Money; that they were old Roupies, and were worth more by a sixteenth part of a Silver Roupie, than the Roupies which were coin'd at that time. In regard I knew the humour of the Asiatic Princes, with whom there is no contesting. I let him say what he pleas'd; but when he came to himself, and began to put on a smiling look, I de­sir'd him that he would be pleas'd to let me return the Summ which I had re­ceived, the next day; or else that he would be plea'sd to pay me what was want­ing, and that I would take a Roupie at 14 and one 16th. since he assur'd me they were worth so much. The Prince for a while gave me a scurvy look, not so much as speaking one word. At length he ask'd me, whether I had still the Pearl, which he had refus'd to buy. I told him I had, and immediately pull'd it out of my Bosome, and gave it him. The Pearl was large, and of a good Water, but ill­shap'd; which was the reason he refus'd it before. When I had given it to him, well, said he, let us talk no more of what is past; how much will you have, in a word, for this Pearl? I ask'd him seven thousand Roupies, and indeed rather than I would have carri'd it into France, I would have taken three. If I give thee, said he, seven thousand Roupies for this Pearl, I shall make thee amends for the loss thou complain'st of in the first bargain. Come to Morrow, and I will give thee five thousand Roupies, and that's very fair: Thou shalt have also a Calaat and an Horse. I made my obeysance to him, and desir'd him to give me an Horse that should be young, and fit for service, because I had a great journey to take. The next day he sent me a Robe, a Cloak, two Girdles, and a Cap; which is all the Apparel that the Princes are wont to give to those to whom they intend any Honour. The Cloak and Robe was of Satin purfled with Gold; the two Girdles strip'd with Gold and Silver; the Cap was of Calicut, dy'd into a Flame-colour, with stripes of Gold: The Horse had no Saddle, but was covered with a green Velvet foot-cloath, edg'd about with a small Silver-fringe. The Bridle was very strait, with Silver-studs in some places. I believe the Horse had never been Back'd; for so soon as I brought him to the Holland-House, where I then lodg'd, a young man got upon his Back; but he was no sooner on, but the Horse flung and pranc'd at that rate, that having kick'd down an Hutt that stood in the Court, he had like to have kill'd the Hollander. Finding that such a Resty-Horse was not for my turn, I sent him back to Cha-Est-Kan, and relating the Story to him, I told him I did not believe that he desir'd I should return into my Countrey to [Page 21] bring him back some rarities which I had promis'd him, as he made me be­lieve he did. All the while I talk'd, he laugh'd, and afterwards sent for the Horse which his Father in his life time us'd to ride upon. It was a tall Per­sian Horse, that had formerly cost five thousand Crowns, but was then twenty eight years old. They brought him bridl'd and saddl'd, and the Prince would needs have me get up in his presence. He had one of the most stately walks that ever I knew in a Horse: and when I alighted, well, said he, art thou sa­tisfied? I dare say, that Horse will never give thee a fall. I thank'd him, and at the same time took my leave of him; and the next day, before my departure, he sent me a great Basket of Apples. It was one of the six that Cha­jehan had sent him, as they came from the Kingdom of Kachemir; there was in the Basket also a great Persian Melon: All this might be worth a hundred Roupies, which I presented to the Holland Commanders Wife. As for the Horse I rode him to Golconda, where I sold him for five hundred Roupies, as old as he was, being a good lusty Beast.

To return to our discourse of Money, I will add this to what I have said already, that you must never carry Louis's, of Gold to the Indies, nor Spanish nor Italian Pistols, nor any other sort of Money coin'd within these few years; for there is great loss by it; for the Indians refine all, and count only upon the refinings. Lastly, every one strives to steal the custom of their Gold; and when the Merchant has got the knack of concealing it, he may gain five or six of our Sous in every Ducat.

I come now to the sorts of Silver Money; which you must distinguish in­to money of the Country, and Forreign Money: And first of the Forreign Coins.

The Forreign Silver Coins which are carried into the Indies, are the Rix­dollars of Germany, and the Reals of Spain. The first are brought by the Merchants that come from Poland, from the Lesser Tartary, and the Borders of Musco­via. The others by those that come from Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo, and the greatest part by the Armenians, who sell their Silk into Europe. All these merchants endeavour to convey their Silver through Persia without be­ing discovered; for if the Customers find it out, they will be forced to carry their Silver to the Mint-Masters to be coined into Abassi's, which is the Kings Coin; these Abassi's being carried into India, are again coined into Rou­pies, whereby the Merchant loses ten and a quarter per Cent. as well by reason of the coinage, as by paying the Kings duties in Persia.

To let you understand in a few words, how they came to lose this ten and a quarter per Cent. from Persia to the Indies, and sometimes more, according to the nature of the Reals, which they usually carry into Persia; you must call to mind, what I have already said concerning the Money and Exchanges of Persia, in the first Volume. I observ'd, that a Real in Persia goes for 23 Chaez, which make three Abassi's, and a quarter; and that sometimes, when Silver is scarce, they will give a Chaez and a half for one. That the Abassi is worth four Chaez, and the Toman fifty Abassi's, or two hundred Chaez. If you carry six Tomans and a half to the Indies, you have for every Toman twenty nine Roupies and a half; and consequently for six Tomans and a half, a hundred and ninety-one Roupies and a quarter. If you carry to the Indies Reals of Sevile, for a hundred you shall have from 213 to 215 Roupies. If you carry Mexi­can Reals; for a hundred you shall have no more than 212. So that when for a hundred Reals you have but two hundred and twelve Roupies, you gain ten Reals and a quarter, in an hundred Reals; but by the Sevillian Reals you profit eleven per Cent.

There are three or four sorts of Spanish Reals, and they give for a hundred according to their goodness, from 218 to 214 and 215 Roupies. The best of all are those of Sevil for when they are full weight, they will give for a hun­dred, 213 Roupies; and sometimes 215, according as Silver is either scarce or plentiful.

The Real of Spain ought to weigh three Drams, seven Grains and a half more than two Roupies. But the Silver of the Roupies is much better. For the Roupy is in weight eleven Deneers and fourteen Grains; but the Sevil [Page 22] Real, like our white Crown, is but just eleven Deneers. The Maxican Real goes at ten Deneers and twenty-one Grains. For the Spanish Real, that weighs seventy-three Vals, you have four Mamoudi's and a half, and one Mamoudi is worth twenty Pecha's; but they must be very good, and as I have said already, seventy-three Vals in weight: eighty-one Vals making an Ounce, one Val com­ing to seven Deneers.

For the Rixdollars of Germany, in regard they are heavier than the Reals, they will give you for an hundred, as high as an hundred and sixteen Roupies. Where you are to take notice, that in giving for an hundred Reals, or an hundred Rix­dollars, two hundred and fifteen, or two hundred and sixteen Roupies, it seems that every Roupy ought to be worth less than thirty Sous. But if the Merchant count the Portage of the Silver, and the Customs, he will find that every Roupy will stand him in more. But that the Merchant may make his profit, he must take notice, that all the Reals of Mexico, and those of Sevil, are in weight one and twenty Deneers and eight Grains, that is, five hundred and twelve Grains; and for those that are no better then our white Crown, they are to be in weight one and twenty Deneers and three Grains, which makes five hundred and nine Grains. All Dollars and Reals are weigh'd, a hundred at a time, and when they are want­ing in weight, they add little stones, as when they weigh Gold, according to what I shall tell you by and by.

We come now to the Money of the Country. The Indian Money is the Silver Roupy, the Half, Quarter, Eighteenth and Sixteenth part. The weight of the Roupy is nine Deneers and one Grain; the value of the Silver is eleven Deneers and fourteen Grains. They have also another sort of Silver Money, which they call Mamoudi's, but this goes no-where but in Surat, and in the Province of Guzerat.

The Indians have also a sort of small Copper Money, which is call'd Pecha; which is worth about two of our Liards, a Liard being the fourth part of a Sous. There is also the Half Pecha, Two Pecha's, and Four Pecha's. Accor­ding to the custom of the Province where you Travel, you have for a Roupy of Silver more or less of these Pecha's. In my last Travels, a Roupy went at Surat for nine and forty Pecha's. But the time was, when it was worth fifty, and another time, when it went but for six and forty. At Agra and Ge­hanabat, the Roupy was valued at fifty-five and fifty-six Pecha's. And the reason is, because the nearer you go to the Copper Mines, the more Pecha's you have for a Roupy. As for the Mamoudi, it is always valued at forty Pecha's.

There are two other sorts of small Money in the Dominions of the Great Mo­gull, which are little bitter Almonds and Shells. These little bitter Almonds, which are brought out of Persia, are only made use of in the Province of Guze­ratt; as I have observed in the first part of my Relations. They grow in dry and barren places amongst the Rocks, and the Tree, that bears them, is almost like our Bastard Spanish-Broom. They call these Almonds Baden: Nor is there any Coloquintida so bitter. They give for a Pecha sometimes thirty five, and some­times forty.

Their other small Money are the little Shells which they call Cori; the sides whereof turn circularly inward: Nor are they to be found in any part of the World, but in the Maldives Islands. They are the greatest part of the Revenue of the King of that Island. For they are transported into all the Territories of the Great Mogull; into the Kingdoms of Visapour and Golconda; and into the Islands of America to serve instead of Money. Near the Sea they give 80 for a Pecha. But the further you go from the Sea, the less you have; so that at Agra, they will not give you above 50 or 55 for a Pecha. As to what remains accord­ing to the Accompt of the Indians,

  • 100000 Roupies make a Lekke.
  • 100000 Lekks make a Kraur.
  • 100000 Kraur's make a Padan.
  • 100000 Padan's make a Ril.

In the Indies, the Village must be very small, where there does not reside a Ban­ker, whom they call Cheraff; whose business it is to remit Money and Bills of

[Page 23]

Over all the Empire of the Great Mogull and in other parts of India the Idolaters, though they differ in their languages, make use of these sort of Cifers

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  • 100000 [...]......
  • 1000000 [...]......

Exchange. In regard that these Bankers hold a Correspondence with the Gover­nours of the Province, they raise as they please themselves, the Roupie for the Pecha's, and the Pecha's for the Shells. All the Jews that deal in Money and Ex­change in the Empire of the Grand Seignior, are accounted a most subtil sort of People. But in the Iudies they would be scarce thought fit to be Apprentices to these Bankers. They have one very bad custom in making of Payments: And I have already observ'd it, in reference to their Roupies of Gold. When they make any Payment in that sort of Money, they tell ye, 'twas a great while ago that any Silver Roupie was coin'd; that they are worth less than those which are new, or but lately coin'd; for that by passing through many hands they wear away, and become lighter. And therefore when you make any bargain, you must always agree to be paid in Roupies Cha-jenni, that is, in new Silver; otherwise, they will [Page 24] pay you in Roupies coin'd some fifteen or twenty years ago, and upward; where­by you will lose four in the hundred. For they will have one fourth, or at least one eighth per Cent. allow'd for those that were coin'd but two years before: So that the poor People that cannot read the year wherein the Roupies were coin'd, are subject to be cheated; for they will always abate a Pecha or a half a Pecha upon a Roupie, or three or four Cori's upon a Pecha.

As for counterfeit Silver, there is very little amongst them. If you receive one false Roupie in a Bagg from any particular Person, 'tis better to cut it to pieces, and lose it, than to speak of it; for if it should come to be known, there might be danger in it. For you are commanded by the Kings Law to return the Bagg where you received it; and to return it from one to another, till you can find out the Counterfeiter; who if he be apprehended, is only sentenc'd to lose his hand. If the Counterfeiter cannot be found, and that it be thought that he who paid the Money is not guilty, he is acquitted upon some small amercement. This brings great profit to the Changers. For when there is any Sum of Money receiv'd or paid, the Merchants [...]ause him to look it over, and for their pains, they have one sixteenth of a Roupie in the hundred.

As for the Money which is paid out of the Sarquet, or Kings Exchequer, there is never any found that is counterfeit: For all the Money that is carri'd in thither, is exactly view'd by the Kings Bankers▪ The Great Lords have also their par­ticular Bankers. Before they put up the Money into the Treasury, they throw it into a great Charcoal-fire, and when the Roupies are red-hot, they quench the fire, by throwing water▪upon it; and then take out the Money. If there be any Piece that is white or that has the least mark of Alloy, it is presently cut in pieces. As often as these Roupies are carried into the Treasury, they mark the Pieces with a Puncheon, which makes an hole, but not quite through; and there are some Pieces that have seven or eight holes made in that manner, to shew that they have been so many times in the Exchequer. They are all put, a thousand Pieces together, in a Bagg, seal'd with the Seal of the great Treasurer, and the number of years superscrib'd, since▪they were coin'd. And here you are to take notice, whence the Treasurers profit arises, as well that of the Kings Trea­surer, as that of the particular Treasurers of the Great Lords of the Kingdom. When there is any bargain made, they agree for new Roupies coin'd the same year: but when they come to receive the payment, the Treasurers will make it in old Roupies, wherein there is a loss of six per Cent. So that if they will have new Silver, the Merchants must compound with the Treasurer. In my fifth Voy­age, I went to visit Cha-Est-Kan according to my promise, to let him have the first sight of what I brought along with me. So that as soon as I arriv'd at Su­ratt, I sent him word; and received his Orders to meet him at Choupart, a City in the Province of Decan, to which he had laid Siege. Coming to him, in a lit­tle time, and a few words, I sold him the greatest part of what I had brought along with me out of Europe: And he told me that he expected every day, that Money should be sent him from Suratt to pay the Army, and to pay me also at the same time for what he had bought of me I could not imagin however, that so great a Prince as he, that commanded so great an Army, had not store of Money by him; but rather conjectur'd, that he had an intention to make me some abatement, up­on those Pieces which he would put upon me in payment, as he had serv'd me be­fore. It fell out, as I foresaw. But for Provisions for my self, my men, and my Horses, he took such order, that there was great plenty brought me, night and morning, and for the most part he sent for me my self, to his own Table. Ten or twelve days thus past away, and not a word of the Money that I expected: So that being resolv'd to take my leave of him, I went to his Tent. He appear'd to be somewhat surpriz'd, and looking upon me with a frowning-brow▪ wherefore will you be gone, said he, before you are paid? or who d▪you think, shall pay you afterwards, if you go away before you receive your Money? Upon these words, with a countenance as stern as his, my King, replied I, will see me paid. For his goodness is such, that he causes all his Subjects to be paid; that have not receiv'd satisfaction for such Goods as they fell in Forreign Countries. And what course will he take, answer'd he in a great choler: with two or three stout Men of War, said I, which he will send either to the Port of Suratt, or towards the Coasts to [Page 25] wait for the Ships that come from Mocca. He seemed to be netled at the reply, but not daring to give any more way to his choler, he ordered his Treasurer im­mediately to give me a Letter of Exchange to Aurengaebad. I was the more glad of that, because it was a place through which I was to pass in my way to Golcanda; besides that, it would spare me the carriage and the hazards of my Money. The next day I had my Bill of Exchange, and took Ieave of the Prince, who was nothing displeased, but told me, that if I return'd to the Indies, I should not fail to come and see him, which I did in my sixth and last Voyage. When I came to Suratt, he was at Bengala, where I sold him all the rest of my Goods that I could not put off either to the King of Persia, or great Mogul.

But to return to the payment of my Money, I was no sooner arrived at Aureng­gabat, but I went to find the great Treasurer; who no sooner saw me, but he told me, he knew wherefore I came; that he had received Letters of advice three days before, and that he had already taken the Money out of the Treasury to pay me. When he had brought me all the Baggs, I caused my Banker to open them, who saw them to be Roupies, by which I was to lose two in the hundred. Upon that I thank'd the Treasurer very heartily, telling him, I understood no such deal­ing, and that I would send and complain of him to Cha-Est-Kam; and declare to him that he should either give order that I should be paid in new Silver, or else let me have my Goods again, which I presently did. But not receiving▪ an answer so soon as I knew I might have done, I went to the Treasurer, and told him, I would go my self, and fetch away my Goods. I believe he had received or­der what to do, for seeing I was resolved to go; he told me he was very unwilling I should put my self to so much trouble, and that it would be better for us to agree among our selves. After many contests about the two in the hundred, which he would have made me lose, I was contented to abate one, and had lost the other, had I not happily met with a Banker who wanted Silver, and had a Bill of Ex­change to pay at Golconda; so that he was glad to make use of mine, and gave me a Bill to be paid at Golconda, being my full Summ, at fifteen days sight.

The Changers to try their Silver, make use of thirteen little pieces, one half Copper, and the other Silver, which are their Sayes.

The manner how their thirteen Say­pieces are fil'd; the upper-half being Cop­per, and the lower­half Silver.

[Page 26] These thirteen pieces differing all in goodness, they never make use of them, but when any question arises concerning a small q uantity of Silver, or if any wrought Silver. For they refine all their great quantities. All that kind of Silver is brought by the weight which they call Tolla, which weighs nine Deneers, and eight Grains, or 32 Val's; 81 Val's, making an Ounce: So that an hundred Tolla's making 38 Ounces, 21 Deneers, and 8 Grains.

See here the differences of the thirteen Goodnesses of Silver.

THe first, which is the lowest goodness, they take at fifteen Pecha's to the Molla, which makes of our Money nine Sous, two Deneers.

The second, at eighteen Pecha's, which make ten Sous two Deneers.

The third, at ten Pecha's, which make twelve Sous, six Deneers.

The fourth, at thirteen Pecha's, which make fourteen Sous, six Deneers.

The fifth, at sixteen Pecha's, which make fifteen Sous, ten Deneers.

The sixth, at nineteen Pecha's, which make seventeen Sous, six Deneers.

The seventh, at thirty-three Pecha's, which make nineteen Sous, two De­neers.

The eighth, at thirty-five Pecha's, which make twenty Sous, ten Deneers.

The ninth, at thirty-eight Pecha's, which make twenty-two Sous, six De­neers.

The tenth at forty Pecha's, which make twenty-four Sous, ten Deneers.

The eleventh, at forty-three Pecha's, which make twenty-five Sous, ten De­neers.

The twelfth, at forty-six Pecha's, which make twenty-seven Sous, six Deneers.

The thirteenth, at forty-nine Pecha's, which make nineteen Sous, two De­neers.

Here it will not be amiss to give you an hint, how far the cunning extends, not only of the Cheraffs or Changers, but of all the Indians in general; and it shall suffice to give you one example, which is very particular, and of which our Europeans make no account: Which is this; that of all the Gold, which re­mains upon the stone upon which they make the Essay, and of which we make no reckoning, they are so far from losing the least atome of that small matter, that they fetch it all off, by means of a Ball made half of Black-pitch, and half of Soft-wax, with which they rub the stone that carries the Gold; at the end of some years the Ball will shine, and teen they get out all the Gold that sticks to it This Ball is about the bigness of one of our Tennis-Balls; and the Stone is such a one as our Goldsmiths generally use.

Thus much of the Custom-houses and Money currant among the Indians. It remains to speak of their manner of Exchange.

As all the Goods which are made in the Empire of the Great Mogull, and some part of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour are brought to Suratt to be transported into several parts of Asia and Europe; the Merchants, when they go from Surat to buy Commodities in the several Cities where they are made, as at Lahor, Agra, Amadabat, Seronge, Brampour, Dasa, Patna, Banarous, Golconda Decan, Visapour, and Dultabat, take up Money a [...] [...] and are discharg'd at the places where they go, by giving kind for kind. But when it happens that the Merchant is short of Money in those places, and that there is a necessity▪ for him to take up Money to compleat his Markets, he must then return it at Suratt with­in two Months, paying Monthly for the Change.

From Lahor to Suratt the Exchange goes at six and a quarter per Cent.

From Amadabat, from one, to one and an half.

From Seronga, at three.

From Brampour, from two and an half, to three▪

From Daca, at ten.

From Banarou, at six.

From the three last places they make their Bills of Exchange only to Agra; [Page 27] and at Agra they make others for Suratt, the whole at the same price as I have [figure] set down.

From Golconda, from four to five.

And for Goa the same.

From Decan at three.

From Visapour at three.

From Dultabat, from one to one and an half.

Some years the Exchange rises from one to two per Cent. by reason of certain Raja's or petty Vassal Princes that disturb Trade, every one pretending that the Mechandizes ought to pass through his Countrey, and pay Toll. There are two particularly between Agra and Amadabatt, the one called the Raja of Antivar, and the other the Raja of Bergam, who very much molest the Merchants for this very cause. But you may avoid passing through the Territories of these Prin­ces, taking auother road from Agra to Suratt, thorough Seronge and Brampour. But they are fertil Lands, divided with several Rivers, witout Bridges or Boats, and it is impossible to go that way, till two Months after the rains are fallen. Which is the reason that those Merchants who must be at Suratt when the season permits them to take the Sea, are forc'd to pass through the Territories of these two Raja's, because they can pass that way at all times, even in the time that the rains fall, which only knit and harden the Sand.

Nor are you to wonder that the Exchange runs so high; for they that trust out their Money, run the hazard, by obligation, of losing their Money, if the Mer­chants should be robb'd.

When you come to Suratt to Embarque, there is Money enough. For it is the greatest Trade of the Grandees of the Indies to venture their Money by Sea from thence for Ormus, Balsara, and Mocca; nay even as far as Bantam, Achen, and the Philippine Islands. For Mocca and Balsara, the change runs from 22 to 24 per Cent. And to Ormus, from 16 to 20. And to the other places which I have nam ed, the change runs proportionable to the distance.

I have but one word to say of their Weights and Measures; I have given you in the Margin the fifth part of an Ell of Agra, and the fourth part of an Ell of Amadabat and Suratt. As for their Weights, the Men is generally 69 Pound, and the Pound 16 Ounces. But the Men which they weigh their Indigo withal, is but 53 Pound. At Suratt they talk of a Serre, which is one and three fourths of a Pound, and the Pound is 16 Ounces.

CHAP. III.
Of their Carriages, and the manner of Travelling in India.

BEfore you set forward upon the road, it will be convenient to speak of their Carriages and manner of travelling in India, which, in my opinion, is more commodious than any thing that has been invented for ease in France or Italy. Quite otherwise it is in Persia, where they neither make use of Asses, Mules, or Horses, but transport all their Wares to the Indies upon Oxen, or in Wains, their Countries being so near to one another. If any Merchant carries an Horse out of Persia, 'tis only for shew; or to walk in his hand, or to sell to some Indian Prince.

They will lay upon an Oxes back 300, or 350 pound weight, and it is no won­derful thing to see ten or twelve thousand Oxen at a time all laden with Rice, Corn and Salt, in such places where they exchange those Commodities: Carrying Corn where only Rice grows, Rice where only Corn grows, and Salt where there is none at all. They make use of Camels sometimes, but very rarely, they being particularly appointed to carry the luggage of great Personages. When the sea­son requires hast, and that they would speedily conveigh their Merchandize to Suratt to ship them off, they load them upon Oxen, and not in Wains. And in re­gard that the Territories of the Great Mogul are very well manur'd. the Fields [Page 28] are fenc'd with very good Ditches; and to every Field there belongs a Pond to preserve the water. This is this great inconvenience for Travellers; that when they meet with these numerous Caravans in streight places, they are forc'd to stay two or three days till they are all past by. They that drive these Oxen, follow no other Calling as long as they live, nor do they dwell in houses; yet they carry their Wives and Children along with them. There are some among them that have an hundred Oxen of their own, others more or less; and they have always one, who is their Chief, that takes as much state as a Prince, and has his Chain of Pearl hanging about his neck. When the Caravan that carries the Corn, and that which carries the Salt happen to meet, rather than yield the road, they frequently enter into very bloody Disputes. The Great Mogull considering one day that these quarrels were very prejudicial to Trade, and the transportation of necessary Pro­visions from place to place, sent for the two Chiefs of the Caravan, and after he had exhorted them, for the common good and their own interest, to live quietly together, and not to quarrel and fight when they met, gave to each of them a Leck, or an hundred thousand Roupies, and a Chain of Pearl.

That the Reader may the better understand the manner of Travelling in the In­dies, he is to take notice, that among the Idolaters of that Country there are four Tribes, which are called Manari's, each of which may consist of an hundred thou­sand Souls. These people live always in Tents, and live only upon the transporting of Merchandize from Countrey to Countrey. The first of these Tribes carry no­thing but Corn. the second Rice, the third Pulse, and the fourth Salt, which they fetch from Suratt, and all along from as far as Cape-Camorin. These Tribes are also distinguished in this manner: Their Priests, of whom I shall speak in another place, mark the forheads of the first, with a red-Gum, about the bredth of a Crown; and then they draw a streak all the length of his nose, sticking grains of Wheat upon it, sometimes ten, and sometimes twelve. Those of the second Tribe are mark'd with yellow-Gumin the same place, with grains of Rice. Those of the third are mark'd with a grey-Gum, down to the shoulders, and grains of Millet. Those of the fourth Tribe carry tied about their necks a Bagg, with a great lump of Salt in it, weighing sometimes eight or ten pounds, (for the hea­vier it is, the more they glory in carrying it;) and with this Bagg they thump their stomacks, as a sign of repentance every morning before they say their Pray­ers. They have all in general a little line or twist, like a Scarf, about their necks, at the end whereof hangs a little Silver-box, like a Relique-box, wherein they enclose a little superstitious writing which their Priests give them; they tie them also about their Oxen and other Cattel, which are bred in their Herds, for which they have a particular affection, and love them as tenderly as children, especially if they have no children of their own. Their Women wear only a piece of Ca­licut white or painted, some six or five times doubled from their wasts down­ward. From their wasts upward they cut their flesh into several forms of Flowers, as they do that apply Cupping-glasses, which they paint in various colours with the juice of Grapes, that their skin seems to be all made of Flowers.

Every morning, while the men load the Beasts, and that the Women fold up the Tents, the Priests that follow them, set up in the most convenient place of the Plain where they lodg'd a certain Idol in the form of a Serpent in wreaths, upon a Perch six or seven foot high; to which they come all in files to worship, their Women going three times about. After the Ceremony is over, the Priests take care of the Idol, and load it upon an Ox particularly appointed for that pur­pose.

The Caravan of Waggons seldom exceeds the number of an hundred or two hundred at most. Every Waggon is drawn by ten or twelve Oxen; and attended by four Souldiers, which the Person that ows the Merchandize isoblig'd to pay- Two of them march upon each side of the Waggon, over which there are two Ropes thrown a-cross, the ends whereof they hold in their hands, to the end, that if the Waggon come to leane on one side in ill-way, the two Souldiers on the other side may keep it from over-turning by pulling the Ropes with all their strength.

All the Waggons that come to Suratt, either from Agra, or any other parts of the Empire, and which return through Agra, or Janabatt, are bound to carry [Page 29] back the Lime that comes from Barocha, which, after it is temper'd, and laid on, becomes as hard as Marble.

I come now to the manner of travelling in India, to which purpose they make use of Oxen instead of Horses, and there are some, whose pace is as easy as the amble of our Hackneys. But you must take a care, when you either buy or hire an Ox to ride upon, that the horns be not a bove a foot in length. For if they be longer, when the flies begin to sting, he will chafe, and toss back his horns, and strike them into the stomack of the Rider, as oftentimes it has hapned. These Oxen are rid like our Horses, and instead of Snaffles or Bitts, they have only a Rope drawn through the muscly part of the muzzle or nostrils. In firm ground where there are no stones, they never shooe their Oxen; but only in rough pla­ces, where not only the stones, but the heat will wast and chop the hoof. Where­as in Europe we tie our Oxen by the horns, the Indians only put a thick truss upon their necks, that keeps fast a Coller of Leather four fingers broad, which they have nothing to do but to put about their necks when they fasten them to the Waggon.

They use also for Travel little Coaches, but very light, that will hold two persons; but generally they ride alone for more ease, carrying only their ne­cessary Cloak-Bags along with them; with a small Vessel of Wine, and a small quantity of Provisions, for which there is a proper place under the Coach, where they tye the two Oxen. These Coaches have their Curtains and Seats like ours, yet are not hung: But in my last Travels I caus'd one to be made after our manner; and the two Oxen that drew it, cost me near upon six-hundred Roupies. Nor is the Reader to wonder at the price; for there are some of these Oxen that are very strong, and that will travel upon the trot twelve or fifteen leagues a-day for sixty days together. When they have gone half the days journey, they give them two or three Balls, as big as one of our two-penny-loaves, of Wheat kneaded up with butter and black-sugar. The hire of a Coach comes to a Roupie a-day more or less. From Suratt to Agra is forty days jour­ney, and you pay for thewhole journey from forty to forty-five Roupies. From Suratt to Golconda, being almost the same distance, the same price is observed; and by the same proportion you may travel over all the Indies.

They who have more to spend, for their own ease make use of a Pallanquin, wherein they travel very commodiously. This is a sort of little Couch six or se­ven foot long, and three broad, with balisters round about it. A sort of Cane, call'd Bambouc, which they bend like an Arch, sustains the covering of the Pal­lanquin, which is either of Satin or Cloath of Gold; and when the Sun lies up­on one side, a Slave that goes by the side, takes care to pull down the covering. Another Slave carries at the end of a long stick a kind of Target of Osier, cover­ed over with some gentile stuff, to preserve the person that is in the Pallanquin from the heat of the Sun, when he turns and lies upon his face. The two ends of the Bambouc are fastned on both sides to the body of the Pallanquin between two sticks join'd together like a Saltir or St. Andrews-cross, every one of those two sticks being five or six foot long. There are some of these Bambouc's that cost two hundred Crowns; I my self have paid an hundred and twenty. Three men for the most part apply themselves to each of these two ends to carry the Pal­lanquin upon their shoulders; some on the right, and some on the left, and they go swifter than our Sedan-men, and with a much more easy pace, as being that which they practice from their youth. You give to every one for all things not above four Roupies a Month; but it stands you in above five if the journey be long, and exceed sixty days labour.

Whether it be in a Coach, or Pallanquin, he that will travel honourably in the Indies, must take along with him twenty or thirty armed men, with Bows and Arrows some, others with Musquets; and they have the same rate with those that carry the Pallanquin. Sometimes for more magnificence they carry a Ban­ner, as the English and Hollanders do, for the honour of their Companies. These Souldiers are not only for shew, but they watch for your defence, keeping Centinels, and relieving one another, and are very studious to give content. For you must know, that in the Towns where you take them into service, they have a Chieftain, that is responsible for their fidelity, who for his good word has two Roupies a-piece of every one.

[Page 30] In the great Villages there is generally a Mahumetan that commands, of whom you may buy Mutton, Pullets, or Pidgeons. But where there live none but Ba­nians, there is nothing but Flower, Rice, Herbs and Milk-meats to be had.

The great heats in India enforcing the Travellers, that are not accustomed to them, to travel by night, and rest in the day-time; when they come into any fortified Towns, they must be gone▪before Sun-set, if they intend to travel that night. For night coming on, and the Gates being shut, the Commander of the place, who is to answer for all the Robberies that are committed within his Ju­risdiction, will let no person stir forth, telling them that it is the King's order, to which he must be obedient. When I came to any of those Towns, I brought my Provisions, and went out again in good time, and staid in the Field under some Tree, in the fresh air, till it was time to set forward.

They measure the distances of places in India by Gos, and Costes. A Gos is about four of our common leagues, and a Coste is one league. It is now time to travel from Surat to Agra, and Janabat, and to observe what is most remarkable upon the Road.

CHAP. IV.
The Road from Surat to Agra, through Brampour and Seronge.

I Am no less well acquainted with all the principal Roads that lead to the chief Cities in India, than those of Turkey and Persia; for in six times that I have travell'd from Paris to Ispahan, I have gone twice for one from Ispahan to Agra, and many other places of the Great Mogul's Empire. But it would be tiresome to the Reader to carry him more than once the same way, on purpose to make a relation of every particular journey, and the accidents that accompany them: And therefore let it suffice to give an exact description of the Roads, without parti­cularizing the distinct times that I went.

There are but two Roads from Surat to Agra, one through Brampour and Se­ronge, the other through Amadabat. The first shall be the Subject of this Chap­ter. 
From Surat to Barnoly, costes14
Barnoly is a great Borough-Town, where you are to ford a great River; and this first days journey you cross a mixt Countrey, part Wood, through Fields of Wheat and Rice. 
From Barnoly to Bahor, costes10
Bahor is also a large Village upon a Lake, about a league in compass. Upon the side whereof is to be seen a good substantial Fortress; though there be no use made of it. Three quarters of a league on this side the Village you ford a small River, though not without great difficulty, by reason of the Rocks and Stones that hazard the over-turning of the Coach. This second days journey you travel almost altogether through Woods 
From Balor to Kerkoa, or as it is call'd at this day, Carvansera de la Begum, costes5
This Carvansera or Inn is very large and commodious; being built out of Cha­rity by Begum-saheb the Daughter of Cha-jehan. For formerly the journey from Balor to Navapoura was too great: And this place being upon the Frontiers of those Raja's that sometimes will not acknowledge the Great Mogul, whose Vassals they are, there was no Caravan that past by which was not abused; besides that it is a wooddy-Country. Between Carvansera and Navapoura you ford a Ri­ver; as also another very neer to Navapoura. 
From Kerkoa to Navapoura, costes75
Navapoura is a great Town full of Weavers; but Rice is the greatest Com­modity of that place. There runs a River through the Country, which makes it very fruitful, and waters the Rice, that requires moisture. All the Rice which grows in this Country has one peculiar quality, that makes it more particularly esteem'd. The grain of it is less by one half, than the grain of the common Rice; and when it is boil'd no snow is whiter; but besides all that, it smells of Musk; and all the Grandees of the Indians eat no other. When they would make an acceptable Present to any one in Persia, they send him a sack of this Rice. This River which passes by Kerkoa and those other places I have men­tion'd, empties it self into the River of Surat. 
[Page 31] From Navapoura to Nasarbar, costes.9
From Nasarbar to Dol-medan, costes.74
From Dol-medan to Senquera, costes.7
From Senquera to Tallener, costes.10
At Tallener you are to pass the River, which runs to Baroche; where it is ve­ry large, and empties it self into the Golf of Cambaya. 
From Tallener to Choupre, costes.15
From Choupre to Senquelis, costes.13
From Senquelis to Nabir, costes.10
From Nabir to Badelpoura, costes.9
At Badelpoura it is, where the loaded Waggons pay th [...] duties of Brampour; but the Waggons that carry nothing but Passengers pay nothing. 
From Badelpoura to Brampour, costes.5

Brampour is a great City, very much ruin'd, the Houses being for the most part thatch'd with straw. There is also a great Castle in the midst of the City, where the Governour lies; the Government of this Province is a very considera­ble command; and is only conferr'd upon the Son or Unckle of the King. And Aureng-zeb, the present King, was a long time Governour of this Province in the Reign of his Father. But since they came to understand the strength of the Pro­vince of Bengala, which formerly bore the Title of a Kingdom, that Province is now the most considerable in all the Mogul's Countrey. There is a great Trade in this City, and as well in Brampore, as over all the Province, there is made a prodigious quantity of Calicuts very clear and white, which are transported into Persia, Turkey and Muscovia, Poland, Arabia, to Grand Cairo, and other places. There are some which are painted with several colours, with flowers, of which the Women make Veils and Scarfs; the same Calicuts serve for Coverlets of Beds, and for Handkerchiefs. There is another sort of Linnen which they never dye, with a stripe or two of Gold or Silver quite through the piece, and at each end from the breadth of one inch to twelve or fifteen, in some more, in some less, they fix a tissue of Gold, Silver, and Silk, intermix'd with Flowers, whereof there is no wrong-side, both sides being as fair the one as the other. If these pieces, which they carry into Poland, where they have a vast utterance, want at each end three or four inches at the least of Gold or Silver; or if that Gold or Silver become tarnish'd in being carried by Sea from Surat to Ormus, and from Trebizan to Mangala, or any other part upon the Black-Sea, the Merchant shall have much ado to put them off without great loss. He must take care that his goods be packt up in good Bales, that no wet may get in; which for so long a Voyage requires great care and trouble. Some of these Linnens are made purposely for Swathbands or Shashes, and those pieces are call'd Ornis. They contain from 15 to 20 Ells; and cost from an hundred to an hundred and fifty Roupies, the least, not being under ten or twelve ells. Those that are not above two ells long are worn by the Ladies of Quality for Veils and Scar [...]s, of which there is a vast quantity ven­ded in Persia and Turkey. They make at Brampour also other sorts of Cotten-Linnen; for indeed there is no Province in all the Indies which more abounds in Cotton.

When you leave the City of Brampoure, you must pass another River, besides that which I have mention'd already. There is no Bridge, and therefore when the water is low, you ford it; when the rains fall, there are Boats attending.

From Surat to Brampour it is 132 Costes; and these Costes are very short in the Indies; for you may travel one of them in a Coach in less than an hour.

I remember a strange tumult at Brampoure, in the year 1641, when I re­turned from Agra to Surat; the cause whereof was thus, in short: The Governour of the Province, who was the King's Nephew by the Mother's-side, had among his Pages a young Boy that was very beautiful, and of a very good Family, who had a Brother in the City that liv'd as a Dervich; and for whom [Page 32] all the Town had a very great veneration. One day the Governour, being alone in his Chamber, did all that lay in his power, by vertue of Gifts and Caresses to have had the use of his Body; but the Boy detesting his abominable purpose, made his escape from him, and came and told his Brother. The Dervich, without deliberating what Counsel he had to give his younger Brother, gave him a Sword, such a one as he might easily hide under his Garment; and told him, that if the Governour urg'd him any more, that he should make a shew of complying with him, but that when he went about to do the fact, he should be sure to run him into the Guts. The Governour, who knew nothing of what the Page had reveal'd to his Brother, ceas'd not every day to court him to consent to his infamous lust; and being one day alone with him in a small Apartment of a Banquetting-House, at the lower end of his Garden, he sent for his Page to fan him, and to keep off the Flies, after the fashion of the Countrey; for it was about noon, when every one goes to sleep. Then did the Governour begin again to press the young Page; and finding that he made no resistance, he thought he should suddenly accomplish his design. But the Page seeing him ready to commit the act, stab'd him three times into the Belly, before he could open his mouth to cry out for help. That done, the Page went out of the Palace, without any disturbance in his countenance; so that the Guards believ'd that the Governour had sent him out upon some errand. The Der­vich understanding by his Brother what had pass'd, to save him from the fury of the people, and to discover the Infamy of the Governour, caus'd the rest of the Dervichs his Companions, to take the Banners of Mahomet, that were planted round the Mosquee; and at the same time with loud cries encourag'd all the rest of the Dervichs, Faquirs, and others that were good Mahumetans, to follow him. In less than an hours time he had got together an infinite multitude of the Rabble, and the Dervich marching at the head of them, they made directly to the Palace, crying out with all their might, Let us dye for Mahomet, or let us have that infamous person deliver'd up into our hands, to the end the Dogs may eat him after his death, not being worthy to be enterr'd among the Musselmen. The Guard of the Palace was not in a condition to resist so great a Multitude, so that they must have been forced to have yeilded to their fury; had not the Deroga of the Town, and some five or six Lords, found a way to make themselves to be heard, and to appease them, by representing to them, that they ought to have some respect to the Nephew of the King; by that means obliging them to retire. That night the Body of the Governour was sent to Agra, with his Haram; and Cha-jehan, who then reign'd, being inform'd of the accident, was not much troubl'd, because he is Heir to all the goods of his Subjects; and at the same time he bestow'd upon the Page a small Government in the Province of Bengala.

From Brampour to Piombi-sera, costes

Before we go any further, you must take notice, that where-ever you mee [...] with the word Sera, it signifies a great Enclosure of Walls and Hedges, within which are about fifty or sixty Huts, cover'd over with Straw. There are some men and women that there put to sale Flower, Rice, Butter, and Herbs, and make it their business to bake Bread and boil Rice. If there be any Mahu­metan in that place, he will go to the City, and buy a little piece of Mut­ton, or a Fowl; and those that sell Victuals to the Travellers, always cleanse the Hut which they take up, and put into it a little Bed with girths, to stay a Mattress or Quilt upon, which the Travellers carry along with them.

From Piombi-sera to Pander, costes3
From Pander to Balki-sera, costes6
From Balki-sera to Nevilki-sera, costes [...]
From Nevilki-sera to Consemba, costes5
From Consemba to Chenipore, costes3
From Chenipore to Charava, costes8
From Charava to Bich-ola, costes8
From Bich▪ola to Andy, costes [...]
At Andy you must pass a River that falls into Gunges, between Banarou and Patna.1
[Page 33] From Andi to Onquenas, costes4
From Onquenas to Tiquery, costes5
From Tiquery to Tool-meden, costes4
From Tool-meden to Nova-sera, costes4
From Nova-sera to Ichavour, costes4
From Ichavour to Signor, costes5
From Signor to Chekaipour, costes3
From Chekaipour to Dour-ay, costes3
From Dour-ay to Aser-kaira, costes3
From Aser-kaira to Telor, costes3
From Telor to San-kaira, costes3
From San-kaira to Seronge, costes13

Seronge is a great City, the most part of the Inhabitants whereof are Banian Merchants, and Handicraft-trades-men from Father to Son, which is the reason that there are in this City several Houses of Stone and Brick. There is also a great Trade for all sorts of painted Calicuts, which are called Chites, which is the cloathing of all the meaner sort of people both in Persia and Turkey: Of which in other Countreys also they make use, for Coverlets for Beds, and Table-napkins. They make the same sort of Calicuts in other Countreys as well as at Seronge, but the colours are not so lively; besides, that they wear out with often wash­ing. Whereas those that are made at Seronge, the more you wash them, the fairer the colours shew. There runs a River by the City, the water whereof has that vertue, that it gives that beauty and liveliness to the colours. And all the while the rains fall, the Workmen will make these prints upon their Cottons, ac­cording to the Patterns which the Forreign Merchants give them; for when the waters are ceas'd, the water is the thicker; and the oftener they dip their Cali­cuts, the better the colours hold.

There is also made at Seronge another sort of Calicut, which is so fine, that when a man puts it on, his skin shall appear through it, as if he were naked. The Mer­chants are not permitted to transport it. For the Governour sends it all to the Se­raglio of the Great Mogul, and to the principal Lords of the Court. Of this, the Sultanesses, and great Noblemen's Wives make them Shifts and Garments in hot-weather: And the King and the Lords take great pleasure to behold them in those Shifts, and to see them Dance with nothing else upon their Bodies.

From Brampore to Seronge is an hundred and one costes, which are longer than those from Surat to Brampore; for the Coach is a full hour, and sometimes five quarters, going one of these costes. In these hundred leagues of the Countrey you travel whole days journeys along by most fertil Fields of Corn and Rice, be­ing lovely Champaign, where you meet with very little Wood; and from Seronge to Agra, the Countrey is much of the same nature: And because the Villages lye thick together, your journey is the more pleasant; besides, that you may rest when you please.

From Seronge to Madalki-sera, costes.6
From Madalki-sera to Poulki-sera, costes.2
From Poulki-sera to Kasariki-sera, costes.3
From Kasariki-sera to Chadolki-sera, costes.6
From Chadolki-sera to Callabas, costes.6
Callabas is a great Town, which was formerly the Residence of a Raja, who paid Tribute to the Great Mogul. But when Orang-zeb came to the Crown, he not only cut off his, but a great number of the heads of his Subjects. There are two Towers near the Town, upon the high-way, and round about the Towers are several holes, like windows; and in every hole, two foot distant one from ano­ther, there is fix'd a man's head. In my last Travels in the year 1665, it had not been long since that Execution had been done; for then all the Heads were whole, and caus'd a very ill smell: 
From Callabas to Akmate, costes2
From Akmate to Collasar, costes9

Collasar is a little Town, all the Inhabitants whereof are Idolaters. As I past through it upon my last Travels, there were brought to it eight Pieces of Ar­tillery, the one carrying 48 pound-Bullet, the rest 36. Every Piece was drawn [Page 34] by 24 Yoke of Oxen. A very strong Elephant follow'd the Artillery, and when they came to any bad-way, where the Oxen were at a stand, they brought up the Elephant, who heav'd the Cannon forward with his Trunk. Without the Town, all along the high-way, there grows a vast number of great Trees, which they call Mangues; and in many places near the Trees are to be seen little Pagods, with every one an Idol at the door. The Elephant passing by one of the Pagods, before which I was lodg'd, at the door whereof there stood three Idols about five foot high; so soon as he came near one, he took it up in his trunk, and broke it in two pieces; the next he took, he threw it up so high, and so far, that he broke it in four pieces; and carried away the head of the third along with him. Some thought that the Governour of the Elephant had taught him what to do, and made signs to him, which however I did not observe; nevertheless the Banians were very much offended, though they durst not say any thing; for there was a Guard of above two thousand men that convoy'd the Artillery, all Souldiers of the King, and Mahometans, besides Franguis, or Franks, English and Hollanders that were Cannoneers. The King sent this Artillery to his Army in Decan, being at Wars with the Raja Seva-gi, who the year before had plunder'd Surat; of whom I shall have occasion to speak in another place.

From Collasar to Sansele, costes6
From Sansele to Dongry, costes4
From Dongry to Gate, costes3

Gate is a strait passage of the Mountains, a quarter of a League in length, the descent whereof leads from Surat to Agra. At the entery thereof you see the ruins of two or three Castles, and the Road is so narrow, that two Waggons can hardly go a brest. They that come from the South to go to Agra, as from Su­rat, Go [...], Visapore, Golconda, Maslipatan, and other places, cannot avoid these streights, there being no other Road but this, especially if you take the Road from Amadabat. Formerly there was a Gate at each end of the streight, and at that end which is next to Agra, there are five or six Shops of Banians, that sell Flower, Butter, Rice, Herbs and Pulse. In my last Travels I staid at one of these Shops, to tarry for the Coaches and Waggons, all the Passengers alighting at the foot of the Streights. Not far off there is a great Magazin full of sacks of Rice and Corn; and behind every sack lay a Serpent thirteen or fourteen foot long, and proportionable in bigness. A Woman▪that went to fetch Corn out of one of those sacks, was bitten by one of those Serpents, and perceiving her self wounded, ran out of the Magazin, crying out Ram, Ram, that is, O God, O God; whereupon several Banians, men and women came running to her relief, and bound her arm very hard above the wound, thinking to stop the venom from run­ning any higher. But all in vain, for immediately her face swell'd and turn'd black, and she dy'd in less than an hour. The Ragipou's, who are the best Souldiers among the Indians, and are all Idolaters, came in just as the woman was expiring, and about four of them entring with their Skains, and Half-pikes in their hands into the Magaziu, kill'd the Serpent. The people of the Village took and threw it without the Town, and immediately there came a great number of Birds of prey, which lighting upon the Carrion, devour'd it in less than an hours time. The Pa­rents of the woman took her body, carri'd it to the River, wash'd it, and then burnt it. I was forc'd to stay two days at that place, because there was a River to pass, which instead of falling, swell'd at that time, by reason of the rains that fell for three or four days together: So that I was constrain'd to go half a league lower before I could cross it. They always endeavour'd to ford this River; for otherwise they must be compell'd to unload the Wgagon into the Boats; and also to carry the Goods in their arms for above half a league, which is worse way than can be imagin'd. The people get their livings by the Passengers, from whom they extort as much as they can, there being none but they that know the ways: Otherwise it would be an easy thing to make a Bridge, there being no want either of Wood or Stone near at hand. For the passage is nothing but thorough Rocks, that lie between the Mountain and the River; so that the waters when they swell, overflow all the Road, in-so-much that no-body can pass it, but they who are very well acquainted with it.

[Page 35]

From Gate to Nader, costes4
Nader is a great City upon the descent of a Mountain, at the top whereof is a kind of Fortress; all the Mountain being encompast with walls. The greatest part of the Houses, as in all other Cities of India, are thatch'd with straw, one Story high; but the Rich-men's Houses, are two Stories, and terrass'd. Round about the City are several great ponds to be seen, which were formerly encom­past with hewn-stone, but now are not at all look'd after: yet there are very fair Monuments about them. The same River which we past the day before, and which we repass four or five Costes on this side Nader, encompasses three parts of the City and Mountain, like a Peninsula, and after a long winding-course which it takes, falls at length into Ganges. At Nader they make a great quantity of quilted-Coverlets, some white, others embroidered with Flowers of Gold, Silk and Satin. 
From Nader to Barqui-sera, costes9
From Barqui-sera to Trie, costes3
From Trie to Goualeor, costes6

Goualeor is a great City ill-built, like all the rest, after the manner of the In­dians; it is built all along the side of a Mountain that lies upon the West-side of it; and which at the top is encompast with Walls and Towers. There are in this Enclosure several Ponds made by the rains; and what they sow there is sufficient to keep the Garrison: For which reason it is esteem'd one of the best in the In­dies. Upon the descent of the Hill, which looks towards the North-east, Cha­jean built an House of Pleasure; from whence there is a Prospect over all the City, and indeed it may serve for a Garrison. Below the House are to be seen se­veral Idols cut out of the Rock, representing the shapes of their Gods: And among the rest, there is one of an extraordinary heighth.

Since the Mahometan Kings became Masters of this Countrey, this Fortress of Goualeor is the place where they secure Princes and great Noblemen. Cha-jehan coming to the Empire by foul-play, caus'd all the Princes and Lords whom he mistrusted, to be seiz'd one after another, and sent them to the Fortress of Goua­leor; but he suffer'd them all to live, and enjoy their Estates. Aureng-zeb his Son acts quite otherwise; For when he sends any great Lord to this place, at the end of nine or ten days he orders him to be poison'd; and this he does that the peo­ple may not exclaim against him for a bloody Prince. So soon as he had in his clutches Prince Morat-Bakche his youngest Brother, whom he engaged to take Arms against his Father Cha-jehan; and who being Governor of the Province of Guzerat, took upon him the Title of King, he sent him to this Fortress, where he dy'd. They have made him a most magnificent Monument in the City in a Mosquee, which they built on Purpose, with a great Piazza before it all sur­rounded with Vaults and Shops over them. For it is the custom of the Indians, when they rear any publick building, to make a great Piazza before it, where they keep their Markets, with a Foundation for the Poor, to whom they give Alms every day, as being to pray to God for him that rais'd the Fabrick.

Five Cost's from Goualeor, you ford a River which is called Lan [...]ké.
From Goualeor to Paterki-sera, costes3
From Paterki-sera to Quariqui-sera, costes10
There is a Bridg at Paterki▪sera, consisting of six wide Arches; and the River you go over is call'd Quarinado. 
From Quariki-sera to Dolpoura, costes6
At Dolpoura there is a great River which is call'd Chammelnadi, to which there belongs a Ferry-Boat: The River it self falls into the Gemena between Agra and Halabas. 
From Dolpoura to Minasqui-sera, costes6
At Minasqui-sera there is a River which is call'd Jagounadi. You pass it over a very long Bridg, built of Stone, the name whereof is Jaoulcapoul. 
From Minasqui-sera to this Bridg, costes8
Not far from this Bridg it is, that they view the Merchants Goods, that when they come to Agra they may not be deceiv'd of their duties. But more parti­cularly to see whether among the Casks of Fruits pickl'd in Vinegar, in pots of Glass, there be no flasks of Wine. 
[Page 36] From the Bridg Jaoulcapoul to Agra, costes4
So that from Seronge to Agra it is an hundred and six Costes, which are ordinary leagues; and from Surat to Agra, 339. 

CHAP. V.
The Road from Surat to Agra through Amadabat.

FRom Surat to Baroche, costes22

All the Countrey between these two Cities is full of Corn, Rice, Millet, and Sugar-Canes. Before you enter into Baroche, you must Ferry over the River which runs to Cambaya, and falls into the Golf that carries the same name.

Baroche is a great City, to which there belongs a Fortress, of which there is no use made at this time. But the City has been always very famous, by reason of the River, which has a particular quality to whiten their Cottons; which are brought thither from all parts of the Great Mogul's Territories, where they have not that convenience. In this place are made a great quantity of Baffa's, or long and large pieces of Cotton. These Cottons are very fair, and close woven; and the price of these pieces is from four to an hundred Roupies. You must pay Custom at Baroche for all Goods that are brought in and carri'd out. The Eng­lish have a very fair House in the City; and I remember once, that coming thi­ther one day in my return from Surat to Agra with the President of the English, presently the Mountebanks came about him, and ask'd him if he would see any of their tricks. The first thing they did was to light a great fire, and to heat cer­tain Iron-chains red-hot, and wind them about their bodies, making as if they felt a great deal of pain, but in truth receiving no harm at all. Then they thrust a piece of a stick into the ground, and ask'd the Company what Fruit they would have. One told them, he would have Mengues; then one of the Mountebanks hiding himself in the middle of a Sheet, stoopt to the ground five or six times one after another. I was so curious to go up stairs, and look out of a window, to see if I could spy what the Mountebank did; and perceived, that after he had cut himself under the armpits with a Razor, he rubb'd the stick with his Blood. After the two first times that he rais'd himself, the stick seem'd to the very eye to grow. The third time there sprung out branches with young buds. The fourth time the Tree was covered with leaves; and the fifth time it bore flowers. The President of the English had then his Minister with him, having brought him from Amadabat to Christen the Commander of the Hollander's Child, to which he had promised to be Godfather. The English Minister Protested that he could not give his consent that any Christian should be a spectator of such delusions. So that as soon as he saw that those Mountebanks had of a dry-stick, in less then half an hour, made a Tree four or five foot high, that bare leaves and flowers as in the Spring-time; he went about to break it, protesting he would not give the Com­munion to any person that should stay any longer to see those things. Thereupon the President was forc'd to dismiss the Mountebanks, who wander about the Countrey with their Wives and Children just like Gipsies; and having given them to the value of ten or twelve Crowns, they went away very well con­tented.

They that are curious to see Cambaya, never go out of their way above five or six Costes, or thereabout. For when you are at Baroche, instead of going to Broudra, you may go directly forward to Cambaya, from thence after­wards to Amadabat. But whether it be for business, or out of curiosity, the lat­ter Road is never to be taken; not only because it is the longest way, but be­cause of the danger in crossing the mouth of the Golf.

Cambaya is a great City at the bottom of the Golf that bears its name. Here it is that they shape those fair Agats, that come from the Indies, into Cups, Hafts of Knives, Beads, and other sorts of Workmanship. In the parts adjacent to the City, they also make Indigo of the same nature of that of [Page 37] Sarquess; and it was famous for traffick at the time when the Portugueses flou­rish'd in India. There are to be seen at this day, in the Quarter next the Sea, very fair Houses, which they had built, with very rich Furniture, after the Portugal manner; but now they are uninhabited, and fall to decay every day more and more. There were then such good Orders observ'd in Cambaya, that two hours after day was shut in, every Street was lock't up with two Gates, which are still to be seen; and still they continue to lock up the prin­cipal Streets, as also the Streets that lead into the Town. One of the chief reasons why the Town has lost the greatest part of its Trade is, because that formerly the Sea run close up to Cambaya, so that little Vessels easily anchor'd by it; but afterwards the Sea daily lost in that part, so that a small Ship could not ride within five or six Leagues of the City.

There are a great number of Peacocks in the Indies, especially in the Ter­ritories of Baroche, Cambaya, and Broudra. The flesh of the young ones is white and well-tasted like ours, and you shall see vast numbers of them all day in the Fields, for at night they roost upon the Trees. 'Tis a hard mat­ter to come near them in the day, for as soon as they perceive themselves hunted, they fly away as swift as a Partridg among the Bushes; so that it is impossible for any man to follow them without tearing his Cloaths all to rags; therefore are they only to be taken in the night time, to which purpose they have this invention. They approach the Tree with a kind of a Banner, upon which there is a Peacock painted to the life on both sides; at the top of the stick are fastn'd two lighted Candles, the brightness whereof amazing the Pea­cock, causes him to stretch out his Neck toward the end of the stick, to which there is a Rope ty'd with a sliding knot, which he that holds the Banner draws, when he finds that the Peacock has put his Neck into it. But you must have a care of killing either Bird or any other Animal in the Territories, of which the idolatrous Rajah's are Masters; which is nothing dangerous to do in those parts of the Indies, where the Governors are Mahometans, and give liberty to Fowl or Hunt. It happen'd one time that a rich Persian Merchant, pas­sing through the Territories of the Raja of Dantivar, shot a Peacock upon the road, and kill'd it, either out of rashness, or ignorance of the Customs of the Country. The Bannians incens'd at the attempt, which is accounted among them a most abominable sacriledg, seiz'd upon the Merchant, and all his Mo­ney to the value of 300000. Roupies, and tying him to a Tree, whipt him in so terrible a manner for three days together, that the Man dy'd.

From Cambaya you go to a little Village distant some three Costes, where there is a Pagod, to which all the Indian Curtisans come to make their Of­ferings. This Pagod is full of a great number of naked Images, among the rest, there is a large Figure of one that seems to resemble Apollo, with his privy parts all uncover'd. When the old Curtisans have got together a good sum of Money in their youth, they buy young Slaves, whom they teach to Daunce, and sing wanton Songs, and instruct in all the mysteries of their in­famous Art. And when these young Girls are eleven or twelve years old, their Mistresses send them to this Pagod, believing it will bring them good for­tune, to offer and surrender up themselves to this Idol.

From this Pagod to Chiidabad you have six Costes. This is one of the fairest Houses of the great Mogul, with a wide Enclosure, wherein he has vast Gar­dens, and large Ponds, with all the pleasures and curiosity whereof the Ge­nius of the Indians is capable.

From Chiidabad to Amadabad you have but five Costes; and so I return to Baroche, and the common Road. 
From Baroche to Broudra, Costes22
Broudra is a great City standing in a fertil Soil, wherein there is a vast Trade for Calicuts. 
F [...]om Broudra to Neriade, costes18
From Neriade to Amadabat, costes20

Amadabat is one of the greatest Cities in India; and where there is a mighty Trade for Silk-Stuffs, Hangings of Gold and Silver, and others mix'd with Silk, for Saltpeter, Sugar, Ginger candid and raw; Tamarins, Mirobolans; and flat [Page 38] Indigo, which is made at a great Town, not far from Amadabat, called Sarquess. There was in that place a Pagod, which the Mahumetan's have pull'd down, and built a Mosquee in the place. Before you enter into it, you must cross three large Courts pav'd with Marble, and encompast with Galleries; nor must you enter into the third Court till you have pull'd off your shooes. The inside of the Mosquee is adorn'd with Mosaick-work, the greatest part whereof is of Agats of divers colours, which they fetch from the Mountains of Cambaya, not above two days journey off. There are several Sepulchres of the ancient Idolatrous Kings, that look like little Chappels, of Mosaick-work, built upon a Vault that is under the Se­pulchre. There runs a River from Amadabat toward the North-west, which du­ring the rainy-seasons that continue three or four Months together, is very wide and rapid, and does much mischief every year. It is so with all the other Rivers in India; and after the rains are fallen, you must stay six weeks or two months before you can ford Amadabat-River, where there is no Bridg. There are two or three Boats; but they are of no use, when the stream is so swift; so that you must stay till the waters are fall'n. But the people of the Countrey will not stay so long; for to cross from one River to another, they only make use of Goat­skins, which they blow up and fill with wind, and then tye them between their sto­macks and their bellies. Thus the poor men and women swim cross this River, and when they would carry their children along with them, they put them in certain round pots of Earth, the mouth whereof is four fingers wide, and drive the Pots before them. This puts me in mind of a Passage, when I was at Ama­dabat in the year 1642, which is too remarkable to be omitted.

A Countrey-man and a Countrey-woman one day past the River as I have rela­ted, and having a child about two years old, they put it into one of these Pots, so that there was nothing but the head appear'd. Being about the middle of the River, they met with a little bank of Sand, where there lay an huge Tree, which the stream had carry'd thither; whereupon the Father shov'd the Pot toward that part, to rest himself awhile. When he came near the Tree, the trunk whereof lay somewhat above the water, a Serpent leapt out from among the roots, into the Pot where the Infant was. The Father and the Mother frighted at the acci­dent, and having almost lost their senses, let the Pot go a-drift where the stream carri'd it, and lay almost dead themselves at the bottom of the Tree. About two leagues lower, a Banian and his Wife with a little Infant, were washing themselves in the River before they went to eat. They descry'd the Pot a-far-off, with the half of the Infant's-head that appear'd above the hole. The Banian immediately swims to the relief of the child, and having stopp'd the Pot, drives it to the shoar. The Mother follow'd by her own, comes presently to take the other child out of the Pot, at what time the Serpent that had done no harm to the other child, shoots out of the Pot, and winding about hers, stings it, and infuses its venom in­to the Infant, so that it dy'd immediately. However, the accident being so ex­traordinary, did not trouble these poor people; who rather believ'd it to have happen'd by the secret disposal of their Deity, who had taken from them one child, to give them another for it, with which opinion they presently comforted themselves. Some time after, the report of this accident coming to the ears of the first Country-man, he comes to the Banian to tell him how the mischance had happen'd, and to demand his child of him; the other Indian affirming that the child was his, and that his God had sent it him, in the place of that which was dead. To be short, the business made so loud a noise, that it was at length brought before the King, who order'd, that the child should be restor'd to the Father.

At the same time there happen'd another very pleasant accident in the same City of Amadabat. The Wife of a rich Merchant Banian, nam'd Saintidas, ne­ver having had a child, and manifesting her eager desire to have one, a servant of the House took her a-side one day, and told her, that if she would but eat that which he would give her, she should be with child. The woman desirous to know what she was to eat, the servant told her it was a little fish, and that she should eat but three or four. Now the Religion of the Banians forbidding them to eat any thing that has life, she could not at first resolve to yield to his proposal; but the servant having promised her that he would so order the matter, that she [Page 39] should not know whether it were fish or no that she eat, she resolv'd to try his receit, and went the next night to lie with her Husband, according to the in­struction which she had received from the Servant. Some time after, the woman perceiving that she was big, her Husband happen'd to die, and the kindred of the deceased would have his Estate. The Widow opposed them, and told them that it behov'd them to stay, till they saw whether the Child she went withal, would live or no. Her kindred were surpriz'd to hear such news that they so little ex­pected, and tax'd her for one that either ly'd or jested with them; knowing that the woman had liv'd fifteen or sixteen years with her Husband, yet never had been with Child. Seeing therefore that her kindred still tormented her, she went and threw her self at the Governour's feet, to whom she related all that had past; who thereupon order'd that the kindred should stay till the woman was deliver'd. Some days after she had lain-in, the kindred of the deceas'd Merchant, who were Persons of Credit, and gap'd after so fair an inheritance, affirm'd that the child was not Legitimate, and that she had it not by her Husband. The Gover­nour, to understand the truth of the matter, calls for the Physicians; who con­cluded, that the Infant should be carried to the Bath, saying, that if the Receit which the Mother had made use of, were real, the sweat of the Child would smell of Fish; which was done accordingly, and the Experiment prov'd true. Thereupon the Governour order'd that the Child should have the Estate, the Merchant being so proud to be his Father: But the kindred, troubl'd that such a fat Morsel had escap'd their mouths, appeal'd to the King. Upon their relation of the story, the King wrote to the Governour to send him the Mother and the In­fant, to the end the Experiment might be made in his presence: which having the same success as before, the kindred surceas'd their claim, and the Estate re­main'd re­main'd to the Mother and the Infant.

I remember also another pleasant Story which was related to me at Amadabat, where I have been ten or twelve times. A Merchant with whom I often dealt, and who was very well belov'd by Cha-Est-Kan, Governour of the Province, and the King's Uncle, had the reputation never to have told a lye. Cha-Est-Kan, after the three years of his Government were expir'd, according to the custom of the Great Mogul, and that Aureng-zeb, the King's Son was come into his place, retir'd to Agra, where the Court then was. One day, discoursing with the King, he told him, that he had seen many rare things in the Government, with which his Majesty had honour'd him, but that one thing above all the rest had astonish'd him, to have met with a Rich Merchant that had never told a lye, and yet he was above threescore and ten years of age. The King surpriz'd at a thing so ex­traordinary, signified to Cha-Est-Kan, his desire to see the person, and commanded him to send for him to Agra, which he did. The Old-Man was very much troubl'd, as well in regard of the length of the way, it being a journey of 25 or 30 days, as for that he was to make a Present to the King. In short, he provided one, esteem'd at fourty-thousand Roupies, to carry Betlé in, enchas'd with Dia­monds, Rubies, and Emraulds. When he had made his obeysance to the King, and given him his Present, the King ask'd him only what was his name, to whom he replyed, that he was call'd the man that had never told a lye. Then the King ask'd him who was his Father? Sir, said he, I cannot tell; his Majesty satisfi'd with an answer, stopt there, and unwilling to trouble him any farther, comman­ded an Elephant to be given him, which is a very great Honour, and ten thou­sand Roupies to bear his charges home.

The Banians have a great Veneration for Apes, and there are some which they breed up in their Pagods to worship. There are three or four Houses in Amad­abat which they make use of for Hospitals for Cowes, Oxen, Apes, and other sick or maim'd Beasts; and they carry all they can find thither to preserve them. This is also very remarkable, that every Tuesday and Friday, all the Apes in the places adjoyning to Amadabat, of their own accord come to the City, and get upon the tops of their Houses, where they lye, during the excessive heats. And therefore upon those days the People never fail to set ready in their Terras­ses, Rice, Millet, Sugar-Canes in their seasons, and other such-like things. For if the Apes did not find their provision when they came, they would break the Tiles where-with the rest of the House is cover'd, and do a great deal of mis­chief. [Page 40] And you must here take notice also, that the Ape never eats any thing which he does not very well like the scent of before-hand; and before he swal­lows any-thing, he lays up his Magazin against future hunger; filling his bags with provision, which he keeps till next day.

I have said, that the Banians have a particular Veneration for the Ape; of which I will give you one Example, among many, that I could bring. Being one day at Amadabat, at the House belonging to the Hollanders, a young man of that Nation newly arriv'd to serve in the Factory, not knowing the custom of the Countrey, and seeing a great Ape upon a Tree in the Court, would needs shew a piece of activity, or rather a trick of youth, to kill the Ape with a small Gun. I was at the Table then with the Dutch-Commander; and we no sooner heard the blow, but we heard as soon a loud noise of Banians, that wait upon the Holland-Company, who came to complain bitterly of him that had kill'd the Ape. They would all have been gone; so that the Commander had much ado, and made many excuses before he could appease them, and oblige them to stay.

In the Neighbourhood about Amadabat, there are a great number of Apes. And this is observable, that where there are a great number of those Ani­mals, there are very few Crows. For as soon as they have built their Nests and laid their Eggs, the Apes get upon the Trees and throw their Eggs to the Ground. One day returning from Agra, and departing out of Amada­bat with the English President, who came hither about some business, and was returning to Surat, we pass'd through a little Forrest of Trees, call'd Mangues, some four or five Leagues from Amadabat; there we saw a vast number of great Monkeys, male and female, and many of their females holding their young ones in their Arms. We had each of us our Coach, and the English Presi­dent causing his to stop, told me he had an excellent and very neat Harque­buss, that was presented him by the Governor of Daman, and knowing I could aim well, he desir'd me to try it, at one of those Apes. One of my Servants, who was born in the Country, making me a sign not to venture, I endeavoured to disswade the President from his design; but it was impos­sible; so that I took the Harquebuss, and kill'd a female Monkey, who lay stretch'd out upon the Boughs, letting her little ones fall to the ground. But it fell out as my Servant had forewarn'd me. For immediately all the Monkeys that were upon the Trees, to the number of sixty, came down in a great fury, to have leap'd into the Presidents Coach, where they would soon have strangled him, had we not prevented them by closing the Shutters, and had we not had a great number of Servants, that which much ado kept them off. And though they came not to my Coach, yet I was very much afraid of my self; for they pursued the President's Coach above a League, and they were stout lusty Monkeys.

From Amadabat to Panser, costes13
From Panser to Masana, costes14
From Masana to Chitpour, costes14

Chitpour is a very good City, so called by reason of the great Trade for painted-Calicuts, which are called Chites: Near which, some four or five-hundred paces toward the South, there runs a small River. Arriving at Chitpour in one of my Voyages, I pitch'd my Tent under two or three Trees at the end of a wide-place neer the Town. A little while after I saw four or five Lions appear, which were brought to be tam'd; which they told me took them up five or six months; and their way to do it, is this: They tye the Lions at twelve paces distance one from another by the hinder-legs, with a Rope fasten'd to a great woodden-stake set deep in the ground, with another cord about the neck, which the Master holds in his hand. These stakes are planted in the same Line, and in another Parallel they stretch out another Cord as long as the space, which the bodies of the Lions so dispos'd of, as I have describ'd, take up. The two Cords which hold the Lion ty'd by the two hinder-feet, give him liberty to spring out as far as that long Cord; which is a mark to those that stand to provoke and incense the Lions, by throwing stones and pieces of wood at them, not to venture any farther: The people run to see the sight, and when the Lion, provok'd, gives a spring towards the Cord, the Master [Page 41] holds another in his hand, ty'd about his neck, that pulls him back. Thus they accustom the Lion by degrees to be familiar with the people, and at my coming to Chiapour, I saw this Divertisement without stirring out of my Coach.

The next day I had another, meeting with a knot of Faquirs, or Mahometan Dervichs. I counted fifty-seven, among whom, he that was the Chief or Supe­rior, had been Grand Esquire to Cha-jehan-guir, having left the Court, when Sultan Boulaki, his youngest Son, was strangl'd by Order of Cha-jehan; there were four others, who next to the Superior, were chief of the Company, who had been also great Lords in the same Cha-jehan's Court. All the Cloaths those five Dervichs had, were only four ells of Orange-colour-Calicut to hide what modesty will have hid before and behind, and every one of them a Tygers-skin over their shoulders ty'd together under their chins. They had led before them eight fair Horses-saddl'd and bridl'd; three whereof had Bridles of Gold, and Saddles cover'd with Plates of Gold, and the other five had Bridles of Silver cover'd with Plates of Silver, and a Leopard's-skin upon every one. The other Dervichs had only a Cord for their Girdle, to which was fasten'd a piece of Cali­cut only to cover their private parts. Their hair was ty'd in wreaths round about their heads after the manner of a Turbant. They were all well-arm'd, the most part with Bows and Arrows, some with Muskets, and others with Half-pikes, with another sort of weapon which we have not in Europe; that is to say, a sharp piece of Iron like the side of a Platter without a bottom, which they wind eight or ten times about their necks, and carry like a Calves Chaldron. They draw out these Iron-Circles as they intend to make use of them; and they will throw them with such a force against a man, that they shall ssy as swift as an Arrow, and go very neer to cut a man in two in the middle. They had every one, besides all this, an Hunting-Horn, which they wind, making a prodigious noise when they come to any place, and when they go away; together with a Grater or Rasp, being an Iron-Instru­ment, made like a Trowel. This is an Instrument which the Indians carry gene­rally about them when they travel, to scrape and make clean the places where they intend to rest; and some of them, when they have scrap'd all the dust to­gether into an heap, make use of it instead of a Mattress or Pillow to lie easily upon. There were some of them that were arm'd with long Tucks; which they had bought either of the English or Portugals. Their Luggage consisted of four great Chests full of Persian and Arabian Books, and some Kitchen-housholdstuff: They had also ten or twelve Oxen to carry their sick. When the Dervichs came to the place where I lay with my Coach, having about fifty persons with me, as well of the people of the Countrey, as of my own servants; the Chief or Su­perior of the Troop seeing me so well-attended, enquir'd what Aga that was; and desir'd me to let him have that place which I had taken up, as being the most convenient in all that place, for him and his Dervichs to lodg. When they told me the quality of the Chief, and the four Dervichs that attended him, I was wil­ling to be civil, and to yield to their request; and thereupon I left them the place free. After they had well-water'd the place, and laid the dust, they lighted two fires, as if it had been in the frost and snow for the five principal Dervichs, who sate and chas'd themselves before and behind. That very evening, after they had supp'd the Governour of the Town came to complement the principal Der­vichs, and during their stay, sent them Rice and other things, which they are ac­custom'd to eat. When they come to any place, the Superior sends some of his Crew a begging into the Towns and Villages, and what Alms they get, is pre­sently distributed equally among them; every one of them taking care to boil his own Rice. What is over and above they give to the Poor in the evening; for they reserve nothing till next day.

From Chilpour to Balampour, costes12
From Balampour to Dantivar, costes11
From Dantivar to Bargant, costes17

Bargant is in the Territories of a Raja, to whom you pay duties. In one of my journeys to Agra, passing through Bargant, I did not see the Raja, but only his Lieutenant, who was very civil to me, and made me a Present of Rice, Butter, and Fruit in season. To make him amends, I gave him three Shashes of Gold [Page 42] and Silk, four Handkerchiefs of painted Linnen, and two Bottles, the one full of Aquavitae, and the other full of Spanish▪ Wine. At my departure he sent a Con­voy of twenty Horse four or five leagues along with me.

One evening being about to lodg upon the Frontiers of the Territories of the Raja of Bargant, my people came to me and told me, that if we took the Road through Bargant, we should go neer to have all our throats cut, for that the Raja of that place liv'd altogether upon Robbery. So that unless I hir'd an hundred more of the Country-people, there was no likelihood of escaping those Free­booters. At first I argu'd with them, and tax'd their Cowardice, but fearing to pay for my rashness afterwards, I sent them to hire fifty more, for three days only, that we cross'd the Raja's Country: for which they ask'd me every one four Roupies, which is as much as you give them for a whole Month. The next day as I was about to set forward, my Guard came and told me they would leave me, and that they would not venture their lives, desiring me not to write to Agra to their Captain, who was responsible for them, that they had left me against my will. Three of my servants also did as they did, so that I had no body left with me, but a man that lead an Horse in his hand, my Coachman, and three other ser­vants, and so I set forward under the protection of God. About a league from the place which I had left, I perceived some part of my Convoy following me. Thereupon I stopt my Coach to stay for them, and when they came neer, I bid them advance if they intended to go along with me. But seeing them fearful, and unresolv'd, I bid them go about their business, telling them I had no need of such Cowards as they were. About a league from thence I discover'd upon the brow of an Hill about fifty Horse, four of which came riding up to me; when I perceived them, I alighted out of my Coach, and having with me some thirteen Spit-fires, I gave to every one of my men an Harquebuss. The Horse-men ap­proaching, I kept my Coach between them and me, and had my Gun ready cockt, in case they should assail me. But they made me a sign, that I should fear nothing; only that the Prince was a-Hunting, and had sent to know what Strangers past through his Territories: I made answer, that I was the same Franguy that had past by five or six weeks before. By good luck, the very same Lieutenant to whom I had made the Present of Aquavitae and Spanish-Wine, follow'd those four Horsemen.▪ And after he had testify'd how glad he was to see me, he ask'd me if I had any Wine; I told him I never travell'd without that: For indeed the English and Hollanders had presented me with several Bottles at Agra. So soon as the Lieutenant was return'd to the Raja, the Raja himself came to me, and told me I was welcome; and bid me rest my self in a shady-place which he pointed to, about a league and an half from the place where we were. In the evening he came, and we staid together two days to make merry; the Raja bring­ing alone with him certain Morrice-dancers, without which the Persians and In­dians can never think themselves heartily merry. At my departure the Raja lent me 200 Horse, to convoy me to the Frontiers of his Territories, for three days to­gether; for which I only gave them three or four pound of Tobacco. When I came to Amadabat, the people would hardly believe that I had had so kind a re­ception from a Prince, that was noted for abusing strangers that past through his Countrey.

From Bargant to Bimal, costes15
From Bimal to Modra, costes15
From Modra to Chalaour, costes10
Chalaour is an ancient Town upon a Mountain, encompast with Walls, and very difficult to come to. There is a Lake at the top of the Mountain, and another below; between which and the foot of the Mountain lies the Road to the Town. 
From Chalaour to Cantap, costes12
From Cantap to Setlana, costes15
From Setlana to Palavaseny, costes14
From Palavaseny to Pipars, costes11
From Pipars to Mirda, costes16

From Dantivar to Mirda is three days journey, being a mountainous Countrey the belongs to Raja's, or particular Princes that pay tribute to the Great Mogul. [Page 43] In recompence whereof the Great Mogul gives them Commands in his Armies; by which they gain much more than they loose by the tribute which they pay.

Mirda is a great City, but ill-built. When I came thither in one of my Indian-journeys, all the Inns were full of Passengers, in regard that Cha-jehan's Aunt, the Wife of Cha-Est-Kan, was going that▪ way to marry her Daughter to Sultan Sujah, the second Son of Cha-jehan; I was forc'd to set up my Tent upon a Bank, with Trees on both sides: But I was not a little surpriz'd two hours afterward, to see fifteen or twenty Elephants loofe, that tore down the boughs as far as they could reach, breaking off the huge Arms of Trees, as if they had been but small faggot-sticks. This spoil was done by the order of the Begum, in revenge of the Affront which the Inhabitants of Mirda had put upon her, who had not waited on her, and made her a Present as they ought to have done.

From Mirda to Boronda, costes12
From Baronda to Coetchiel, costes18
From Coetchiel to Bander-Sonnery, costes14
From Bandar-Sonnery to Ladona, costes16
From Ladona to Chasou, costes12
From Chasou to Nouali, costes17
From Nouali to Hindoo, costes19
From Hindoo to Baniana, costes10
These two last places are two Towns, where, as in all the Country round about, they make Indigo-Plate, which is round; and as it is the best of all the In­digo's, so is it double the price. 
From Baniana to Vettapour, costes14
Vettapour is an ancient Town where they make woollen-Hangings. 
From Vettapour to Agra, costes12
From Surat to Agra is in all, costes415

If you could divide your journeys equally into thirteen Costes a-piece, you might go to Surat in thirty-three days; but because you rest, and stay at some places, it is generally thirty-five or forty days journey.

CHAP. VI.
The Road from Ispahan to Agra, through Candahar.

I Have made an exact description of some part of the Road, and brought the Reader as far as Candahar; it remains, that I carry him from Candahar to Agra; to which there are but two ways to go, either through Caboul, or through Multan. The latter way is the shorter by ten days journey. But the Cara­van never goes that way. For from Candahar to Multan you travel almost all the way through Desarts; and sometimes you travel three or four days with­out meeting any water. So that the most ordinary and beaten Road, is through Caboul. Now from Candahar to Caboul, is twenty-four days journey; from Caboul to Lahor, twenty-two; from Lahor to Dehly, or Gehanabat, eighteen; from Dehly to Agra, six; which with the sixty days journey from Ispahan to Farat, and the twenty from Farat to Candahar, makes in all from Ispahan to Agra, an hundred and fifty days journey. But the Merchants that are in haste, take Horses, three or four together in a company, and ride the whole journey in sixty, or sixty-five days at most.

Multan is a City where there is made a vast quantity of Linnen Calicuts, which was all transported to Tuta, before the Sands had stop'd up the mouth of the River, but since that, it is carry'd all to Agra, and from Agra to Su­rat, as is the greatest part of the Merchandize which is made at Lahor. But in regard carriage is so dear, very few Merchants traffick either to Multan or at Lahor; and many of the Workmen have also deserted those places, so that the Kings Revenues are very much diminished in those Provinces. Multan [Page 44] is the place whither all the Banians come, that trade into Persia, where they follow the same Trade as the Jews, and out-do them in Usury. They have a particular Law among them, which permits them to eat Fowl upon certain days in the year; and not to have more than one Wife among two or three Brothers, the eldest whereof is accounted the Father of the Children. This City also breeds abundance of Dancers, of both Sexes, that spread themselves all over Persia.

I come now to the Road from Gandahar to Agra, through Caboul and Lahor. 
From Candahar to Charifafar, costes10
From Charifafar to Zelate, costes12
From Zelate to Betazy, costes8
From Betazy to Mezour, costes6
From Mezour to Carabat, costes17
From Carabat to Chakenicouze, costes17
From Candahar to Chakenicouze, a Frontier Town of the Indies, is a Coun­try under the command of several Princes, that acknowledg the Persian Em­peror. 
From Chakenicouze to Caboul, costes40

In all these forty Costes of way, there are but three pitiful Villages; where sometimes, though very rarely, you have Bread and Barley for your Horses; but the surest way is to carry provision along with you. in the Months of July and August, there blows a hot Wind in those parts, that takes away a mans breath, and kills him upon the place; being of the same nature with those Winds, of which I have spoken in my Persian Relations, that blow at certain seasons near Babylon and Moussul.

Caboul is a large City, very well fortified; and is the place where those of Ʋsbek come every year to sell their Horses. They reckon, that there are bought and sold, every year, above sixty thousand. They bring also out of Persia, great numbers of Sheep, and other Cattel; it being the general Con­course of Persians, Tartarians, and Indians. There is also Wine to be had; but Provisions go off at a very good rate.

Before I go any farther, I must take notice of one thing in particular, con­cerning the people call'd Augans, who inhabit from Candahar to Caboul, to­ward the Mountains of Balch, a sturdy sort of people, and great Robbers in the night-time. It is the custom of the Indians to cleanse and scrape their tongues every morning with a crooked piece of a root, which causes them to void a great quantity of Flegm and Rhume, and provokes vomiting. Now though those people that inhabit the Frontiers of Persia and India practise the same thing; nevertheless they vomit very little in the morning, but when they come to eat, as soon as they have swallowed two or three bits, their lungs begin to swell, and they are constrain'd to go forth and vomit; after which, they return again to their Victuals with a very good appetite. Should they not do so, they would not live above thirty years; and besides, they would be troubl'd with the Dropsie.

From Caboul to Ba [...]iabe, costes19
From Bariabe to Nimela, costes17
From Nimela to Aliboua, costes19
From Aliboua to Taka, costes17
From Taka to Kiemri, costes6
From Kiemri to Chaour, costes14
From Chaour to Novechaar, costes14
From Novechaar, to Atek, costes19
Atek is a City situated upon a point of Land where two Rivers meet together. 'Tis one of the best and strongest Garrisons the Great Mogul has; into which there is no stranger permitted to enter without a Passport from the King. Father Roux the Jesuit and his Companion, going this way to Ispahan, and not having the King's Passport, were forc'd to return back to Lahor, where they embark'd upon the River for Scimdi, from whence they past into Persia. 
From Atek to Calapane, costes16
From Calapane to Roupate, costes16
[Page 45] From Roupate to Toulapeca, costes16
From Toulapeca to Keraly, costes19
From Keraly to Zerabad, costes16
From Zerabad to Imiabad, costes18
From Imiabad to Lahor, costes18

Lahor is the Metropolis of a Kingdom, built upon one of the five Rivers that descend from the Mountains of the North to swell the River Indus; and give the name of Peniab to all the Region which they water. This River at this time flows not within a league of the Town, being subject to change its▪ Channel, and many times does very great mischief to the adjoyning Fields, through the rapid deluges which it makes. The City is large, and extends it self above a league in length. But the greatest part of the Houses, which are higher than those of Agra and Deli, fall to ruine, by reason of the excessive rains that have overflowed a great number of them. The King's Palace is an indifferent fair one, is not, as formerly it was, upon the River, which is fall'n off above a quarter of a league from it. There is Wine to be had at Lahor.

I must observe by the by, that after you have past Lahor, and the Kingdom of Kakemir, that lies upon it toward the North, none of their Women have any hair upon any part of their bodies, and the Men but very little upon their chins.

From Lahor to Menat-kan, costes12
From Menat-kan to Faty-abad, costes15
From Faty-abad to Sera-dakan, costes15
From Sera-dakan to Sera-balour, costes15
From Sera-balour to Sera-dourai, costes12
From Sera-dourai to Serinde, costes17
From Serinde to Sera-Mogoul, costes15
From Sera-Mogoul to Sera-Chabas, costes14
From Sera-Chabas to Dirauril, costes17
From Dirauril to Sera-Crindal, costes14
From Sera-Crindal to Guienaour, costes21
From Guienaour to Dehly, costes24

Before you go any farther, you are to take notice that all the way from Lahor to Dehly, and from Dehly to Agra, is a continual walk set on both sides with fair Trees; an object most pleasing to the sight▪ But in some places the Trees are decay'd, and there is no care taken to Plant others in their stead.

Dehly is a great City near the River Gemma, which runs from the North to the South, afterwards from the West to the East; and after it has past by Agra and Kadione, empties it self into the Ganges. After Cha-jehan had built the new City of Gehanabad, which is call'd by his own Name; and where he chose rather to keep his Court, than at Agra, because the Climate is more temperate. Dehly is almost come to ruine, and indeed is nothing but an heap of Rubbish; there be­ing no other Houses remaining but only for poor people. The Streets are narrow, and the Houses of Bambouc, as over all the rest of the Indies. Neither are there above three or four Lords of the Court that reside at Dehly, where they set up their Tents in great Enclosures, and in the same manner lodg'd the Reverend Jesuit that was at Court.

Gehanabad, as well as Dehly, is a great City; and there is nothing but a single Wall that make the separation. All the Houses of particular men consist of great Enclosures, in the midst whereof is the place for Lodgings. The greatest part of the Lords do not live in the City, but have their Houses without, for the con­veniency of the water. As you enter into Gehanabad from Dehly, you meet with a long and broad Street, on each side whereof are Vaults, where the Merchants keep shops, being only plat-form'd at the top. This street ends in the great Piazza before the King's House; and there is another very fair and large Street, that runs toward another Gate of the same Palace, in which live the great Merchants that keep no Shops.

The King's Palace takes up above half a league circuit: The Walls are of fair cut-Stone with Battlements. The Moats are full of water, pav'd with Free­stone. The great Gate of the Palace has nothing in it of magnificence; no more than the first Court, into which the great Lords may enter upon their Elephants.

[Page 46] Having past that Court, you enter into another long and large passage, with fair Portico's on both sides. Under which are several little Chambers, where part of the Horse-Guard lies. These Portico's are rais'd some two foot above the ground, and the Horses which are ti'd without, feed upon the steps. In some places there are great Gates that lead to several Apartments; as to the Womens Lodgings, and to the Seat of Justice. In the midst of the passage runs a Cut full of water, leaving a fair Walk on each side, where, at equal distances, are little Basons or Fountains.

This long Passage carries you into a great Court, where the Omra's, that is to say, the great Lords of the Kingdom, such as the Basha's in Turkey, and the Kan's in Persia, keep Guard in Person. They have low Lodgings round about the Court, and their Horses are ti'd to their doors.

From this second Court you pass into a third, through a great Portal; on one side whereof there is a little Hall, rais'd some two or three steps high from the ground. This is the Wardrobe where the Royal Garments are kept; and from whence the King sends for the Calaat, or a whole Habit for a man, when he would honour any Stranger or any one of his own Subjects. A little farther, un­der the same Portal, is the place where the Drums, Trumpets, and Hautboys are laid up; which they sound and beat a little before the King enters into his Judg­ment-Seat, to give notice to the Omrah's; and they make the same noise when the King is ready to rise. Entring into the third Court, you see the Divan before you, where the King gives Audience. This is a great Hall rais'd some four-foot-high above the superficies of the Court, with three sides open. Thirty-two Pil­lars sustain as many Arches; and these Columns are about four-foot-square, with Pedestals and Mouldings. When Cha-jehan first began to build this Hall; he in­tended to have enrich'd it, and inlaid it all over with those Stones that seem to be naturally painted, like those in the Great Duke of Tuscany's Chappel. But having made a trial upon two or three Pillars, about two or three-foot-high, he found that there would not be Stones enough, of that sort, in the World to finish the work' besides the vastness of the Sum it would come to. So that he left off his design, contening himself with a Painting of several flowers.

In the middle of this Hall, next to the side which looks toward the Court, there is a Throne erected upon a kind of Theater, where the King gives Audience, and pronounces Judgment. The Throne is a little Bed with four Columns, about the bigness of one of our Field-beds, with a Canopy, Backpiece, Boulster and Counterpoint, all embroider'd with Diamonds. Besides all this, when the King comes to sit upon the Throne, they throw over the Bed a Coverlet of Cloath of Gold, or some other richly-embroider'd Silk; and he ascends by three little steps, two-foot-broad. On one side of the Bed is erected an Ʋmbrello upon a Staff, as long as an Half-Pike. Upon one of the Pillars of the Throne hangs one of the King's Weapons; upon another his Buckler; upon another his Sci­metar; and then his Bow and Quiver of Arrows, and other things of the same na­ture.

Below the Throne there is a place▪some twenty-foot-square, encompast with Balusters which at some times are cover'd with Plates of Silver, at other times with Plates of Gold. At the four Corners of this small enclosure sit the four Se­cretaries of State, who as well in Civil as Criminal Causes, do the duty of ad­vocates. Many Lords stand about this Balust rade; and there is also the Musick plac'd, that plays all the while the King is in the Divan. This Musick is so sweet and soft, that it never takes off the mind from the seriousness of business at that time manag'd. The King being sat upon his Throne, some great Lords stand by him; generally it is some one of his own Children. Between eleven a Clock and Noon, the Nahab, who is the chief Minister of State, like the Grand Vizier in Turkey, makes a report to the King of what has past in the Chamber where he Presides, which is at the Entry of the first Court; and when he has done speak­ing, the King rises. For you must take notice, that from the time that the King is sate upon his Throne, till he rises, no person whatsoever is permitted to stir out of the Palace; and yet I can say that the King dispenc'd with my performance of this Law so generally observ'd by all the Court: The occasion whereof was thus in short.

[Page 47] Being one day going out of the Palace, while the King was sitting in the Divan, upon some urgent business that would admit of no delay, the Captain of the Guards held me by the arm, and told me I should go no farther; I contested and argued the Case with him for some time, but finding his usuage to be very boiste­rous, I lifted up my Cane, and had certainly strook him in my passion, had not two or three of the Guards that saw all the passages, held my hand. Happily for me at that time, the Nahab, who was then the King's Uncle, came by, and being in­formed of the ground of our quarrel; order'd the Captain of the Guards to let me go. After that he made a report to the King how the matter stood; and to­ward evening the Nahab sent me one of his Servants to tell me, it was his Ma­jesty's pleasure, that I might come in or go out of the Palace, though he were sitting in the Divan, as I pleas'd my self; for which I went the next day, and re­turn'd thanks to the Nahab.

Toward the middle of the same Court there is a small Channel some five or six inches broad, where while the King is sitting upon the Seat of Justice, they that have business are to stand. Further it is not lawful for them to go, till they are call'd; and Embassadours themselves are not exempted from this custom. When an Embassadour, comes as far as this Channel, the Master of the Ceremonies calls out toward the Divan where the King is sitting, that such an Embassadour craves Audience of his Majesty. Then one of the Secretaries of State declares it to the King; who oftentimes makes as if he did not hear: But some time after lifting up his eyes, he casts them upon the Embassadour, making him a sign by the same Secretary, that he may approach.

From the Hall of the Divan, turning to the left, you walk upon a Terrass, where you discover the River. Over this Terrass the King passes into a little Chamber, from whence he goes into his Haram. In this little Chamber it was that I had my first Audience of his Majesty; as I shall relate in another place.

Upon the left-hand of the Court where the Divan is built, stands a little Mosquee neatly built; the Cupola whereof is cover'd with Lead perfectly guilded. Here the King goes to hear Prayers every day, except it be Fridays, when he is to go to the great Mosquee, which is a very fair one, and plac'd upon an high Platform, rais'd higher than the Houses of the City, and there is a noble ascent to it. That day that the King goes to the Mosquee, they place huge rails of wood round about the steps, as well to keep off the Elephants, as out of respect to the Mosquee.

The right side of the Court is taken up with Portico's, that make a long Gal­lery, rais'd from the ground about half a foot; and these are the King's Stables into which you have many doors to enter. They are also full of stately Horses, the worst whereof stands the King in three-thousand Crowns; and there are some that cost him ten-thousand. At the door of every one of these Stables hangs a kind of Mat made of Bambouc, that cleaves like our Osiers. But where­as we bind our Osier twigs with the same Osier, they bind their Bambouc's with wreath'd-Silk, which is delicate work, but very tedious. These Mats are to hin­der the Flies from tormenting the Horses; there being two Grooms to an Horse, one of which is still employ'd in fanning the Beast. There are also Mats spread before the Portico's, and before the Stable-door; which they spread or take away as occasion requires. And the Floor of the Gallery is cover'd with fair Carpets, which is taken away in the evening, and the Horses Litter strow'd in the same place. Which litter is nothing but the Horse-dung dri'd in the Sun, and then squeez'd a little flat. The Horses that are brought into India either out of Persia, Arabia, or the Country of Ʋsbech, change their food: For in India they never give them Hay nor Oats. Every Horse in the morning having for his pro­portion three loaves made of Meal, Wheat, and Butter, as big as one of our six­penny-loaves. 'Tis an hard matter to bring them to this diet at first; it being sometimes three or four Months before they can do it. The Groom is forc'd to hold their tongue in one hand, and to thrust down the bread with the other. When Sugar-Canes or Millet are in season, they give them that diet about noon; and in the evening, two hours before Sun-set they give them a measure of Gar­den-Chiches which the Groom squeezes between two stones, and mixes with wa­ter. [Page 48] This is instead of Barley and Oats. As for the King's other Stables, where he has also very fine Horses, they are scurvy places, ill-built, which deserve not to be mention'd.

The Gemene is a fair River that bears good big Boats, which running to Agra loses its name, falling into Ganges at Hallabas. The King has several small Brigan­tines at Gehanabad upon the River, to take his pleasure in; and they are very cu­riously trimm'd after the manner of the Countrey.

CHAP. VII.
The continuance of the same Road from Dehly to Agra.

FRom Dehly to Badelpoura, costes8
From Badelpoura to Pelvel ki-sera, costes18
From Pelvel-ki-sera to Cotki-sera, costes15
From Cotki-sera to Cheki-sera, costes16

At Cheki-sera is one of the greatest Pagods of the Indians, together with an Hospital for Apes; as well for those that breed there-abouts, as for those that [...]ome from the neighbouring-parts, which the Banians are very careful to feed. This Pagod is call'd Matura, and it was formerly in far greater veneration than it is at this day. The reason is, because the Gemene ran then just at the very foot of the Pagod; wherein the Banians, as well those of the Countrey, as those that came from remote parts in Pilgrimage, had the convenience to wash themselves before they went to their Devotions; and when they had perform'd them, to wash again before they eat; which they are not to do ere they have wash'd; be­lieving also that if they wash in running-water, their sins will be the more easily defac'd. But some years since the River, changing its course more to the North­ward, comes not within a good league of the Pagod, which is the reason that the Pilgrims have deserted it.

From Cheki-sera to Goodki-sera, costes5
From Goodki-sera to Agra, costes6

Agra lies in 27 deg. 31 min. of Lat. and in a Sandy-soil, which causes extremi­ty of heat. It is the biggest City in India, and formerly the Residence of their Kings. The Houses of great Persons are fair, and well built; but the Houses of the meaner-sort are as plain, as in all the other Cities of India. They are built a good distance one from another, and hid by the height of their Walls, to keep their Women from being seen: So that it may be easily conjectur'd that their Cities are nothing so pleasant as ours in Europe. Add to this, that Agra being en­compast round with the Sands, the heats are there very excessive, which constrain'd Cha-jehan to remove from thence, and to keep his Court at Gehanabad.

All that is remarkable in Agra is the King's Palace; and some Monuments as well near the City, as in the parts about it. The Palace of the King is a vast piece of ground encompast with a double-wall, which is terrass'd in some parts, and in those parts are built certain Lodgings for some of the Officers of the Court: The Gemene runs before the Palace; but between the Wall and the River there is a large space of ground, where the King causes his Elephants to fight. This Field is on purpose near the water, because that the Elephant which gets the vi­ctory, being in a fury, they could not bring him to himself, did they not drive him into the River: to which end they are forc'd to have recourse to Policy, by tying Squibs and Crackers to the end of an Half-Pike, and then giving fire to them to fright him into the water: for when he is in but two or threefoot-deep, he is presently appeas'd.

There is a wide Piazza upon one side of the City before the Palace, and the first Gate, wherein there is nothing of magnificence, is guarded by a few Soul­diers. Before the King removed his Court from Agra to Gehanabad, when he went into the Countrey for some time, he gave to some one of his greatest Omrah's, who was his Confident, the Guard of his Palace, where his Treasure lay; [Page 49] and till the return of the King he never stirr'd out of the Gate, where he lodg'd, neither by night nor day. At such a time that it was, that I was permitted to see the Palace of Agra. The King being departed for Gehanabad, whither all the Court followed him, together with the Women, the Government of the Palace was given to one that was a great Friend of the Hollanders, and indeed to all the Franguis. Menheir Velant, chief of the Holland Factory at Agra, so soon as the King was departed, went to visit the Lord, and to present him according to custom. The Present was worth about 6000 Crowns, and consisted in Spices, Cabinets of Japan, and fine Holland-Cloath. He desir'd me to go along with him when he went to Compliment the Governour. But the Lord being offended that he had put himself to so much charge, forc'd him to carry the Present back again, taking only one Japan-Cane, of six that were in the Present, telling him he would have no more, out of the kindness which he had for the Franguiz. Nay, he would not so much as take the Gold-head and Ferula, but caus'd them to be taken off. The Complements being over, the Governour ask'd Menheir Velunt, wherein he might serve him: whereupon he desiring the favour, than since the Court was gone, he might see the inside of the Palace, the Governour granted his request, and order'd six men to attend him.

The first Gate where the Governor of the Palace lies, is a long blind Arch, which leads you into a large Court all environ'd with Portico's; like our Piazza in Covent-Garden. The Gallery in front is larger and higher than any of the rest, sustain'd by three ranks of Pillars, and under those Galleries on the other side of the Court which are narrower and lower, are little Chambers for the Souldiers of the Guard. In the midst of the large Gallery, is a Nich in the Wall, into which the King descends out of his Haram by a private pair of Stairs, and when he is in, he seems to be in a kind of a Tomb. He has no Guards with him then, for he has no reason to be afraid of any thing; there being no way to come at him. In the heat of the day he keeps himself there only with one Eunuch, but more often with one of his Children, to fan him. The Great Lords of the Court stay below in the Gallery under the Nich all the while.

At the farther end of this Court is another Gate that leads into a second Court encompast with Galleries, underneath which, are little Chambers for some Officers of the Palace. The second Court carries you into a third, which is the King's Quarter. Cha-jehan had resolv'd to cover with Silver all the Arch of a Gallery upon the right-hand. And a french-man, Austin de Bordeaux by name, was to have done the work: but the King not finding any one in his whole King­dom so capable as the French-man was to treat with the Portugals at Goa about some important affair he had at this time; the design was laid aside: For they being afraid of Austin's Parts, poison'd him upon his return to Cochin. This Gal­lery is painted with branch'd-work of Gold and Azure, and the lower-part is hung with Tapestry. There are several doors under the Gallery that lead into little square-Chambers; of which we saw two or three open'd, and they told us all the rest were such. The other three sides of the Court lie all open, there be­ing nothing but a single Wall, no higher than for a man to lean over. On the side that looks toward the River there is a Divan, or a kind of out-jutting Bal­cony, where the King sits to see his Brigantines, or to behold his Elephants fight. Before the Divan is a Gallery, that serves for a Portico; which Cha-jehan had a design to have adorn'd all over with a kind of Lattice-work of Emraulds and Ru­bies that should have represented to the life Grapes when they are green, and when they begin to grow red. But this design which made such a noise in the World, and requir'd more Riches, than all the World could afford to perfect, remains unfinish'd; there being only three Stocks of a Vine in Gold, with their leaves, as the rest ought to have been; and enamel'd in their natural colours, with Em­ralds, Rubies and Granates wrought into the fashion of Grapes. In the middle of the Court stands a great Fat to bath in, 40 foot in Diameter, cut out of one entire grey-stone, with steps wrought out of the same stone within and with­out.

As for the Monuments which are in and about Agra, they are very fair ones, for there is scarce an Eunuch belonging to the King's Haram, that is not very ambitious of leaving a fair Monument behind him. Indeed, when they have [Page 50] heap'd together great Sums, they would fain be going to Mecca, and ma­king rich Presents to Mahomet. But the Great Mogul, unwilling to let his Money go out of his Country, will seldom permit them leave to undertake that Pilgrimage: and therefore not knowing what to do with their Money, they employ a great part thereof in Monuments to perpetuate their Memo­ries.

Of all the Monuments that are to be seen at Agra, that of the Wife of Cha-jehan is the most magnificent; she caus'd it to be set up on purpose near the Tasimacan, to which all Strangers must come, that they should admire it. The Tasimacan is a great Bazar, or Market-place, compos'd of six great Courts, all encompassed with Portico's; under which there are Warehouses for Mer­chants; and where there is a prodigious quantity of Calicuts vended. The Monument of this Degum, or Sultaness, stands on the East-side of the City, upon the River side, in a great place enclosed with Walls, upon which there runs a little Gallery, as upon the Walls of many Cities in Europe. This place is a kind of Garden with Compartiments, like our Garden-plots; but whereas our Walks are made with Gravel, here the Walks are black and white Marble. You enter into this place through a large Portal; and presently upon the left hand you espy a fair Gallery, that looks towards Mecca; wherein there are three or four Niches, wherein the Mufti comes at certain hours to pray. A little beyond the middle of the place, toward the Water, are three great Plat­forms, one rais'd above another, with four Towers at the four Corners of each, and Stairs within, upon the top whereof they call the people before the time of their prayer. On the top there is a Cupola, little less magnificent than that of Val de Grace in Paris; it is cover'd within and without with black marble, the middle being of Brick. Under this Cupola is an empty Tomb; for the Be­gum is interr'd under the Arch of the lowest Platform. The same change of Ceremonies which is observ'd under ground, is observ'd above. For they change the Tapestries, Candles, and other Ornaments at several times, and there are always Mollah's attending to pray. I saw the beginning and compleating of this great work, that cost two and twenty years labour, and twenty thousand men always at work; so that you cannot conceive but that the Expence must be excessive. Cha-jehan had begun to raise his own Monument on the other side of the River; but the Wars with his Son, broke off that design, nor did Aurengzeb, now reigning, ever take any care to finish it. There is an Eunuch who commands two thousand men, that is entrusted to guard not only the Sepulcher of the Begum, but also the Tasimacan.

On another side of the City, appears the Sepulcher of King Akabar. And as for the Sepulchers of the Eunuchs, they have only one Platform, with four little Chambers at the four Corners. When you come to Agra from Dehly, you meet a great Bezar; near to which there is a Garden, where King Jehan­guire, Father of Cha-jehan, lies interr'd. Over the Garden Gate you see the Tomb it self, beset with Portraitures, cover'd with a black Hearse-Cloath, or Pall, with Torches of white Wax, and two Jesuits attending at each end. There are some who wonder, that Cha-jehan against the practice of the Mahumetans, who abhor Images, did permit of carving; but the reason conjectur'd at is, that it is done upon the consideration that his Father and himself learnt from the Jesuites certain principles of Mathematicks and Astrology. Though he had not the same kindness for them at another time; for going one day to visit an Armenian, that lay sick, whose name was Corgia, whom he lov'd very well and had honor'd with several Employments, at what time the Jesuites who liv'd next to the Armenians house, rang their Bell; the sound thereof so displeas'd the King, as being a disturbance to the sick person, that in a great fury he commanded the Bell to be taken away, and hung about his Elephants neck. Some few days after, the King seeing his Elephant with that great Bell about his neck, fearing so great a weight might injure his Elephant, caus'd the Bell to be carried to the Couteval, which is a kind of a rail'd place, where a Provost sits as a Judg, and decides differences among the people of that Quarter, where it has hung ever since. This Armenian had been brought up with Cha-jehan; and in regard he was an excellent Wit, and an excellent Poet, [Page 51] he was very much in the Kings favour, who had confer'd upon him many fair Commands, though he could never either by threats or promises win him to turn Mahometan.

CHAP. VIII.
The Road from Agra to Patna. and Daca, Cities in the Province of Bengala, and of the Quarrel which the Author had with Cha-Est-Kan, the King's Ʋnckle.

I Departed from Agra toward Bengala the 25th of November 1665, and that day I reach'd no farther than a very bad Inn, distant from Agra, costes3
The 26th I came to Beruzabad, costes9
This is a little City where, at my return, I received eight thousand Roupies, being the remainder of the Money which Giafer-Kan ow'd me for Wares that he had bought at Janabat. 
The 27th to Serael Morlides, costes9
The 28th to Serail Estanja, costes14
The 29th to Serail Haii-mal, costes12
The 30th. to Serail Sekandera, costes13
The 1st of December to Sanqual, costes14
I met that day 110 Waggons, every Waggon drawn by six Oxen, & in every Waggon 50000 Roupies. This is the Revenue of the Province of Bengala, with all charges de­fraid, and the Governor's Purse well-fill'd, comes to 5500000 Roupies. A league beyond Sanqual, you must pass a River call'd Saingour, which runs into Gemine, not above half a league distant from it. You pass over this River of Saingour upon a Stone-bridg, and when you come from toward Bengala to go to Seronge or Su­rat, if you have a mind to shorten your journey ten days, you must leave Agra-Road, and come to this Bridg, and so Ferry over Gemine in a Boat. But generally Agra-Road is taken, because the other way you must travel five or six days to­gether upon the stones; and also for that you are to pass through the Territories of certain Raja's, where you are in danger of being robb'd. 
The second day I came to an Inn call'd Cherourabad, costes12
When you are got about half the way, you pass through Gianabad, a little City, near to which, about a quarter of a League on this side, crossing a Field of Millet, I saw a Rhinoceros feeding upon Millet-Canes, which a little Boy of nine or ten years old gave him to eat. When I came near the Boy, he gave me some Millet to give the Rhinoceros; who immediately came to me, open­ing his chops three or four times; I put the Millet into his mouth, and when he had swallo'd it, he still open'd his mouth for more. 
The 3d I came to Serrail Chajeada, costes10
The 4th to Serrail Atakan, costes13
The 5th to Aureng-Abad, costes9
Formerly this Village had another name; but being the place where Aureng­zeb gave Battel to his Brother Sultan Sujah, who was Governor of all the Pro­vince of Bengala; Aureng-zeb, in Memory of the Victory he had won, gave it his own name, and built there a very fair House, with a Garden, and a little Mosquee. 
The 6th to Alinchan, costes9
Two leagues on this side Alinchan, you meet the River Ganges. Monsieur Ber­nier the King's Physitian, and another person whose name was Rachepot, with whom I travell'd, were amaz'd to see, that a River had made such a noise in the World, was no broader than the River Seine before the Lovre; be­lieving before, that it had been as wide as the Danaw above Belgrade. There is also so little water in it from March to June or July, when the rains fall, that it will not bear a small Boat. When we came to Ganges, we drank every one of us a Glass of Wine, mixing some of the River-water with it; which caus'd a griping in our bellies: But out Servants that drank it alone, were worse tormented than we. The Hollanders, who have an House upon the Bank of Ganges, never drink the water of this River, until they have boil'd it. But for the natural Inhabitants of the Countrey, they are so accustom'd to it from their youth, that the King and the Court drink no other. You shall see a vast number of Camels every day, whose business only it is to fetch water from the Ganges. 
[Page 52] The 7th, I came to Halabas, costes8
Halabas is a great City, built upon a point of Land where Ganges and Gemi­ne meet. There is a fair Castle of hew'n Stone, with a double Moat; where the Governour resides. He is one of the greatest Lords in India; and being very sickly, he has always about him ten Persian Physicians. He had also in his service, Claudius Maille of Bourges, who practises Chyrurgery and Physick both together. This was he that advis'd us not to drink of Ganges Water, which would put us into a looseness; but rather to drink Well-water. The chief of these Persian Physicians, whom this Governour hires with his Money, one day threw his Wife from the top of a Battlement to the ground; prompted to that act of cruelty, by some jealousies he had entertain'd. He thought the fall had kill'd her, but she had only a Rib or two bruis'd; whereupon the Kindred of the Woman came and demanded justice, at the feet of the Governour. The Go­vernor sending for the Physician, commanded him to be gone, resolving to re­tain him no longer in his service. The Physician obey'd, and putting his maim'd Wife in a Pallanquin, he set forward upon the Road with all his Family. But he was not gone above three or four days journey from the City, when the Go­vernour finding himself worse than he was wont to be, sent to recall him; which the Physician perceiving, stab'd his Wife, his four Children, and thirteen female Slaves, and return'd again to the Governour, who said not a word to him, but entertain'd him again into his service. 
The eighth, day I cross'd the River in a large Boat, having stay'd from morn­ing till noon upon the bank-side, expecting Monsieur Maille, to bring me a Pass­port from the Governour. For there stands a Derega, upon each side of the River, who will not suffer any person to pass without leave; and he takes no­tice what sort of Goods are transported; there being due from every Waggon four Roupies, and from every Coach one; not accounting the charge of the Boat, which you must pay beside. The same day I went to Sadoul-serail, costes16
The ninth, to Yakedel—sera, costes10
The tenth, to Bouraki-sera, costes10
The eleventh, to Banarou, costes10

Banarou is a large City, and handsomly built; the most part of the Houses being either of Brick or Stone and higher than in any other Cities of India; but the inconveniency is, that the Streets are very narrow. There are many Inns in the Town; among the rest, one very large, and very handsomely built In the middle of the Court are two Galleries, where are to be sold Calicuts, Silks, and other sorts of Merchandise. The greatest part of the Sellers, are the Workmen themselves; so that the Merchants buy at the first hand. These Workmen, before they expose any thing to sale, must go to him that has the stamp, to have the King's Seal set upon their Linnen and Silks; otherwise they would be fin'd, and lambasted with a good Cudgel. This City is scituated upon the North side of Ganges, that ▪runs by the Walls, and into which there falls also another River, some two leagues upward toward the West. In Banarou stands one of the Idolaters principal Pagods, whereof I shall speak in my second Book, when I come to treat of the Religion of the Banians.

About five hundred paces from the City Northward, there is a Mosquee, where are to be seen many Mahometan Sepulchers; whereof some are very curious pieces of Architecture. The fairest are every one in the middle of a Garden enclosed with Walls, wherein there are Holes some half a foot square, through which Passengers may have a sight of the Tomb within. The most considerable of all is as it were four square Pedestal, every square whereof is forty paces wide. In the midst of this Platform rises a Column thirty-two or thirty-five foot high, all of a piece, which three men can hardly embrace. [Page 53] The Stone is of a grey colour, and so hard that I could not scrape it with my Knife. As it is Pyramidical, there is a great Bowl at the top, which is en­compass'd [...] the upper end with huge Grains of Wheat. All the fronts of the Tomb are full of figures of Animals cut in the Stone; and it has been higher above ground than now it seems to be, for several old men, that look'd to some of the Sepulchers, assur'd me, that within these fifty years it had sunk above thirty foot into the Earth. They tell you moreover, that it is the Se­pulcher of one of the Kings of Boutan who was interr'd here after he had left his own Countrey to conquer this Kingdom, out of which he was driven by the Successors of Tamerlane. The Kingdom of Boutan is the place from whence they fetch Musk, and I will give you a description of it in my third Book.

I stay'd at Banarou the 12th and 13th; and during those two days it rain'd continually, but not so as to stop my journey; so that the evening of the thir­teenth day I cross'd the Ganges, with the Governours Pass-port. Before you go into the Boat, they search the Travellers baggage; wearing Apparel how­ever pays nothing of Custome, but only Merchandise. 
The 13th, I went to Baterpour, costes2
The 14th, to Satraguy-sera, costes8
The 15th, to Moniarky-sera, costes9
The same day in the morning, after I had travel'd two Leagues, I cross'd a River call'd Carnasarsou; and three Leagues from thence I cross'd another, which they call Saode-sou; both which I foarded. 
The 16th, to Gourmabad, costes8
This is a Town upon a River call'd Goudera-sou, which is cross'd over a Stone-Bridg. 
The 17th, to Saseron, costes4
Saseron is a City at the foot of certain Mountains, near to which there is a great Lake. In the middle whereof there is a small Island, with a fair Mosquee built upon it; wherein is to be seen, the Sepulcher of a Nahab or Favourite, call'd Selim-Kan; who built it when he was Governour of the Province. There is a fair Bridg to cross over into the Island, pav'd and lin'd with large free-Stone. Upon one side of the Lake is a great Garden, in the middle whereof is another fair Sepulcher of the Sun of the same Nahab, Selim-Kan, who suc­ceeded his Father in the Government of the Province. If you would go to the Mine of Soulmelpour, whereof I shall speak in the last Book of these Re­lations you must leave the great Road to Patna, and bend to the South through Exberbourgh, and the famous Fortress of Rhodes, of which I shall treat in the same place. 
The 18th, I ferry'd in a Boat over the River, Sonsou, which descends from the Southern Mountains; after you have cross'd it, the Merchandise pays, a cer­tain Toll. 
The same day I travel'd on to Daoud-Nagarsera, where there is a fair Tomb, costes.9
The 19th, to Halva-sera, costes10
The 20th, to Aga-sera, costes [...]9
In the morning I met a hundred and thirty Elephants, great and small, which they were leading to Dehli to the great Mogul. 
The one and twentieth, to Patna, costes10

Patna is one of the greatest Cities of India, upon the Bank of Ganges, to­ward the West; not being less than two Leagues in length. But the Houses are no fairer than in the greatest part of the other Cities of India; being cover'd with Baembouc, or Straw. The Holland Company have a House there, by reason of their Trade in Saltpeter, which they refine at a great Town call'd Choupar, which is also scituated upon Ganges, ten Leagues above Patna.

Coming to Patna, we met the Hollanders, in the Street returning from Chou­par, who stop'd our Coaches to salute us. We did not part, till we had emptied two Bottles of Schiras Wine in the open Street; which is not taken notice of in that Country, where people meet with an entire freedom without any Cere­mony.

I stay'd eight days at Patna, during which time there fell out an accident, [Page 54] which will let the Reader understand, that Sodomy does not go altogether un­punish'd among▪ the Mahumetans. A Mimbachi, who commanded a thousand Foot, went about to abuse a young Boy in his service; and who had several times resisted his attempts; complaining also to the Governour, and telling him withall, that if his Master persisted to urge him any more, he would cer­tainly kill him. At length the Captain took his opportunity, at a House which he had in the Country, and forc'd the Boy. The Boy o'rewhelm'd with grief and rage, took his opportunity also to revenge himself; and being one day hunt­ing with his Master, about a quarter of a League from any of his other Ser­vants, he got behind him, and cleft his head with his Hanger. After he had done, he rode full speed to the City, crying out all the way, that he had kill'd his Master for such a reason; and went immediately to the Governours Lodg­ing; who sent him to prison; but he let him out at the end of six months; and notwithstanding all the endeavours which the Captains Kindred us'd to have had him put to death, the Governour durst not condemn him, for fear of the people, who affirm'd that the Boy had done well.

I parted from Patna in a Boat for Daca, the nine and twentieth of Janu­ary, between eleven and twelve at noon; and had the River been deep, as it uses to be after the Rains, I had taken Boat at Hallabas, or at least at Ba­narou.

The same day I came to lye at sera-Beconcour, costes15
Five Leagues on this side Beconcour, you meet with a River call'd Pompon­sou, which comes from the South, and falls into Ganges. 
The thirtieth to Sera-d' Erija, costes17
The one and thirtieth, after we had travel'd four Leagues, or thereabout, we met with the River Kaoa, which comes from the South. Three Leagues lower, you meet with another River call'd Chanon, which comes from the North. Four Leagues farther, you discover the River Erguga, which runs from the South; and at length, six Leagues beyond, the River Aquera, falling from the same part of the World; all which four Rivers lose their Names in the Ganges. All that day I saw great Mountains toward the South, distant from Ganges sometimes ten, and sometimes fifteen Leagues, till at length I came to lodg in Monger-City, costes18
The first day of January, 1666, after I had gone by Water two hours, I saw the Gandet fall into the Ganges, flowing from the North. This is a great Ri­ver, that carries Boats. 
That evening I lay at Zangira, costes8
But in regard of the winding of Ganges all that days journey, I might well reckon them by Water two and twenty Leagues. 
The second day, from between six in the morning till eleven, I saw three Rivers that threw themselves into Ganges; all three descending from the North. 
The first is call'd Ronova, the second Tae, the third Chanan. 
I came to lye at Baquelpour, costes18
The third, after four hours upon the Ganges, I met the River Katare, which comes from the North; and lay at a Village call'd Pongangel, at the foot of certain Mountains that descend to Ganges it self, costes13
The fourth, an hours rowing beyond Pongangel, I met a great River, call'd Mart-Nadi, coming from the South; and I lay at Rage-Mehale, costes6

Rage-Mehale, is a City upon the right hand of Ganges; and if you go by Land, you shall find the high-way, for a League or two, pav'd with Brick to the Town. Formerly the Governors of Bengala resided here; it being an excellent Country for hunting, besides that it was a place of great Trade. But now the River having taken another course, above a good half League from the City, as well for that reason, as to keep in awe the King of Aracan, and se­veral Portuguese Banditi, who are retir'd to the mouths of Ganges, and made excursions even as far as Daca it self; both the Governour and the Merchants have remov'd themselves to Daca, which is at present [...] large City, and a Town of great Trade.

The sixth, being arriv'd at a considerable Town, call'd Donapour, six Leagues from Rage-Mehale I parted with Monsieur Bernier, who was going to Casenbasar, [Page 55] and thence to Ogouli by land; for when the River is low, there is no going by Water, by reason of a great Bank of Sand that lies before a City call'd San­tiqui.

I lay that night at Toutipour, distant from Rage-mehale, costes12
I saw there at Sun-rising a great number of Crocodiles lying upon the Sand. 
The seventh, I came to Acerat, costes25
From Acerat to Daca, it is counted by Land forty-five Leagues. All that day I saw such a vast number of Crocodiles, that I had a great desire to shoot at one, to try whether the vulgar report were true, that a Musket-shot would not pierce their skin. The bullet hit him in the jaw, and made the blood gush out; however it would not stay in the place, but plung'd into the River. 
The eight, I saw again a great number lying upon the bank of the River, and made two shot at two with three bullets at a time. As soon as they were woun­ded, they turn'd themselves upon their backs, opening their throats, and di'd upon the spot. 
That day I came to lie at Douloudia, costes17
The Crows were here the cause that we found a very fair Fish, which the Fisher­men had hid among the Osiers by the side of the River; for when our Water-men saw the Crows in great numbers hovering, and making an hideous noise about the Osiers, they presently conjectur'd that there was something more than ordinary: and they made so diligent a search, that at length they found an excellent dish of meat. 
The ninth two hours after noon, we met with a River call'd Chativor, that runs from the North, and we lay at Dampour, costes16
The tenth, we lay by the River-side in a place remote from Houses, and we travell'd that day, costes15
The eleventh, toward evening, being come to that part where Ganges divides it self into three Arms, whereof one runs to Daca; we lay at a large Town, upon the entry of the great Channel, which Town is call'd Jatrapour, costes20
They that have no luggage, may make a short-cut from Jatrapour to Daca, and save much ground, by reason of the many windings of the River. 
The twelfth, about noon, we past by a large Village call'd Bagamara, and came to lie at Kasiata, another great Town, costes11
The thirteenth, about noon we met with a River, two leagues from Daca, call'd Laquia, which runs from the North-East. Just against the Point where the two Rivers join, there stands a Fortress of each side, with several pieces of Can­non. Half a league lower, appears another River call'd Pagalu, upon which there is a fair Bridg of Brick, which Mirza-Mola caus'd to be built. This River comes from the North-East; and half a league upward appears another River call'd Ca­damtali, that runs from the North, over which there is a nother Bridg of Brick. On both sides of the River are several Towers, as it were inchas'd with several heads of men, executed for robbing upon the high way. 
About evening we came to Daca, having travell'd by water that day, costes9

Daca is a great Town, that extends it self only in length; every one coveting to have an House by the Ganges-side. The length of this Town is above two leagues. And indeed from the last Brick-Bridge which I mention'd to Daca, there is but one continued row of Houses separated one from the other; inhabited for the most part by Carpenters, that build Galleys and other small Vessels. These Houses are properly no more than paltry Huts built up with Bambouc's, and daub'd over with fat Earth. Those of Daca are not much better built: The Governours Palace is a place enclos'd with high Walls, in the midst whereof is a pitiful House, built only of Wood. He generally lodges in Tents, which he causes to be set up in a great Court of that Enclosure. The Hollanders finding that their Goods were not safe in the ordinary Houses of Daca, have built them a very fair House; and the English have another, which is reasonably handsom. The Church of the Austin-Friers is all of Brick, and is a very comely Pile.

When I travell'd last to Daca, the Nahab Cha-Est-Kan, who was then the Gover­nor of Bengala, was at War with the King of Arakan, whose Naval-Force consists generally of 200 Galeasses, attended by several other smaller Vessels. These Galeasses run through the Gulf of Bengala, and enter into the mouth of Ganges, [Page 56] the Sea flowing up higher then Daca. Cha-Est-Kan, Uncle to King Aureng­zeb, the present Mogul, and the best Head-piece that ever was in all his Territo­ries, found out a way to corrupt several of the King of Aracan's Captains, so that of a sudden forty Galeasses, commanded by Portugals, came and join'd themselves with him. To engage more firmly all this new multitude to his service, he gave a larger pay to all the Portugal-Officers, and to the Souldiers proportiona­bly: But those of the Country had no more than their ordinary pay doubl'd. 'Tis an incredible thing to see how swiftly these Galeasses cut their way in the wa­ter. Some are so long that they carry fifty Oars of a side; but they have but two men to an Oare: There are fome very curiously painted, and upon which there is no cost of Gold and Azure spar'd. The Hollanders have some of their own to transport their Goods; and sometimes they are forc'd to hire others, whereby many people get a good livelihood.

The next day after my arrival at Daca, which was the 14th of January, I went to wait upon the Nahab; and presented him with a Garment of Cloath of Gold, lac'd with a Gold-needle-work Lace of Point of Spain; with a Scarf of Gold and Silver, of the same Point; and a very fair Emrald-Jewel. Toward evening, being return'd to the Hollander's House, where I lodg'd, the Nahab sent me Gra­nates, China-Oranges, two Persian-Melons, and three sorts of Pears.

The fifteenth, I shewed him my Goods, and presented the Prince with a Watch, in a Gold-Enamell'd-Case; with a pair of little Pistols inlaid with Silver, and a very fair Prospective-Glass. What I gave to the Father and the Son, a young Lord, about ten years old, stood me in above five thousand Livres.

The sixteenth, I treated with him about the Prizes of my Goods: and at length I went to his Steward to take my Letter of Exchange to be paid at Casen-Bazar. Not but that he would have paid me my Money at Daca; but the Hollanders, who understood things better than I did, told me it was very dangerous to carry Mony to Casen-Bazar, whither there was no going, but over the Ganges by water, the way by land being full of Bogs and Fens. And to go by water is no less dangerous, by reason that the Boats which they use, are very apt to tip over upon the least storm: And when the Mariners perceive that you carry Money along with you, 'tis an easy thing for them to overset the Boat, and afterwards to come and take up the Money that lies but at the bottom of the River.

The twentieth, I took leave of the Nahab, who desir'd me to come and see him again, and caus'd a Pass to be deliver'd me, wherein he gave me the title of one of the Gentlemen of his house, which he had done before, when he was Go­vernor of Amadabat, when I went to him, to the Army, in the Province of Decan, into which the Raja-seva-gi was enter'd, as I shall relate in another place. By ver­tue of these Passes I could travel over all the Countries of the great Mogul, as being one of his Houshould.

The one and twentieth, the Hollanders made a great Feast for my sake; to which they invited the English, and some Portuguese's, together with the Austin-Friers of the same Nation.

The two and twentieth, I made a Visit to the English, whose President then was Mr. Prat.

From the twenty-third to the twenty-ninth, I brought up Goods, to the value of 11000 Roupies; and after I had embark'd them, I took my leave.

The twenty-ninth, in the evening, I departed from Daca, the Hollanders bear­ing me company for two leagues, with their little Barques Arm'd: Nor did we spare the Spanish-Wine all that time. Having been upon the River from the twenty-ninth of January to the eleventh of February, I left my Goods and Ser­vants at the Barque at Acerat; where I took a Boat that carri'd me to a great Village call'd Mirdapour.

The next day I hir'd an Horse for my self, but not finding another for my Lug­gage, I was forc'd to hire two Women, who carri'd it for me. That evening I ar­riv'd at Casen-Basar, where I was welcom'd by Menheir Arnold Van Wachttendonk, Director of all the Holland-Factories in Bengala, who invited me to lie at his House.

The fourteenth, Menheir Wachttendonk return'd to Ouguely, where is the Gene­ral Factory. The same day one of my Servants brought me word that my People and Goods, which I had left behinde in the Barque, had been in very [Page 57] great danger, by reason of the high Winds that had blown for two days to­gether.

The fifteenth, the Hollanders lent me a Pallekis, to go to Madesou-basarki. This was a great Town three Leagues from Casen-basar, where lay Cha-Est-Kan's Receiver General, to whom I presented my Bill of Exchange. He told me it was very good, and that he would willingly have paid me, had he not receiv'd order the night before, not to pay me, in case he had not paid me al­ready. He did not tell me the reason that mov'd Cha-Est-Kan to act in that manner; so that I went home to my Lodging infinitely surpriz'd at his pro­ceeding.

The sixteenth, I wrote to the Nahab, to know the reason why he had for­bad his Receiver General to pay me.

The seventeenth in the evening, I took water for Ougueli, in a Bark of four­teen Oars, which the Hollanders lent me; and that night and the next I lay upon the River.

The ninteenth toward evening, I pass'd by a large Town call'd Nandi, far­ther than which the Sea does not flow. Here the Wind blew so fiercely, and the water grew so rough, that we were forc'd to stay three or four hours, and ly by the shore.

The twentieth, I arriv'd at Ougueli, where I stay'd till the second of March. During which time the Hollanders bid me very welcome, and made it their business to shew me all the divertisements which the Country was capable to afford. We went several times in Pleasure-Boats upon the River, and we had a Banquet of all the Delicacies that the Gardens of Europe could have afforded us. Salads of all sorts, Colewarts, Asparagus, Pease, but our chiefest Dish was Japon Beans; the Hollanders being very curious to have all sorts of Pulse and Herbs in their Gardens, though they could never get Artichokes to grow in that Country.

The second of March I left Ougueli, and the fifth arriv'd at Casenbasar.

The next day I went to Madesou-Barsaki, to know whether the Nahab had sent any other orders to his Receiver. For I told you a little before, that I wrote upon the place to Cha-Est-Kan, to complain of his proceedings, and to know the reason why my Bill of Exchange was not paid. The Director of the Holland Factories writ a Letter also in my behalf, which I enclosed, wherein he represented to the Nahab, that I was too well known to him, as having been formerly with him at Amadabat, in the Army in Decan, and other places, do deserve such hard usuage. That he ought to consider, that I being the only person that brought the chiefest rarities of Europe to the Indies, it was not the way to make me eager of returning any more, as he himself had invited me to do, to send me away in a discontent. Besides, that the credit of my report would discourage others from coming to the Indies, fearing the same usuage as I had receiv'd. Neither mine nor the Directors Letter produc'd that effect which we expected. Nor was I much better satisfi'd with the new order which the Nahab sent to his Receiver; which was to pay me, abating twenty thousand Roupies of the sum which we had agreed upon; and if I would not take the remainder, that I might come and fetch my goods again.

This ill dealing of the Nahab, proceeded from a scurvy trick that was play'd me by three Canary-birds at the Great Mogul's Court. The story whereof was thus in short.

Aurengzeb, that now reigns, at the instigation of two Persians and a Banian, has brought up a custom very much to the disadvantage of Merchants, that come out of Europe, and other parts, to sell Jewels at Court. For whether they come into India either by Land or Sea, the Governour of the place where they first arrive, has order to send them to the King, together with their goods, whether they will or no. As the Governour of Surat dealt by me, in the year 1665, sending me to Dehli, or Jehanabad, where the King was. There were then attending upon his Majesty, two Persians and a Banian, who are entrusted to view and examine all the Jewels which are to be sold to the King. One of those Persians is call'd Nahab-Akel-Kan, that is, the Prince of the Spirit; who keeps all the Kings Jewels. The name of the other is [Page 56] Mirza-Mouson, whose business is to rate every stone. The Banian, whose name is Nalikan, is to see whether the Stones be false or not, or whether they have any defect. These three men have obtain'd a Licence from the King, to view, before ever he does, whatever forreign Merchants shall bring to Court, and to present their goods to him themselves. And though they are under an Oath not to take any thing from the Merchants, yet they extort whatever they can get from them, though it be their ruine. When they see any thing that is lovely, and likely to bring great profit, they would perswade you to sell it to them for less by half than the King is worth; and if you refuse to let them have it, when they are in the Kings presence, they will set a price upon it at half the value; knowing that Aurengzeb is not very covetous of Jewels, loving his Money far better. Upon the Kings Festival-day, of which I shall speak in another place, all the Princes and Nobility of the Court pre­sent him with most magnificent gifts. And when they cannot meet with Jewels, they send him Roupies of Gold, which the King likes far better than Stones; though Jewels are the more honourable present. Therefore when this Festival draws nigh, he issues out of his Treasury, a great quantity of Diamonds, Ru­bies, Emraulds, and Pearls, which he who is entrusted to prize the Stones, de­livers to several Merchents to sell to the Nobility, who are bound to present the King; by which means the King gets the Money and his Jewels again.

There is also another thing very disadvantageous to a Merchant Jeweller, which is, that when the King has seen the Stones, no Prince nor Nobleman that knows of it, will ever buy them. Besides, while these three persons, who are entrusted to view the Jewels, are considering and examining them at their Lodgings, several Banians resort thither, who are expert, some in Diamonds, some in Rubies, some in Emraulds, and others in Pearls, who write down the weight, goodness, cleanness, and colour of every piece. So that when a Mer­chant goes afterwards to any Prince or Governour of any Province, these people send them a note of what he has, and the price, which they set down at half the value. For in trade these Banians are a thousand times worse than the Jews; more expert in all sorts of cunning tricks, and more maliciously mischie­vous in their revenge. Now you shall hear what a trick these unworthy peo­ple serv'd me.

When I arriv'd at Gehanabad, one of them came to my Lodging, and told me, he had order from the King to see what I had brought, before I expos'd my goods in the Kings presence. They would have rather that the King had not been at Gehanabad, for they would have then endeavour'd to have bought them themselves, to gain thereby, by selling them again to the King, or the Nobility upon occasion; which they could never perswade me to. The next day they came to see me all three, one after another; and they would needs have of me, amongst other things, a Jewel of nine great Pearls, in the fashion of a Pear, the biggest whereof weigh'd thirty Carats, and the least sixteen; together with another single Pearl like a Pear, of fifty-five Carats. As for the Jewel▪ the King took it; but for the single Pearl, they finding that what­ever they could say, I would not be wrought upon to sell them any bargains, so order'd it, that before I had shew'd my Jewels to the King, Giafer-Kan the Kings Unckle saw, and kept it, telling me he would give me as good a price as the King; and desir'd me not to speak of it, for indeed he had a de­sign to make a present to the King.

When the King had made choice of such of my Jewels as he pleas'd, Giafer-Kan bought of me several pieces, and at the same time agreed with me for the great Pearl. Some days after he paid me, according as we had agreed, ex­cept for the Pearl, upon which he would have abated me ten thousand Rou­pies. For the two Persians and the Banian had malitiously inform'd him, that at my first arrival, they could have bought the Pearl for eight or ten thousand Roupies less than I had valu'd it to him; which was absolutely false. There­upon Giafer-Kan telling me, that if I would not take his Money, I might have my Jewel again; I took him at his word, assuring him, he should never see it again as long as he liv'd. And I was as good as my word. And indeed that which made me the more resolute was, that I was resolv'd to carry some­thing [Page 59] which was considerable to Cha-Est-Kan; for could I have had my li­berty upon my arrival at Surat to have gone to him, I would never have seen the King at Gehanabad; about which I had a very great quarrel with the Go­vernour of Surat. For when I came to visit him, he told me presently, that the case was alter'd from what it had been since my last being there, for that the King was resolv'd to have the first view of all Curiosities imported into his Kingdom. I was above four Months contending in vain with the Gover­nour; but nothing would serve; I must go to the King, and for fear I should take another Road, he sent fifteen Horsemen along with me as far as Sha­laour.

When I went for Bengala, these Overseers of the Jewels, out of meer spite, and, it may be, set on by Giafar-Kan, to be reveng'd of me for denying to let him have my Jewel, writ to Cha-Est-Kan, that I intended to shew him certain Jewels, among the rest a very fair Pearl, which I had sold to Giafer-Kan; but that he had given it me again, because he understood that I would have made him pay for it, ten thousand Roupies more than it was worth. They wrote also the particular proportion of all the other Stones which I carry'd. And upon this false and malicious advice it was, that Cha-Est-Kan, who receiv'd not this informa­tion till he had deliver'd me my Bill of Exchange, would abate me for my whole parcel, twenty thousand Roupies, which he reduc'd at length to ten thousand; and well I had it too.

Since I told you before, what a Present I gave to Cha-Est-Kam; I think it not amiss to tell you, what I gave the King, to Nehab Giafer-Kan, to the Eunuch of the Grand Begum, Aurengzeb's Sister, the Great Treasurer, and the Porters of the Treasury. For you must take notice, that whoever he be, that craves Audience of the King, they ask him in the first place, where the Pre­sent is which he intends for the King; and examine whether it be fitting to present to his Majesty. For no man must come into his presence empty handed, though it be an honour dearly purchas'd. Coming then to Gehanabad, I went to make my obeisance to the King; and this is the Present which I made him.

In the first place, a Buckler of Brass highly emboss'd, and very richly guilt, the cost of the Guilding alone amounting to two hundred Ducats of Gold, or eighteen hundred Livres; the value of the whole piece coming to four thou­sand three hundred seventy eight Livres. In the middle thereof was the story of Curtius, who threw himself and his Horse into the Barathrum, when the Earth gap'd, near Rome. Round the outermost Circle of the Buckler, was re­presented the siege of Rochel. It was wrought by one of the best Workmen in France, by the order of the Cardinal Richlieu. All the great Lords that were about Aurengzeb at that time, were charm'd at the beauty of the Workman­ship, and told him, he could not do better, than to put it upon the great Ele­phant, which carry'd the Standard before his Majesty when he march'd into the Field.

I presented him also with a Battle-Axe of Chrystal of the Rock, the sides where­of were set with Rubies and Emraulds, enchas'd in Gold in the body of the Chry­stal, which cost three thousand one hundred and nineteen Livres.

Moreover, I presented him with a Saddle after the Turky fashion, embroider'd with little Rubies, Pearls, and Diamonds, which cost two thousand eight hundred and ninety-two Livres.

I presented him also with another Saddle and Foot-cloath, embroider'd with Gold and Silver, to the value of one thousand seven hundred and thirty Livers. The whole Present amounting to twelve thousand one hundred and nineteen Livres.

The Present which I made to Giafar-Kan, the Great Mogul's Unkle, was a Ta­ble, with other nineteen pieces to make a Cabinet, all natural Stones, of divers co­lours, representing the shapes of several Birds and Flowers. The work was made at Florence, and cost two thousand one hundred and fifty Livres.

A perfect Ruby Ring, which cost one thousand and three hundred Livres.

To the great Treasurer, I presented a Watch in a Gold Case, set with small Emraulds, at seven hundred and twenty Livres.

[Page 60] To the Porters of the Kings Treasury, and those that deliver out the Money out of the Treasury, two hundred Roupies, at three hundred Livres.

To the Eunuch of the Great Begum, Sister to Aurengzeb, a Watch in a painted Case, which cost two hundred and sixty Livres.

All these Presents which I made, as well to the Great Mogul, as to Cha-Est-Kan, Giafer-Kan, his Majesties Uncles; as also the Great Treasurer, to the Ste­wards of the Houses of the Kan's, and those that brought me twice the Calaat, or Habit of Honour from the King, and as many times from the Begum his Si­ster, and once from Giafar Kan; all these Presents, I say, came to twenty-three thousand one hundred fourscore and seven Livres. So true it is, that they who have any business to do at the Court of the great Princes, as well in Turky as in Persia and in the Indies, must not pretend to do any thing in reference to their affairs, till they have their Presents, and those very considerable, ready. Besides, that his Purse must be continually open to divers Officers of meaner reputation, who may be able to serve him. I did not mention in my first Volume the Pre­sent which I made to him that brought me the Calaat from the King of Persia, to whom I gave two hundred Crowns.

CHAP. IX.
The Road from Surat to Golconda.

I Have made several journeys to Golconda, and have taken several Roads; sometimes by Sea embarking from Ormus for Malispata; sometimes setting out from Agra, but most often from Surat, which is the chiefest landing-place of Indolstan. But in this Chapter I will only speak of the common Road from Surat to Golconda; wherein I comprehend that of Agra; which Road comes in at Dultabat, as I shall afterwards relate, making mention only of two journeys which I made in 1645, and 1652, for fear of tiring the Reader.

I departed from Surat in the year 1645, upon the nineteenth of January, and came to lye at Cambari, costes3
From Cambari to Barnoli, costes9
From Barnoli to Beara, costes12
From Beara to Navopour, costes16
This is the place where grows the best Rice in the World, that smells like Musk. 
From Navapour to Rinkula, costes18
From Rinkula to Pipelnar, costes8
From Pipelnar to Nimpour, costes17
From Nimpour to Patane, costes14
From Patane to Secoura, costes14
From Secoura to Baquela, costes10
From Baquela to Discon, costes10
From Discon to Dultabat, costes10

Dultabat is one of the best Fortresses in the Kingdoms of the Great Mogul, upon a Mountain every way steep; the only way to it being so narrow, that but one Horse, or one Camel can go at a time. This City is at the foot of the Mountain, very well wall'd. And this place of such importance, which the Mogul's lost, when the Kings of Golconda and Visapour revolted from them, was retaken in the Reign of Jehan-guire, by a subtle stratagem. Sultan Courom, who was afterwards call'd Cha-jehan, commanded in Decan the Army of the King his Father; and Ast-Kan, Father in Law to Cha-Est-Kan, who was one of the Generals, gave the Prince some sort of language which so highly offended him, that immediately sending for one of his Papouche's, or Shoo's, he caus'd him to have six blows given him upon the Bonnet; which among the Indians is the [Page 61] highest indignity can be put upon a man, after which he is no more to appear in the Prince's presence. This was done by consent between the Prince and the General, to deceive the World, more especially any Spies which the King of Visapour might have in the Prince's Army. The report of Ast-Kan's disgrace was immediately spread abroad: and he himself flying for Sanctuary to the King of Visapour, who had not cunning enough to discern the imposture, was welcom'd by the same King, and assur'd of his protection. Ast-Kan seeing himself so well receiv'd, begg'd leave of the King, that he might retire with ten or twelve of his Women, and as many of his Servants, into the Fortress of Dultabat, which was granted. He enter'd the Town with eight or ten Camels, the two Cajava's or Litters on each side of the Camel being close shut, to keep the Women from being seen. But instead of Women, he had put into every Cajava two Souldiers, all bold and resolv'd men, as were also every one of the suppos'd Eunuchs that led the Camels: so that he had no great difficulty to cut the Garrison in pieces, not being upon their guard; and to make himself Master of the place, which has been ever since under the Power of the Great Mogul. There are in the place a great number of excellent Pieces of Cannon, and the Cannoniers are generally English or Hollanders. True it is, that there is one little Mountain higher than the Fortress; but there is hardly any way to it, but through the same Fortress. There was a Dutch Engineer, who after he had serv'd the King fifteen or sixteen years, desir'd leave to be gone, and the Holland-Company it self, that had recom­mended him to the Service, did all they could to obtain it; but they could ne­ver procure it; because he was an excellent Cannonier, and very skilful in make­ing Fire-works. The Raja Jesseing, who is the most Potent of all the Idolatrous Princes of India, and who was most powerfully Instrumental to put the Crown upon Aureng-zeb's Head, was sent as Generalissimo of the Army of this King, against the Raja Seva-gi; and passing by the Fortress of Dultabat, this Dutch­guis, as well as he. The Hollander laying hold of this opportunity, told the Raja, that if he would procure him a Licence to depart, he would shew him a way to get up a Cannon, and to mount them upon that Mountain which commanded the Fortress: for they had already wall'd it about, and put Souldiers upon it to keep it secure. The Raja pleas'd with his proposal, assur'd him that he would procure him the King's Licence, if he perform'd what he had propos'd. Thereupon the Hollander undertaking and accomplishing his design, the Raja was as good as his word, and obtain'd of the King to dismiss the Dutch-Cannonier: who came to Surat when I was there, about the beginning of the year 1667; whence he em­bark'd for Holland.

From Dultabat to Aureng-abat, costes4
Aureng-abat was formerly but a Village, till Aureng-zeb made it a City, though it be not wall'd. It grew to be thus enlarg'd, as well by reason of a Lake two leagues about, upon which the Village is built, as for the Memorys-sake of his first Wife, who is dead, by whom he had his Children. She is Interr'd toward the end of the Lake, upon the West-side, where the King has built a Mosquee, with a stately Monument, and a fair Inn. The Mosquee and the Monument were rear'd at a great expence, being cover'd with white-Marble, which is brought from Lahor by Waggon; being a journey of four Months. Going one time from Surat to Golconda, I met five days journey from Aureng-abat, more than three hundred Waggons laden with this Marble, the least wherof was drawn by twelve Oxen. 
From Aureng-abat to Pipoli, costes8
From Pipoli to Aubar, costes12
From Aubar to Guisemner, costes10
From Guisemner to Asti, costes12
From Asti to Sarver, costes16
From Sarver to Lesona, costes16
From Lesona to Nadour, costes12

At Nadour you must cross a River which runs into Ganges; and pay for every Waggon four Roupies; besides that, you must have a pass from the Gover­nour.

[Page 62]

From Nadour to Patonta, costes9
From Patonta to Kakeri, costes10
From Kakeri to Satapour, costes10
From Satapour to Sitanaga, costes12
From Sitanaga to Satanagar, costes10
At Satanagar you begin to enter upon the Territories of the King of Gol­conda. 
From Satanagar to Melvari, costes16
From Melvari to Girballi, costes12
From Girballi to Golconda, costes14
So that from Surat to Golconda, there are, costes324

All this I travell'd in twenty-seven days. I made five journeys more in my Travels in the year 1653. And I also took another Road from Piplenar, where I arriv'd the eleventh of March, setting out from Surat, the sixth.

The twelfth, to Birgam.

The thirteenth, to Omberat.

The fourteenth, to Enneque-Tenque, a strong Fortress, that bears the name of two Indian Princesses. It stands upon a Mountain steep every way; there being but one ascent to it upon the East-side. Within the enclosed compass of the Walls there is a large Pond, and Ground enough to sow for the maintenance of five or six-hundred men. But the King keeps no Garrison therein, so that it falls to ruine.

The fifteenth, to Geroul.

The sixteenth, to Lazour, where you are to cross a River; upon which, about a Cannons-shot from the fording-place, are to be seen several large Pagods of the Countrey, whither great numbers of Pilgrims repair every day.

The seventeenth, to Aureng-abad.

The eighteenth, to Pipelgan, or Piply.

The nineteenth, to Ember.

The Twentieth, to Deogan.

The one and twentieth, to Patris.

The two and twentieth, to Bargan.

The three and twentieth, to Palam.

The four and twentieth, to Candear, a large Fortress, but upon one side com­manded by an high Mountain.

The five and twentieth, to Gargan.

The six and twentieth, to Nagooni.

The seven and twentieth, to Indove.

The eight and twentieth, to Indelvai.

The nine and twentieth, to Regivali. Between these two last places there is a little River which separates the Territories of the Great Mogul, from the Domi­nions of the King of Golconda.

The thirtieth, to Masapkipet.

The one and thirtieth, to Mirel-mola-kipet.

To go from Agra to Golconda, you must go to Brampour, according to the Road already describ'd from Brampour to Dultabat, which is five or six days journeys off; and from Dultabat to those other places before set down.

You may also take another Road to go from Surat to Golconda; that is to say, through Goa and Visapour; as I shall inform you in the particular relation of my journey to Goa. I come now to what is most worthy of observation in the Kingdom of Golconda: And to relate what happen'd in the last Wars the King maintain'd against his Neighbours, during the time that I have known the Indies.

CHAP. X.
Of the Kingdom of Golconda, and the Wars which it has maintain'd for some few years last past.

THE whole Kingdom of Golconda, take it in general, is a good Country, abounding in Corn, Rice, Cattel, Sheep, Poultry, and other necessaries for human life. In regard there are great store of Lakes in it, there is also great store of Fish. Above all the rest, there is a sort of Smelt, that has but one bone in the middle, which is most delicious food. Nature has contributed more than Art, toward the making these Lakes, whereof the Country is full; which are generally in places somewhat rais'd, so that you need do no more than make a lit­tle Dam upon the plain-side to keep in the water. These Dams or Banks are some­times half a league long: and after the rainy seasons are over, they open the Sluces from time to time to let out the water into the adjacent Fields, where it is receiv'd by divers little Channels to water particular grounds.

Bagnager is the name of the Metropolis of this Kingdom; but vulgarly it is call'd Golconda, from the name of a Fortress, not above two leagues distant from it, where the King keeps his Court. This Fortress is about two leagues in cir­cuit, and by consequence requires a numerous Guard. It is as it were a Town where the King keeps his Treasure: having left Bagnagar, ever since it was sack'd by the Army, which Aureng-zeb brought against it.

Bagnagar is then the City, which they vulgarly call Golconda; and it was foun­ded by the great Grandfather of the present King; upon the importunity of one of his Wives, whom he passionately lov'd, whose name was Nagar. Before that, it was only a place of Pleasure, where the King had very fair Gardens, till at length his Wife continually representing to him the delicacies of the situation for the building a City and a Palace, by reason of the River; he laid the foundations, and order'd that it should bear the name of his Wife, calling it, Bag-Nagar, that is to say, the Garden of Nagar. This City lies in seventeen degrees of Eleva­tion, wanting two minutes. The Country round about is a slat Country, only neer the City are several Rocks, as you see about Fontain-Bleau. A great River washes the Walls of the City upon the South-west-side, which, neer to Maslipa­tan, falls into the Gulf of Bengala. At Bagnagar you cross this River over a Bridg no less beautiful than Pont-Neuf at Paris. The City is little less than Or­leans, well-built, and full of Windows. There are many fair large Streets, but not being well-pav'd, they are dusty, as are all the Cities of Persia and India, which is very offensive in the Summer.

Before you come to the Bridg, you must pass through a large Suburb, call'd Erengabad, about a league in length; where live all the Merchants, the Brokers, Handicraft-Trades, and in general, all the meaner sort of people; The City being inhabited only by persons of Quality, Officers of the King's House, Ministers of Justice, and Officers of the Army. From ten or eleven in the foren [...]n, till four or five in the evening, the Merchants, Brokers, and Work­men co [...] into the City to trade with the Forreign Merchants; after which time they return to their own Houses. In the are Suburb two or three fair Mosquees, which serve for Inns for the Forreigners, besides several Pagods in the Neighbour­ing-parts. Through the same Suburb lies the way to the Fortress of Gol­conda.

So soon as you are over the Bridg, you enter into a large Street, that leads you to the King's Palace. On the right-hand are the Houses of some Lords of the Court; and four or five Inns two Stories-high: wherein there are fair Halls and large Chambers to let in the fresh Air. At the end of this Street there is a large Piazza; upon which stands one of the sides of the Palace; in the middle whereof there is a Balcony, wherein the King comes to sit, when he pleases to give Audience to the People. The great Gate of the Palace stands not upon this Piazza, but upon another very neer adjoyning; and you enter first into a large [Page 64] Court surrounded with Portico's, under which lies the King's Guards. Out of this Court you pass into another, built after the same form, encompast with se­veral fair Apartments, the Roofs whereof are terrass'd. Upon which, as upon those where the Elephants are kept, there are very fair Gardens, wherein there grow Trees of that bigness, that it is a thing of great wonder, how those Arches should bear so vast a burthen.

About fifty years since, they began to build a magnificent Pagod in the City; which would have been the fairest in all India, had it been finish'd. The Stones are to be admir'd for their bigness: And that wherein the Nich is made, which is on that side where they say their Prayers, is an entire Rock, of such a prodigious bulk, that it was five years before five or six-hunder'd men, continually employ'd, could hew it out of its place. They were forc'd also to rowl it along upon an En­gine with Wheels, upon which they brought it to the Pagod; and several affirm'd to me▪ that there were fourteen-hunder'd Oxen to draw it. I will tell you here­after the reason it remains imperfect: For had it been finish'd, in all reason it had excell'd all the boldest Structures of Asia.

On the other side of the City, as you go to Maslipatan, there are two great Lakes, being each about a league in compass, wherein there ride several Pinks richly adorn'd for the King's Pleasure; and upon the Banks are several fair Houses that belong to the Principal Lords of the Court.

Upon three sides of the City stands a very fair Mosquee, wherein are the Tombs of the Kings of Golconda: and about four in the afternoon there is a Dole of Bread and Pilau to all the Poor that come. If you would see any thing that is rare, you must go to view these Tombs upon a Festival-day. For then from morning till night they are hung with rich Tapestry.

As for the Government and Policy which is observ'd in this City: In the first place, when a stranger comes to the Gates, they fearch him exactly, to see if he have any Salt or Tobacco about him; for those Commodities bring the King his greatest Revenue. Sometimes a Stranger shall wait a day or two, before he shall have leave to enter. For a Souldier first gives notice to the officer that com­mands the Guard, and then he sends to the Deroga, to know what he shall do. Now, because it many times happens that the Deroga is busy, or gone to take a walk out of the City, or else for that sometimes the Souldier himself pretends he cannot find the Deroga, only, to create himself more errands, to get the more Mo­ney; a Stranger is forc'd to endure all this delay, sometimes, as I have said before, for a day or two.

When the King sits to do Justice, I observe that he comes into the Balcone that looks into the Piazza, and all that have business stand below, just against the place where the King sits. Between the People and the Walls of the Palace are fix'd in the ground three rows of Poles, about the length of an Half-Pike, to the ends whereof they tye certain ropes a-cross one upon another. Nor is any person whatsoever permitted to pass beyond those bounds, unless he be call'd. This Bar, which is never set up, but when the King sits in Judgment, runs along the whole bredth of the Piazza; and just against the Balcone there is a Bar to open, to let in those that are call'd. Then two men, that each of them hold a Cord by the end, extended all the bredth of the passage, have nothing to do but to let f [...]ll the Cord, for any person that is call'd to step over it. A Secretary of Sta [...] [...]ts be­low under the bal [...]one, to receive all Petitions; and when he has five or six to­gether, he puts them in a Bag, and then an Eunuch, who stands in the Balcone neer the King, lets down a string, to which the Bag being ty'd, he draws it up, and pre­sents it to his Majesty.

Every Munday the chiefest of the Nobility mount the Guard, every one in their turn, and are never reliev'd till at the eight days end. There are some of these Lords that have five or six thousand men under their command; and they lye encamp'd in their Tents round about the City. When they mount the Guard, every one goes from his own Habitation to the Rendevouz; but when they are reliev'd, they march in good order over the Bridg, thence through the long Street into the Piazza, where they draw up before the Balcone. In the first place, march ten or twelve Elephants, more or less, ac­cording to the quality of the Captain of the Guard. There are some of these [Page 65] Elephants that carry Cages, which in some sort resemble the Body of a little Coach; there are others that have but one man to guide them, and another in the Cage who carries a Banner.

After the Elephants, follow the Camels by two and two, sometimes to the number of thirty or forty. Every Camel carries a kind of Packsaddle, upon which is fasten'd a little Culverine, which a certain Engineer, clad in a skin from head to foot, and sitting upon the Crupper of the Camel, with a lighted Match in his hand, dextrously manages from one side to another before the Balcone, where the King sits.

After them come the Coaches, attended by the Domestick Servants of the Commander: Next to them follow the lead-Horses, and then the Lord appears, to whom all this Equipage belongs, attended by ten or twelve Curtisans, that stay for him at the end of the Bridg, an [...]skip and dance before him to the Piazza. Behind him the Cavalry and infantry march in good order: which being a shew, wherein there was much of delight and state, all the while I staid at Bagnabar, which was about four Months, I had the divertisement to see them out of my Lodging in the great Street every week as they march'd by.

The Souldiers wear no other Clothes than only three or four ells of Calicut, with which they cover half their Bodies behind and before. They wear their hair very long, and tie it up in a knot upon the top of the crown, like the wo­men, who have no other Headgear than only a piece of Linnen with three cor­ners, one that comes to the middle of the head, and the other two, which they tie under their chins. The Souldiers do not wear Hangers or Scimitars like the Persians; but broad Swords like the Switzers, as well for a thrust, as a blow, which they hang in a Girdle. The Barrels of their Muskets are stronger than ours, and much neater; for their Iron is better, and not so subject to break. Their Cavalry carry Bows and Arrows, a Buckler and a Battel-Ax, an Headpiece and a Jacket of Mail, that hangs down from the Head-piece over their Shoul­ders.

There are so great a number of common Women as well in the City as in the Suburbs, and in the Fortress, which is like another City, that there are generally above twenty thousand set down in the Deroga's Book; without which licence, it is not lawful for any Woman to profess the Trade. They pay no tribute to the King; only they are oblig'd to come, a certain number of them, with their Go­verness, and their Musick every Friday, and present themselves before the Balcone. If the King be there, they dance before him. if he intend not to come, an Eunuch comes into the Balcone, and makes them a sign to retire. In the cool of the evening they stand at the doors of their Houses, which are for the most part little Huts, and when night comes, they set up a Candle or a lighted Lamp for a Signal: Then it is also that they open all the Shops where they sell Tari; which is a cer­tain drink made of the juice of a Tree, and is as Sweet as our new Wines. They fetch it some five or six league off, upon Horses, that carry two earthen-Bottles of each side, and trot at a great rate; of which there come every day to the City above five or six hunder'd. This King has a considerable Revenue by the Impost which he lays upon this Tari. And for that reason he permits so many common Women, in regard it is for their sake that so much Tari is consum'd; those that sell it, for that cause, keeping their Shops by those Houses.

These sort of Women are so nimble and active, that when the present King went to see Maslipatan, nine of them undertook to represent the figure of an Elephant; four making the four feet, four the body, and one the trunk; upon which the King, sitting in a kind of Throne, made his entry into the City.

All the Men and Women of Golconda are well proportion'd, and of comely, statures; and fair enough in their countenances; only the Country-people are a little more swart.

The present King of Golconda bears the Name of Abdoul-Coutou-Sha; and I will tell the Reader in a few words, from whence he drew his Original. In the Reign of Axbar King of India, the Father of Jehan-Guir, the Territories of the Great Moguls did not extend farther Southward then Narbider; so that the River which runs by it, and which coming from the South, empties it self into Ganges, separated their Dominions from the Territories of the Raja of Narsingue, that [Page 66] Itretch'd as far as Cape-Comorin, the other Raja's being only his Subjects and de­pending upon him. This Raja and his Successors have been always at Wars with them that succeeded to Tamerlane or Temur-leng in India; and their Power was so great, that the last Raja, who was at War with Akbar, brought into the Field four Armies under as many Generals. The most considerable of his Armies lay in those Provinces, which at this day are call'd the Kingdom of Golconda; the second was quarter'd in the Provinces of Visapour, the third in the Province of Dultabat, and the fourth in the Territories of Brampour. The Raja of Narsingue dying without Children, the four Generals divided among themselves the Countries which they possess'd with their Army, and took upon them the title of Kings, the one of Golcon­da, the other of Visapour, the other of Brampour, and the fourth of Dultabat. Though the Raja were an Idolater, nevertheless his four Generals were Mahumetans; and he of Golconda was of the Sect of Haly, descended from an Ancient Family of the Turcomans, which inhabit the Country of Hamadan in Persia. This General, as I have said, was more considerable than any of the rest; and some few days after the death of the Raja, they won a famous Victory from the Mogul; so that he could not hinder them from assuming their several Sovereignties. But after that, Jehan-Guir, the Son of Akbar, conquer'd again the Kingdom of Brampour, Cha-jehan the Son of Jehan-Guir recover'd the Kingdom of Dultabat, and Aureng-zeb the Son of Cha-jehan recover'd some part of the Kingdom of Visapour. As for the King of Golconda, neither Cha-jehan, nor Aureng-zeb disturb'd him, but let him rest in peace, upon condition that he should pay to the Mogul an annual tribute of 200000 Pagods. At present the greatest Raja on this side Ganges is the Raja of Velou, whose Territories extend to Cape-Comorin, and who succeeded to some part of the Territories of the Raja of Narsingue: But in regard there is no Trade in his Country, and by consequence no concourse of strangers, there is little notice taken of him. The present King of Golconda has no Sons, but three Daughters, who are all married.

The eldest Espous'd one of the Kinsmen of the Grand-Chek of Mecca. Nor must we forget some passages that fell out before this Marriage. The Check coming to Golconda in the habit of a Faquir, for some Months lodg'd without the Gate of the Palace, disdaining to give any answer to several Courtiers, that demanded what his business was. At length the thing being made known to the King, he sent his chief Physitian, who spoke good Arabick, to know of the Chek what he had to request, and the reason of his coming. The Physitian, and some other Lords of the Court that discours'd him also, finding him to be a person of great Wit and Learning, brought him to the King, who was very well satisfi'd with his aspect and his presence. But at length the Chek declaring to him, that he came to Espouse the Princess; that proposal very much surpriz'd the Prince, and was look'd upon by the greatest part of the Court, as made by a person not well in his wits. At first the King only laugh'd at him. But when he found him ob­stinately persevering in his demand, in-so-much that he threatn'd the Countrey with some strange Calamity, if the Princess were not given to him in Marriage, he was committed to Prison, where he lay a long time. At length the King thinking it more to the purpose to send him back into his own Countrey, caus'd him to be ship'd away at Maslipatan, in a Vessel that carri'd Goods and Pilgrims to Moc­ca, whence they travel by land to Mecca. About two years after the same Chek return'd again to Golconda, and order'd his affairs so well, that he Espous'd the Princess, and won an high reputation in the Kingdom, which he governs at this day, and is very Potent. He it was that kept the King from surrendring the For­tress of Golconda, whither he was retir'd, when Aureng-zeb and his Son took Bag­nabar, as I shall tell you by and by, threatning to kill him, if he would not resolve to hold it out, and not deliver the keys to the enemy. This bold action was the reason which made the King love him ever afterwards; and that he takes his counse in all weighty affairs, not as he is the King's Son-in-Law, but as he is a great Minister of State, and the chiefest person, next the King, in all the Court. He it was that has put a stop to the finishing the great Pagod in Bagnagar, having threaten'd the whole Kingdom with some great Calamity, if they went forward with the work. This Prince is a passionate Lover of all those that profess the Mathematicks, and understands them as well. For which reason, though he be [Page 67] a Mahumetan, he is a great Favourer of all the Christians, who are vers'd in that Science, as he has particularly testifi'd to Father Ephraim, a Capuchin, passing through Golconda for Pegu, whither he was sent by his Superiors. He did all he could to oblige him to stay in the Country, and offer'd to build him a House and a Church at his own expences; telling him, he should neither want employ­ment, nor Hearers, in regard there were several Portuguese Christians, and seve­ral Armenians that came thither to trade. But Father Ephraim having a particu­lar Order to go to Pegu, could not accept of his Offer; yet when he went to take his leave of the Check, he presented him with a Calaat, the most noble that was in his Wardrobe; being the whole habit; the Cap, the Cabay or large Vest, the Arcalou or short Cassock, two pair of Drawers, two Shirts, and two Scarfs, which they wear about their necks, and over their heads to keep off the heat of the Sun. The Friar was surpriz'd at the present, and gave the Check to understand, that it was not proper for him to wear it: however the Check would force him to take it, telling him he might accommodate some of his Friends with it. Two months after Father Ephraim bestow'd the same Present upon me, be­ing at Surat; for which I return'd him thanks.

The Check seeing he could not detain the Father, and unwilling he should go a­foot from Golconda to Maslipatan, oblig'd him to take an Oxe, with two Men to lead it; and because he could not perswade him to take also thirty Pagods, which he presented the Father withall, he commanded the two men, when they came to Maslipatan, to leave the Oxe and the thirty Pagods with him, which they did very punctually; for otherwise at their return to Golconda, they had forfeited their lives. I will finish the History of Father Ephraim, when I come to the description of Goa, which is the principal place that the Portugals have in the Indies.

The second Daughter of the King of Golconda was married to Sultan Ma­humad, the eldest Son of Aurengzeb; the occasion whereof was this: Mir­gimola, Generalissimo of the King of Golconda's Army, and who had been very serviceable to his Master, to settle the Crown upon his head, according to the custom, left with the King as a mark of his fidelity, both his Wife and Chil­dren in Hostage; for he was sent to reduce certain Raja's in Bengala, that were in Rebellion. He had several Daughters, but only one Son, who had a great train, and made a great noise at Court. The reputation and riches which Mir­gimola had gain'd, rais'd him up several Enemies, who endeavour'd in his ab­sence to ruine him, and to put him out of the Kings favour. They pretended that the great power of Mirgimola was very much to be suspected; that all his designs tended to dethrone him, and to settle the Kingdom of Golconda up­o [...] his own Son; that it behov'd him not to stay till the remedy were past cure, but to rid himself of an Enemy, so much the more to be fear'd, the closer he kept his intentions; and that the shortest and best way was to poyson him. The King being easily perswaded, gave them leave and authority to act as they pleas'd for his security; but having miss'd of their design for three or four times together, Mirgimola's Son began to smell the plot; and immediately gave advice thereof to his Father. It is not known what instructions he receiv'd from his Father; but so soon as he had his answer, he went to the King, and spoke boldly to him, taxing him with the services which his Father had done him, and that without his assistance he had never come to the Crown. The young Lord, naturally of a fiery disposition, kept on this discourse, so displeasing to the King, till at length his Majesty flung away; and the Lords that were present, fell upon the young man, and basely misus'd him. At the same time also he was arrested and committed to prison, together with his Mother and Sisters. Which action, as it made a great noise at Court, coming to Mirgimola's ears, so in­cens'd him, that having an Army under his command, and being belov'd by the Soldiers, he resolv'd to make use of the advantages he had, to revenge him­self for the injury done him. He was then not far from Bengala, being sent, as I said before, to reduce certain Raja's to obedience, whose Territories lye upon the Ganges; and Sultan-Sujah, Cha-jehan's second Son, being then Gover­nour of Bengala, the General thought it his best way to address himself to him; as being the next Prince, with whom he might join his Forces against [Page 68] the King of Golconda, whom he look'd upon now no more as his Master, but as one of his most inveterate Enemies. Thereupon he wrote to the Prince to this effect: That if he would join with him, he would give him an opportu­nity to possess himself of the whole Kingdom of Golconda; and that he should not neglect so fair an opportunity to enlarge the Dominions of the Great Mo­gul, the succession whereof might as well concern him, as any of the rest of his Brothers. But the answer which Sultan-Sujah sent him, was contrary to his expectation; who told him, that he could not tell how to trust a person, who as he went about to betray his King, might more easily be drawn to be­tray a Foreign Prince, whom he had inveigl'd only for the sake of his Re­venge; and that therefore he should not rely upon him. Upon Sultan-Sujah's refusal, Mirgimola wrote to Aurengzeb, who was then in his Government of Brampoure, who being not so nice as his Brother, accepted of the proposal that was made him. Thus while Mirgimola advanc'd with his Troops toward Bag­nabar, Aurengzeb hasten's toward Decan, and both Armies being join'd, they came to the Gates of Bagnabar before the King was in a posture to receive them. He had only time to retreat into his Fortress of Golconda, to which Aurengzeb, after he had rifl'd the City of Bagnabar, and plunder'd the Palace, lay'd a close Siege. The King seeing himself thus vigorously press'd, sent away to Mirgimola his Wife and Children very honourably. For there is vertue and generosity in the Indians, as well as in the Europeans; of which I will give you an illustrious Example in the person of the King of Golconda. Some days after the Enemy had besieg'd the Fortress, a Canoneer espying Aurengzeb upon his Elephant, riding about to view the Fortifications of the Castle, told the King, being then upon the Bastion, that if he pleas'd he would fetch off Aurengzeb with a Canon-shot; and at the same time was about to give fire; but the King holding his hand, told him he perceiv'd it well enough, but that it behov'd Kings to be better Husbands of the Lives of Princes. The Canoneer obey'd the King, and instead of shooting at Aurengzeb, he took off the Head of the General of his Army, who was a little before him; which put a stop to the Assault they were about to have giv'n, the Army being in a confusion upon his death. Abdul-jaber-Beg, General of the King of Golconda's Army, lying not far from the Camp, with a flying Army of four thousand Horse, understanding the disorder of the Enemy by reason of the loss of their General, laid hold of so favourable an opportunity, gave them a desperate charge in that confusion, and putting them to the rout, persu'd them till night, for four or five Leagues. Some few days before the General's death, the King of Golconda finding that his provisions fail'd him in the Fortress, was about to have deliver'd the Keys; but as I said before, Mirza-Mahomed, his Son-in-Law, snatch'd them out of his hand, and threatned to kill him, if he persever'd in that resolution. Which was the reason, that the King who lov'd him not before▪ had ever after the greatest affection imaginable for him as long as he liv'd.

Aurengzeb being thus constrain'd to raise his Siege, stay'd some days to rally his Troops; and having receiv'd a recruit of fresh men, return'd again to the Siege, with new resolutions. But Mirgimola, who had still some kindness for the King remaining in his breast, would not permit Aurengzeb to use the ut­most extremity, but by his wit and good management gain'd a suspension of Arms.

Cha-jehan, the Father of Aurengzeb, had formerly had great kindnesses shew'n him by the King of Golconda, to whom he fled after he had lost the Battel, together with his eldest Brother, which he fought against Jehan-guir his Father, with whom he made War. The eldest Son was taken, and Jehan-guir caus'd his eyes to be put out; but Cha-jehan being more wary, fled, and was entertain'd by the King of Golconda, with whom he enter'd into a particular and strict friendship; Cha-jehan making an Oath to his Benefactor, that he would never wage War against him upon any occasion whatever. Mirgimola there­fore knowing that it would be no difficult thing to bring two Kings, that were Friends, to an accommodation, wrought underhand with both, toward the con­clusion of a Peace. And he so brought his business about, that the King of Gol­conda writ a Letter first to Cha-jehan, wherein he submissively requested him [Page 69] to be an Arbitrator between Aurengzeb and him, promising to submit wholly to him, and to sign such Articles as he should propose. By the same policy of Mir­gimola, Cha-jehan was advis'd, in answer to the King of Golconda's Letter to pro­pose a Match between his second Daughter and Sultan Mahomed, the Son of Au­rengzeb, upon condition that after the death of the King her Father, the Son-in-Law should inherit the Kingdom of Golconda. This proposition being accepted, the Peace was concluded, and the Nuptials celebrated with an extraordinary Magnificence. As for Mirgimola, he quitted the service of the King of Golconda, and went with Aurengzeb to Brampour. Soon after Cha-jehan made him his Prime Minister of State, and Generalissimo of his Armies; and he it was that so potently assisted Aurengzeb to get the Crown, by the defeat of Sultan-Sujah. For Mirgimola was a person of great wit, and no less understanding in Military than in State affairs. I had occasion to speak with him several times; and I have no less admir'd his justice, than his dispatch to all people that had to do with him; while he gave out several Orders, and sign'd several Dispatches at the same time, as if he had but one entire business in hand.

The other Princess of Golconda was promis'd to Sultan Sejed, another Chek of Mecca; and the Match went on so fairly, that the day was appointed for the ce­lebration of the Nuptials; but Abdoul-Jaber-Beg, General of the Army, with six other Lords, went to the King to divert him from his intention; and they brought it so to pass, that the Match was broken off, and the Princess was given in Mar­riage to Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing, the Kings Cousin; by whom she has two Sons, which have wholly annull'd the Pretensions of Aurengzeb's Son; whose Father now keeps him in Prison, in the Fort of Gavaleor, for having taken his Uncle Sultan Sujah's part against him. The Princess had been given before to Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing, but for his debauchery, which render'd him little regarded by the King. But since his marriage he is very much reclaim'd.

Now the King of Golconda does not stand in so much fear of the Moguls; for in imitation of them, he keeps his Money in his own Country, and has already hoarded up a Treasury sufficient to maintain his Wars. Besides, he is altogether addicted to the Sect of Haly, so that he will not wear a Bonner, like the other Mahumetans, because they say Haly wore none; but another sort of attire for the head. Which is the reason that the Persians, that come into India to seek their fortune, apply themselves rather to the King of Golconda then to the Great Mogul. Such is the condition of the King of Visapour also, whom the Queen, Si­ster to the King of Golconda, takes care to educate in the Sect of Haly, which in­vites great numbers of Persians into her Service.

CHAP. XI.
The Road from Golconda to Maslipatan, al. Masalipatan.

FRom Maslipatan they count it an hundred costes or leagues, taking the right way. But if you go by the Diamond-Mine, which in the Persian Language is call'd Coulour, in the Indian, Gani; they reckon it an hundred and twelve leagues: and this is the Road which I generally took.

From Golconda to Tenara, costes

Tenara is a sweet place, where there are four very fair Houses, to every one of which belongs a large Garden. One of the four standing upon the left hand along the High-way, is much more beautiful then any of the other three. It is built of Free-stone two stories high, wherein there are several fair Galleries, Halls, Par­lors, and lodging-Chambers. Before the front of the House is a large four-square Piazza, little inferior to the Place Royale in Paris. Upon every one of the other three fronts there is a great Portal, on each side whereof there is a fair Platform rais'd from the earth above four or five-foot-high, and well-Arch'd, where Tra­vellers of Quality are lodg'd. On the top of each Portal there is a strong Ba­luster, [Page 70] and a little Chamber for the Ladies. When Persons of Quality care not to be in their Houses, they set up Tents in their Gardens; and you must take notice that there is no dwelling for any person but only in the three Houses; for the fourth, which is the fairest, belongs only to the Queen. When she is not there however, any body may see it, and take a walk in the Garden, which is a very lovely place, and well-stor'd with water. The whole Piazza is encompast with several Chambers for the lodging of poor Travellers; who every day to­ward the evening have an Alms bestow'd upon them, of Rice, or Pulse, which they boil ready to their hands. But for the Idolaters that eat nothing which is provided by other hands, they give them flower to make Bread, and a little But­ter. For when their Bread is bak'd like a broad thin Cake, they dip it in the melted-Butter.

From Tenara to Jatenagar, costes12
From Jatenagar to Patengi, costes12
From Patengi to Pengeul, costes14
From Pengeul to Nagelpar, costes12
From Nagelpar to Lakabaron, costes11
From Lakabaron to Coulour or Gani, of which I shall speak in my discourse of the Mines, costes11
The greatest part of the way from Lakabaron to Coulour, especially when you come near to Coulour, is very rocky; so that I was forc'd in some places to take my Coach off the Carriages, which was presently done. If you meet with any good Earth between those Rocks, there you shall find Cassia-Trees, that bear the best Cassia, and the most laxative in all India. Which I found by its working with my men that eat of it by the way. 
There runs a great River by the Town of Coulour, which falls into the Gulf of Bengala near Maslipatan. 
From Coulour or Gani, to Kah-Kaly, costes12
From Kah-Kaly to Bezouar, costes6
Near to Bezouar you must repass the River of Coulour. 
From Bezouar to Vouchir, costes4
From Vouchir to Nilimor, costes4
About half the way between Vouchir and Nilimor, you must cross a great River upon a Float-boat of Timber, there being no other kind of Boat in that place. 
From Nilimor to Milmol, costes6
From Milmol to Maslipatan, costes4

Maslipatan is a great City, the Houses whereof are only of Wood, built at a distance from one another. The place it self, which stands by the Sea, is famous for nothing but the Road for Ships which belongs to it, which is the best in the Gulf of Bengala; and from hence they set Sail for Pegu, for Siam, for Aracan, for Bengala, for Cochinchine, for Mecca, and for Ormus, also for the Islands of Madagascar, Sumatra and the Manille's.

You must take notice, that from Golconda to Maslipatan, there is no travelling by Waggons, by reason of the high Mountains, Lakes and Rivers that make the Road very streight and impassable, 'Tis a very difficult thing to carry a little Coach thither; for I was forc'd to have my own taken off the Carriages, and so to have it lifted out of the bad way. The Road is every jot as bad between Golconda and Cape-Comorin; a Waggon being hardly so much as made mention of all the way; for that there is no other way to travel, or for the carriage of Goods, than with Horses and Oxen. But instead of Coaches, they have the con­venience of Pallekie's, wherein you are carried with more speed and more ease than in any part of India.

CHAP. XII.
The Road from Surat to Goa to Golconda through Visapour.

YOU may go from Surat to Goa, partly by Land, and partly by Sea. But the Road being very bad by Land, generally Travellers go by Sea, and hiring an Almadier, which is a Barque with Oars, they go by the Shoar to Goa: though sometimes the Malavares or Indian Pirats are very much to be fear'd all along those Coasts, as I shall tell you in due place.

The way from Surat to Goa, is not reckon'd by Costes, but by Gos, one of which makes four of our common Leagues.

From Surat to Daman, gos7
From Daman to Bassain, gos10
From Bassain to Chaoul, gos7
From Chaoul to Daboul, gos12
From Daboul to Rejapour, gos10
From Rejapour to Mingrela, gos9
From Mingrela to Goa, gos4
In all from Surat to Goa, gos61

The great danger which you run along the Coast, is the hazard of falling into the hands of the Malavares, who are violent Mahumetans, and very cruel to the Christians. I saw a bare-foot Carmelite-Friar who had been taken by those Pirats. This Friar, to get his ransom the sooner, they put to that kind of torture, that his right-arm was shorter by one half then his left, and so it was with one leg. The Captains do not give above six Crowns to every Souldier for the whole six months that they are usually out at Sea: Then the Souldiers may return home, and if their Captains will have them stay longer, they must allow ▪em more pay. They seldom venture out above 20 or 25 leagues at Sea, which is no great hazard of the Vessel. But sometimes the Portuguese's snap them, and then they either hang 'em up presently, or throw 'em over-board. These Malavares carry sometimes 200, sometimes 250 men, and they sail together in Squadrons of ten or fifteen Barques to attack a great Vessel, not caring a rush for the great Guns. They come board and board so suddenly, and cast such a quantity of Pots of Artificial Fire upon the deck, that if there be not speedy remedy appli'd, they will presently do a world of mischief. Generally our Seamen, knowing the custom of these Pirats, when they come within ken, presently shut up the Scuttles, and fill the deck with water, to hinder the Fire-Pots from doing execution.

An English Captain, whose name was Mr. Clark, coming from Bantam to Su­rat, not far from Cochin, met a Squadron of these Malavares, consisting of 25 or 30 of these [...]ques. Who came board and board, and vigorously attack'd him. The Captain seeing he could not withstand their first Fury, put fire to some Bar­rels of Powder, and blowing up the deck, blew a great number of the Pirats into the Sea. Nevertheless, the rest were nothing discourag'd, but boarded the Ship a second time. The English Captain seeing there was no help, put his men into two Shallops, and staying behind in his Cabin, where the Pirats could not enter so suddenly, he set fire to a Train which he had laid, that reach'd to all the rest of the Powder, and at the same time leaping into the Sea, was taken up by his own men. In the mean time the Ship being all a-fire, the Pyrats leapt into the Sea also. But for all this, the two Shallops, wherein there were about forty English, were taken by the rest of the Malavares, that were Fresh-men; and I was then at breakfast with the English President, Mr. Fremelin, when he receiv'd a Letter from Captain Clark, that he was a Slave to Samorin, who is the most considera­ble King all along the Pirats Coast. The Prince would not leave the English in the hands of those Scoundrels, knowing that they would have been in great dan­ger of their lives, by reason that above twelve-hunder'd Women had lost their Husbands, in the two times that the ship had been fir'd. However the King [Page 72] found a means to appease them, promising to each of them that had lost their Husbands two Piasters, every Piaster being four shillings apiece, which came to above two thousand four hundred Crowns, besides four thousand, which were to be paid for the Ransom of the Captain and the other Sea-men, immediately the President sent the Money, and I saw them at their return, some in health, others in violent Feavers. The Malavares are a People so superstitious, that they never touch any thing that is foul or soyl'd, with their Right Hands, but only with the Left, the Nails of which Fingers they let grow, and use instead of Combs, for they wear their Hair long like the Women, tying it about their Heads in wreaths, and binding it with a Linnen cloath with three corners.

Since I have mention'd Daman, I will tell you in a few words how that City was besieg'd by Aureng-Zeb the present Great Mogul. Some are of opinion that Elephants do great matters in War; which may▪ be sometimes true, but not al­ways; for very often instead of doing mischief to the Enemy, they turn upon those that Iead them, and rout their own party as Aureng-Zeb found by experi­ence, at the Siege of this City. He was twenty days before Daman, and re­solv'd at length to Storm it upon a Sunday, believing that the Christians were like the Jews and would not defend it upon that day. He that commanded the Place was an old Souldier, who had serv'd in France, and had three Sons with him. In the Town were eight hundred Gentlemen, and other stout Souldiers, who came from all parts to signalize their valour at that Siege. For though the Mogul had in his Army above forty thousand men, he could not hinder relief from being put into Daman by Sea, in regard that he wanted Ships: The Sun­day that the Prince intended to Storm, the Governour of Daman, as had been or­der'd at the Councel of War, caus'd Mass to be said presently after Midnight, and then made a Sally with all his Cavalry and some part of his Infantry, who were to fall on upon that quarter which was guarded by two hundred Elephants. Among those Elephants they flung a great number of Fire-works which so af­frighted them in the dark of the Night, that knowing not whither they went, nor being to be rul'd by their Governours, they turn'd upon the Besiegers with so much fury, that in less than two or three hours half the Army of Aureng-Zeb was cut in pieces, and in three days the Siege was rais'd; nor would the Prince after that, have any more to do with the Christians.

I made two Voyages to Goa, the one at the beginning of the year 1641. the second at the beginning of the year 1648. The first time I stay'd but five days, and return'd by Land to Surat. From Goa I went to Bicholly, which is upon the main Land, thence to Visapour, thence to Golconda, thence to Aureng-abat, and so to Surat. I could have gone to Surat without passing through Golconda, but my business led me that way.

From Goa to Visapour, costes.85
Which takes up generally eight days journey. 
From Visapour to Golconda, costes.100

Which I travel'd in nine days.

From Golconda to Aureng-abat, the Stages are not so well order'd, being some­times sixteen, sometimes twenty five, sometimes twenty Leagues asunder.

From Aureng-abat to Surat takes up sometimes twelve, sometimes fifteen, sometimes sixteen days journey.

Visapour is a great scambling City, wherein there is nothing remarkable, nei­ther as to the publick Edifices, nor as to Trade. The Kings Palace is a vast one but ill built; and the access to it is very dangerous, in regard there are abun­dance of Crocodiles that lie in the Water which encompass it. The King of Vi­sapour has three good ports in his Dominions, Rejapour, Daboult, and Cra-paten. The last is the best of all, where the Sea beats upon the foot of the Mountain, and you have fourteen or fifteen Fathom Water near the Land. Upon the top of the Mountain there is a Fort, with a Spring of Water in it. Crapaten is not above five days journey from Goa to the North. And Rabaque, where the King of Visa­pour sels his Pepper, is as far distant from it to the East. The King of Visapour and the King of Golconda have been formerly tributary to the Great Mogul: but now they are absolute of themselves.

[Page 73] This Kingdom was for some time disquieted by the revolt of Nair-seva-gi, Cap­tain of the King of Visapour's Guards; after which the young Seva-gi his Son conceiv'd so deadly a hatred against the King, that he made himself the head of certain Banditi, and as he was both wise and liberal, he got together so many Horse and Foot, as made a Compleat Army; the Souldiers flocking to him from all parts, for the reputation of his Liberality. And he was just about to have led them to action, when the King of Visapour happen'd to dye without Children, so that with little or no trouble he got possession of one part of the Coast of Malavar; taking Rejapour, Rasigar, Crapaten, Da­boul; and other places. They report that upon his demolishing the fortifica­tions▪of Rasigar, he found vast Treasures, which help'd him to pay his Soul­diers, who were always well paid. Some years before the death of the King, the Queen perceiving no probability, of having any Children, adopted a little Boy, upon whom she bestow'd all her affections, and caused him to be brought up in the Doctrine of Haly's Sect. The King upon his Death-bed caus'd this Adopted Son to be Proclaim'd King; but Seva-gi having a nume­rous Army continu'd the War, and much disturb'd the Regency of the Queen. At length he made the first propositions for Peace; which was concluded upon conditions, that he should quietly enjoy the Territories which he had subdu'd; that he should become Tributary to the King, and pay him the half of all his Revenue. The young King being thus fix'd in his Throne, the Queen Regent went in Pilgrimage to Mecca; and I was at Ispahan, when she pass'd through the Town in her return home.

When I made my second Voyage to Goa, I embark'd in a Dutch Vessel call'd the Maestritch, which carry'd me to Mingrela, where I landed the eleventh day of January, 1648.

Mingrela is a large Town, extended half a League in length upon the Sea, in the Territories of Visapour. It is one of the best Roads in all India, where the Hollanders take in fresh Provisions every time they sail to block up Goa, as also when they are bound upon Trade for many other parts of India. For at Mingrela there is both excellent Water, and excellent Rice. This Town is also very famous for Cardamoms, which the Eastern people esteem the best of Spices, not being to be had in any other Country; which makes that sort of Commodity very scarce and very dear. There is also made great store of course Calecuts, that are spent in the Country; besides great quantities of course Matting, that serves to pack up goods. So that both in respect of Trade, as also for the furnishing their ships with fresh Provisions, the Hol­landers have a Factory in the Town. For, as I said before, not only all Ves­sels that come from Batavia, from Japon, from Bengala, Ceylan, and other places, and those that are bound for Surat, the Red Sea, Ormus, Balsara, &c. both going and coming, come to an Anchor in the Road of Mingrela, but also while the Hollanders are at Wars with the Portugals, and lye before the Bar of Goa, where they have usually eight or ten Sail, they send their small Barks to Mingrela for Provisions. For the Hollanders lye eight months in a year before the mouth of the Port of Goa so that there can nothing pass in to Goa by Sea all that time. You must also take notice, that the Bar of Goa is also stopt up some part of the year by the Sands which the South and West-winds that precede the great Rains, cast up; so that there is not a­bove a foot, or a foot and half Water for very small Boats. But when the great Rains come, the Water swells and carrying away the Sands, opens a passage for the great Vessels.

CHAP. XIII.
Observations upon the present State of the City of Goa.

GOA lies in 15 Degrees, 32 minutes of Latitude, in an Island six or seven leagues about, upon the River of Mandoua, ten leagues from the mouth of the River. The Island abounds in Corn and Rice, and bears several sorts of Fruit, as Manga's, Anana's, Adam's-Figs, and Coco's. But most certainly a Pippin is far beyond all those fruits. All those that have seen Europe and Asia, agree with me, that the Port of Goa, the Port of Constantinople, and the Port of Toulon, are three of the fairest Ports of all our vast Continent. The City is very large, and the Walls are of good Stone. The Houses are for the most part very magni­ficently built, especially the Vice-Roy's Palace. There are in it a great number of Apartments, and in one part of the Rooms and Chambers, which are very large hang several Pictures, wherein are severally painted by themselves, the Ships that come from Lisbon to Goa, with those that are bound from Goa to Lisbon, with the name of the Vessel, the Captain, and the number of Guns which the Ship carries. If the City were not so closely environ'd with Hills, it would doubtless be better inhabited, and the air would be much more wholsom. But these Mountains keep off the cool winds, which is the reason that the heats are very excessive. Beef and Pork is the ordinary diet of the Inhabitants of Goa. They have good store of Poultry, and some few Pidgons; but though Goa be very neer the Sea, Fish is very scarce. They have abundance of all sorts of Sweet-meats, and feed upon them uery mvch.

Before the Hollanders had brought down the power of the Portugals in India there was nothing to be seen at Goa, but Magnificence and Riches: but the Dutch having every where got their Trade out of their hands, they have lost their springs of Gold and Silver, and are fallen from their former splendor. In my first Voyage to Goa I met with people of fashion, that had above two-thousand Crowns Revenue; at my second Voyage the same persons came privately to me in the evening, to beg an Alms; yet abating nothing, for all that of their inherent pride and haughtiness: Nay, their Women will come in Palleki's to the door, and stay while a Boy, that attends them, has brought you a Complement from his Mistress. Then usually you send them what you please, or carry it your self, if you have a curiosity to see their faces; which rarely can be done, because they cover them­selves with a veil from head to foot. Moreover, if you go your self to present them your Charity, they will give you a little note, containing a recommendation of some religious Person, who signifies what substantial persons they have been, and how they came to fall to decay. Sometimes, if the person be handsom, she is desir'd to walk in; and to take a Collation, which lasts most commonly till the next day. Had not the Portugals so many Fortresses to keep upon the Land; or had, they not, out of their contempt of the Hollander neglected their affairs, they could never have been reduc'd to so low a condition.

The Portugueses have no sooner made the Cape of Good-Hope, but they are all Fidalgues or Gentlemen; and add the Title of Dom to the single name of Pedro or Jeronimo, which they receiv'd at their Baptism: From whence they are call'd the Fidalgues or Gentlemen of the Cape of Good-Hope. As they change their Names, they also change their Nature; for it may be truly said, that the Indian-Portugals are the most revengeful persons and the most jealous of their Wives of any persons in the World. And when the least suspition creeps into their noddles, they rid themselves of them either by Poison or Dagger. If they have an ene­my, they never pardon him; but if he be a person of that courage that they dare not grapple with him, their persons have attending upo them a sort of black Slaves, that if they command them to kill any one, the Slaves will do it with a blind obe­dience; which they do either with a Dagger, or a Pistol, or else by knocking the party on the head with a club, which they always carry, about the length of an Half-Pike. If it happen that they stay too long before they can meet with an op­portunity [Page 75] ere they can dispatch their mischief; and that they cannot conveniently meet the person to be murther'd, in the Fields or in the City, they are no such Saints, but they will kill him at the very Alter, while he is at his devotions; of which I saw two fatal presidents, the one at Goa, the other at Daman. At Daman three or four of these black Slaves perceiving some persons whom they were to murther, at Mass in the Church, discharg'd their Musquets at them through the windows, never considering what other mischief they might do to any other persons, against whom they had no quarrel or design. The same thing happen'd at Goa, where seven men were kill'd close by the Alter, and the Priest that said Mass was dangerously wounded at the same time. Nor do their Courts of Justice take any cognizance of these crimes, for generally the guilty persons are the chiefest of the Countrey. As for their Suits of Law, there is no end of them, for they are manag'd by the Canarins, who are Natives of the Countrey, whose business it is to follow the Law; the most subtil and crafty sort of people in the World.

To return to the ancient Power of the Portugals in India, most certain it is, that if the Hollanders had never come among them, you should not have seen a bit of Iron in any Portugal Merchant's House; but all Gold or Silver; for they needed no more than to make three or four Voyages to Japan, the Philippin, or Molucca Islands, or to China to enrich themselves; gaining at their return above five or six for one one upon rich Merchandizes. The very Souldiers as well as the Captains and Governors enrich'd themselves by Trade. There was not any per­son, unless it be the Governor, who was not a [...]rader; or if he does Trade, it is in another man's name, for he has Revenue enough without it. Formerly it was one of the finest employments of the World to be Vice-Roy of Goa: and there are but few Monarchs, that have Governments at their disposal, which are equal in value to some of those which depend upon this Vice-Roy. The chief Command is that of Mozambique for three years. In those three years the Governor gets above four or five hunder'd-thousand Crowns, and sometimes more, if in all that time they receive no losses from the Cafres. These Cafres are people that bring Gold for the Commodities which they carry away; and if any one of them happen to dye, going or coming, whatever you trusted them withall is lost with­out redemption. The Governour of Mozambique trades also with the Negro's that inhabit all along the Coast of Melinda; and they ordinarily pay for the goods they buy, either in Elephants Teeth, or Ambergreese. When I was last in Goa, the Governour of Mozambique, who return'd to Goa after he had been three years in his Command, had by him only in Ambergreese, two hundred thousand Crowns, not reckoning his Gold, and his Elephants Teeth, which a­mounted to a far larger sum.

The second Government was that of Malaca, by reason of the Custom which was there to be paid. For it is a Streight through which all Vessels that are bound from Goa, for Japon, China, Cochinchina, Java, Macassar, the Phillippin Islands, and many other places, must of necessity pass. They may sail another way by the Island of Sumatra, toward the West, and so through the Streight of Sonde, or else leave the Island of Java to the North; but when the Ships return to Goa, they must shew a discharge from the Custom-House of Malaca, which obliges them to go that way.

The third Government is that of Ormus, by reason of the great Trade which is there, and the Custom which all Ships are to pay that are bound in and out of the Persian Golf. The Governour of Ormus exacted great Tolls from those that went to the Island of Bakren to fish for Pearls, for if they did not take a Licence from him, he would sink their Vessels. The Persians at present exact this Custom from the English, who have a small share in that Trade, as I have related in my Persian Voyages. But though they are severe enough to the Merchants, their Customs amount to nothing neer so much as what the Portu­gueses made of it. The Hollanders are in the same condition at Malaca, not re­ceiving hardly sufficient to pay their Garrison which they keep there.

The fourth Government is that of Moscate, the revenue whereof was very great. For all Vessels that are bound from India, from the Persian Golf, from the Red Sea, and from the Coast of Melinda, must come under the Point of [Page 76] Muscate, where they generally take in fresh Water. If there be any Ships that would not come to an Anchor there, the Governour sent for his Custom, which was four in the hundred; and if they refus'd, the Governour had his Galeasses ready to sink them.

The fifth Government was that of the sland of Ceyland, to which belong'd all those places whcih the Portugals had, as well upon the Coast of Malavar the Golf of Bengala, and other parts of India; the worst of which employ­ments was worth ten thousand Crowns per ann.

Besides these five great Governments, which were at the disposal of the Vice-Roy, he had abundance of other Offices in his Gift, as well in Goa, as in other parts of India. The very day that he makes his Entry into Goa, the Captain of his Guards gets above four thousand Crowns. The three Offices of Engi­neer Major, Visitor of the Forts, and chief Master of the Ordinance, yielded every year twenty thousand Pardo's; every Pardo being worth twenty-seven Sous of our Money. The Portugueses were then all very rich; the Nobility by reason of their Governments and Commands, the Merchants by their Trade, till the English and Hollanders cut them short. When they had Ormus, they would not let any Merchant pass by Sea into India; so that they were forc'd to go by Land through Candahar. Then, when the Turky, Persian, Arabian, Muscovits, Polonian, and other Merchants arriv'd at Bander-Abassy, they join'd together, and deputed four of the most experienc'd persons among them, to view all the sorts of Commodities, and to understand their quality and price. After they have made their report, they agree upon their price, and fetch away thier goods, which are distributed to every one proportionably according to the number of Merchants. It is also the custom of all Asia, that there is nothing sold, but a Bro­ker has a hand in the Bargain. They make good the Money to those that have sold, and receive it from them that buy; and there are some sorts of Commodities upon which there is due to them for Brokage, sometimes one in the Hundred, sometime one and a half, and two.

At that time the Portugueses made great profit, without any loss. For the Vice-Roy took care to preserve them against the Pyrats. Who assoon as the Rains are over, and that it was seasonably to put to Sea, always sent a suffi­cient convoy to guard the Merchants twenty-five or thirty Leagues to Sea, the Malvares not daring to stir above fifteen or twenty. The Captains of the Galiots, and the Soldiers drive a small Trade also in their Voyages, and in re­gard they pay no custom, they gain enough to maintain themselves handsome­ly all the time they lye in Garrison, which is during the Rains. There was also care taken for the advancement of the Soldiery; for every Soldier that came from Portugal, after nine years service, had some Command either by Sea or Land bestow'd upon him; and if he would not accept of it, they gave him leave to Trade as a Merchant. So that if there happen'd to be any person of understanding among them, he could not fail, to raise his fortune, having all the credit he could desire. For there were people enough that being glad to let out their Money, would venture with him at Cent. per Cent. upon his re­turn. If the Vessel be lost, they that lend their Money, lose either their Money or their goods; but if the Ship come safe home, of one they make three or four.

The Natives of the Country, call'd Canarins, are not permitted to bear any Offices among the Portugueses, but only in reference to the Law, that is to say, either as Advocates, or Sollicitors, or Scriveners; for they keep them very much under. If one of these Canarins or Blacks, happen to strike a White or European, there is no pardon for him, but he must have his hand cut off. As well the Spaniards as Portugueses, make use of them as Receivers, and to fol­low their busines. And in the Manilia's, or Philippin Islands, there are some of these Blacks so rich, that many of them have offer'd twenty thousand Croi­sats to the Vice-Roy, for liberty to wear Hose and Shoo's, which they are not permitted to wear. Some of these Blacks have thirty Slaves attending upon them, very richly habited; but only they go barefoot. And had the Portugals permitted them to set out Ships of their own, and to have chosen Captains and other Officers at their own pleasure, the Portugueses would not have made such [Page 77] large, at least not so easie Conquests in the Indies. These Blacks are very couragious and good Soldiers, and several of the Religious Orders have assur'd me, that they will learn more in six months in one of their Colledges, than the Portugal Children in a year, whatever Science you put them to; which is the reason that the Portugals keep them so low. The natural Inhabitants of the Country about Goa, are Idolaters, and worship several sorts of Idols, which they say are the Resemblance of several that have done good works, to whom they ought to give praise by adorning their Portraitures. There are many of these Idolaters who worship Apes. And therefore in the Island of Salsete, there was a Pagod, where the Idolaters kept in a Chest, like a Tomb, the Bones and Nails of an Ape, which they said had been mighty serviceable to their Anchestors, by bringing news and intelligence to them, when any hostile Princes prosecuted them; for which purpose they would sometimes swim through the very Sea it self. The Indians come from several parts in procession, and make offerings to this Pagod. But the Clergy of Goa, especially the Inquisitors, caus'd the Tomb one day to be taken away, and brought it to Goa, where it remain'd a good while, by reason of the difference which it made between the Ecclesiasticks and the people. For the Idolaters offering a great sum of Money to have their Reliques again, the people were willing to have restor'd them; saying, that the Money would do well upon any occasion of War, or else to relieve the poor. But the Clergy were of a contrary opinion, and maintain'd that such a piece of Idolatry was not to be endur'd upon any account whatsoever. At length the Arch-Bishop and the Inquisitors, by their own Authority, took away the Tomb, and sending it in a Vessel twenty Leagues out to Sea, caus'd it to be thrown to the bottom of the Ocean. They thought to have burn'd it, but the Idola­ters would have rak'd up the Ashes again, which would have been but a new food to their Superstition.

There are in Goa abundance of Clergy-men; for besides the Arch-Bishop and his Clergy, there are Dominicans, Austin-Friars, Franciscans, Barefoot Carme­lites, Jesuits, and Capuchins, with two Religious Houses, whereof the Austin-Fryars are Directors or Governours. The religious Carmelites, that came last, are the best seated; for thought they are somewhat at a distance from the heart of the City, yet they have the advantage of a fine Air, and the most healthy situation in all Goa. It stands upon a rising ground, free to the refreshment of the Wind; and it is very well built, with two Galleries one over the other The Austin-Fryars, who were the first that came to Goa, were indifferently well seated, at the foot of a little rising ground, their Church also standing upon a rising ground with a fair Piazza before it; but when they had built their Ha­bitation, the Jesuits desir'd them to sell that rising ground, which was then a void place, under pretence of making a Garden in it for the recreation of their Scholars, But after they had purchas'd it, they built a most stately Colledge upon the same ground, which quite stops and choaks up the Austin-Friars Co­vent, so that they have no Air at all. There happen'd several Contests about this business, but at length the Jesuits got the better. The Jesuits at Goa, are known by the name of Paulists; by reason that their great Church is dedi­cated to St. Paul. Nor do they wear Hats or Corner-Caps, as in Europe, but only a certain Bonnet, resembling the Skull of a Hat without the Brims; some­what like the Bonnets which the Grand Siegnors Slaves wear; of which I have given you a description in my relation of Seraglio. They have five Houses in Goa, the Colledg of St. Paul, the Seminary, the Professors House, the No­viciate, and the Good Jesus. The paintings in this House are admirable pieces of Workmanship. In the year 1663 the Colledge was burnt by an accident which happen'd in the night, so that it cost them near sixty thousand Crowns to rebuild it.

The Hospital of Goa was formerly the most famous in all India. For in re­gard the Revenues thereof [...]re very great, the sick persons were very care­fully look'd after. But since the change of the Governours, there is but very bad accommodation; and several of the Europeans that have been put in, have never come forth again, but in their Coffins. However, they have lately found out a way to save some by frequent Blood-letting. They let Blood sometimes [Page 78] as occasion requires, thirty or forty times, even as often as any ill-blood comes forth; as they did by me one time that I was at Surat. Butter and flesh is very dangerous to them that are sick, and many times cost them their lives. Formerly they made several sorts of well-tasted diet for those that recovered: Now they serve the Patient only with young Beef-broth, and a dish of Rice. Usually the poorer sort that recover their health, complain of drowth, and call for water. But they that look after them, being only Blacks, or Mongrels, a sort of covetous and pittiless people, will not give them a drop, unless they put mony in their hands; and to colour their wickedness, they give it them by stealth, pretending what they do to be against the Physitian's order. As for Sweet-meats and Pre­serves, there is no want of them; but they are not a diet which contributes over­much to the restoring of decay'd strength, especially in those hot Countreys where the body requires rather cooling and refreshing nourishment.

I have forgot one thing in reference to their more frequent blood-lettings than among us Europeans. Which is, that to bring their colour again, and to restore them to perfect health, they order the Patient to drink for twelve days together three glasses of Cow's Urine; one in the morning, another at noon, and another at night. But in regard it is a very nauseous sort of drink, the Patient swallows as little as he can, how desirous soe ver he may be of his health. They learnt this remedy from the Idolaters of the Country; and whether the Patient will take it or no, they never let him stir out of the Hospital, till the twelve days are ex­pir'd wherein he ought to drink it.

CHAP. XIV.
What the Author did, during his stay at Goa, the last time he went thither in the year 1648.

TWO days before I departed from Mingrela for Goa, I wrote to Monsieur St. Amant, who was Engineer, to send me a Man of War, for fear of the Malvares which are upon the Coast, which he immediately did. I parted from Mingrela the 20th of January 1648, and arriv'd at Goa the 25th. And in regard it was late, I staid till the next morning before I went to visit the Vice-Roy, Don Philip de Mascaregnas, who had formerly been Governor of Ceylan. He made me very welcome, and during the two months that I tarri'd at Goa, he sent to me a Gentleman five or six times, who brought me still to the Powder-House, which was without the City, where he often us'd to be. For he took great delight in levelling Guns, wherein he ask'd my advice, esteeming very much a Pistol very curiously and richly inlaid, which I presented him at my arrival. This Pistol the French-Consul at Aleppo gave me, the fellow of it being unhappily lost: for else the Pair had been presented by the French-Nation to the Basha, who might then have boasted himself the Master of the fairest and best-made pair of Pistols in all Asia. The Vice-Roy admits no person whatever, no not his Children to sit at his Table. But there is a little partition in the Dining-room, where there is a Cloath laid for the Principal Officers, as is usual in the Courts of the German-Princes. The next day I went to wait upon the Arch-Bishop, and the next day after I de­sign'd to have visited the Inquisitor; but I understood by one of his Gentlemen that he was busy, writing into Portugal; there being two Ships ready to weigh Anchor, that only staid for his dispatches. After the Ships were set sail, he sent the same Gentleman to tell me that he expected me at the Inquisition-House, about two or three in the afternoon. I fail'd not to go thither at the time pre­fix'd▪ when I came, a Page brought me into a large Hall, where after I had walk'd a quarter of an hour, an Officer came and carri'd me into the Chamber where the Inquisitor was. After I had past through two Galleries, and some Chambers, I en­ter'd into a little Chamber where the Inquisitor sat at the end of a great Table like a Billiard-Table, which, as well as the Chairs and Stools in the Chamber, was [Page 79] cover'd with green Cloath, such as is carri'd out of England. He told me I was welcome, and after a Complement or two, he ask'd me what Religion I was of [...] I answer'd him, of the Protestant Religion. He ask'd me then, if my Father and Mother were of the same Religion; and after I had satisfi'd him that they were so; He told me again I was welcome, calling out at the same time for some other per­sons to enter. Thereupon, the Hangings being held up, there came in ten or twelve persons out of another room hard-by. The first of the Train were two Austin-Friars, follow'd by two Dominicans, two barefoot-Carmelites, and some other of the Clergy; whom the Inquisitor told who I was, and assur'd them I had brought no prohibited Books; for indeed, knowing their orders, I had left my Bible at Mingrela. We discours'd about two hours of several things, but particularly of my Travels; the whole Company testifying their desire to hear me make some repetitions. Three days after the Inquisitor sent for me to dine with him at a fair House, about half a league from the City, which belongs to the Bare-foot Carmelites. It is one of the loveliest Structures in all the Indies; and I will tell you in short how the Carmelites came by it. There was a Gentleman in Goa, whose Father and Grandfather had got great Estates by Merchandizing; and he it was that had built this House, which might well have past for a most noble Palace. He had no mind to Marry, but being altogether addicted to his devotions, he very much frequented the Austin-Friars, to whom he shew'd himself so affectionate, that he made his Will, wherein he gave them all his Estate, provided they would bury him on the right-side of the High-Altar where he intended a sumptuous Monument. Now according to the common report, this Gentleman was a Leaper, which some jealous persons endeavour'd to make the World believe, seeing he had given away all his Estate to the Austin-Friars. Thereupon they told him that the ground on the right-hand of the High-Alter was a place only fit for a Vice-Roy; and that a leaprous person was not to be laid there: which was the opinion of the generality of the people, and of a good part of the Austin-Friars them­selves. Thereupon some of the Fathers of the Covent coming to speak with the Gentleman, on purpose to perswade him to choose some other place in the Church, he was so offended at the proposal, that he never went more to the Austin-Friars, but always went to perform his devotions among the Carmelites, who receiv'd him with open arms, and accepted the conditions which the other had refus'd. Nor did he live long after he had interested himself with that Order; so that the Carmelites having magnificently buri'd him, enjoy'd all his Estate, with this same House, where we were splendidly entertain'd with Musick all the time of Din­ner.

I staid at Goa from the twenty-first of January till the eleventh of March, de­parting thence that very day in the evening, after I had taken leave of the Vice-Roy. I begg'd leave also of the Vice-Roy for a French-Gentlemen, whose name was Belloy, to go along with me: which was granted me; but through the impru­dence of that Gentleman, who did not tell me the reason of his coming to Goa, he had like to have been taken from me again, and it was an even-lay, that we had not been both carri'd to the Inquisition. This Gentleman had left the place of his Nativity to travel over Holland, where having run himself in debt, and finding no person that would lend him any Money, he resolv'd to go for India. Thereupon he listed himself as a private Souldier upon the accompt of the Holland-Com­pany; and came to Batavia at the same time that the Hollanders made War against the Portuguezes in Ceylan. Being arriv'd, they sent him away among the recruits which were sent into that Island; and the Holland-General seeing such a re­inforcement of stout men commanded by a French-Captain, whose name was St. Amant, a person of great courage and experience; he resolv'd to besiege Ne­gombe, a considerable Fort in the Island of Ceylan. They made two assaults wherein the French-men behav'd themselves valiantly, especially St. Amant, and John de Rose, who were both wounded. The General of the Dutch, seeing them to be two such men of courage, made a promise that if Negombe were taken, one of them two should be Governor. The place was taken, and the General kept his word with St. Amant: but the News being carri'd to Batavia, a young Gentleman of kin to the General, and but newly arriv'd out of Holland, obtain'd to be Governour of Negombe, to the prejudice of St. Amant, and came with an [Page 80] order from the Council at Batavia to displace him. St. Amant incens'd at such ill-usage, inveigles to his Party a matter of fifteen or twenty, most part French-Souldiers, among whom were Monsieur Belloy, Marests, and John de Rose, and re­volts to the Portugueses. The Portugals encourag'd by the reinforcement of such a stout, though small number of men, storm'd Negombe again, and took it at the second assault. At that time was Don Philip de Mascaregnas Governor of Ceylan, and all the places belonging to it, under the jurisdiction of the Portugal. He liv'd also at the City of Colombo; and then it was, that having receiv'd Letters from Goa that the Vice-Roy was dead, and that the Council and all the Nobility desir'd him to come and succeed in his place, he resolv'd to see St. Am [...]nt and his Companions before his departure, to the end he might bestow upon them some proper reward. So soon as he saw them, he was resolv'd to take them along with him to Goa. Whether it were that he thought he might have better opportu­nities to advance them there; or that he thought it convenient to have stout men about him, by reason of the Malavares who lay in wait for him with forty Ves­sels, whereas he had but twenty▪two. But they were no sooner come to make Cape-Comorin, when the winds rose, and such a Tempest follow'd, that the Vessels were dispers'd, and many of them unfortunately cast away. They that were in Don Philip's Vessel did all they could to get to the shoar, but seeing they could not, and that the Ship was ready to split, St. Amant and his Six other Compani­ons threw themselves into the Sea with cords and pieces of planks, and so bestirr'd themselves, that they made a shift not only to save themselves, but Don Philip also. Hereupon Don Philip coming to Goa, after he had made his entrance gave to St. Amant the Command of Grand Master of the Artillery, and Superintendent General over all the Forts which the Portuguezes had in India. He marri'd him also to a young Virgin, with whom he had twenty-thousand Crowns, whose Fa­ther was an English-man, who had quitted the Company, and marri'd a Natural Daughter of one of the Vice-Roy's of Goa. As for John de Rose, he desir'd leave of the Vice-Roy to return to Colombo, where, by his favour, he marri'd a young Widow, half Native, half Portugueze, by whom he had a fair fortune. Marests the Vice-Roy made Captain of his Guards, the most considerable Command in all his Court, being oblig'd to Marests for his life, who was the person that bore him upon his shoulders to save him from drowning. Du Belloy desir'd leave that he might go to Macao, which was granted him. For he understood that the greatest part of the Portugal-Gentry, retir'd to that place, after they had got Estates by Merchandizing; that they were very courteous to strangers, and withal extremely addicted to play, which was Du Belloy's chief delight. He liv'd two years at Macao, very much to his content; for when he wanted Money, the Gentry lent it him freely. One day he had won above six-thousand Crowns, but going to play again, he was so unfortunate as to lose it all, besides a good sum of Money which his friends had lent him. Being thus at a loss, and finding that no-body would lend him any more Money, he began to swear against a Picture that hung in the room, which was the Portraiture of some Papistical Saint; saying in his passion that it was an usual thing with them that plaid, that if they saw a Saint Picture hang in their sight, it made them lose; and that if that Picture had not been there he had certainly won. Immediately the Inquisitor was inform'd of this, (for in every City in India under the Jurisdiction of the Portuguezes there is one. However his power is limited; having no other authority than to seize the person of him that says or acts any thing against their Religion, to hear the Witnesses, and to send the Offender with the examinations to Goa in the first ship which is bound thither: where the inquisitor-General has an absolute Power either to absolve him, or to put him to death.) Thereupon Du Belloy was put a­board a small Vessel of ten or twelve Guns loaded with Irons: with a strict charge to the Captain to keep him safe, and some threats that he should be answerable for him if he escap'd. But so soon as the Ship was out at Sea, the Captain, who was of a noble disposition, and knew Du Belloy to be of a good Family, took off his Irons, and made him sit at his own Table; giving him also Linnen, and other convenient Apparel necessary for the Voyage, which was to continue forty days. They put into Goa the nineteenth of February 1649; and the Ship was no sooner come into Harbour, but St. Amant came a-board by the Governor's order, as well [Page 81] to receive his Letters, as to hear what news in China. But his surprize was very great, to see Belloy in that condition, and that the Captain would not let him go, before he had surrender'd him up into the hands of the Inquisitor. Ne­vertheless, in regard that St. Amant was a person of great credit, he obtain'd of the Captain, that Belloy should go along with him into the City. As for Belloy he immediately and for the nonce shifted himself into his old Cloaths, which were all to tatters and full of Vermin; and St. Amant, who knew there was no dallying with the Inquisition, took that season to present him to the Inqui­sitor; who seeing a Gentleman in such a sad condition, had some compassion upon him, and allow'd him the whole City for his Prison; on condition he should surrender his body, upon demand when he understood what was inform'd against him. In the interim St. Amant brings Du Belloy to my Lodging just as I was going to visit the Arch-Bishop of Mira, whom I formerly knew at Constanti­nople, when he was Prior of the Franciscans at Galata. I desir'd them to stay a while and to dine with me, which they did; after which I proffer'd my House and Table to Du Belloy, who liv'd with me; and for whom I also bought two new Suits of Apparel, and Linnen convenient. However, all the while that I stay'd at Goa, which was ten or twelve days, I could not perswade the Sieur Du Belloy to put on those new Cloaths, not knowing the reason, though he promis'd me every day. But being upon my departure, I told him I was go­ing to take leave of the Vice-Roy; whereupon he desir'd me to procure leave for him also; which I did. We departed toward evening in the same Vessel wherein I came, and about midnight the Sieur Belloy began to shift himself, and when he had done he threw his old raggs into the Sea, swearing against the In­quisition like a mad man; I understanding nothing all this while of the business. When I heard him swear in that manner, I told him we were not yet out of the Portugals hands; neither were he and I with five or six Servants, able to defend our selves against forty Sea-men that belong'd to the Ship. I ask'd him then, why he swore so heartily against the Inquisition; he reply'd, that he would tell me all the circumstances of the Story; which he did, when we came to Min­grela, which was about eight a Clock in the morning. When we landed we met certain Hollanders with the Commander, who were eating Oysters and drinking Sack upon the Shoar. Immediately they ask'd me who that person was with me. I told them it was a Gentleman who attending the French Ambassa­dor into Portugal, had taken Shipping there for India, together with four or five more whom he had left at Goa; but that neither the scituation of the place, nor the humour of the Portugals pleasing him, he had desir'd my assistance in his return for Europe. Three or four days after, I bought him an Oxe to carry him to Surat; and I gave him a Servant to assist him, together with a Letter to Father Zenon, a Capuchin, wherein I desir'd him to speak to my Broker to pay him ten Crowns a month for his subsistence, and to desire of the English President to embark him for Europe with the first opportunity. But it fell out contrary to my Intentions; for Father Zenon carri'd him back again along with him to Goa, where he had some business to do for Father Ephraim his Com­panion; of whom I shall speak in the next Chapter. Father Zenon without doubt believ'd that Du Belloy making his appearance to the Inquisition, and desiring his pardon might have easily obtain'd it. 'Tis very true he did obtain it, but it was after he had been two years in the Inquisition, from which he was not discharg'd but with a sulphur'd Shift, with a St. Andrews Cross upon his Stomack. There was with him another Gentleman, call'd Lewis de Bar upon the Seine, who was us'd in the same manner; and they always put them to ac­company those who were put to death. The Sieur Du Belloy did very ill to return to Goa, and worse to appear afterwards again at Mingrela, where the Hollanders, who understanding he had formerly revolted out of their ser­vice, by the intelligence they receiv'd from their Commander at Surat, seiz'd his person, and sent him away in a Ship that was going for Batavia. They pre­tended that they sent him to the General of the Company, to do with him as he should think fitting. But I am in part assur'd, that as soon as the Vessel was out at Sea, they put the poor Gentleman into a Sack, and threw him into the Sea. This was the end of the Sieur Du Belloy.

[Page 82] As for Sieur des Marests, he was a Gentleman, born in the Dauphinate, near to Loriol, who having kill'd his adversary in a Duel, fled into Poland, where he so far signaliz'd himself, that he won the esteem and affection of the General of the Polonian Army. At that time the Grand Seignior kept in the prison of the Seven Towers at Constantinople, two Noble Polonians; whereupon the Po­lonian General observing the courage and address of this Des Marests, who was a daring Fellow, and a good Engineer besides, made a proposal to him, to go to Constantinople, and to endeavour, if he could by any means in the world, to set those princes at liberty. Des Marests willingly accepted the employment, and without doubt he had succeeded in his design, had he not been discovered by some Turks, who accus'd him for having been too circumspect in viewing the seven Towers, seeing him with a Chalk Pencil in his hand, ready to take the draught thereof, which seem'd to tend to no good design. This had been enough to have ruin'd the Gentleman, had not Monsieur de Cesy, the French Ambassadour stifl'd the further examination of the business by some Present; which in Turky is the most sovereign remedy upon all accidents of danger; telling the Visier, that he was only a French Gentleman that travel'd for his pleasure, and one that was going for Persia with the first opportunity. However it was not Marests design at that time to go very far, for he intended to have return'd into Poland, so soon as he had us'd his utmost indeavours to set the Princes at liberty; but for his own safety it behov'd him to give it out that he was gone to Persia; and at length he was constrain'd to go thither indeed. As for the Grand Seignior, he had resolv'd never to set the two Noblemen at liberty. But at length they were so fortunate as to gain the love of a young Turk, who was the Son of the Captain of the Seven Towers; with whom the Father usually trusted the Keys to open and shut the Gates of the Prison. The night appointed for their flight, he made as if he had shut some doors, the Padlocks whereof he left all open. But he durst not do so by the two first Gates, near one of which the Captain with a strong Guard lay, for fear of being discover'd. The young man, who had entirely devoted himself to serve the Princes, having foreseen this diffi­culty before, had bethought himself of Rope-Ladders to get over the two Walls; to which purpose it was necessary to have a correspondence within and without. Finding therefore that because the utmost of severity was not us'd toward those Princes, they had the liberty to receive several Dishes of Meat from the French Ambassadours Kitchin, the Clerk of the Kitchin was made of the plot, who thereupon sent them in several Cords in Pasties, whereof they made Ladders. The business succeeded so well, that the escape was made, and the young Turk fled with the Polonian Lords into Poland, where he turn'd Christian, and receiv'd ample rewards both in Employments and Money. The same gra­titude proportionably was observed toward those who had contributed toward the liberty of the Princes, who amply acknowledg'd the services which they had receiv'd from every one of them.

In the mean time the Sieur Des Marests arrives at Ispahan, and addressing himself to the Capuchin Fryars, they brought him to my Lodging, where he had the freedom of my Table, and a Chamber. He staid some time at Ispa­han, during which he got acquainted with the English and Hollanders, who had a great esteem for him, finding him to be a person of merit. But it happen'd one day, that his curiosity putting him upon a bold attempt, had like to have been the ruine of him and all the Franks in Ispahan. Never the Inn where we lodg'd there was a large Bath, where the men and women by turns take their times to come and bath themselves; and where the Queen of Visapour, during her stay at Ispahan, as she return'd home to Mecca, delighted to go and prattle with the French mens wives. The Sieur Des Marests having a passionate de­sire to see what the women did, satisfi'd his curiosity, by means of a cranny in the Arch of the Vault, which he had observed when he went thither; for having found out a way without side to get up to that Arch, through a blind hole that was next to the Inn where he lay, the Arch being flat, as I have describ'd them in my relations of Persia, and the Seraglio, he laid himself upon his belly, and saw throtgh the cranny what he fo much long'd to behold. He was at this sport some ten or twelve times; and not being able to contain himself, he told me [Page 83] one day what he had done. I bid him have a care of going there any more, for fear of ruining himself and all the French men in that City. But he contrary to my advice went thither two or three times after that, till at length he was dis­cover'd by one of the women of the Bath that took care of the Linnen, and dry them without, upon Perches as high as the top of the Arch, to which they get up by a little Ladder. The woman seeing a man lying all along upon his belly, seiz'd upon his Hat, and began to cry out. But Marests, to get him­self out of the mire, and to hinder the woman from making more noise, put two Tomans, into her hand. When he return'd to the Inn, I perceiv'd him to look as if he had been scar'd, and conjecturing that some ill accident had befall'n him, I press'd him to confess what was the matter. He was loath at first, but at length he confess'd how he had been discover'd by a woman, and how he had stop'd her mouth with money. Thereupon I told him, that there was a necessity for him to fly, for that the danger was far greater than he imagin'd. The Dutch President also, to whom I thought it convenient to tell what had pass'd, was of the same opinion; upon which we gave him a Mule, and as much money as was necessary for him, ordering him to go to Bander, and thence by Sea to Surat. I gave him a Letter of Recommendation to the English President, who was my Friend; whom I also desir'd to let him have two hundred Crowns, if he had oc­casion for them. I wrote very much in his commendation; and mention'd the proffer which the Dutch President at Ispahan had made him, to send him with Letters to the General, who would not fail to employ him according to his merit. For indeed at that time that the Hollanders had War with the Portugueses in Ceylan, any person of wit, and courage, like the Sieur Des Marests, was very acceptable to them. Which made them very earnest with him, to take an em­ployment among them; and to that end, they caress'd him, and presented him very nobly during his stay at Ispahan. But he told them, that not being of their Religion, he was unwilling to serve them against the Portugueses; which was the only reason that hinder'd him from accepting the offers which I had made him. These particulars I wrote in his behalf to the English President at Surat; so that the Sieur Des Marests being desirous to go to Goa to serve the Portu­gals, the President wrote in his behalf to the Vice-Roy, by whom he was very much belov'd, relating to him, besides, what the Hollanders had proffer'd him, that his recommendation might be the more acceptable. Thereupon the Vice-Roy made him very welcome; and upon the Sieur Marests desire to be em­ploy'd in Ceylan in the Portugal Army, he sent him away with the first oppor­tunity, with Letters of Recommendation to Don Philip de Mascaregnas, who was then Governour of Ceylan, and all those places that belong'd to it under the jurisdiction of the Portugueses. It happen'd three days after, that they lost Nagombe, and when they retook it, the Sieur Marests was one of those that receiv'd most wounds, and won most honour in the Assaults. He it was that afterwards was most instrumental in saving Don Philip from being drown'd; so that when Don Philip came to be Vice-Roy of Goa, he could not think he de­serv'd a less reward than the Command of his Guards; in which employment he dy'd within three or four Months. He was very much lamented by the Vice-Roy, by whom he was entirely belov'd. But he left his Estate to a Priest, with whom he had contracted a particular friendship; upon condition that he should only pay me two hundred and fifty Crowns that I had lent him; which how­ever I had much ado to get out of the Priest's Clutches.

While I stay'd at Goa, I was told a pretty story concerning a Caravel, or Portugal Vessel, which arriv'd there but a little before, and came from Lisbon. When she was about to make the Cape of good Hope, there happen'd such a violent Tempest, as lasted five or six hours, and put the Marriners to such a nonplus, that they knew not were they were. At length they fell into a Bay, where they saw several Inhabitants; and as soon as they came to an Anchor, they beheld the shore cov er'd with men, women, and children, that testify'd a strange amazement to see white people, and such kind of people as the Caravel. The mischief was, that they could not understand one another, but by signs. But after the Portugals had giv'n those Cafres Tobacco, Bisket, and Water, the next day the people brought them a great quantity of young Ostriches, and other [Page 84] Fowl that seem'd to resemble large Geese, but so fat, that they had very little lean. The Feathers of those Birds were very lovely, and those upon the Belley proper for Beds One of the Portugueses Mariners [...]old me a large Gushion stu [...] with those Feathers, and related to me what had happen'd to them in that Bay, where they stay'd seven and twenty days. They gave those Cafres one thing or other every scot, as Knives, Axes, false Coral, and false Pearls, out of hopes to have discover'd some▪ Trade, and particularly whether they had any Gold; for they observ'd that some of them wore pieces of Gold in their Ears; some beaten thin upon one side, and others like the Nails of a Lock. They brought two of the people to Goa; and I saw one of them that wore several of those pieces of Gold in several parts of each Ear. The Mariner told me, that there were some of their women that wore of those pieces of Gold under their Chins, and in their Nostrils. Eight or nine days after the Portugals arriv'd in that Bay, those Cafres brought them little pieces of Am­bergreese, some Gold, but very little; some Elephants teeth, but very small▪ some Ostriches, and other Birds, some Venison; but for Fish there was abun­dance. The Portugals endeavour'd all they could by signs to know where they found the Ambergreese, for it was very good. The Vice-Roy shew'd me a a piece that weigh'd not above half an Ounce, but he assur'd me withall that he had never seen so good. They also labour'd to discover where they had the Gold. After the Elephants teeth they made no great enquiry seeing a great number of Elephants that came to drink at a River that threw it self into the Bay. At length after they had stay'd three weeks, the Portugals finding it impossible for them to discover any thing more, because they understood not one ano­ther, resolv'd to set sail with the first wind. And because they had always some of these Cafres aboard in regard they were very liberal of their Tobacco, Bisket, and strong Water, they thought good to bring two of them along in the Vessel; in hopes that they might learn the Portuguese Language, or that there might some Child be found out that might understand what they said▪ The Mariners told me, that when they set sail, after the Cafres saw that they they had carri'd two of their people away, who perhaps were no inconsiderable persons, they tore their Hair, struck their Breasts▪ as if they had been frantick, and set up a most horrible yelling and howling. When they were brought to Goa, they could never be brougut to learn any thing of the Portugal Language. So that they could get out of them nothing of that further discovery at which they aim'd, of a Country from whence they only brought away two pound of Gold; three pound of Ambergreese, and thirty-five or forty Elephants teeth. One of the Cafres liv'd but six months, the other fifteen; but both languish'd and pin'd to death for grief to be so trapann'd.

From Goa I pass'd to Mingrela, where there fell out an accident not to be forgotten. An Idolater dying, and the Fire being ready prepar'd for the burn­ing of the Body, his Wife who had no Children, by the permission of the Governour, came to the Fire, and stood among the Priests and her Kindred, to be burnt with the Body of her deceas'd Husband. As they were taking three turns, according to custom, about the place where the Fire was kindl'd, there fell of a sudden so violent a Shower, that the Priests willing to get out of the rain, thrust the Woman all along into the Fire. But the Shower was so vehement, and endur'd so long a while, that the Fire was quench'd, and the Woman was not burn'd. About midnight she arose, and went and knock'd at the door of one of her Kinsmens Houses, where Father Zenon and many Hol­landers saw her, looking so gastly and grimly, that it was enough to have scar'd them; however the pain that she endur'd did not so far terrifie her, but that three days after accompany'd by her Kindred, she went and was burn'd according to her first intention.

CHAP. XV.
The Story of Father Ephraim, and how he was put into the Inquisition at Goa by a surprisal.

THE Chek, who had marri'd the Eldest of the Princesses of Golconda, not be­ing able to perswade Father Ephraim to stay at Bagnabar, where he promis'd to build him an House and a Church; gave him an Ox and two men to carry him to Maslipatan, where he staid to embark for Pegn, according to the order of his Superiors. But finding no Vessel ready to fet sail, the English drew him to Madres­patan, where they have a Fort call'd St. George, and a general Factory for every thing that concerns the Countreys of Golconda, Pegu and Bengala. They over-perswa­ded him that he might reap a fairer Harvest in this place, than in any other part of the Indies; to which end they presently built him a very neat House, and a Church. But in the conclusion, the English sought not so much the interest of Father Ephraim, as their own. For Madrespatan is but half a league from St. Thomas, a Sea-Town upon the Coast of Cormandel, indifferently well-built, as for­merly belonging to the Portugals. In that place there was a very great Trade, especially for Calicuts, and a very great number of Merchants and Workmen liv'd there, the greatest part whereof desir'd to inhabit at Madrespatan with the Eng­lish, but that there was no place for them to exercise their Religion in that place. But when the English had built a Church, and perswaded Father Ephraim to stay, many of the Portugueses quitted St. Thomas, by reason of the frequent Preaching of Father Ephraim, and his great care as well of the Natives, as of the Portu­gals. Father Ephraim was born at Auxerre, the Brother of Monsieur Chateau de Boys, Councellor of the Parliament of Paris; who was very happy in learning Languages, so that in a little time he spoke English and Portuguez perfectly well. But now the Clergy of St. Thomas-Church seeing Father Ephraim in so high a re­putation, and that he drew the greatest part of their Congregation to Madrespa­tan, were so enrag'd against him that they resolv'd to ruine him. And thus they laid their plot. The English and Portuguezes being neer-neighbours, could not choose but have several quarrels one among another, and still Father Ephraim was appli'd to for the composing their differences. Now one day it happen'd, that the Portuguezes quarrell'd on purpose with some English Mariners that were in St. Thomas-Road, and the English came by the worst. The English President re­solving to have satisfaction for the injury, a War broke out between the two Na­tions: which had ruin'd all the Trade of that Country, had not the Merchants on both sides been very diligent to bring things to an accommodation: not know­ing any thing of the wicked contrivance of particular persons against Father Ephraim. But all the interposition of the Merchants avail'd nothing: the Friar must be concern'd in the affair, he must be the Mediator to act between party and party, which he readily accepted. But he was no sooner enter'd into St. Tho­mas, but he was seiz'd by ten or twelve Officers of the Inquisition, who shipp'd him away in a Frigat that was bound at the same time for Goa. They fetter'd and manacl'd him, and kept him two and twenty days at Sea, before they would let him once put his foot a-shore: though the best part of the Mariners lay a-shoar every night. When they came to Goa, they staid till night before they would land Father Ephraim, to carry him to the Inquisition-House. For they were afraid, lest if they should land him in the day, the people should know of it, and rise in the rescue of a person, who was in an high veneration over all India. The news was presently spread abroad in all parts, that Father Ephraim was in the Inquisi­tion, which very much amaz'd all the French-men. But he that was most sur­priz'd, and most troubl'd at it was Friar Zenon, the Capuchin, who had been for­merlyly Father Ephraim's Companion; who after he had consulted his friends, re­solv'd to go to Goa, though he were put into the Inquisition himself. For when a man is once shut up there, if any one have the boldness to speak to the Inquisi­tor, or to any of his Councel in his behalf, he is presently put into the Inquisition [Page 86] also, and accounted a greater Offender than the other. Neither the Arch Bishop nor the Vice-Roy themselves dare interpose; though they are the only two per­sons over whom the Inquisition-has no power. For if they do anything to offend them, they presently write to the Inquisitor and his Council in Portugal, and as the King and the Inquisitor-General commands, they either proceed against, or send those two great persons into Portugal.

Notwithstanding all these considerations, Father Zenon, taking along with him the Sieur de la Boulay, a decaid Gentleman, goes to Goa; where, when he arriv'd, he was visited by some friends, who advise him to have a care not to open his mouth in the behalf of Father Ephraim, unless he intended to bear him company in the Inquisition. Father Zenon seeing he could do nothing at Goa, advis'd the Sieur de Boulay to return to Surat: and goes himself directly to Madrespatan, more particularly to inform himself concerning the reason of Father Ephraim's being sent away. But when he understood how he had been betraid at St. Thomas, he resolv'd to have satisfaction, and without acquainting the English-President, com­municates his design to the Captain that commanded in the Fort▪ Who being in­cens'd, as were all the Souldiers, at the injury done Father Ephraim, not only approv'd, but also promis'd Father Zenon to assist him in his design. Thereupon the Father sets his spies; and understanding by them, that the Governor of St. Tho­mas went every Saturday▪morning, early to a Chappel upon a Mountain half a league from the City, dedicated to the Virgin-Mary, he causes three Iron-Bars to be fix'd in the window of a little Chamber in the Covent with two good locks to the door, and as many padlocks. And having so done, he goes to the Governor of the Fort, who was an Irish-man, and a very stout person; who with thirty Souldiers, and Father Zenon, issu'd out of the Fort about midnight, and hid them­selves till day near the Chappel, in a part of the Mountain, where they could not be discover'd. The Governor of St. Thomas came exactly, according to his custom, a little after Sun-rising; and as soon as ever he alighted from his Pallequin, was immediately surpriz'd by the Ambuscade, and carri'd to Mestipatan, into the Cham­ber in the Covent which the Friar had provided for him. The Governor thus surpriz'd, made great protestations against Father Zenon, and threaten'd him with what the King would do when he should come to hear what he had practis'd against the Governor of one of his Garrisons. To which Father Zenon said no more, but only that he believ'd that he was better us'd at Madrespatan, than Fa­ther Ephraim was us'd at the Inquisition at Goa, whither he had sent him▪ That if he would obtain liberty for Father Ephraim to return, he would leave him in the same place where they had seiz'd his person, with as much Justice, as he had to send; Father Ephraim to Goa. Many people came to the English President, de­siring him to use his authority for the Governor's liberty. But his answer was, that the Governor was not in his jurisdiction, neither could he compel Father Ze­non to release him, who had been one of the Authors of the injury which had been done his Companion. So that he contented himself only to desire of Fa­ther Zenon that his Prisoner might dineat his Table in the Fort, promising him to return him when he should require his body; a request which he easily obtain'd▪ but could not so easily keep his word. For the Drummer of the Garrision being a French-man, with a Merchant of Murseilles, call'd Roboli, then in the Fort, two days after came to the Governor, and promis'd him, for a good reward, to pro­cure his escape. The agreement being made, the Drummer in the morning beat the Reveillez sooner than he was wont to do, and lowder, while Roboli and the Go­vernor let themselves down at a corner of a Bastion that was not very high; and were presently as nimbly follow'd by the Drummer; so that Madrespatan and St. Thomas being but half a league asunder, they were all three in the Town before their escape was known. The whole City greatly rejoyc'd at the return of their Governor, and immediately dispatch'd away a Barque to Goa to carry the news. The Drummer also and the Merchant set sail at the same time, and when they came to Goa with Letters of recommendation in their behalf, there was no House or Covent which did not make them Presents: The Vice-Roy also himself caress'd them extremely, and took them into his own Ship to have carri'd them into Por­tugal along with him; but both he and the two French-men dy'd at Sea.

[Page 87] Never did any Vice-Roy depart from Goa so rich as Don Philippo de Mascareg­nas; for he had a great parcel of Diamonds, all large stones, from ten Carats to forty. He shew'd me two when I was at. Goa, o [...] whereof weigh'd 57 Carats, the other 67 and an half; clean Stones, of an excellent water, and cut after the In­dian manner. The report was that the Vice-Roy was poison'd in the Ship, and that it was a just punishment of Heaven, for that he had poison'd several others, especially when he was Governor of Ceylan. He had always most exquisite poi­sons by him, to make use of when his revenge requir'd it: for which reason, ha­ving rais'd himself many enemies, one morning he was found hung in Effigie in Goa; when I was there in the year 1648.

In the mean time, the Imprisonment of Father Ephraim made a great noise in Europe; Monsieur de Chasteau des Bois, his Brother complain'd to the Portugal Em­bassadour, who presently wrote to the King his Master to send a positive command by the first Ships, that Father Ephraim should be discharg'd. The Pope also wrote, declaring that he would excommunicate all the Clergy of Goa, if they did not set him at liberty. But all this signify'd nothing. So that Father Ephraim was be­holding for his liberty to none but the King of Golconda, who had a love for him, and would▪ have had him have staid at Bagnagar. For the King was then at Wars with the Raja of Carnatica, and his Army lay round about St. Thomas's. Hearing there­fore what a base trick the Portuguezes had plaid with Father Ephraim, he sent or­ders to his General Mirgimola to lay siege to the Town, and put all to Fire and Sword, unless the Governor would make him a firm promise that Father Ephraim should be set at liberty in two months. A Copy of this Order was sent to the Governor, which so alarm'd the Town, that they dispatch'd away Barque after Barque to press the Vice-Roy to use his endeavours for the release of Father Ephraim. Thereupon he was releas'd; but though the door were set open, he would not stir, till all the Religious Persons in Goa came in procession to fetch him out. When he was at liberty he spent 15 days in the Covent of the Capu­chins. I have heard Father Ephraim say several times, that nothing troubl'd him so much all the while of his imprisonment, as to see the ignorance of the Inquisitor and his Council, when they put him any question: and that he did not believe that any one of them had ever read the Scripture. They laid him in the same Chamber, with a Maltese, who never spake two words without a desperate oath; and took Tobacco all day, and a good part of the night, which was very offensive to Father Ephraim.

When the Inquisitors seize upon any person, they search him presently; and as for his Goods and wearing-Apparel, it is set down in an Inventory, to be return'd him again in case he be acquitted; but if he have any Gold, Silver, or Jewels, that is never set down; but is carri'd to the Inquisitor to defray the expences of the Process. They search'd the Reverend Father Ephraim, but found nothing in his Cloak-pockets, unless it were a Comb, an Inkhorn, and two or three Hand­kerchiefs. But forgetting to search the little Pockets which the Capuchins carry in their sleeves toward their armpits, they left him four or five black-lead pens. These Pencils did him a great kindness. For the Maltese calling for such a deal of Tobacco, which is always cut and ti'd up in white-paper, for the profit of the seller, who weighs both Tobacco and Paper together: these Papers Father Ephraim kept very charily, and with his pencil wrote therein whatever he had studi'd at any time: though he lost the sight of one of his eyes, through the darkness of the Chamber, which had but one window, half a foot square, and barr'd with iron. They would never so much as lend him a Book, or let him have an end of Candle; but us'd him as bad as a certain Miscreant that had been twice let out already with his Shirt sulphur'd, and at St. Andrews-Cross upon his stomach, in company with those that are lead to the Gallows, and was then come in again.

Father Ephraim having staid 15 days in the Covent of the Capuchins to re­cover his strength after 20 months imprisonment, return'd for Madrespatan, and passing through Golconda, went to return his humble thanks to the King of Gol­conda and his Son-in-law, who had so highly interess'd themselves for his liberty. The King importun'd him again to stay at Bagnagar, but seeing him resolv'd to re­turn to his Covent at Madrespatan, they gave him as before, an Oxe, two Ser­vants, and Money for his journey.

CHAP. XVI.
The Road from Goa to Maslipatan through Cochin, here describ'd in the story of the taking of that City by the Hollanders.

AFter the Dutch had dispossess'd the Portugals of whatever they had in Cey­lan, they cast their eyes upon Cochin, in the Territories whereof grows the Bastard Cinnamon, which hinder'd the utterance of Ceylan Cinnamon. For the Merchants seeing that the Hollanders kept up their Cinnamon so dear, bought up that of Cochin, which they had very cheap; and that coming into request, was transported to Gomron, and distributed there among the Merchants that came from Persia from Tartary, from Moscovia, from Georgia, Mingrela, and all the places from the black Sea. It was also carried away in great quantities by the Merchants of Balsara and Bagdat, who furnish Arabia; as also by the Merchants of Mesopotamia, Anatolia, Constantinople, Romania, Hungary, and Po­land. For in all those Countries, they use it either whole or beaten in most of their meats, to heighten the taste thereof.

The Army which was commanded out of Batavia for the Siege of Cochin, landed at a place call'd Belli-Porto; where the Hollanders had a Fort made of Palm-Trees. It is near to Cranganor, a small City which the Hollanders took the year before; not being able to take Cochin then, though they had made some attempts upon it. So soon as the Army landed, they march'd within Cannon-shot of the City, there being a River between them and the City. That part where the Hollanders encamp'd, is call'd Belle-Epine, where after they had fortifi'd themselves, as well as the Nature of the place would permit, they rais'd some Batteries, which could not much annoy the City, by reason of the distance. They lay there till they had recruits of more men; for they had but three Ships full, though he that commanded them were one of the bravest Captains of his time. Some few days after, the Governour of Amboyna ar­riv'd with two Ships more, and afterwards a Dutch Captain brought a great number of Chinglas, who are the Natives of the Island of Ceylan. For the Forces of the Hollanders would not be so considerable as they are, did they not make use of the Natives of the Country to fill up the Companies which they bring out of Europe. The Natives of Ceylan, are good for digging Trenches, and raising Batteries, but for a Storm they signifie little. Those of Amboyna are good Soldiers, four hundred of which were left at Belle-Epine. The Body of the Army took Shipping again, and landed near to Cochin, not far from a Church dedicated to St. Andrew; where the Portugals, with certain Malavares, seem'd to have stay'd ashore for the Hollanders coming: But seeing the Enemy to land with so much resolution, they only gave them one Volly and retreated. In their March the Hollanders descry'd certain Companies of Portugueses near the Sea-shore, others somewhat farther up in the Land, in a Church call'd St. Johns. Thereupon they sent out some Horsemen to discover their number; but the Portugals still retreated, after they had set fire to the Church. Thereupon the Hollanders made their approaches to the Town; and after they had besieg'd it for some time, a French Soldier, who was under their pay, seeing a Pannier ty'd at the end of a Cord, hanging over one of the Bastions, ventur'd not­withstanding all the Bullets that flew about his Ears, to see what was in it. But he was strangely surpriz'd, to find nothing but a languishing Infant, which the Mother had hung there, that she might not see it perish for hunger. The Soldier mov'd to compassion, took the Infant and gave it such as he had to eat; at which the Dutch General was so incens'd, saying that the Soldier should have let the Infant perish, that he call'd a Council of War, where he would have had the Soldier run the Gauntlet, which was very cruel; but the Coun­cil moderating the sentence, condemn'd him only to the Strappado.

The same day ten Soldiers out of every Company were commanded to go to one of the Houses of the King of Cochin; but they found no body there, [Page 89] having plunder'd it the year before. At which time the Hollanders s [...]ew four Kings of the Country, and six hundred Blacks; nor did there escape but only one ancient Queen, who was taken alive by a common Soldier, call'd Van Rez, whom the Commander of the Army made a Captain immediately, for his re­ward. They left one Company in that House; but the Queen stay'd there but six days, for they gave her into the custody of Savarin, one of the most potent of the petty Kings upon that Coast, to whom the Hollanders had promis'd to give the City of Cranganor, if they took Cochin, provided he would be faith­ful to them.

Six weeks pass'd ere any thing considerable was done; but then the Hol­landers, storming the Town by night, were repuls'd, and lost abundance of men, slain and taken Prisoners, through the Governour of Cranganors fault, who commanded them, and was drunk when the assault was made. Two months after, the General of the Hollanders resolv'd to make another assault in the same place; and because he would not want men, he sent for those that lay upon the side of Belle-epine. But by misfortune the Frigat struck upon the Sands, and splitting, abundance of the Soldiers were drown'd. They that could swim, got to land near Cochin, not finding any either other place convenient, and were all taken Prisoners by the Portugals, being not above ten in all, Soldiers and Mariners. The General however would not give over the assault, but causing the Sea-men to land, he arm'd some with half-Pikes, others with Swords, to others he gave hand-Granadoes, and about ten a Clock in the morning he began the assault, with four Companies, consisting each of a hundred and fifty men. The Hollanders lost abundance of men in this last assault, and so did the Portu­gueses, for they defended themselves stoutly, being seconded by two hundred Soldiers, who were all Dutch-men, tho they sided with the Portugueses, because their Countrymen had abated them six months and a half pay for the loss of Touan. Without the assistance of these Soldiers, the City had never held out two months, there being among them one of the best Dutch Engineers of his time, who had left his Countrymen by reason of their ill usage of him.

At length the Hollanders having enter'd the Town toward evening, on Cali­vete side, and being Masters of the chief Bulwark, the Portugals came to a Capitulation, and the City was surrender'd. The Portugals by their Articles march'd out of Cochin with their Arms and Baggage; but when they came out of the City where the Hollanders were drawn up in Battalia, they were all forc'd to quit their Arms, and to lay them at the Generals feet; except the Officers, who kept their Swords. The General had promis'd the Soldiers the Pillage of the Town, but not being able to keep his word, for several plausible reasons which he told, he promis'd them six months pay, which in a few days after was reduc'd to eight Roupies a man. Samarin also demanded of him the City of Cranganor, according to his promise; which the General made good; but he caus'd all the Fortifications to be slighted first, and left Samarin nothing but the bare Walls. For being of a very mean Extraction, he was naturally as cruel and barbarous in his disposition. One time the Souldiers being so put to it for four days together, that they could get no food for money, two of them had somewhere taken a Cow and kill'd her; for which the General, when he came to know of it, caus'd one of them to be hang'd immediately, and had or­der'd the other to have run the Gauntlet, had not King Perca interceded for him.

King Perca, was a petty King of that Countrey, with whom the General was then in Treaty; and the Treaty being at length concluded, the General muster'd all his Land and Sea-men, to the number of about six thousand men. A few days after, he sent some Companies to besiege the City of Cananor, which sur­render'd without any resistence. When they return'd, the General caus'd a Crown to be made for the new King of Cochin, the other being expell'd his Countrey. And upon the day which he had appointed for this most solemn Coronation, the Ge­neral sat upon a kind of a Throne, at the foot whereof, a Malavare or Pirat, being led [...]ither between three Captains of each side, fell upon his knees to receive the Crown from the Generals hand, and to do homage for a petty Kingdom, that is to say, the little City of Cochin and its Territories, which [Page 90] were very small. The King and the King-maker were both alike. For no doubt it could not but be a pleasant fight, to see a Hollunder, that had been only the Cook of a Ship, crowning a miserable Pirat with those hands that had oft'ner handled a Ladle than a Sword.

In the mean time the Ships that carried the Inhabitants of Cochin to Goa; return'd laden with the spoils of those distressed people; for contrary to the Articles of Capitulation, the Hollanders were no sooner out at Sea, but they took from those poor Creatures whatever they had, rifling both men and women, without any regard to sex or modesty.

The General being return'd into Batavia, they sent a Governour to Cochin, who to make the place the stronger, demolish'd a great part of the City. But this Governour us'd the greatest rigor imaginable, even toward the Souldiers; he shut them up in the City as if they had been in a Prison; nor could they drink either. Wine, or Sury, or Strong-water, by reason of the great Imposts which he laid upon them. (Sury is a drink which flows from the Palm-trees.) So that when the Portugueses kept Cochin, men might live better for five or six Sous, than under the Hollander for ten. This Governour was so severe, that he would banish a man for the smallest fault in the world, to the Island of Cey­lan, to a place where they made Brick, sometimes for five or or six years, some­times as long as the party liv'd. For it is oftentimes observ'd, that when any one is banish'd thither, though the sentence be only for a term of years, yet the Exile never obtains his freedom afterwards.

CHAP. XVII.
The Passage by Sea from Ormus to Maslipatan.

I Departed from Gomron to Maslipatan the eleventh of May, 1652, and went aboard a great Vessel of the King of Golconda's, which is bound every year from Persia, laden with fine Calicuts, Chites, or Calicuts painted with a Pencil, which makes them much more beautiful and dearer than those which are printed. The Holland Company are wont to allow to those Vessels which belong to any of the Kings or Princes of India, a Pilot, and two or three Gunners; neither the Indians nor Persians being expert in Navigation. In the Vessel where I was aboard there were but six Dutch Mariners at most, but above a hundred Na­tives. We failed out of the Persian Golf, with a pleasing and favorable Gale; but we had not sail'd very far before we found the Sea very rough, and the Winds at South-West, so violent, though full in our Stern, that we were not able to carry out more than one small Sail. The next day, and for some days after, the Wind grew more violent, and the Sea more boist'rous; so that being in the sixteenth Degree, which is the elevation of Goa, the Rain, the Thunder, and Lightning, render'd the Tempest the more terrible; insomuch that we could not carry out any other than our top-sail, and that half furl'd. We pass'd by the Maldives Islands, but were not able to discern them, besides that the Ship had taken in very much water in the Hold. For the Ship had lain five months in the Road of Gomron, where if the Mariners are not very careful to wash the Planks that lye out of the water, they will be apt to gape, which causes the Ship to leak when she is loaden. For which reason the Hol­landers wash the outside of their Ships morning and evening. We had in our Vessel five and fifty Horses, which the King of Persia had sent as a Present to the King of Golconda; and about a hundred Merchants, Persians and Armenians together, who were Traders to India. One whole day and night together there rose a cross Wind, so violent, that the Water rowl'd in from Stern to Stern, and the mischief was, that our Pumps were nought. By good fortune there was a Merchant that had two Bails of Russia Leather, besides four or five Sadlers that knew how to sow the Skins, who were very serviceable as well [Page 91] to the whole Ship as to themselves. For they made great Buckets of the Skins, four Skins to a Bucket, which being let down from the Masts with Pullies, through certain great Holes which were cut in the Deck, drew up a vast quan­tity of Water. The same day the violence of the Tempest continuing, there fell three Thunderbolts into the Ship. The first fell upon the Boltsprit, and split it quite in two; and running along upon the Deck, kill'd three men. The second fell two hours after, and kill'd two men, shooting along as the other did from Head to Stern. The third follow'd presently after, the Master, the Masters Mate, and my self standing together near the main Mas [...]. At what time the Cook coming to ask the Master whether he should take up the Victuals, the Thun­derbolt took him in the lower part of his Belly, made a little hole, and took off all the Hair as clean as they dress a Pig with hot water and Rosin, without doing him any more harm. Only when they came to anoint the little hole with Oil of Coco's he roar'd out through the sharpness of the pain which he endur'd.

The twenty-fourth of June in the morning, we discover'd Land; and ma­king toward it, we found our selves before Ponte de Galle, the first Town in the Island of Ceylan, which the Hollanders had taken from the Portugals. From thence to the Road of Maslipatan we had very good weather; where we ar­riv'd the second of July, an hour or two after Sun-set. There I went ashore, and was most civilly treated by the Dutch President, and Merchants, as also by the English.

The eighteenth and nineteenth of June, the Sieur Du Jardin and I, bought us two Palleki's, and six Oxen to carry our selves, our Servants, and our Luggage. Our design was to have gone directly to Golconda, there to have sold the King a parcel of long Pearls, the least whereof weigh'd thirty-four Carats, and the biggest thirty-five, with some other Jewels, the most part whereof were Emraulds. But the Hollanders assuring us, that our journey would be to no purpose, in regard the King would buy nothing that was rare, or of a high price, till Mir­gimola, his General and prime Minister of State, had view'd the Commodity; understanding therefore, that he was then at the Siege of Gandicot, in the Pro­vince of Carnatica, we resolv'd to go thither to him.

CHAP. XVIII.
The Road from Maslipatan to Gandicot, a City and Garrison in the Province of Carnatica. And of the dealings which the Author had with Mirgimo­la, who commanded the King of Golconda's Army. With a discourse at large concerning Elephants.

WE set forth from Maslipatan the twentieth of June, about five of the Clock in the Evening.

The next day, being the one and twentieth, we travell'd three Leagues, and lay at a Village call'd Nilmol.

The two and twentieth, we travell'd six Leagues, to Wouhiz, another Village; crossing the River upon a floating Bridg, before we came thither.

The three and twentieth, after we had travel'd six hours, we came to Pate­met, a pitiful Village, where we were constrain'd to lye three days by rea­son of the Rains.

The twenty-seventh, we came to a great Town, call'd Bezouart; not being able to travel above a League and a half, because the Road was overflow'd. There we were forc'd to stay four days, for the Rains had so swell'd the Ri­ver which we were to cross, that the Ferryman could not govern his Boat a­gainst the violence of the Stream. There we also left the Horses which the King of Persia sent to the King of Golconda; which by that time were reduc'd to fifty.

[Page 92] While we stay'd at Bezouart, we went to see several Pagods, of which the Country is full; there being more than in any other part of India; for unless it be the Governours of Towns; and some of their Domesticks, all the rest of the Inhabitants are Idolaters. The Pagod belonging to the Town of Bezouart, is a very large one, but not clos'd with Walls; it consists of fifty-two Pillars twenty foot high, that uphold a flat roof of Free-stone▪ they are adorn'd with several emboss'd Figures of ugly Devils, and several sorts of Creatures. Some of those Devils are made with four Horns, others with many Legs and many Tails, others lo [...]ing out their Tongues, and others in several other ridiculous postures. The same Figures are cut in the Stone of the Roof, and between the Pillars stand the Statues of their Gods upon Pedestals. The Pagod is built in the midst of a Court, of a greater length than breadth, encompass'd with Walls▪ which are adorn'd within and without, with the same Figures as the Pagod; and a Gallery uphold by sixty-six Pillars, runs round the Wall, after the manner of a Cloyster. You enter into this Court through a wide Portal, upon which are two Niches, one above another, the first uphold by twelve, the other by eight Pillars. At the bottom of the Pillars of the Pagod, are certain old Indian Characters, of which the Priests of those Idolaters themselves can hardly tell the meaning.

We went to see another Pagod, built upon a Hill, to which there is an as­cent of a hundred and ninety-three steps, every one a foot high. The Pagod is four-square, with a Cupola at the top; and has the same emboss'd Figures, as the Pagod of Bezouart, round about the Walls. In the middle there is an Idol sitting cross-leg'd, after the manner of the Country; and in that sitting posture it is about four foot high; upon the Head it has a Triple Crown, from which four Horns extend themselves; and it has the face of a man, turn'd to­ward the East. The Pilgrims that come out of devotion to these Pagods, when they enter, clasp their hands together, and rear them up to their foreheads; then they advance toward the Idol, tossing their two hands so claspt together, and crying out several times Ram, Ram, that is to say, God, God. When they come near, they ring a little Bell that hangs upon the Idol it self, after they have besmear'd the Face, and several parts of the Body, with several sorts of Painting. Some there are that bring along with them Viols of Oil, with which they anoint the Idol; and besides, they make an Offering to it of Sugar, Oil, and other things proper to be eaten; the richer sort also adding pieces of Sil­ver. There are sixty Priests that belong to the Idol, and maintain themselves, their Wives and Children upon the Offerings brought to the Idol. But to the end the Pilgrims may believe the Idol takes them, the Priests let them lye two days, and the third day in the evening they take them away. When any Pilgrim goes to a Pagod, to be cur'd of any distemper, he brings the Figure of the Member affected made either in Gold, Silver, or Copper, according to his quality, which he offers to his god; and then falls a singing, as all the rest do, after they have offer'd. Before the Gate of the Pagod, there is a flat Roof, upheld by sixteen Pillars, and right against it, is another upheld by eight; which serves for the Priests Kitchin. On the South-side there is a large Plat­form cut in the Mountain, where there is a pleasing shade of many fair Trees, and several Wells digg'd in the ground. Pilgrims come far and near to this Pagod; and if they be poor, the Priests relive them with what they receive from the rich, that come there out of devotion. The great Feast of this Pa­god is in the month of October, at which time there is a great concourse of people from all parts. While we were there, there was a Woman that had not stirr'd out of the Pagod for three days together; and her prayer to the Idol was, since she had lost her Husband, to know what she should do to bring up her Children. Thereupon asking one of the Priests, wherefore she had no answer, or whether she was to have any answer or no; he told me, that she must wait the pleasure of their God, and that then he would give her an an­swer to what she expected. Upon this I mistrusted some cheat, and to disco­ver it, I resolv'd to go into the Pagod when all the Priests were absent at Dinner, there being only one that stood at the Gate, whom I sent to fetch me some water at a Fountain two or three Musket-shot from the place. During that [Page 93] time I went in, and the Woman hearing me, redoubled her cries; for there being no light in the Pagod, but what comes in at the door, it is very dark. I felt my way to the Idol, and by the glimmering light observ'd an hole behind the Idol. I could not do this so quickly, but that the Priest return'd before I had done, He curst me for prophaning his Temple, as he call'd it. But we became suddenly very good friends by the mediation of two Roupies which I put into his hands, where­upon he presently presented me with some of his Betlé

The one and thirtieth, we departed from Bezouart, and past the River which runs to the Mine of Gani or Coulour. It was then neer half a league broad, by reason of the great Rains which had fall'n continually for eight or nine days to­gether. After we had travell'd three leagues on the other side of the River [...] came to a great Pagod built upon a large Platform, with an ascent of 15 or 20 steps. Within it stood the Figure of a Gow, all of very black-Marble▪ and a number of deformed Idols four or five-foot-high; some having many heads, others many hands and legs: and the most ugly are most ador'd, and receive most Offerings.

A quarter of a league from this Pagod is a large Town; but we travell'd three leagues farther, and came to li [...] at another Town, call'd Kab-Kali, neer to which there is a small Pagod, wherein there stand five or six Idols of Marble very well­made.

The first of August we came to a great City call'd Condev [...], with a double-Moat, pav'd at the bottom with Free-stone. The way to this Town is clos'd on each side with strong Walls, and at such and such distances are built certain round Towers of little or no defence. This City toward the East stretches out to a Mountain about a league in compass, and surrounded with Walls. At the di­stance of every 150 paces, there is as it were an half-Moon, and within the Walls are three Fortresses.

The second, we travell'd six leagues, and lay at a Village call'd Copenour▪

The third day, after we had travell'd eight leagues, we came to Adanquige, a very fair Town, where there is a very large Pagod, with abundance of Chambers which were built for the Priests; but are now gone to ruine. There are also in the Pagod certain Idols, but very much maim'd, which the People however very superstitiously adore.

The fourth, we travell'd eight leagues, and came to lie at the Town of Nos­drepar. Half a league on this side there is a great River; but at that time it had but little water in it; by reason of the drowth.

The fifth, after eight leagues journey we lay at Condecour.

The sixth, we travell'd seven hours, and lay at a Village call'd Dakije.

The seventh, after three leagues journey we came to Nelour, where there are many Pagods, and having cross'd a great River, a quarter of a league farther, we travell'd six leagues, and came to Gandaron.

The eighth, after a journey of eight hours we lay at Sereplé, a small Vil­lage.

The ninth, we travell'd nine leagues, and lay at a good Town call'd Ponter.

The tenth, we travell'd eleven hours, and lay at Senepgond, another good Town.

The eleventh, we went no farther than Palicat, which is but four leagues from Senepgond; and of those four leagues we travell'd above one in the Sea, up to the Saddles of our Horses in water. There is another way, but it is the farther about by two or three leagues. Palicat is a Fort that belongs to the Hollanders that live upon the Coast of Coromandel; and where they have their chief Factory, where lives also the chief Intendent over all the rest that are in the Territories of the King of Golconda. There are usually within the Fort 200 Souldiers, or there­abouts, besides several Merchants that live there upon the account of Trade; and several others, who having serv'd the Company according to their agreement, retire to that place. There also dwell some of the Natives of the Country; so that Palicat is now as it were a little Town. Between the Town and the Castle there is a large distance of ground, lest the Fort should be annoid by shot from the Town. The Bastions are well-stor'd with good Guns: And the Sea comes up to the very Wall of it; but there is no Haven, only a Road. We staid in the [Page 94] Town till the next day in the evening, where we observ'd, that when the Inhabi­tants fetch their water to drink, they stay till the Sea is quite out, and then dig­ging holes in the Sand as neer the Sea as they can, they meet with fresh­water.

The twelfth, we departed from Calicat, and the next morning about ten of the clock we came to Madrespatan, otherwise call'd Fort St. George, which belongs to the English, having travell'd not above seven or eight leagues that day. We lay at the Covent of Capuchins, at what time Father Ephraim, and Father Zenon were both there.

The fifteenth, we went to St. Thomas's Town, to see the Austin-Friars, and the Jesuits Church, in the first whereof is an Iron-lance, wherewith they say that St. Thomas was Martyr'd.

The two and twentieth, in the morning we departed from Madrespatan, and after a journey of five leagues we arriv'd at a large Town call'd Serravaron.

The three and twentieth, after 7 leagues travel, we came to Oudecot, the whole days journey being over a flat sandy Countrey. On each side there are only Copses of Bambou's that grow very high. Some of these Copses are so thick, that it is im­possible for a man to get into them; but they are pester'd with prodigious num­bers of Apes: Those that breed in the Copses upon one side of the way, are ene­mies to them that are bred on the other side; so that they dare not cross from one side to the other, but they are in danger of being immediately strangl'd. Here we had good sport by setting the Apes together by the ears; which is done after this manner. This part of the Country, at every leagues end, is clos'd up with Gates and Barr icado's where there is a good Guard▪ kept, and where all Pas­sengers are examin'd whither they go, and whence they come; so that men may safely travel there with their Money in their hands. In several parts of this Road there is Rice to be sold; and they that would see the sport, cause five or six Baskets of Rice to be set in the Road▪ some forty or fifty paces one from the other, and close by every Basket they lay five or six battoons about two-foot-long, and two inches about; then they retire and hide themselves: presently they shall see the Apes on both sides of the way descend from the tops of the Bambou's, and advance toward the Baskets which are full of Rice: They are about half an hour shewing their teeth one at the other before they come near the Baskets; sometimes they advance, then retreat again, being loath to encounter. At length the female-Baboons, who are most couragious than the males, especially those that have young ones, which they carry in their arms, as woman do their Chil­dren, venture to a approach the Basket, and as they are about to put in their heads to eat, the males on the other side advance to hinder them. Immediately the other party comes forward, and thus the feud being kindled on both sides, they take up the Battoons that lie by the Baskets, and thrash one another in good earnest. The weakest are constrain'd to flie into the wood with their pates bro­ken, and their limbs maim'd; while the Masters of the Field glut themselves with Rice. Though it may be, when their bellies are full, they will suffer some of the female-party to come and pertake with them.

The four and twentieth, we travell'd nine leagues, all the way being like the Road the day before, as far as Naraveron.

The five and twentieth, after a journey of eight hours, through a Countrey of the same nature, meeting at every two or three leagues end with Gates and Guards, we came in the evening to Gazel.

The six and twentieth, we travell'd nine leagues, and came to lie at Courva, where there was nothing to be found neither for Man nor Beast, so that our Cat­tel were forc'd to be contented with a little Grass, which was cut on purpose for them. Courva is only a celebrated Pagod; by which, at our arrival, we saw se­veral bands of Souldiers pass by, some with Half-pikes, some with Muskets, and some with Clubs, who were going to joyn with one of the principal Comman­ders of Mirgimola's Army, who was encamp'd upon a rising-ground not far from Courva; the place being pleasant and cool, by reason of the great number of Trees and Fountains that grace it. When we understood the Captain was so neer, we went to wait upon him, and found him sitting in his Tent with many Lords of the Country all Idolaters. After we had presented him with a pair of Pocket-Pistols [Page 95] inlaid with Silver, he demanded of us what had brought us into that Countrey; but when we told him that we came to attend Mirgimola, Generalis­simo of the King of Golconda's Army, about business, he was infinitely kind to us: However, understanding that he took us for Hollanders, we told him we were not Hollanders, but French-men. Thereupon, not understanding what Nation we were, he fell into a long discourse with us about the Government of our Coun­trey, and the Grandeur of our King. Six or seven days before, they had taken five or six Elephants, three whereof had escap'd, having kill'd ten or twelve of the Natives who assisted in the Chace; in pursuit whereof the General was prepa­ring; and because we could not stay to see the sport, we were contented to inform our selves of the manner of hunting that vast Animal; which is thus. They cut out several Alleys or Walks in the Wood, which they dig full of great deep holes, and cover with Hurdles strow'd over with a little earth. Then the Hunters hoop­ing and hollowing, and beating up Drums, with Pikes that have Wild-fire ti'd to the end of them, force the Elephant into those Walks, where he tumbles into the holes, not being able to rise again. Then they fetch Ropes and Chains: and some they bring under their bellies, others they wind about their legs and trunk, and when they think they have sufficiently hamper'd the Beast, they have certain En­gines ready, wherewithal to draw him up. Nevertheless, of five, three escap'd, notwithstanding the cords and chains about their bodies and their legs. The people told us one thing which seem'd very wonderful; which was, that these Elephants having been once deceiv'd, and having escap'd the snare, are very mistrust­ful ever after; and when they get into the Wood again, they break off a great bough from one of the Trees with their trunk, with which they examine every step they go, before they set down their feet, to try whether there be any hole or no in their way. So that the Hunters that told us the Story, seem'd to be out of hopes of ever taking those three Elephants which had escap'd. Had we been assur'd that we might have been eye-witnesses of this miraculous precaution of the Elephant, we would have staid three or four days, what-ever urgent business we had had. The Captain himself was a kind of a Brigadeer, that commanded three or four-thousand men, who were quarter'd half a league round the Countrey.

The seven and twentieth, after two hours travel, we came to a great Village, where we saw the two Elephants which had been so lately taken. Every one of the two wild Elephants was plac'd between two tame ones. Round about the wild Elephants stood six men, with every one an Half-pike in their hands, and a lighted-Torch fasten'd at the end of the Pike, who talk'd to the Beasts, giving them meat, and crying out in their language, Take it, eat it. The food which they gave them was a little bottle of Hey, some pieces of brown-Sucre, and Rice boil'd in water, with some few corns of Pepper. If the wild Elephants refus'd to do as they were bidden, the men made signs to the tame Elephants to beat them, which they did, banging the refractory Elephant upon the head and forehead with their trunks; and if he offer'd to make any resistence, the other Elephant thwackt him on the other side; so that the poor Elephant, not knowing what to do, was con­strain'd to learn obedience.

Being thus fall'n into the Story of Elephants, I will add some other observa­tions, which I have made upon the nature of those Animals. Though the Ele­phant never meddles with the female, after he is once taken, yet he is sometimes seiz'd with a kind of lustful rage. One day that Sha-jehan was an Hunting upon one of his Elephants, with one of his Sons that sat by him to fan him, the Ele­phant became so furious by reason of his lust, that the Governor who was by no means able to master him, declar'd to the King, that to allay the fury of the Ele­phant, who would else doubtless bruise him to pieces among the Trees, there was no way, but for one of the three to forfeit his life: and that he would willingly sacrifice his for the safety of the King and the Prince his Son. Only he desir'd his Majesty to take care of three small Children which he must leave behind him. Having so said, he threw himself under the Elephant's-feet, who had no sooner taken him in his trunk and squeez'd him to pieces with his feet, but he grew as quiet and peaceable as before. The King, as an acknowledgment for so famous a deliverance, gave to the poor two-hunder'd-thousand Roupies, and highly advanc'd [Page 96] every one of the Sons of him that had so generously laid down his life for the safety of his Sovereign.

I observ'd also, that though the Elephant's skin be very hard while he is alive; yet when he is dead, it is just like melted-glue.

Elephants are brought from several parts of India; as from the Island of C [...]y­lan, where they are very small; but the most couragious of all: from the Isle of Sumatra; from the Kingdom of Cochin; from the Kingdom of Siam; and from the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Boutam neer the Great-Tartarie. They are brought also from the Coast of Melinda, Eastward of Affrica: where they are in very great numbers, according to the report of a Portugueze-Captain, made at Goa, who came from thence to make some complaint against the Governor of Mo­zambique. He told me that he had seen all along that Coast several Parks that were empal'd with nothing but Elephants-teeth, the least of which Parks is above a league about: He added farther, that the Blacks of the Country hunt their Elephants, and eat the Flesh. But they are oblig'd to give the tusks of every one they kill to the Lord of the place. When they intend to take their Elephants in the Island of Ceylan, they make a long lane, clos'd in on both sides, so that the Ele­phant can neither run to the right nor to the left: this lane is broad at the first, but grows narrower and narrower, till there is no more room left at the farther-end than for the female-Elephant to lie down, which must be one that is covetous of the male at the same time. Though she be tame, yet she is bound with good Ropes and Cords, and by her cries will call the male-Elephant, who presently runs through the lane towards her. Now when the Elephant comes where the lane grows narrow, they that lie hid for that purpose, immediately barricado up the lane behind, and when he comes neer the female, there is another Barricado set up that stops him from going any farther. When he is thus between the Barricado's, they so entangle his legs and trunk with ropes and cords, that he is soon taken, ha­ving no way to help himself. The same way they use for the most part in the Kingdoms of Siam, and Pegu, only that the Natives there mount the female-Elephant, and go to find out the male in the Forrests. And when they have met with his haunt, they tye the female to the most convenient place they can find, and then they fix their snares for the Elephant, who in a short time hastens toward the female, hot for Generation, where her cries call him.

This is observable of the female-Elephant, that when she begins to be hot, she gathers together a great heap of herbs and weeds, and makes her self a kind of bed some four or five-foot-high from the ground, where contrary to the custom of all other creatures, she lies upon her back, in expectation of the male, whom she calls to her by a peculiar cry.

This is also particular to the Elephants in the Isle of Ceylan, that only the first Elephant which the female produces, has any tusks. And it is also observable, that the Ivory which comes from Achen when it is wrought, has this peculiar quality with it, that it never grows yellow, like that which comes out of the Continent, and from the East-Indies, which makes it more esteem'd, and dearer than any other.

When the Merchants bring Elephants to any place to sell, 'tis a pleasant sight to see them go along. For in regard there are generally old and young together, when the old ones are gone by, the children will be running after the little ones to play with them, and give them something or other to eat. While the young Elephants, which are very wanton, are busily taking what is offer'd them, the children leap upon their backs: but when the young Elephants that Iately stopt for the lucre of the Victuals perceiving their Dams, a great way before, double their pace, and playing with their trunks, throw the children off their backs to the ground, yet without doing them any harm.

Notwithstanding all the enquiry I have made, I could never find exactly how long an Elephant will live. Nor can all the Governors and keepers of those creatures tell you more, than such an Elephant has been in the possession of their Father, their Grandfather, and great Grandfather. And by that computation, I found that they had liv'd some of them six-score, or an hunder'd and thirty years.

[Page 97] The greatest part of those that have made Relations of India, boldly affirm that the Great Mogul keeps three or four-thousand Elephants. But being my self at Jehanabad, where the King at present resides, he that was chief Master of the Elephants, assur'd me that the King had not above five-hunder'd Elephants▪ which were call'd Elephants of the House, made use of only to carry the Women, their Tents, and Luggage; but that for the Wars, he only kept fourscore, or four­score and ten at most. The noblest of the latter sort is always reserv'd for the King's Eldest Son, the allowance for his food and other necessaries being 500 Roupies a month, which comes to 750 Livres. There are some that are not al­low'd above 50, others 40, others, 30, and some but 20 Roupies. But those Ele­phants that are allow'd an hunder'd, two-hunder'd, three-hunder'd or four-hunder'd Roupies a-month, have belonging to them certain Horse-men that live upon the same pay, and two or three young fellows to fan them during the heat of the weather. All these Elephants are not always kept in the City: the greatest part being led out every morning into the fields, or among the thickets, where they feed upon the branches of Trees, Sucre-canes, and Millet, to the great detriment of the poor Country man. But not a little to the profit of their Keepers; for the less they eat at home, the more they gain into their own purses.

The twenty-seventh of August, we travell'd six leagues, and lay at a great Town call'd Ragia-peta.

The twenty-eighth, after eight leagues journey we came to Ondecour.

The twenty-ninth, after nine hours travel we arriv'd at Outemeda, where there is one of the greatest Pagods in all India. It is all built of large Free-stone, and it has three Towers, where there stand several deform'd figures of Emboss'd­work. It is encompast with many little Chambers for the Priests Lodgings: five-hunder'd paces beyond there is a wide Lake, upon the banks whereof are built several Pagods eight or ten-foot-square; and in every one an Idol representing the shape of some Devil, with a Brameré, who takes care that no stranger that is not of their superstition, shall come to wash, or take any water out of the Lake. If any stranger desires any water, they bring it in earthen-pots: and if by chance their pot touches the stranger's Vessel, they break it immediately. They told me also that if any stranger, not of their superstition, should happen by accident to wash in that Lake, they must be forc'd to drain the lake of all the water that was in at that time. As for their alms, they are very charitable; for there passes by no person in necessity, or that begs of them, but they give them to eat and drink of such as they have. There are several Women that sit upon the Road, whereof some of them always keep fire for Travellers to light their Tobacco by. Nay, they will give a Pipe to some that have none at all. Others boil Rice with Quicheri, which is a grain somewhat like our Hemp-seed. Others boil Beans with their Rice, because the water wherein they are boil'd never puts those that are over-hot into a pleurisy. There are Women that have vow'd to perform these acts of Charity to strangers for seven or eight years, some for more, some for less, according to their convenience. And to every Traveller they give some of their Beans, and Rice-water, and an handful of Rice to eat. There are other Women upon the high-way, and in the fields, looking behind their Horses, their Oxen, and their Cows, who have made vows never to eat but what they find indigested in the dung of those Beasts. Now in regard there is neither Barly nor Oats in that Countrey, they give their Cattle certain great crooked Pease, which they bruise before between two Mill-stones: and then lay them in steep for half an hour; for they are a very [...]olid substance, and hard to be digested. They give their Cat­tel these Pease every evening; and in the morning they feed them with two pound of dark-brown-Sugar, like Wax, kneaded together with as much Meal, and one-pound of Butter, whereof the Ostlers or Grooms make little round Balls which they thrust down their throats; for otherwise they would never eat them. Afterwards they wash their mouths, that are all over clamm'd, especially their teeth, which makes them have such an aversion against that sort of food. All the day long they pull up the grass and weeds, by the roots, and give their Cattel, be­ing very careful of letting them eat any of the earth.

The thirty'th, we travell'd eight leagues, and lay at a place call'd Goulupalé.

[Page 98] The one and thirty'th, after we had travell'd nine hours, we stopt at Gogeron.

The first of September we travell'd but six leagues, and came to lie at Gandicot. It was but eight days before, that the Nahab had taken that City, after a Siege of three months. Nor had it been taken without the assistance of certain French-men, who had forsaken the service of the Dutch-Company, by reason of ill-usage. They had also several English and Dutch-Cannoneers, with two or three Italians, which mainly forwarded the surrender of that place.

Gandicot is one of the strongest Cities in the Kingdom of Carnatica. It is situa­ted upon the point of an high Mountain; there being but one ascent to it, not above twenty or five and twenty-foot-broad at most; in some places not above seven or eight-foot-wide. On the right-hand of the way, which is cut out of the Mountain, there is a most hideous precipice; at the bottom whereof runs a vast River. Upon the top of the Mountain there is a small plain, but a quarter of a league broad, and about half a league long. This is all sow'd with Rice and Millet, and water'd with many little Springs. The top of the plain on the South­side, where the City is built, is encompast with precipices, two Rivers running at the bottom, which form the point. So that there is but one Gate to enter into the City from the plain-side; and that too fortifi'd with three good walls of Free-stone, with Moats pav'd at the bottom with Free-stone; so that the besieg'd had but only one quarter of the City to defend, containing about five hunder'd paces. They had but two Iron-Guns, the one carrying twelve-pound-Ball, the other eight. The one was planted upon the Gate, the other upon a point of a kind of a Bastion. So that until the Nahab had found the way to mount his Can­non upon a very high place neer the City, he lost a great number of men by se­veral sallies which the Besieg'd made. The Raja that was within, was esteem'd one of the bravest and most experienc'd Captains that ever were amongst the Ido­laters: whereupon, the Nahab finding that the place was not to be taken, unless he could get up his Cannon to the top of that steep ascent, sent for all the French-men that were in the King's service, promising to every one four months extraor­dinary pay, if they could find a way to mount his Cannon up to the top of such a place; wherein they had the good-hap to be very succesful. For they mounted four pieces of Cannon, and were so prosperous, as to hit the great Gun that was planted upon the Gate, and render it unserviceable. At length, when they had beaten down good part of the Wall of the City, the Besieged came to capitulate, and march'd out of the Town upon good Articles. The day we arriv'd, all the Army was encamp'd at the foot of the Mountain, in a plain, through which there ran a very fair River; where the Nahab muster'd his Cavalry, and found them in a very good condition. An English-Cannoneer and an Italian seeing Mon­sieur Jardin and my self pass by, guess'd us to be Frangui's; and because it was late, accosted us very civilly, and oblig'd us to stay with them all night. By them we understood that there was in the City a French-Engineer, whose name was Claudius Maille of Bourges, and that he was employ'd by the Nahab to cast some pieces of Cannon which the Nahab intended to leave in the City.

The next day we went into the City, and found out Maille's Lodging, having been acquainted with him at Batavia; who informing the Nahab of our arrival, he presently sent us Provision for our selves and our beasts.

The third day we went to wait upon the Nahab, who had pitch'd his Tents up­on that part of the plain neer the place where the way is cut out of the Rock. We inform'd him of the cause of our coming, telling him that we had some Com­modities that were rare, and worth the King's buying; but that we were unwil­ling to shew them to the King till he had seen them; believing it our duty to render him that respect. The Nahab was very well-pleas'd with our Comple­ment; and after he had caus'd us to be presented with Betlé, we took our leaves of him, and return'd to our Lodgings, whither he sent to us two Bottles of Wine, one of Sack, and the other of Sehiras, which is a rare thing in that Countrey.

The fourth day we waited upon him again, and carried along with us some Pearles of an extraordinary weight, beauty and bigness; the least whereof weigh'd twenty four Caratts. After he had vewd them and shew'd them to some of the Lords that were about him, he ask'd the price, which when we had set him, he return'd us our Jewels and told us he would consider of it.

[Page 99] The tenth day he sent for us in the morning, and after he had caus'd us to sit down by him, he sent for five small Bags full of Diamonds, every Bag con­taining a good handful. They were loose Stones, of a very black Water, and very small; none of them exceeding a Carat, or a Carat and a half; but other­wise very clean. There were some few that might weigh two Carats. After the Nahab had shew'n us all, he ask'd us whether they would sell in our Coun­try. We made answer, that they might have been for sale in our Country, provided they had not been of a black Water; for that in Europe we never esteem'd any Diamonds, but such as were clean and white, having but a small esteem for any others. It seems, that when he first undertook the Conquest of this Kingdom for the King of Golconda, they inform'd him that there were Dia­mond Mines in it. Whereupon he sent twelve thousand men to dig there; who in a whole years time could find no more than those five small Bags full. Where­upon the Nahab perceiving that they could find none but brown Stones, of a Water enclining much more to black than white, thought it but loss of time, and so sent all the people back to their Husbandry.

The eleventh, the French Canoneers came all to the Nahabs Tent, com­plaining that he had not paid them the four months pay which he had pro­mis'd them; threatning him, that if he did not discharge it, they would leave him; to which the Nahab promis'd to give them satisfaction the next day.

The twelfth, the Canoneers not failing to give him another visit, the Nahab paid them three months, and promis'd to pay them the fourth before the month were out; but so soon as they had receiv'd their Money, they fell a feasting one another, so that the Dancing Wenches carried away the greatest part of their Coin.

The thirteenth, the Nahab went out to see the Guns which Maille had under­taken to cast. For which purpose he had sent for Brass from all parts, and got together a great number of Idols which the Soldiers had pillag'd out of the Pagods as they march'd along. Now you must know, that in Gandi­cot there was one Pagod, said to be the fairest in all India, wherein there were several Idols, some of Gold, and others of Silver; amongst the rest there were six of Brass, three sitting upon their Heels, and three upon their Feet, ten foot high. These Idols were made use of among the rest. But when Maille also had provided all things ready, he could not make those six Idols run, that were taken out of the great Pagod of Gandicot, though he melted all the rest. He try'd several ways, but it was impossible for him to do it, whatever expence the Nahab was at; nay though the Nahab threaten'd to hang the Priests for having inchanted those Idols. And thus Maille could never make any more than only one single piece, and that split upon trial; so that he was forc'd to leave the work unfinish'd, and soon after left the Nahabs service.

The fourteenth, we went to take our leaves of the Nahab, and to know what he had further to say to us, concerning the Commodities we had then shew'n him. But then he told us, he was busie at present about the examina­tion of certain Offenders which were brought before him. For it is the custom of that Country, never to put a man in Prison; but as soon as the Offender is taken, he is examin'd, and sentence is pronounc'd upon him, according to his crime, which is immediately executed; or if the party taken, be found innocent, he is as soon acquitted. And let the controversie be of what nature it will, it is pre­sently decided.

The fifteenth in the morning, we went to wait upon him again, and were im­mediately admitted into his Tent, where he sat with his two Secretaries by him. The Nahab was sitting according to the custom of the Country, bare-foot, like one of our Taylors, with a great number of Papers sticking between his Toes, and others between the Fingers of his left hand, which Papers he drew sometimes from between his Toes, sometimes from between his Fingers, & order'd what answers should be given to every one. After his Secretaries had wrote the answers, he caus'd them to read them, and then took the Letters and seal'd them himself; giving some to Foot Messengers, others to Horsemen. For you must know, that all those Let­ters which are sent by Foot-Posts all over India, go with more speed than those which are carried by Horsemen. The reason is, because at the end of [Page 100] every two Leagues there are little Huts, where there are men always ready, who are engag'd to run away immediately; so that when one of these men that carries the Letters, comes to one of these Huts, he throws the Letters into the Hut, and then he that is appointed, runs with them to the next Stage. They look upon it as an ill Omen, to give the Letters into the Messengers hands; but they must be thrown at his feet, and he must gather them up. It is to be observ'd also, that the high ways in most parts of India, are like Walks of Trees; and that where there are no Trees, at every five hundred paces di­stance there are set up little Heaps of Stones, which the Inhabitants of the next Villages are bound to white-wash from time to time, to the end those Letter-Carriers may not miss their ways in dark and Rainy nights. While we stay'd with the Nahab, certain Officers came to tell him, that they had brought cer­tain Offenders to the door of his Tent. He was above half an hour before he return'd them any answer, writing on, and giving instructions to his Secretaries; but by and by, all of a sudden he commanded the Offenders to be brought in, and after he had examin'd them, and made them confess the crime of which they stood accus'd, he was above an hour before he said a word, still writing on, and employing his Secretaries. In the mean while several of the Officers of the Army came to tender their respects to him in a very submissive manner, all whom he answer'd only with a nod. There was one of the Offenders which were brought before him, had broken into a House, and had kill'd the Mother and three Children. He was condemned upon the spot to have his Hands and Feet cut off, and to be cast out into the high way, there to end his days in misery. Another had rob'd upon the Highway; for which the Nahab or­der'd his Belly to be ript up, and himself to be cast upon the Dunghill. I know not what crimes the other two had committed, but their heads were both cut off. When we perceiv'd him at a little leisure, we ask'd him whether he had any other Commands, to lay upon us, and whether he thought our Com­modities fitting to be shew'n to the King. He answer'd, that we might go to Golconda, and that he would write to his Son in our behalf, and that his Letter would be there sooner than we. And in order to our journey, he order'd us sixteen Horsemen to convoy us, and to provide us necessaries upon the Road, till we came to a River, thirteen Leagues from Gandicot, which no persons are to pass, unless they have the Nahabs Passport, to keep the Soldiers from running from their Colours.

CHAP. XIX.
The Road from Gandicot to Golconda.

THE sixteenth in the morning, we set out of Gandicot, accompanied with the greatest part of the Canoneers, who brought us the first days journey up­on our way; and that day having travel'd seven Leagues, we came to lye at Cotepaeli.

The seventeenth, the Canoneers took their leaves of us; and we kept on our journey with our Horsemen; and having travel'd six Leagues, we lay at a Village call'd Co [...]een, on the other side of the River, which is very broad. So soon as we had cross'd it, the Horsemen took their leaves of us; and though we made them a present of Roupies, to buy them Tobacco and Betle, yet we could not perswade them to take it. Their Ferry-Boats wherewith they cross the River, are like broad bottom'd Wicker Flaskets, cover'd without with Oxe's Hides; at the bottom whereof they lay certain Faggots, over which they spread a piece of old Tapestry, to keep the Wares and Merchandise from the wet. As for their Coaches and Waggons, they fasten them between two Boats, by the Wheels and the Pole; the Horses swimming all the while, one man whip­ping them on behind, while another in the Boat holds them up by the Head-Stall. [Page 101] As for the Oxen that carry the Luggage, as soon as ever they come to the River side, and that they have unladed them, they only drive them into the River, and they will swim over of themselves. There are four men that stand upright at the four Corners of the Boat, and row it along with broad pieces of Wood, made like Shovels. If they do not all strike their stroaks together, but that any of the four misses, the Boat will turn round two or three times; and the stream carries it a great way lower than where they intended to land.

The eighteenth, after five hours travel we arriv'd at Morimal.

The nineteenth, we travel'd nine Leagues, and lay at Santesela.

The twentieth, we travell'd nine Leagues more, and lay at Goremedae.

The one and twentieth, after six hours travel, we spent the night at Kaman, a Frontier Town in the Kingdom of Golconda, till the Conquest of Carnatica by Mirgimola.

The two and twentieth, we travel'd seven Leagues, and came to lye at Eme­lipata. When we were about half the way, we met above four thousand per­sons, men and women; and above twenty Palleki's, in every one whereof was an Idol. They were adorn'd with Coverings of Sattin, purfled with Gold, and Velvets with Gold and Silver Fringe. Some of these Palleki's were born by four men; others by eight, and some by twelve, according as the Idols were in bigness and weight. On each side of the Pallekie, walk'd a man, with a large Fan in his hand, five Foot in compass, made of Ostriches and Peacocks Feathers, of various colours. The handle of the Fan was five or six foot long, laid all over with Gold and Silver, about the thickness of a French Crown. Every one was officious to carry one of those Fans, to keep the Flies from the Idols Face. There was another Fan, which was carried close by the Idol, somewhat larger than the Former, without a handle, and was born just like a Target. It was adorn'd with Feathers of several colours, and little Bells of Gold and Sil­ver, round about the Edges. He that carried it went always near the Idol upon the same side, to shade the Idol; for to have shut the Curtains would have been too hot. Ever and anon, he that carried that sort of Fan, brandish'd it in the air, to make the Bells ring; which they presum'd to be a kind of Pastime to the Idol. All these people with their Idols came from Brampour, and the adjacent parts, and were going to visit their great Ram, that is to say, their chief God, who stands in a Pagod in the Territories of the King of Carnatica. They had been about thirty days upon the Road, and were to travel fourteen or fifteen more, before they came to this Pagod. One of my Servants, who was a Native of Brampour, and of the same Superstition, beg'd me to give him leave to bear his gods Company, telling me withall, that he had made a vow long since to go this Pilgrimage. I was constrain'd to let him go. For had I not given him leave, I knew he would have taken it, by reason he had much acquaintance and kindred among the Rabble. About two months after, he re­turn'd again to us to Surat, and because he had faithfully serv'd Monsieur Jardin and my self, we made no scruple to take him again. Asking him some questions about his Pilgrimage, he related to me this following passage: six days after he left me, all the Pilgrims had made an account to go and lye at such a vil­lage, to which before they came they were to cross a River, that has but little Water in Summer, so that it is easily fordable. But when it rains in India, the Water falls with such a force, that it seems to be a perpendicular deluge; and in less than an hour or two a small River shall swell three or four foot high. The Rains having overtaken those Pilgrims, the River was swell'd in that man­ner, that it was impossible to pass it that day. Now because it is not necessary for Travellers in India to carry provisions, especially for the Idolaters, who never eat any thing that ever had life; in regard that in the least village you may meet with abundance of Rice, Meal, Butter, Milk Meats, Lentils, and other Pulse, besides Sugar, and Sweet-Meats, dry and moist. The people were very much surpriz'd, having no victuals, when they came and saw the River swell'd. In short, they had nothing to give their Children to eat; which caus'd great lamentations among them. In this extremity the chiefest of their Priests sat himself down in the midst of them, and covering himself with a sheet, began to cry out that. [Page 102] they who would have any Victuals should come to him; when they came, he ask'd every one what they would have, whether Rice, or Meal, and for how many persons; and then lifting up the corner of the sheet, with a great Ladle he distributed to every one that which they ask'd for; so that the whole multi­tude of four thousand Souls was fully satisfi'd. My Servant did not only tell me this story, but going several times afterwards to Brampour, where I was known to the chief men in the City, I enquir'd of several, who swore to me by their Ram, Ram, that it was truth. Though I am not bound to believe it.

The twenty-third, we arriv'd at Doupar, after we had travel'd eight leagues, and cross'd several Torrents.

The twenty-fourth, we travel'd eight leagues, and came to Tripante; where there is a great Pagod upon a Hill, to which there is a circular ascent of Free­stone every way; the least Stone being ten foot long, and three broad: and there are several Figures of Daemons in the Pagod. Amongst the rest, there is the Statue of Venus, standing upright, with several lascivious Figures about her; all which Figures are of one piece of Marble; but the Sculpture is very ordinary.

The twenty-fifth, we travel'd eight leagues, and came to Mamli.

The twenty-sixth, we travel'd eight leagues more, and came to lye at Ma­cheli.

The twenty-seventh, we travel'd not above three leagues, being to cross a wide River in Boats like Panniers; which usually takes up half the day; for when you come to the River side, there is neither Pannier nor any thing else to cross it. There was only one man, with whom we bargain'd for our passage; who to try whether our money be good or no, made a great fire and threw it into the flame, as he does to all others that pass that way. If among the Roupies which he receives, he meets with any one that turns a little black, you must give him another, which he presently heats red hot; when he finds his Money to be good, he calls to his Companions to fetch the Manequin or Flasket-Boat, which lay hid before in some other part of the River. For these sort of people are so cunning, that if they descry any Passengers afar off, they will row their Manequin to the other side, because they will not be constrain'd to carry any person over without Money. But the Money being paid, the man that receives it; calls his Companions together, who take the Boat upon their Shoulders, and when they have launch'd it into the River, they fetch their Passengers and goods from the other side.

The twenty-eighth, having travel'd five leagues, we came to a place call'd Dabir-Pinta.

The twenty-ninth, after twelve hours travel, we came to lye at Holcora.

The thirtieth, we travell'd eight leagues, and came to spend our night at Pe­ridera.

The first of October, after we had travel'd ten leagues, we came to lye at Atenara. This is a House of Pleasure, which the present King's Mother caus'd to be built. There are many Chambers in a great Piazza belonging to it, for the convenience of Travellers.

You must take notice, that in all the Countries where we travel'd as well in the Kingdom of Carnatica, as the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, there are no Physicians, but such as attend Kings and Princes. As for the common people, after the Rains are fall'n, and that it is time to gather Herbs, you shall see every morning the good women of the Towns going into the Fields, to gather such Simples which they know to be proper for such Diseases as reign in the Family. 'Tis very true, that in great Cities there may be one or two men that have some common Receipts, who go every morning, and sit in some known places, to give their Remedies to such as enquire for them, whether they be Potions or Plaisters. First they feel their Pulses, and then giving them some remedy, for which they do not demand the value of six pence; they also at the same time mutter certain words between their teeth.

The second of October, we had but four leagues to travel before we came to Golconda. We went immediately to the Lodging of a young Dutch Chi­rurgion, belonging to the King, whom the Sieur Cheteur, Envoy from Batavia, [Page 103] had left at Golconda upon the King's earnest entreaty. The King was always very much troubl'd with the head-ach: For which reason the Physitians had or­der'd that he should be let blood in four places under the tongue; but there was no person that would undertake to do it: for the Natives of the Country un­derstand nothing of Chirurgery. Now before that Peter de Lan, for that was the Dutch ▪Chirurgion's name, was entertain'd in the King's service, he was ask'd whether he could let blood? To which he answer'd, that there was nothing so easy in Chirurgery. Some few days after the King sent for him, and gave him to understand that he was resolv'd to be let blood the next day in four parts un­der the tongue, as the Physitians had order'd, but he should take a care of not drawing away above eight ounces. De Lan returning the next day to Court, was lead into a Chamber by three Eunuchs, and four Old-women, who carri'd him to a Bath, and after they had undrest him, and wash'd him, especially his hands; they anointed him with Aromatick-drugs, and instead of his own European-Clothes, they brought him a Robe according to the fashion of the Countrey. After that, they brought him before the King; where he found four little Porringers of Gold, which the Physitians, who were present, had weigh'd. In short, he let the King blood under the tongue in four parts, and perform'd his business so well, that when the blood came to be weigh'd, it weigh'd but bare eight ounces. The King was so satisfi'd with the Operation, that he gave the Chirur­gion three-hunder'd Pagods, which comes to almost seven-hunder'd Crowns. The Young-Queen and the Queen-Mother understanding what he had done, were resolv'd to be let-blood too. But I believe it was rather out of a curiosity to see the Chirurgion, than out of any necessity which they had to be let-blood. For he was a handsom young-man; and perhaps they had never seen a stranger neer at hand, for at a distence, it is no improbable thing, in regard the Women are shut up in such places where they may see, but not be seen. Upon this, de Lan was carri'd into a Chamber where the same Old-women that he had waited on him before he let the King blood, stript up his arm, and wash'd it, but more especially his hands; which when they were dry, they rubb'd again with sweet-Oils as before. That being done, a Curtain was drawn, and the Queen stretching out her arm through a hole, was let-blood; as was the Queen-Mother afterwards in the same manner. The Queen gave him fifty Pagods, and the Queen-Mother thirty, with some pieces of Cloath of Gold.

Two days after we went to wait upon the Nahab's Son, but were told we could not speak with him that day; the next day receiving the same answer, we were advertiz'd upon enquiry, that we might wait long enough in that manner; that he was a young Lord that never stirr'd from the King; or that if he did leave the Court, it was only to keep his Misses company in his own Haram. The young Chirurgion seeing us so delaid, offer'd to speak to the King's first Phy­sitian, who was also of the King's Council, and who had testify'd a great affection toward the Batavian-Envoy, and for de Lan himself; for which reason he thought he might embrace an opportunity to do him a kindness. In short, de Lan had no sooner spoke to him, but he sent for us, and having, after much civilty shewn us, inform'd himself of the cause of our coming, he desir'd us to shew him our Pearls, which we did the next day. Aft [...] he had view'd them, he made us seal them up again in our own bags: for all that is presented to the King must be seal'd with the Merchants-Seal; and when the King has had a sight of the Com­modity, it is seal'd up with his own Seal, to prevent any fraud. Thereupon we left the Pearls, so seald up, in his hands, who promis'd to shew them to the King, and to give us a good account of the trust we had put into his hands.

The next day about nine of the Clock before noon we went to the River to see how they wash the King's and the Great Noble-men's Elephants. The Ele­phant goes up to the belly in the water, and lying down upon one side, with his trunk he throws the water several times upon that side which lies out of the water; and when he has soak'd himself sufficiently, the Master comes with a kind of a Pumice-stone, and rubbing the Elephant's-skin, cleanses it from all the filth that clings to it. Here some believe, that when this creature is once laid down, it cannot rise of its self; which is contrary to what I have seen. For [Page 104] when the Master has well-cleans'd the one side, he commands the Elephant to turn the other, which the beast immediately does; and when both sides are well-wash'd, he comes out of the River, and stays a-while upright upon the bank-side to dry himself. Then comes the Master with a pot full of some red or yellow colour, and streaks the best in the forehead, about the eyes, upon the breast, and all behind, rubbing him afterwards with Oil of Coco's to strengthen the nerves; and some when all is done, he fastens a gilt-Plate upon their fore­heads.

The fifteenth, the chief Phisitian sent for us, and return'd us our bags again, seal'd with the King's Signet, wherewith his Majesty had seal'd them after he had look'd upon them. He demanded the price; which we told him: Whereupon, an Eunuch that stood by him, and wrote down every thing, wondring at the high­price of the Pearls, told us that we took the King of Golconda's Courtiers for persons that have neither knowledg nor judgment; and that he saw every day things of greater value brought to the King. I briskly retorted upon the Eunuch, that he was better skill'd in the price of a young Slave, than the value of a Jewel; and so saying, we put up our Pearls; and return'd to our Lodg­ing. The next day we set out from Golconda for Surat, in which Road there is nothing considerable but what I have already describ'd, only this is to be re­member'd, that we were not gone above five days journey from Golconda, but the King, who had not heard in two days after we were gone, what I had re­torted upon the Eunuch, sent four or five Horse-men after us with Orders, if they overtook us, to bring us back: but in regard we were got one days journey into the Territories of the Mogul before one of the Horse-men over­took us, (for the rest staid upon the Frontiers of the two Kingdoms;) I, that knew the humour of the Countrey very well, made answer for my self and Companion, that at that time our business would not permit us; and that there­fore we begg'd in most humble manner his Majesty's pardon; and afterwards I made my Companion allow my reasons.

Being arriv'd at Surat, Monsieur de Jardin dy'd of an overflowing of choler. And I made a full account to have gone to Agra to Sha-jehan who then reign'd. But at the same instant the Nahab, Sha-Est-Kan, the King's Brother-in-Law, and Governor of the Province of Guzerat, sent one of the principal Officers of his House to me from Amadabat, to tell me he undrestood I had some extraor­dinary Jewels to sell; for which reason he would be glad to see me, and that he would pay me as much for them as the King should do. I receiv'd this Message while Sieur de Jardin Iay sick, and the ninth day after his death I got to Amadabat, and spake with the Nahab. Now in regard he was a man that understood Jewels perfectly well, we presently came to an agreement: so that we had no dispute together, but about the quality of the Coin to be paid. He allow'd me two sorts to choose, Roupies of Gold, or Roupies of Silver: but the Prince seeming to intimate to me that he should not be well-pleas'd to let such a Sum in Silver to be seen to go out of his House, he wish'd I would rather accept my payment in Roupies of Gold, that made not such a great heap. I consented to his desire; and he shew'd me very fair Gold, and many Roupies, that had not seen the Sun in a long time. But in regard the price currant of a Roupy of Gold, is not above fourteen Roupies of Silver, and for that he would have had me taken my Roupies at fourteen and a half, or at least for fourteen and a quarter, it had like to have spoil'd our bargain; for I gave him to understand, that in so large a sum, it would not quit cost to lose a fourth part in every Roupy of Gold. At length to please him, I was forc'd to take the Gold at fourteen Roupies of Silver and an eighth part. Thus a Prince otherwise magnificent and generous, yet in matter of buying and selling, woulds needs approve himself to be a good Husband. While I stay'd at Ama­dabat, he sent me every day to my Lodging four Silver Plates of Pilaw, and other excellent Dyet; and one day that the King had sent him as many Apples as ten or twelve men could carry, he sent me as many as for their rarity at Amadabat, were worth three or four hundred Roupies. Besides all this, he gave me a compleat Habit of Honour, with a Sword and a Cangiar, worth a thousand Roupies; and resolving also to give me a Horse, he ask'd me what [Page 105] kind of one I would have. I told him, since he was pleas'd to give me my choice, that I rather desir'd a young lively Horse, rather than an old one. Thereupon he sent me one that was so given to bounding and prancing, that he threw a young Hollander out of the Saddle; but upon my desire to have him chang'd, he sent me another, which I fold afterwards for four hundred Roupies.

From Amadabat I return'd to Surat; from Surat I travel'd again to Golconda, and thence to the Mine to buy Diamonds. From whence returning back for Su­rat, I resolv'd for Persia.

CHAP. XX.
My return from Surat to Ormus.

BEing upon my return to Surat from the Diamond Mine, I understood that the War was proclaim'd between the English and the Hollanders, and the lat­ter would send no more Ships into Persia. The English also gave out the same re­solutions; for indeed they had sent four Ships into Persia, which they expected back every hour. While I was thus in fear of staying long in a place where I had no business, there arriv'd at Surat five great Dutch Ships from Batavia; three of which being rather Men of War, than Merchant-Men, were order'd to be un­laden with all speed, with an intention to look out for the four English Vessels that were expected out of Persia. The other two were appointed to follow two or three days after, being in that time to take in provisions for the whole Fleet.

In one of those two Vessels I embark'd, and setting say I the eighth of January, we came before Diu the twelfth, where we overtook the other three Ships. There it was debated at a Council of War, what course to steer to meet the Eng­lish; and it was resolv'd, that we should steer away for Scindi, where we arriv'd the twentieth of the same month, and stay'd there till the twenty-eighth, and then setting sail with a fair wind, we landed at Gomrom the seventh of March.

The End of the First Book.

TRAVELS IN INDIA. The Second Book.
Containing an Historical and Political Description of the Empire of the Great Mogul.

CHAP. I.
A Relation of the last Wars of Indolstan; which gives an insight in­to the present Estate of the Empire and Court of the Moguls.

I Have written this History in such manner, as I knew things to be transac­ted, during my stay in the Country; leaving it to the Reader to make his own reflections as he pleases; it being sufficient for me to make a faith­ful description of the Potent Empire of the Moguls, according to the Ob­servations I have taken upon the place.

This great and vast Empire, which contains the greatest part of Indolstan, and which extends from the Mountains on this side the River Indus, to the Moun­tains on the other side of Ganges; borders Eastward upon the Kingdoms of Ara­can, Tipra, and Asia. Toward the West upon Persia, and the Ʋsbeg Tartars. Southward upon the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour. Northward it runs up as far as the Mountain Caucasus. North▪Eastward the Kingdom of Bantam, whence comes our Musk, parts it. North-Westward it borders upon the Country of Chegathay, or the Ʋsbegs.

They are call'd Moguls, that is, white of complexion; for the last Conque­rors of the Indies where Whites; the Natives being all Brown, or Olive-colour.

Aureng-zeb, the present Emperor, is the eleventh in a direct line, of the Des­cendants from the great Temur-Leng, commonly call'd Tamerlane; the extent and renown of whose Conquests, from China to Poland, has exceeded all the actions of the greatest Captains of the former Ages. His Successors compleated the Conquest of all India between the two Rivers, with the destruction of seve­ral Kings. So that Aureng-zeb has at this time under his Dominion, the Terri­tories of Gouzerat, Decan-Dehly, Multan, Lahor, Kashemire, Bengala, and many other Territories; not to mention several Raja's, or petty Kings, who pay him Tribute, and are his Vassals. The Succession of the Kings of India is as fol­lows:

1. Termur-Leng, that is to say, the Lame, because one of his Legs was shorter than the other, lies buried at Samarchand, in the Country of Chegathay, or the Ʋsbeg Tartars, being the place of his Nativity.

2. Miram-Cha▪ the Son of Temurleng.

3. Sultan Mahomet, the Son of Miram-Cha.

4. Sultan Abousaid-Mirza, the Son of Mahomet.

5. Hameth-Sheck, the Son of Sultan Abousaid.

6. Sultan Babur, that is, the Valiant Prince, the first Mogul that was of greatest power in India. He dy'd in the year 1532▪

7. Homajon, that is, the Happy, the Son of Sultan Babur, dyed in the year 1552.

8. Abdul Feta Gelal-Eddin Mahomet, commonly call'd Akabar, that is, the Great, reign'd fifty four years, and dyed in the year 1605.

9. Sultan Selim, otherwise call'd Jehan-guir Patsha, that is, the Victorious Em­peror of the World, succeeded Akabar his Father, and dy'd 1627. He had four Sons, the eldest nam'd Sultan Kosrou, the second Sultan Kourom, the third Sultan Perviz, the fourth Cha-Daniel.

10. Sultan Kourom, the second of the four, succeeded Jehan-guir his Father; and was acknowledg'd by all the Nobility, at the Castle of Agra, by the Name of Cha-Bedin Mahomed, but he would be call'd Cha-jehan, that is, King of the World.

11. Aureng-zeb, that is, the Ornament of the Throne, is the present Mo­narch.

The following Figure shews you what sorts of pieces the Kings cause to be thrown among the people when they come to the Throne. They represent the Arms or Signets of the Kings which I have nam'd. The biggest, in the middle, was Cha-jehan's, the tenth King. These pieces are most of them Silver; there being very few of Gold. And as for Aureng-zeb, he never coin'd any particular pieces to throw away at his Coronation.

1 Ebn Amir Tomur saheb quran

2 Ebn Miran Xah

3 Ebn Mirza Soltan Mohamed

4 Ebn Soltan Abu Seid

5 Ebn Mirza Amar Xek

6 Ebn Babor Padxah

7 Ebn Homaiun Padxah

8 Ebn Acbar Padxah

9 Ebn [...]ihangir Padxah

[Page 108] The Great Mogul is without all question the richest and most potent Monarch of Asia; the Territories which he possesses, being his own Hereditary Possessi­on; and being absolute Master of all the Territories whence he receives his Revenues. For in the Territories of this Prince, the great Lords are but the Royal Receivers, who give an account of the King's Revenues to the Governours of the Provinces, and they to the chief Treasurers and Controllers of the Ex­chequer.

CHAP. II.
Of the Sickness and suppos'd Death of Cha-jehan, King of India, and the Rebellion of the Princes his Sons.

THis great King had reign'd above forty years, not so much as a King over his Subjects, but rather as a Father over his Family and Children. Inso­much, that during his Reign there was such a strictness in the Civil Government, and particularly for the security of the High-ways, that there was never any oc­casion to put any man to death for Robbery. In his declining years he fanci'd a young Lady of an extraordinary Beauty, that was not above thirteen years of age; and because the strength of nature would not permit him to satisfie his passion, he took certain provocatives, which were so hot, that he fell thereupon into a distemper that had almost kill'd him. This oblig'd him to shut himself up in his Haram, together with his Women, for two or three months; during which time he appear'd very rarely to the people, and that at a great distance too, which made them believe he was dead. For they are oblig'd by Custom to shew themselves to the people three times in a week, or in fifteen days at most.

Cha-Jehan had six Children, four Sons and two Daughters. The Name of the eldest was Dara-Cha, the second was call'd Sultan Sujah, the third Aureng-zeb, and the fourth Morad-Bakche. The eldest of his two Daughters was call'd Begum-Saheb, and the name of the second was Rauchenara Begum.

Cha-jehan lov'd all his four Sons alike, and had made them Governours or Vice-Roys of four of his principal Provinces or Kingdoms. Dara-Cha, who was the eldest, stay'd with his Father in Debly, and had the Government of the King­dom of Sandi, into which he put a Deputy. Sultan Sujah had for his share the Go­vernment of Bengala. Aureng-zeb was Vice-Roy of the Kingdom of Decan; and Morad-Bakche of the Kingdom of Guzerat. But though Cha-jehan endeavour'd to give equal content to his four Sons, their Ambition was not satisfi'd with this di­vision, but ruin'd all the good designs which so kind a Father had lay'd to pre­serve peace among his Children.

Cha-jehan being thus sick, and retir'd into the Womens quarter, without shewing himself for many days; the report ran that he was dead, and that Dara-Cha conceal'd his death, to gain time to provide for himself, and to se­cure the Empire. True it is, that the King believing he should dye, commanded Dara-Cha to call together all the Omrahs or Lords, and to seat himself upon the Throne, which belong'd to him, as the eldest of his Brothers. He also testi­fi'd the desire he had to see him quietly settled in the peaceable possession of the Empire. And this intention of his was look'd upon as the more just, in re­gard the other three Brothers had been for some time observ'd to have less respect for their Father, than Dara-Cha. Dara-Cha, who honour'd and respect­ed the King with a real tenderness, made answer to the King, that he desir'd of Heaven nothing more than the preservation of his Majesties life, and that so long as Heaven should continue that preservation, he should take it to be a greater honour to continue himself a Subject, than to ascend the Throne. And indeed he was never absent from his Father, that he might be the better able to serve him in his sickness; and because he would be present upon all occa­sions, [Page 109] he lay by his Fathers Bed-side, upon a Tapestry spread upon the ground.

During the false report of the death of Cha-jehan, his three other Sons im­mediately rebell'd, every one laying claim to their Fathers Crown. Morat-Bakche the youngest, who had the Government of Guzerat, sent away Forces immediately to besiege Surat, the most considerable Port, and most frequented of any other all over India. The City made no resistance, for the Walls are very weak, and broken down in several places. But they defended the Citta­del, where the Treasure was, very stoutly; though the young Ambitious Prince did all he could to make himself Master of it. Chabas-Kan, one of his Eu­nuchs, who was General of his Army, an industrious and active person, and who carri'd on the Siege with all the experience of an old Captain; when he saw he could not carry the Castle by main force, caus'd it to be undermin'd in two places, by the assistance of an European Engineer, which took effect; so that upon the twenty-ninth of December, 1659, he threw down a good part of the Walls, and fill'd up the Moat; which very much terrifi'd the besieg'd. But they presently recover'd their courage, and though they were but a small num­ber, they defended themselves for above forty days, to the great Dammage and slaughter of Morat-Bakche's Army. Chabas-Kan, provok'd at such a vigorous resistance, sought for all the Wives and Children, Parents and Kindred of the Canoneers that were within the Castle, to place them at the head of his men, when they made their approaches. He also sent one of the Brothers of the Governour of the place, to offer him advantageous conditions. But the Gover­nor, being a very loyal person, and uncertain of the Kings death, rejected all his offers. The Eunuch perceiving the Resolution of the Governour, threaten'd the besieged to kill all their Wives and Children, Parents and Kindred, if they did not surrender the place the next day. But neither did any of those consi­derations prevail, till at length the breach being made wider, and the number of defandants decreasing, the Governor surrender'd upon honourably conditions; which were punctually perform'd by Chabas-Kan, who seiz'd upon all the Trea­sure, and carried it to Amadabat; where Morat-Bakche was busily employ'd in squeezing the people to get Money.

The news of the taking Surat being brought to this Prince, he presently provided himself a Throne, and sitting upon it on the day which was appointed for the Ceremony, he caus'd himself to be declared King, not only of Guze­rat, but of all the Dominions of Cha-jehan his Father. At the same time he also coin'd Money, and sent Governors into all the Cities. But his tottering Throne, not being well fix'd, fell soon to the Ground; and the youngest of all the Brothers, for having usurp'd a Scepter that no ways appertain'd to him, was confin'd to a severe imprisonment. Prince Dara-Cha fain would have re­liev'd Surat; but it was impossible. For besides that he was busied in the assistance of his Father the King, his second Brother Sultan-Sujah, more powerful than Morat-Bakche, found him far more work to do. He was already advanc'd into the Kingdom of Lahor, having absolutely reduc'd the Kingdom of Bengala. All that Dara-Cha could do, was to send Soliman Checour his eldest Son, with an Army against Sultan Sujah. The young Prince having defeated his Uncle, and driven him back into Bengala, the Frontiers whereof he secur'd with good Gar­risons return'd to Dara-Cha his Father. In the mean time Morat-Bakche, ac­knowledg'd for King in the Kingdom of Guzerat, bends all his Force and Coun­sels to make himself Emperor of the Indies, to destroy his Brothers, and to six his Throne either in Agra or Jehanabat

Whiles these things pass'd, Aureng-zeb as ambitious, but more crafty than his Brothers, lets them alone to kindle the first Fires; and conceals his own designs, which afterwards appear'd so much to the damage of the rest. At first he feign'd to lay no claim to the Empire, but liv'd a private life, like a Dervich, or Religious Hermit. And the better to act his part, he declar'd to his younger Brother Morat-Bakche, whom he saw to be so ambitious, how willing he should be to assist him in his designs; telling him, that because he merited the Empire by his Valour, he would aid him with his Money and his Forces to overthrow Dara-Cha, who only stood in his way. The young Prince, blinded with the hopes of his good Fortune, easily belive'd Aureng-zeb. And [Page 110] so joining Forces together, he advances towards Agra, to make himself Master of that City. Dara-Cha marches to meet them; but the Battel was as imprudent­ly mannag'd by him, as fortunately fought by his Brothers. For Dara-Cha, con­fiding too much in the principal Officers of his Army, against the advice of his General, who was his chief Minister of State, and faithful to him; thought him­self sure of the Victory, by falling on before his Brothers had time to repose them­selves. The first onset was very rude and bloody, where Morat-Bakche, full of fire and courage, fighting like a Lyon, was shot with five Arrows into the body. The Victory leaning to Dara-Cha, Aureng-zeb retreated; but soon turn'd head again, when he saw those Traytors advancing to his aid, who were in the Army of Dara-Cha, and who had treacherously deserted him, after he had lost his best Officers and his General. With this assistance Aureng-zeb renews the fight against Dara-Cha; who seeing himself betray'd, and unable to maintain the fight with the small number of men which he had left, retreats to Agra, where the King his Father was, who began to mend. The King advis'd his Son to retire to the For­tress of Dehly, and to carry the Treasure that was in Agra with him; which he did without delay. Thus the Victory fell intirely to Aureng-zeb and Morat-Bakche, who before the end of the Battel, being weaken'd with the loss of blood, was forc'd to retire to his Tent, to have his wounds drest. Now it was an easie thing for Aureng-zeb to gain those Traytors, as well by reason of the vast Trea­sures which he had, as also for that the Indians are very inconstant, and want generosity. Besides, the Commanders are generally Fugitive Persians, persons of little worth, who are altogether for them that give most. Cha-Est-Kan, who was Uncle to these four Princes whose Mother was the King's Sister, went over to Aureng-zeb with the greatest part of the principal Commanders that had ad­her'd to Dara-Cha, and Morat-Bakche, and had forsaken their Masters. Morat-Bakche then began to see his Error in having trusted Aureng-zeb, who seeing him­self favour'd by Fortune, lost no time to accomplish his ends. Thereupon Morat-Bakche sends to his Brother for the half of the Treasure that he had seiz'd, that he might retire to Guzerat. But Aureng-zeb for answer assur'd him, that he had no other design than to advance him to the Throne▪ to which purpose he desir'd to confer with him by word of Mouth. Morat-Bakche in order to that, finding himself indifferently well recover'd of his wounds, goes to visit his Brother, who kindly welcom'd him, extoll'd his courage, and told him he deserv'd the best Empire of the world. The young Prince was charm'd by the melody of such sweet language, while his Eunuch, Shabas-Kan, did all he could to make him sen­sible of the snares that were laid for him. But when Morat-Bakche should have taken the Eunuchs advice, it was too late; for Aureng-zeb had already laid his plot to destroy him. He invites Morat-Bakche to a Feast; and the more the one excuses himself, the more the other presses him to come. The young Prince per­ceiving he would take no denial, resolv'd to go, for fear of discovering the mi­strust he had, although he verily believ'd that that day would be the last of his life, and that some deadly poyson was brew'd for him. However, he was deceiv'd in that particular, for Aureng-zeb not aiming at his life then, contented himself only to deprive him of his liberty, and so instead of advancing him to the Throne, sent him away, to be safely kept in the Castle of Gavaleor.

CHAP. III.
Of the Imprisonment of Cha-jehan, and how he was punish'd by Aureng-zeb his third Son, for the injustice he had done Prince Boulaki his Nephew, the Grandchild of Gehan-guir, to whom, as to the Son of the Eldest Son, the Empire of the Moguls belong'd.

GEhan-guir, King of India, Son of Achbar, and Grandchild to Houmajon, reign'd very peaceably during the space of twenty-three years, equally belov'd both by his Subjects and Neighbours. But his life seem'd too long to his two Sons, who were both ambitious to reign. The eldest rais'd a power­ful Army near Lahor, with an intention to have surpriz'd his Father, and to have possess'd himself of the Throne by force. The King incens'd at the inso­lence of his Son, resolv'd to chastise him; meets him with a considerable Army, defeats him, and takes him Prisoner, with many of the most considerable No­bility that adher'd to him. After which, out of a natural affection to his Chil­dren, he sav'd his life, but put out his Eyes. And when he was blind he al­ways kept him about his person, with an intention to have prefer'd his eldest Son Boulaki to the Crown, whose Father had already many Sons, but all very young. But Sultan Courom, his second Son, believing it his right to be prefer'd before a Nephew, resolv'd to leave no stone unturn'd to remove him from his hopes, and to settle himself in possession before the death of his Father. However he conceal'd his intentions from him, appearing outwardly very obedient to his Father, who always kept about him the Children of his eldest Son. By that submission he more easily brought about his designs; for having by that means gain'd the good will of his Father, he obtain'd leave to carry along with him the blind Prince, his eldest Brother▪ to his Government of the Kingdom Decan. He laid before his Father, that it would be far better to remove from his sight, an object that could not chuse but be so afflicting to him; and that the prince himself, being blind, would spend the rest of his days more comfortably in Decan, where he might be more retir'd. The King not penetrating into his design, readily consented to his request. Who when he had that Poor Prince in his Clutches, made him away with that secresie which was not to be disco­ver'd; and under the most plausible pretence imaginable, to conceal him from the eyes of men.

After the death of the blind Prince, Sultan Courom took upon him the name of Cha-jehan, that is, King of the World; and to uphold his Title, he rais'd an Army to finish what his Brother had begun, which was to dethrone his Father, and to take possession of the Empire. The King incens'd as well at the death of his Son, as at the attempt against his own person, sent a considerable Army to chastise Courom for so bold an Enterprize. But the rebellious Prince finding himself to weak too stand his Fathers force, quitted the Kingdom of Decan, and with certain Vagabonds that follow'd him, wander'd from place to place, till he came to Bangala, where he rais'd an Army with an intention to give the King Battle. To which purpose, passing the Ganges, he marches directly toward the Kingdom of Lahor; whom the King in person met, with an Army much more numerous and stronger than his. But Gehan-guir being old, and wearied with the troubles that his Sons had put him to, dy'd by the way, leaving Cha-jehan at liberty to pursue his own designs. However before he expir'd, the good King had time to recommend his Grandchild Boulaki to Asouf-Kan, his Generalissimo and prime Minister of State, who was Protector of the Empire. He commanded also all the Officers of the Army to acknowledg him for King, as being the lawful Heir; declaring Sultan Komrom a Rebel, and incapable of the Succession. Moreover he made Asouf-Kan to swear in particular, that he would never suffer Boulaki to be put to death, which way soever affairs went; which Asouf-Kan sware upon his Thigh; and as religiously observ'd as to the Article of not [Page 112] putting him to death; but not as to that of helping him to the Crown, which he design'd for Cha-jehan, who had married his eldest Daughter, the Mother of four Princes, and two Princesses.

The news of the Kings death being known at Court, caus'd a general la­mentation. And presently all the Grandees of the Kingdom set themselves to execute the Kings Will and Testament, acknowledging Sultan Boulaki for Em­peror, who was very young. That Prince had two Cousin-Germans, who were both of them by the Kings consent turn'd Christians, and made publick pro­fession thereof. Those two young Princes, being very apprehensive, perceiv'd that Asouf-Kan, Father-in-Law to Cha-jehan, and Father of Cha-Est-Kan, had no good intentions toward the young King, and gave him notice of it; which cost them their lives, and the King the loss of his Dominions. For the young King, having no more wit than was agreeable to his age, openly declar'd to Asouf-Kan what his Cousins had reveal'd to him in private, and ask'd the Ge­neral whether it were true, that he had a design to set up his Uncle against him or no. Asouf-Kan immediately accus'd the Reporters of falsity and im­pudence, and protested his fidelity to his King, and vow'd, to spend the last drop of his blood to preserve him in the possession of the Empire. However seeing his Conspiracy discover'd, he resolv'd to prevent the punishment; to which end having got the two Princes into his possession, he put them both to death. But before that, in regard of his power in the Army and in the Empire, he had already brought over to Cha-jehans party the greatest part of the Command [...]rs and Lords of the Court; and the better to play his game▪ and deceive the young King, he rais'd a report that Cha-jehan was dead; and because he had desir'd to be buried near his Father Gehan-guir, the body was to be brought to Agra. This Stratagem being cunningly manag'd, Asouf-Kan himself gave advice of the feign'd death to the King; telling the King withall, that it would be but a common civility for him to go and meet the Corps when it came within a League or two of the City, being an Honour due to a Prince of the Blood of the Moguls. All this while Cha-jehan kept himself in­cognito, till coming within sight of the Army that lay about Agra, he caus'd himself to be put into a Coffin, wherein there was only a hole left for him to breath at. This Coffin being carri'd under a moving Tent, all the principal Officers who were of the plot with Asouf-Kan, came to perform the usual Ceremonies of State to the Body of the deceas'd Prince, while the young King was upon the way to meet the body. But then Asouf-Kan finding it seasonably to exe­cute his design, caus'd the Coffin to be open'd, and Cha-jehan rising up, and shewing himself to the eyes of all the Army, was saluted Emperor by all the Generals and other principal▪ Officers, who had their Cue ready; so that the name of Cha-jehan running in a moment from one mans mouth to another, the Acclamation became publick, and the Empire was setled upon him. The young King hearing the news by the way, was so surpriz'd, that he thought of no­thing but how to save himself by [...]light, being upon a sudden forsaken by all his followers. And Cha-jehan not believing it any way necessary to pursue him, suffer'd him to wander a long time in India like a Fakir. At length he retir'd into Persia, where he was magnificently receiv'd by Cha-Sefi, who allow'd him a pension fit for so great a Prince, which he still enjoys.

Cha-jehan having thus usurp'd the Crown, the better to secure himself, and [...]o stifle all Factions that might arise during the life of the lawful Prince, whom he had so unjustly despoil'd of his right, by degrees [...]ut to death all those that had sh [...]w'n any kindness to his Nephew. So that the first part of his Reign was noted for many acts of cruelty, that blemish'd his Reputation. No less unfortunate was the end of his Reign. For as he had unjustly depriv'd the lawful Heir, of the Empire which belong'd to him; he was himself, while he yet liv'd, depriv'd of his Crown by Aureng-zeb his own Son, who kept him Prisoner in the Fortress of Agra.

For after Dara-Cha had lost the Battel against his two Brothers, Aureng-zeb and Morat-Bakche in the Plain of Samonguir, and was treacherously abandoned by the principal Officers of the Army, he retir'd into the Kingdom of Lahor, with all the Treasure which the confusion of his affairs would suffer him to get together. An [Page 113] the King to resist the violence of his victorious Sons, shut himself up in the Castle of Agra, to the end he might not be surpriz'd, but have time and leisure to observe how far the insolence of his Children would transport them. As for Aurengzeb, who had Morat Bakche safe enough, he enters Agra, feigning to believe a report that Chajehan was dead, that he might have liberty to get into the Fortress, where he said one of the Omra's would make it out. The more he reported the death of Cha-jehan, the more did the King endeavour to let the people know he was alive. But finding both Power and Fortune had taken Aureng-zeb's party; and being also in great necessity for want of water, he sent Fazel-Kan, grand Master of his Houshold, to assure his Son that he was alive; and withal to tell him that it was the King's command, that he should retire to his vice-Roy-ship in Decan, without putting him to any more vexation, and that upon his obedience, he would forgive whatever had past. Aurengzeb, firm in his resolution, return'd for answer to Fazel-Kan, that he was certain that the King, his Father was dead, and that upon that account he had only taken Arms to se­cure the Crown to himself, which he thought he deserv'd, as well as the rest of his Brothers. That if his Father were living, he had too great a respect for him to undertake the least enterprize that should displease him; and therefore that he might be certain he was not dead, he desir'd to see him, and to kiss his feet; and having so done, he would retire to his Government, and punctually obey his Commands. Fazel-Kan return'd this answer to the King, who declared that he should be glad to see his Son, and sent back Fazel-Kan, to tell him he should be welcome. But Aureng-zeb more cunning than Cha-jehan, assur'd Fazel-Kan that he would not set his foot in the Castle, till the Garrison that was in it should be sent away to make room for his men. For the Prince was afraid, and not without reason, if he should adventure into a Fortress where he was not absolute Master himself, lest they should seize his person, of which the King being apprehensive, consented to his proposal, not being able to do better at that time. Thereupon the Garrison which belong'd to Cha-jehan was sent out of the Castle, and another of Aureng-zeb's enter'd, commanded by Sultan Mahomet the eldest of his Sons, to whom he gave order to secure his Father's person. When they were thus got in, and his Father safe, he delaid seeing his Father from day to day, waiting (as he gave out for excuse) a kind opportunity for the enterview; and pretending his Astrologers did not presently think it seasonable, he retir'd into the Countrey, to a House about two or three leagues from Agra, which very much displeased the people, who waited every day for the fortunate hour, from which they expected a conclusion of their miseries by the Father and Son's discourse together. But Aureng-zeb, who was in no great hast to see his Father, took up another resolu­tion, which was to seize upon all his Fathers treasure, which Dara-Sha had not time to carry away. He also shut up in the same Fortress Begum-Saheb his Sister, to keep the King company, by whom she was entirely belov'd: and took into his own hands all the wealth she had got, by her Father's liberality.

Cha-jehan enrag'd to fee himself us'd in that manner by his own Son, made an attempt to escape, and kill'd some of the Guards that oppos'd him; which caus'd Aureng-zeb more strictly to confine him. In the mean time it was a won­derful thing to see that not one of the Servants of so great a King so much as offer'd to help him; that all his Subjects should forsake him, and turn their eyes upon the rising Sun; acknowledging only Aureng-zeb for King, while they seem'd to have forgotten Cha-jehan, though still alive. Thus this great Monarch sadly ended his days in Prison, and dy'd in the Fortress of Agra in the year 1666 the last time that I was in India.

During his reign he had begun to build the City of Jehanabad, though he had not quite finish'd it, and therefore he desir'd to see it once more before he dy'd; but Aureng-zeb would not give him leave, unless he would be content to go and come back by water, or else to be confin'd to the Castle of Jehanabad, as he was at Agra, which refusal of his Son did so torment him, that it hasten'd his end. Which as soon as Aureng-zeb heard of, he came to Agra, and seiz'd upon all the Jewels, which he had not taken from his Father while he liv'd. Begum-Saheb had also a quantity of Jewels, which he had not taken from her when he put her into the Castle. But now, because she had formerly taken her Father's part, he [Page 114] found out a way to deprive her of them after a very plausible manner; making a shew of bestowing very great Honours and Caresses upon his Sister, and taking her along with him to Jehanabad. But in a short time after we heard the news of her death; which prov'd, and all people suspected her to have been poison'd.

CHAP. IV.
Of the Flight of Dara-cha to the Kingdoms of Scindi and Guzerat: Of the second Battel which he fought against Aureng-zeb: His being taken Prisoner, and death.

DAra-cha having carri'd along with him the best part of the Gold and Silver which was in the Fortress of Agra by his Father's advice, and being got in­to the Kingdom of Lahor, was in good hopes to have rais'd an Army in a short time to have stopt the proceedings of his Brother. His most faithful Servants and Friends had always accompani'd him in his misfortune. And as for his Eldest Son, Soliman Shekour, he went, with the Raja Roup, into the Territories of that Raja's own demeans, to levy men; carrying along with him five-millions of Roupies, which make of our Money seven-millions and 500000 Livres. But that great Sum opening the Raja Roup's eyes, he most treacherously and infa­mously seiz'd upon it; whereupon Soliman Chekour, fearing he should proceed farther, and make some attempt upon his person, fled in all hast into the Kingdom of Sireneguer, under the protection of the Raja Nakti-Rani, who more foully and basely deliver'd him up sometime after to Aureng-zeb.

Dara-cha having notice of the Raja Roup's treason, and seeing all his friends had forsook him, and were revolted to Aureng-zeb, quitted Lahor, and retir'd in­to the Kingdom of Scindi. Before he left the Fortress, he sent all▪ the Gold, Silver, Jewels and Wealth that was in the Fort, away by water to Baker, a Fort in the midst of the River Indus. To guard all that Wealth, he left an Eunuch, and six-thousand men, with all provisions necessary for a Siege; after that he went to Scindi, where he left several great pieces of Cannon. Then he march'd through the Territories of the Raja of Kachnagana, who made him mountainous promises to no effect; then he came into the Kingdom of Guzerat, where the people receiv'd him as their lawful King and Heir to Cha-jehan. He sent his Orders to all the Cities, and particularly to Surat, where he appointed a Governor; but the Gover­nor of the Fortress, who was left there by Morat-Bakche, refus'd to submit to Dara-cha, so that he was forc'd to let him alone.

In the mean time Dara-cha receiv'd news at Amadabat, that Jessomseing, one of the most potent Raja's in all India, was fall'n off from Aureng-zeb. The same Raja also solicits him to advance with his Army. Dara-cha confiding in his words, follow'd his Counsel, and march'd to Emir, which was the place of Rende­vouz appointed. But Raja Jessomseing being regain'd by the perswasions of Raja Jesseing, more potant than himself, to favour Aureng-zeb, never met according to his promise; nor did he come till the last push; and then only with a design to betray the poor Prince. Thus the two Brothers meeting, they came to a Battel which lasted three dayes; but in the heat of all the Fight, Jessomseing shewing an apparent treachery, went over to Aureng-zeb; upon which Dara-cha's Souldiers immediately fled. Dara-cha having thus lost all his hopes, and finding Fortune con­trary to all his expectations, fled away likewise with his Wives, some of his Chil­dren, and his most faithful Servants, in an equipage that drew compassion. But coming to Amadabat, the Governor having declar'd for Aureng-zeb, deni'd him entrance. Thereupon he discamp'd in the middle of the night, and took the road for Scindi.

He arriv'd at Scindi, with an intention to pass into Persia, where Cha-Abas the Second expected him with a magnificent Retinue, and a resolution to have assisted [Page 115] him with Men and Money. But not daring to trust himself by Sea; as he pass'd through the Countrey of the Patanes, in the way to Candahar, he was unworthily betraid by one of the Lords of the Countrey, call'd Gion-Kan; who had been an Officer under the King his Father, and who having been condemn'd for his crimes by the mouth of his Father, and ready to be thrown under the Elephant's-feet, had been pardon'd at the intercession of Dara-cha. For an addition to his affliction, before he came to Gion-Kan's House, he receiv'd the news of the death of that particular Wife which he lov'd most entirely, and which had always accompani'd him in his misfortunes. He understood that she dy'd through heat and drowth, not being able to get a drop of water in the Countrey to refresh her thirst. The Prince was so mov'd at the news, that he fell down, like one that had been struck quite dead; and when he came to himself, he tore his clothes in the ex­cess of his grief: an ancient custom still continu'd in the East. He had always shew'd himself insensible upon all other occasions of misfortune, but this fatal stroke so deeply pierc'd him, that he would receive no consolation from his friends. After this, he clad himself according to his misfortune; and instead of a Turbant, he only put about his head a piece of coarse Calicut. In this miserable equipage he enter'd into the House of the Traytor Gion-Kan, where being laid down to rest himself upon a Field-bed, a new subject of sorrow awak'd him. For Gion-Kan having a design to seize Sepper-Shekour, Dara-cha's second Son, the young Prince, though but a Youth, made a bold resistance, and with his Bow and Arrows laid three men upon the ground; but not being able to resist a multitude, he was at length taken. Dara-cha waken'd with the noise, saw before his eyes his Son, whom they were leading toward him, with his hands ty'd behind him. Then the miserable Father of the young Prince, no longer misdoubting the horrid treason of Gion-Kan, could not refrain from letting fall in his passion those expressions. Finish, said he, ingrateful and infamous Villain as thou art, finish the work thou hast begun; we are become Victims to bad fortune, and Aureng-zeb's unjust Ambition. But remember that I only deserve death for having sav'd thy life: for never Prince of the Royal Blood had his hands ty'd behind him before. Gion-Kan in some mea­sure mov'd at these words, caus'd the little Prince to be unbound, and only set guards upon Dara-cha and his Son. At the same time he also sent expresses to Raja Jessomseing, and to Abdulla-Kan, to give them advice that he had seiz'd up­on Dara-cha and his Train. Thereupon they made hast to share in the spoils of that poor Prince. But they could not be so swift, but that Gion-Kan had seiz'd upon all that Dara-cha had of most precious in the World; using as inhumanly both his Wives and his Children. The Raja and Abdulla being ar­riv'd, provided Elephants for the Prince, his Son, and his Wives, and carri'd them away immediately to Jehanabat; the people crowded to behold them, every one being desirous to see the Prince whom they so earnestly desir'd to have had for their King. Aureng-zeb caus'd them to be shewn in all the Streets and Market-places of Jehanabat, that no man might question hereafter their being taken; and as if he had glori'd in his treachery toward his Brother, he presently condemn'd and sent him away to the Castle of Asser. But of all that crowded to behold, not one would stir to assist or succour their lawful Prince. Only some few generous Souldiers who had serv'd him, and had receiv'd some kindnesses from him, seeing themselves not able to deliver their Prince, yet desirous to shew him some proofs of their acknowledgment, fell with all their fury upon the Traitor Gion-Kan, who though he were rescu'd from them at that time, yet soon after met with the re­ward due to his crime; for he was kill'd as he was crossing a Wood in his return home.

In the mean time Aureng-zeb, like a good Polititian, and an extraordinary Dis­sembler, gave it out, that it was by no order of his that Dara-cha was seiz'd; on­ly he desir'd him to retire out of the Kingdom, which he refusing to do, Gion-Kan, unknown to him, had unworthily seiz'd his person; and without respect to the Royal-Blood, had shamefully ty'd the hands of the young Sepper-Shekour behind him: which being a crime and an indignity done to his Majesty, had been punish'd by the death of Gion-Kan and his accomplices. But this was only publish'd to abuse the people; for had it been true, Aureng-zeb would never have given order to have his brother's head cut off.

[Page 116] For Dara-Cha being sent from Jehanabat with a Guard to the place of his imprisonment; when he came to a fair place where he thought to repose him­self, they dress'd up the Tent where he was to leave his Head. After he had eaten, Seif-Kan came and brought him the sentence of his Death. Dara-Cha seeing him enter, told him he was very welcome, and that he was glad to see one of his most faithful Servants. Seif-Kan made answer, that indeed he had formerly been one of his Servants, but that now he was the Slave of Aureng­zeb, who had commanded him to bring him his Head. Must I dye then? said Dara-Cha. 'Tis the Kings command, reply'd Seif-Kan, and I am entrusted to execute it. Sepper-Chekour, who lay in an anti-Chamber of the Tent, waking upon this contest, would have seiz'd upon certain Weapons which had been taken from him, with an intention to have assisted his Father; but he was pre­vented by those that accompany'd Seif-Kan. Dara-Cha would have made some resistance himself, but seeing it was in vain, he only desir'd time for his devo­tions, which was granted him. In the mean time Sepper-Chekour was taken from him; and while they held him in a story, a Slave took off Dara-Cha's Head, which was carried to Aureng-zeb by Seif-Kan. This bloody Tragedy being thus acted, Sepper-Chekour was sent to the Castle Goualeor, to keep his Uncle Morat-Bakche company. As for the Wives and Daughters of Dara-Cha, they were allotted an Apartment in Aureng-zeb's Haram.

CHAP. V.
How Aureng-zeb caus'd himself to be declar'd King; and of the Flight of Sultan-Sujah.

AS it is the custom at the performance of that Ceremony, for the new King to seat himself upon the Throne; there was not much time requir'd to prepare one, in regard that Cha-jehan before his Imprisonment had finish'd that which the Great Tamerlane had begun; which was the richest and most magni­ficent that ever was seen. But as the Grand Cadi of the Empire, and Chief of the Law was to Proclaim the new King, Aureng-zeb found himself oppos'd by him. For the Cadi told him, that the Law of Mahomet and the Law of Na­ture equally forbad him to declare him King, while his Father liv'd; besides, that he had put his elder Brother to death, to whom the Empire belong'd af­ter the death of Cha-jehan their Father. This stout resistance of the Cadi did not a little perplex Aureng-zeb; and therefore that he might not seem to ap­pear irreligious, he call'd all the Doctors of the Law together, to whom he represented the incapacity of his Father to govern, through Age and many infir­mities, that troubled him; as for Dara-Cha his Brother, he had put him to death because he was a slighter of the Law, drank Wine, and favour'd Infidels. Those reasons, intermix'd with threats, caus'd his Council of Conscience to conclude, that he deserv'd the Empire, and ought to be proclaim'd King; though the Cadi obstinately persisted in his first resolution. There was no other Remedy therefore, but to remove him from his Employment, as a disturber of the publick Peace, and to chuse another for the Honour of the Law, and the Good of the Kingdom. The person who was elected by the Council was soon con­firm'd by Aureng-zeb; in acknowledgment whereof, he proclaim'd him King the twentieth of October, 1660. This Proclamation being made in the Mosquee, Aureng-zeb seated himself upon the Throne, and receiv'd the Homages of all the Grandees of the Kingdom.

However, Aureng-zeb did not think his throne fast enough, nor himself se­cure in the Empire, so long as Sultan Sujah was raising a powerful Army in Bengala to release his Father. Thereupon he sent a considerable Force against him, under the Command of Sultan Mahomed his eldest Son; to whom he ap­pointed for his Lieutenant the Emir-Jemla, one of the greatest Captains that ever came out of Persia into India. His great Conduct and Courage had ren­der'd him a person to be reverenc'd by all posterity, had he been faithful to [Page 117] the Princes whom he serv'd. But first he betray'd the King of Golconda, un­der whom he advanc'd his Fortune; and next to him Cha-jehan; under whose protection he rose so high, that there was not a Nobleman in all India more powerful or richer than he. Otherwise he is both belov'd and fear'd by the Soldiers, and perfectly understands the Art of War, according to the custom of the Country. The two Armies engaging several times, the Victory some­times on the one side, and sometimes on the other; so that Sultan Mahomed finding it likely to be a tedious War, assisted by the Counsels of his Lieute­nant, resolv'd to add policy to strength. Thereupon he treats underhand with the Officers of his Uncle's Army, makes them magnificent promises, and so ear­nestly solicites them to come over to Aureng-zeb's party, whom he call'd the Pillar and Protector of Mahomet's Law, that he gain'd the principal, to whom he sent considerable Presents, to confirm them in their resolutions. This was a mortal blow to Sultan-Sujah, against which he could not provide. For they that adhear'd to him being a mercenary generation, that serves whoever gives most, finding they had little more to expect from a Prince whose Exchequer was empty, resolv'd to drive a Trade with Aureng-zeb, who was Master of all the Treasure in the Kingdom. And thus did Aureng-zeb debauch the Army of his Brother, who in the last Battel, seeing himself abondon'd by all his Soldiers, was forc'd to save himself by flight, with his Wives and Children. The Tray­tors asham'd of their treachery, did not so smartly pursue the unfortunate Prince as they might have done, but presently fell to plund'ring his Tents and Bag­gage; which Emir-Jemla, suffer'd them to do, in recompence of their Trea­son. Sultan-Sujah in the mean time crossing the Ganges with his Retinue, re­tir'd some time afterwards into the Kingdom of Arakan, upon the Confines of Bengala, where we shall leave him for a time.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Imprisonment of Sultan-Mahomed, Aureng-zeb's eldest son; and of Sultan Soliman Chekour, eldest son of Dara-Cha.

THough Aureng-zeb were esteem'd a very great Politician, and were so in­deed, yet he fail'd in his Politicks, to trust his Son with such a power­ful Army, under the Conduct of a Captain who had already betray'd two Masters. However at length he began to be jealous, lest Heaven should inspire his own Son to revenge the crimes which he had committed. And upon this, receiving intelligence, that Sultan Mahomed began to be very pensive and melancholy, he then absolutely believ'd that his Son was practising mischief against him; for the better discovery whereof, he wrote to Emir-Jemla. But the Letter un­happily miscarrying, was taken by Sultan Mahomed's Guards, and giv'n to the young Prince; who being a person of a quick apprehension, conceal'd the bu­siness from Emir-Jemla; and fearing lest he should receive other Orders more precise to take away his life, he resolv'd to pass the Ganges and throw himself upon his Uncle Sultan-Sujah; from whom he expected more mercy than from his Father. With this resolution he feign'd to go a fishing, and passing the Ganges, with several Officers that adher'd to him, he went directly to Sultan Sujah's Camp, which lay on the other side of the River; the Sultan having rais'd a considerable Force in the Kingdom of Arakan. Sultan Mohamed coming into his Uncles presence, threw himself at his feet, begging his pardon for having taken Arms against him, as being forc'd thereto by his Father. Now though Sultan Sujah had reason enough to believe, that Mahomed's coming into his Camp, was only a trick of his Father, to send his Son as a Spy to discover his condition; yet being a vertuous and generous Prince, and seeing his Nephew prostrate at his feet, he could not but raise him up; after which, embracing him, he assur'd him of his Protection against Aureng-zeb. Some days after, these [Page 118] two Princes made an attempt, and passing Ganges, and fetching a compass thought to have surpriz'd the Enemies Army, who dreamt not of their coming. They made a vigorous onset, and kill'd a great number of men. But when they found the whole Army had taken the Alarum, they contented themselves with the mischief they had done, and repass'd▪ the Ganges, for fear of being surrounded by number.

Emir-Jemla had already given intelligence to Aureng-zeb of the Flight of his Son; which sensibly griev'd the Father, though he durst not shew his anger, for fear of incensing the Emir to betray him, as he had betray'd his Father. Thereupon he cunningly wrote to him, that he rely'd altogether upon his pru­dence and policy to retrieve his Son to his duty; that he was young, and that what he had done, was only out of his heat of youth, and the inconstancy inci­dent to his years. The confidence which Aureng-zeb seem'd to put in Emir-Jemla incited the General to use all his endeavours to get Mahomed out of Sultan Sujah's hands. Thereupon he gave the young Prince to understand his Fathers good intentions toward him, and that he was ready to receive him with open Arms, so that he would but make good use of his Residence with Sultan Sujah, which he might pretend was done for the advantage to his Father, and for which his Father would have rather cause to extol his Prudence and affection than otherwise. The young Prince easily suffer'd himself to be perswaded, and the same way he went to his Uncle's, the same way he return'd to his Fathers Camp; where Emir-Jemla receiv'd him honourably, and with all the demon­strations of joy. He advis'd him also, [...]o tell his Father when he saw him, that he did not go over to Sultan Sujah, but only with a design to observe what Forces he had, and the Discipline of his Army; and that he intended to have speedily return'd, and to have given him an account of what he had done for his service. Presently Orders came from Aureng-zeb, that his Son should be sent to him; so that Mahomed, whether by constraint, or willingly, set for­ward for Jehanabat, attended by the Guards which Emir-Jemla, had appointed. The King having notice of his arrival, his Majesty order'd him a Lodging with­out the Palace, and would not permit him to kiss his hands; pretending he was not well.

All this while Soliman Chekour, after he had been betray'd by the Raja Roup, had continu'd under the protection of Nacti-Rani in the Province of Serenaguer. This Prince, as stout as he was unfortunate, was constrain'd to lead a Savage life among the Mountains, for fear of falling into the hands of Aureng-zeb, nor could he with all his Forces do him any harm in that place. Beside Nacti-Rani had assur'd him with an Oath, accompany'd with all the Ceremonies that could make it solemn, and invioable; that he would rather lose his Territo­ [...], then that Aureng-zeb should do the least violence to that protection which he afforded him. This was done upon the Banks of a River, which passes through his Country, where he wash'd his body, in token of the purity of his Soul; and being thus purify'd in the Water, he made his protestations to Soli­man-Chekour, never to forsake him, taking his Gods to Witness of the since­rity of his intentions. Upon this, Soliman-Chekour never took any farther care, but every day went ot divertise himself with hunting. While he gives up himself to his pleasure, Aureng-zeb marches his Army toward the Mountains, thinking to force Nacti-Rani to surrender Soliman-Chekour into his power. But the Raja with a thousand men being able to defend the Avenues of his Country against a hundred thousand, Aureng-zeb finding he could do no good, that way, has recourse to policy. He undertakes at first to treat with the Raja, but in vain, for the Raja would not violate his Oath; and his Priests assur'd him besides, that Aureng-zeb should er'e long be depos'd, and that Soliman Chekour should Reign in his room.

Aureng-zeb thus prevented, resolves to make another kind of War upon him. Thereupon he forbids all commerce between his and the Raja's Subjects; which was very prejudicial to the latter. This caus'd the people to murmur at the protection which he had given to Soliman-Chekour; and at length they publickly cry'd out, that it was to the prejudice of the Publick. Their Priests also, thus alarm'd, began to doubt the truth of their Oracles, and to think it convenient [Page 119] to put another interpretation upon them. But the main thing was, that the Raja Jessomseing who had betraid Dara-Cha, wrote privately to Nacti-Rani, that it was for the safety of his Person and Dominions, to submit to Aureng-zeb; and to sur­render his kinsman up into his hands. This advice of Jessomseing put him to a very great plunge; dreading on the one side the breach of his oath; on the other, the revolt of his people. Uncertain what course to take, he consults the Bra­mins, who gave their opinions that it was his duty rather to preserve his People and his Laws, which would be both destroid, should they fall into the hands of Aureng-zeb, than to keep his Faith with a Prince from whom he could never ex­pect any advantage. These consultations being kept private from Soliman Che­kour, his ruine was concluded upon, while he thought himself most secure. There­upon Nacti-Rani, with a Salvo, as he thought, to his Honour and his Conscience, return'd for answer to Jessomseing, that he could not consent to betray the Prince; but that Aureng-zeb might take his opportunity to seize his person, yet preserve his reputation too: in regard that Soliman Chekour was wont to go a Hunting up­on certain Mountains in his Countrey with a small retinue, and that it would be an easy thing for him to send a number of Souldiers sufficient to apprehend him.

So soon as Jessomseing had receiv'd this answer, he gave order to his Son to see the business affected as the plot was laid. So that Soliman Chekour one day going a Hunting to the usual place, was snapt by a strong party that lay in Ambuscade. The Prince presently apprehended the treason, and defended himself with the as­sistance of his Attendants, who were all slain; he himself slew nine, but at length over-number'd, was taken and carri'd to Jehanabat. When he came into Aureng-zeb's presence, the King ask'd him how he did? As well as a Prisoner of yours can do, said he, who expects no better usage from you, than his Father re­ceiv'd before. The King bid him not be afraid, that he had no design to put him to death, but only to secure his person. Aureng-zeb after that, demanding of him what was become of all the Treasure which he had carri'd away, the Prince made answer that he had spent a great part in raising Souldiers against him to have ruin'd him, if it had been his good fortune: That a good part was in the hands of Raja Roup, whose avarice and perfidiousness was sufficiently known. And that Nacti-Rani had got the remainder to deliver him to his enemies, to the prejudice of his word and honour. Aureng-zeb was surpriz'd and touch'd at the boldness of his Nephew; but ambition shutting his eyes, and stifling all thoughts of justice, which the just remorce of Conscience might excite within him, he gave or­der that Sultan Mahomet his Son, and Soliman Chekour his Nephew should both be committed to the Fort of Goualeor to keep Morat-Bak-che company, which was done the 30th of Jan. 1661.

Sultan Sujah, who was yet alive, but still miserably, was the last thorn in Aureng-zeb's foot; and the person that drew it out for him, and rid him of his last pain, was the King of Arakan, whither the unfortunate Prince was at length forc'd to retire. Who finding all his hopes to be lost, began to think of a Pilgri­mage to Mecca, and from thence to go into Persia, and implore a Sanctuary un­der the protection of that Prince. To this purpose he thought he might obtain a Vessel from the King of Arakan, or the King of Pegu, to carry him to Mecca: but he was ignorant that neither of those Kings had any Vessels, that would live in the main Ocean. So that he was constrian'd to stay with the King of Arakan, an Idolater, whose Daughter he desir'd in Marriage, which the King granted, and by whom he had a Son. But that which ought to have been the greatest occasion of friendship between the Son-in-law and the Father-in-law, was the greatest reason of their hatred and falling-out. For some Lords of the Country, who began to be jealous of Sultan Sujah, buzz'd the King of Arakan in the ear, as if he had an intention by vertue of his Marriage, to dispossess him of his Throne, and to leave it to his own Son. The Pagan King easily believ'd what they said. Nor were these supitions ill-grounded; for Sultan Sujah having good store of Gold and Jewels, easily corrupted several Mahumetans that liv'd in the Kingdom of Ara­kan, and with those and about two-hunder'd men more that had follow'd him af­ter the rout of his Army, he undertook a most bold enterprize, which was yet a mark rather of despair than courage. He appointed a day to those of his party [Page 120] to force the Palace, and after they had put all the Royal Family to the Sword, to proclaim him King of Arakan. But this Plot being discover'd the day it should have been executed, Sultan Sujah, and Sultan Bangue, his Son, had no other way to save themselves, but by flight into the Kingdom of Pegu. But their way lying over Mountains almost impassable, and through thick Forrests full of Tigers and Lions, and being also closely pursu'd, their flight avail'd them little or nothing. Sultan Bangue however being behind, to keep the Pursuers in play while his Fa­ther and his Family gain'd ground, stoutly defended himself against the first As­sailants, but at length being overpower'd by number, he was taken together with his two little Brothers, his Mother and his Sisters; who were all put in Prison, where they were very ill-us'd. But some time after, the King having a desire to marry the eldest Sister of Sultan Bangue, they had a little more liberty allow'd them. However they enjoy'd it not long, for the young Prince being of a tur­bulent and ambitious spirit, plotted new treasons against the King, which being discover'd, the King immediately caus'd the whole Family to be put to death, not sparing the young Princess his Wife, though she were big with Child.

As for Sultan Sujah, who was formost among those that fled, it is more generally thought that either he was slain by the Souldiers who were sent to apprehend him, or that he was torn in pieces by the Tigers and Lions; of which those For­rests are full.

CHAP. VII.
Of the beginning of Aureng-zeb's Reign, and the Death of Cha-jehan his Father.

SOme days before he ascended the Throne, he sent to his Father to send him some of his Jewels, to the end he might appear before his people with the same magnificence as his Predecessors had done. Cha-jehan taking this request of his Sons for an affront put upon him in Prison, fell into such a rage that he con­tinu'd mad for some dayes, and had like to have dy'd upon it. In the excess of his vexation he call'd several times for a Morter and a Pestle, threatning to beat all his Jewels to powder before his Son should have them. But Begum-Saeheb, his eldest Daughter, never forsook him, throwing her self at his feet, and by vertue of that criminal power which she had over him, as being both his Daughter and his Wife, kept him from using that extremity; more out of a design to preserve the Jewels for her self, than for her Brother, to whom she had always been a mortal enemy. For this reason, when Aureng-zeb ascended the Throne, he had no more than one Jewel upon his Bonnet: This Bonnet cannot be call'd a Crown; and by consequence neither can the Ceremony be call'd a Coronation.

At the time that Aureng-zeb took possession of the Throne, he would not eat any wheaten-bread, nor meat, nor fish, but fed upon barley-bread, herbs and sweet­meats, which was a kind of Penance that he imposs'd upon himself for so many crimes.

When Aureng-zeb was settled in the Empire, several Embassadors came to Jeha­nabat to congratulate him, on the behalf of the Kings their Masters, as from the King of the Ʋsbeck Tartars, the Seriff of Mecca, the Prince of Balsara, and the Kings of Arabia Felix, and Ethiopia. The Hollanders also sent Menheir Adrican, chief of their Factory in Surat, who was kindly receiv'd, and first dispatch'd. For 'tis a piece of State, to keep the Embassadors a good while at Court before they have Audience. All these Embassadors presented Aureng-zeb with the rarities of their Countrey; who to get himself a good name in Asia, sent them away very well satisfi'd.

Some months before the death of Cha-jehan Aureng-zeb sent an Embassador into Persia, who was magnificently receiv'd. For a month together he was nothing but feasted and caress'd with all manner of divertisements. The day that he was [Page 121] to make his Present from the Great Mogul, the King of Persia sate upon his Throne in a most magnificent habit; and having receiv'd the Embassador's Pre­sent, he presently divided it in contempt among the Officers of his House; only keep­ing for himself a Diamond that weigh'd sixty Carats. Some few days after he call'd for the Embassador, and after some discourse, he ask'd him if he were of the Sect of the Turks? To which the Embassador returning an answer, and letting some words fall against Haly, the King ask'd him what his name was.? He reply'd that Cha­jehan had given him the Name of Baubec-kan, that is, Lord of a free heart; and had honour'd him with one of the chief employments at Court. Then th'art a Vil­lain, reply'd the King of Persia, with an angry countenance, to desert thy Sovereign in his necessity, having receiv'd so many favours from him, and to serve a Tyrant, that keeps his Father in Prison, and has massacr'd all his Brothers. How dares he, pursu'd the King, take upon him the arrogant Title of Alem-guir Aureng-sha, or King of all the World, who never conquer'd any thing, but possesses all he has by treachery and parricide? Hast thou been one of those that counsell'd him to shed so much blood, to be the Executioner of his Brothers, and to keep his Father in Prison? Thou art not worthy to wear a Beard; and with that immediately caus'd it to be shav'd off; which is the greatest indignity that can be put upon a man in that Countrey. Shortly after he commanded the Embassador to return home, sending along with him for a Present to Aureng-zeb, an hunder'd and fifty beautiful Horses, with a great quantity of Gold and Silver-Carpets, Cloath of Gold, rich Shashes, and other Stuffs, to a vast value. When Baubec-kan was come back to Agra, where the King was then, Aureng-zeb incens'd at the affront which the the Sophi of Persia had giv'n him in the person of his Embassador, lie took the Horses and sent some of them into the great Piazza, others to the corners of the Streets, causing it to be proclaim'd that the followers of Haly could not ride those Horses without being Nigss, that is to say, unclean, as coming from a King that did not obey the true Law. After that he caus'd the Horses to be kill'd, and all the rest of the Present to be burnt; uttering many reproachful words against the King of Persia, with whom he was mortally offended.

At length Cha-jehan happ'ning to dye toward the end of the year 1666. Aureng-zeb found himself rid of an object that every hour reproach'd his Tyran­ny; and began to injoy himself with more delight. Soon after he receiv'd his Sister Begum-Saheb into favour, restoring to her all her Governments, and giving her the Name of Cha-Begum, that is to say, Pincess Queen. The truth is, she is a Woman of Prodigious parts, and able to govern the whole Empire. And had her Father and Brothers taken her counsel at the beginning of the War, Aureng-zeb had never been King. As for Rauchenara Begum his Sister, she had always taken his side, and when she heard he had taken Arms, she sent him all the Gold and Silver she could procure. In recompence whereof he promis'd her, when he came to be King, to give her the Title of Cha-Begum, and that she should sit up­on a Throne: in all which he was as good as his word; and they continu'd very loving together till I was last at Genanabat: but then they were not so good friends, upon this occasion. The Princess having cunningly stoll'n into her Apart­ment a handsom young fellow, could not so privately let him out again after she had quite tir'd him; but the King was advertiz'd thereof. Thereupon the Prin­cess to prevent the shame and reproach, ran to the King in a great pre [...]ended fright and told him that there was a man got into the Haram, even to her very Chamber, and that his intention was certainly either to have kill'd or robb'd her: that such a thing was never seen; that it concern'd the safety of his Royal Person, and that he would do well to punish severely the Eunuchs that kept guard that night. Presently the King ran in person with a great number of Eunuchs, so that the poor young man had no way to escape but by leaping out of a window into the River that runs by the Palace-walls; whereupon a world of people ran out to [...]eize him; the King commanding them to do him no harm, but to carry him to the Officer of Justice: However he has not been heard of ever since that time.

CHAP. VIII.
Of the Preparations against the Feast of the Great Mogul, when he is wheigh'd solemnly every year. Of the richness of his Thrones, and the Magnificence of his Court.

THis great Feast begins the fifth of November, and lasts five days. They usually weight the King at the time of his Birth; and if he weighs more than he did the year before, there is great rejoicing. When he is weigh'd he seats himself upon the richest of his Thrones; and then all the Grandees of the Kingdom come to congratulate and present him. The Ladies of the Court send him their Presents also, as likewise do the Governours of Provinces, and others in great Employments. The Presents consists of Jewels, Tissues, Carpetts and other Stuffs; besides Camels, Elephants, Horses, and indeed any thing that is rare and of value. 'Tis said he receives that day thirty Millions of Livres.

They begin to prepare for this Feast the seventh of September, about two Months before it begins. The first thing they do, is to cover the two great Courts overhead, from the middle of each Court to the Hall, which is open upon three sides. The Pavilions that cover these two void places, are of Pur­ple Velvet Embroider'd with Gold, and so weighty, that the Posts which sustain them are as big as the Mast of a Ship; some thirty, some forty foot high. There are thirty-eight of these Posts to uphold the Tent in the first Court; and those next the Hall, are plated with Gold as thick as a Ducket. The rest are plated with Silver of the same thickness. The Cords are of Cotton of divers colours; some of them as big as a good Cable.

The first Court is surrounded with Portico's and little Chambers, where the Omrahs keep Guard▪ For every eight days the Omrahs relieve the Guard; and during those eight days, the Omrah who is upon the Guard, has a Dish of Meat out of the Kings Kitchin. When he sees it coming afar off, he makes three obey sances, laying his hand three times upon the Ground, and three times upon his Head, crying out at the same time, God preserve the Kings health, give him long Life and Victory over his Enemies. They take it for a great Honour to Guard the King; and when they go upon the Guard, they put on all their most sumptuous Apparel; and their Horses, Camels, and Elephants are all richly adorn'd. Some of the Camels carry a small Piece of Ordnance, with a man behind to shoot it off. The meanest of these Omrahs commands a thousand Horse; but if he be a Prince of the Blood, he commands six thou­sand.

The Great Mogul has seven Thrones, some set all over with Diamonds; others with Rubies, Emraulds, and Pearls.

The largest Throne, which is set up in the Hall of the first Court, is in form like one of our Field-Beds, six foot long, and four broad. The Cushion at the back is round like a Bolster; the Cushions on the sides are flat.

I counted about a hundred and eight pale Rubies in Collets, about this Throne, the least whereof weigh'd a hundred Carats; but there are some that weigh two hundred Emraulds I counted about a hundred and sixty, that weigh'd some threescore, some thirty Carats.

The under-part, of the Canopy is all embroider'd with Pearls and Diamonds, with a Fringe of Pearls round about. Upon the top of the Canopy, which is made like an Arch with four Panes, stands a Peacock, with his Tail spread, consisting all of Saphirs, and other proper colour'd Stones; the Body is of bea­ten Gold; enchas'd with several Jewels; and a great Ruby upon his breast, at which hangs a Pearl, that weighs fifty Carats. On each side of the Peacock stand two Nose-gays, as high as the Bird, consisting of several sorts of Flowers, all of beaten Gold enamel'd. When the King seats himself upon the Throne, there is a transparent Jewel, with a Diamond Appendant, of eighty or ninety Carats, encompass'd with Rubies and Emraulds, so hung that it is always in his [Page 123] Eye. The twelve Pillars also that uphold the Canopy, are set with rows of fair Pearl, round, and of an excellent Water, that weigh from six to ten Ca­rats a piece. At the distance of four feet, upon each side of the Throne, are plac'd two Parasols, or Umbrello's, the handles whereof are about eight foot high, cover'd with Diamonds; the Parasols themselves are of crimson Velvet, embroider'd and fring'd with Pearls.

This is the famous Throne which Tamerlane began, and Cha-jehan finish'd; which is really reported to have cost a hundred and sixty Millions, and five hundred-thousand Livres of our Money.

Behind this stately and magnificent Throne there is another less, in the form of a Tub, where the King bathes himself; it is an Oval, seven foot long, and five broad. The outside whereof shines all over with Diamonds and Pearls; but there is no Canopy over it.

Coming into the first Court, on the right hand, you see a particular Tent, where during all the Feast, the Morice-Dancers are appointed to make sport, while the King sits upon his Trone. On the left hand is another Tent, appointed from the Principal Officers of the Army and Houshold.

In the same Court, while the King sits upon his Throne, are to be seen thirty Horses, fifteen upon one side, and fifteen upon the other, lead by two men. Their Bridles are very short, but for the most part enrich'd with Diamonds, Rubies, Emraulds, and Pearls, the bits whereof are of pure Gold. Every Horse wears between his Ears a rich Plume of Feathers, with a little Cushion upon his Back, ty'd on with a Surcingle, both being embroider'd with Gold; and about his Neck hung some fair Jewel, which was either a Diamond, a Ruby, or an Emrauld. The worst of those Horses cost three thousand, some five thousand Crowns; and some there were, that were never bought under ten thousand. The young Prince, who was between seven and eight years old, rode upon a Horse no higher than a good big Greyhound, but very well shap'd.

About an hour after the King has been sitting upon his Throne, seven stout Ele­phants bred up for War, are brought out. One of those Elephants has his Seat fix'd upon his back, if the King should have a mind to ride out. The others are cover'd with Cloaths richly embroider'd, with Chains of Gold and Silver about their Necks; and there are four that carry the Kings Standard upon their Crup­pers, fasten'd to a Half-Pike, which a man seated on purpose close by, holds upright with his hand. These Elephants are brought within fifty paces of the Throne, and when they come before the King, they make their obeysances to him, laying their Trunks to the ground, and then lifting them up above their Heads three times; every time he makes a great cry, and then turning his back to the King, one of the Leaders turns up the Cloath, that the King may see he is in good case. There belongs also to every one a Cord, which is put round his body, to shew how much he is grown since the last year. The first of these Elephants, which the King most esteems, is a great furious Creature, that has five hundred Roupies allow'd him every month. He is fed with good Victuals, and a great quantity of Sucre, and they give him Aqua-vitae to drink. When the King rides forth upon his Elephant, the Omrahs follow on Horseback. And when he rides on Horseback, the Omrahs follow him on foot.

After the King has seen his Elephants, he rises up, and goes into his Haram through a little oval door behind the Throne.

The five other Thrones are set up in another magnificent Hall in another Court, all cover'd over with Diamonds, without any colour'd Stone.

When the King has staid about half an hour, he comes out again, attended by three or four Eunuchs, and seats himself in the other Hall, upon the middle­most of the five Thrones, where the Omrahs come, as long as the five days of the Festival last, and make their Presents to him.

CHAP. IX.
Some other Observations upon the Court of the Great Mogul.

AFter Aureng-zeb had setled himself in the Empire, which he usurp'd from his Father and his Brothers, he impos'd upon himself a very severe penance, eating nothing but Pulse and Sweet-meats, which has made him very meagre and lean. All the time the Comet lasted in the year 1665, which appear'd very great in the Indies, where I then was, Aureng-zeb drank nothing but Wa­ter, and eat nothing but Bread made of Millet; which so impair'd his health, that it had like to have cost him his life. Besides, he always lay upon the ground, only with a Tigers Skin under him; since which time he has never been perfectly well.

I saw him drink three several times, while he sat upon his Throne; to which purpose he had brought him a large Cup of Crystal of the Rock, round and all of a piece, with a Gold Cover, enrich'd with Diamonds, Rubies, and Emraulds, the foot thereof being of the same. But no persons see the King eat, only his Wives and his Eunuchs. And it is but very rarely that he goes to Dine or Sup with any of his Subjects. When I was last in India, Giafer-Kan, who was his Grand Visier, and his Uncle by marriage of his Wife, invited the King to see a new Palace which he was building, who went accordingly, and it was the greatest Honour his Majesty could do him; in retaliation whereof, Giafer-Kan, and his Wife presented him with Jewels, Elephants, Camels, Horses, and other things, to the value of a Million and fifty thousand Livres of our Money. For Giafer-Kan's Wife is the most magnificent and liberal Woman in all India, and spends more her self than all the Kings Wives and Daughters, which makes her Husband in debt, though he be almost Lord of all the Empire.

When the King is carried in his Palleki to the Mosquee, one of his Sons follows him, a Horseback, and all his Omrahs and officers of his Houshold come behind him a foot. Those that are Mahumetans stay for him at the top of the ascent to the Mosquee, and when he is ready to come out, they march before him to the Gate of his Palace. Eight Elephants always go before the King, to every one of which belong two men; one to lead the Elephant, and the other, who sits upon his back, carries a Standard fix'd to a Half-Pike. The other four carry Seats or Thrones upon their backs, the one square, the other round; one cover'd, the other inclos'd with Glass of several fashions. When the King goes abroad, he has usually five or six hundred men to attend him for his Guard, arm'd every one with a kind of an Half-Pike. To the heads of their Pikes they tye two Squibs cross-wise, about a foot long, and as big as a mans Arm, which will carry the Half-Pike five hundred paces. The King is also attended by three or four hundred Musquateers; but they are very Cowards, and hardly know how to shoot off their pieces. He has also a cer­tain number of Cavalry, which are Soldiers much alike. A hundred Europeans might well beat a thousand Indians; but they would hardly accustom them­selves to live such sober lives. For as well the Horse as the Infantry will live upon Meal kneaded with Water and brown Sugar; but in the evening, when they have convenience, they make Quichery, which is Rice boil'd in Water and Salt, with a Grain, so call'd. When they eat it, they stir it with the ends of their Fingers in melted Butter, which is the usual food of the Sol­diers and poor people. Beside, the heat would kill our Souldiers, who would never be able to endure the Sun all the day long, as the Indians do. By the way, give me leave to tell you, that the Country people have no other cloath­ing than a piece of Linnen to hide their secret parts, being miserable poor; for if their Governours know they have any thing about them, they seize it either as their right, or by force. There are some Provinces in India that lye waste, the Natives being forc'd to fly, by reason of the cruelty of their Governours. Under the pretence of being Mahumetans they persecute the poor [Page 125] Idolaters beyond all measure; and if any one of them embrace Mahumetism, 'tis only because they would not work any longer. For they turn Souldiers or Faquirs, who are a sort of people that profess a renunciation of the World, and live upon Alms, but are indeed very Rascals. They reckon that there are in India 800000 of these Mahumetan Faquirs, and twelve hunder'd-thousand Idolaters.

Once in fifteen days the King goes a Hunting, mounted upon his Elephant, and so continues during the chase. All the Game he takes is brought within Musket­shot of his Elephants. Which consists generally of Lions, Tigers, Harts, and wild-Goats. For they will not meddle with Boars, as being Mahumetans. When he returns home, he puts himself into his Palleki, and goes in the same order, and with the same Guard, as when he returns from the Mosquee, saving that when he goes a Hunting, he is attended with three or four-hunder'd Horsemen, that ride without any discipline in the World.

As for the Princesses, as well the Wives, Daughters and Sisters of the King, they never stir out of the Palace, unless it be to spend a few days in the Countrey for their pleasure. Some of them go abroad, but very rarely, to visit some great Noble-mens Wives, as the Wife of Giafer-Kan, who is the King's Aunt. But that is only by particular leave of the King. And then it is not the custom as in Persia, where the Ladies make their visits only by night, and with a great number of Eunuchs, who clear the Streets of all people they meet. For in the Mogul's Court, they usually go out about nine in the morning, with only three or four Eunuchs, and ten or twelve Slaves, which are instead of Maids of Honour.

The Princesses are carri'd in Palleki's cover'd over with Embroider'd Tapestry, and a little Coach to hold one single person that follows the Palleki, drawn by two men, the wheels not being above a foot in diameter. The reason why they carry that Coach along with them, is, because that when the Princesses arrive at the House where they intend to alight, the men that carry the Palliki, not being permitted to go any farther than the first Gate, they then take their Coaches, and are drawn by their female-Slaves to the Womens Apartment. I have also observ'd, that in all the Houses of great Noble-men, the Womens Apartment is at the far­ther end of all. So that you must cross two or three great Courts, and a Garden or two, before you can come at it.

When the Princesses are married to any of the Court-Grandees, they become absolute Mistresses of their Husbands; so that if they study not to please them, and do not as they would have them, in regard of their free access to the King they over-rule the King many times to their prejudice, even to the turning them out of their Employments.

As it is a custom that the first-born always is Heir to the Throne, though he be the Son of a Slave, so soon as the Princesses of the King's Haram perceive that there is any one among them big with Child, they use all the artifices imaginable to make them miscarry. Insomuch that being at Patna in the year 1666, Cha-Est-Kan's Chirurgeon assur'd me, that the Wife of Cha-Est-Kan had procur'd the miscarrying of eight Women, because she would suffer no other Womens Children but her own.

CHAP. X.
Of the Commodities which are brought as well out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visa­pour, and other neighbouring Territories.

IT will be necessary for the Reader to take notice what I have already said con­cerning the weights and Measures in use among the Indians, where I spoke con­cerning the Mines, and the Serre. Now for the Cobit.

The Cobit is a measure for all Commodities that are measur'd by the Ell, of which there are several sorts, as in Europe there are several sorts of Ells. The Cobit is divided into 24 Tasots: and in regard the greatest part of the Commo­dities of India are utter'd at Surat, I have giv'n you a description in the margin of the fourth part of a Surat-Cobit, divided into six Tasots.

Of their Silk.

KAsembasar, a Village in the Kingdom of Bengala, sends abroad every year two and twenty-thousand Bales of Silk; every Bale weighing a hunder'd pound. The two and twenty Bales make two millions and two-hunder'd-thousand pound, at sixteen ounces to the pound. The Hollanders usually carry away six or seven-thousand Bales, and would carry away more, did not the Merchants of Tar­tary, and the Mogul's Empire oppose them: for they buy up as much as the Hol­lander; the rest the Natives keep to make their Stuffs. This Silk is all brought into the Kingdom of Guzerat, the greatest part whereof comes to Amadabat, and to Surat, where it is wrought up.

In the first place they make Carpets of Silk and Gold, others of Silk and Silver, others all of Silk: For the Worsted Carpets are made at Vettapour, some twelve leagues from Agra.

In the second place they make Satins with streaks of Gold and Silver; others plain; with Tassata's after the same fashion.

In the third place they make Patoles, which are a sort of Silk-stuff very thin, but painted with all sorts of Flowers, the manufacture whereof is at Amadabat. They cost from eight Roupies to forty the piece. This is a Commodity wherein The Dutch will not suffer any one of the Hollanders to trade in particular: for they transport it to the Philippine-Islands, to the Islands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other neighbouring Islands.

The raw-Silk of Kasembasar is yellowish, as are all the raw-Silks that come from Persia and Sicily; but the Natives of Kasembasar have a way to whiten it, with a Lye made of the Ashes of a Tree which they call Adam's Fig-tree; which makes it as white as the Palestine-Silk. The Hollanders send away all their Mer­chandize which they fetch out of Bengala, by water, through a great Canal that runs from Kasembasar into Ganges, for fifteen leagues together; from whence it is as far by water down the Ganges to Ouguely, where they laid their Ships.

Of the Calicuts: and first of the painted Calicuts, call'd Chites.

CHites or Painted Calicuts, which they call Calmendar, that is to say, done with a Pencil, are made in the Kingdom of Golconda; and particularly about Maslipatan. But there is made so little, that though a man should employ all the Workmen that understand the art of weaving Calicuts, he would hardly find enough to make three Bales.

The Chites which are made in the Empire of the Great Mogul are all Printed; and nothing so beautiful, neither for the figures nor the fineness of the Linnen. Those which are made at Lahor, are the coarsest, and consequently the cheapest of all. They are sold by Corges, every Corge consisting of twenty pieces, which cost from 16 to 30 Roupies.

[Page 127] The Chites which are made at Seronge, are sold from 20 to 50 Roupies the Corge, or thereabouts.

These Chites serve for Coverlets for Beds, for Sofra's or Table-cloaths after the Countrey-fashion, Pillowbears, Handkerchiefs, but more especially for Wastcoats as well for men as women in Persia.

The fine Calicut-Chites are made at Brampour; and are us'd for handkerchiefs by those that snuff Tobacco.

The women also, over all Asia, make Veils of these Calicuts, to wear over their heads, and about their shoulders, which Veils are call'd Ormis.

The Basta's or Calicuts painted red, blue, and black, are carr'id white to Agra, and Amadabat, in regard those Cities are nearest to the places where the Indigo is made that is us'd in colouring. They cost from two Roupies to 30 or 40 a-piece, according to the fineness and the quantity of Gold at the ends, and sometimes up­on the sides. The Indians have a way to dip some of these Calicuts in a certain water that makes them look like Water'd-Chamlets, which adds also to the price.

That sort which is sold for two Roupies, and so onward till ye come to twelve, is transported to the Coast of Melinda, and it is the greatest Trade the Governour of Mozambique drives, who sells them to the Cafres, that vend them again among the Abyssins, and into the Kingdom of Saba: for those people not understanding the use of Soap, need no more but only to wash these Calicuts in water. That sort which is valu'd from 12 Roupies upward, is transported to the Philippine-Islands, the Islands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other adjacent places. Where the women wear no other clothes, than a single piece of this Calicut. One part whereof, without cutting it, serves for a Petticoat; the other they wind about their stomachs and their heads.

White Calicuts.

WHite Calicuts come partly from Agra, and about Lahor, part from Ben­gala: some from Brouda, Baroche, Renonsari, and other places. They are brought out of the Loom to Renonsari, and Baroche, where they are whiten'd by reason of the convenience of their Meadows, and the great store of Limons, that grow thereabouts. For the Calicuts are never so white as they should be, till they are dipt in Limon-water.

The Calicuts that come from Agra, Lahor, and Bengala, are sold by the Corge, and they are of several prices, from seventeen Roupies to three or four-hunder'd, as the Merchant will have them wov'n.

The Calicuts that come from Renonsari, and Baroche, are one and twenty cubits long, new out of the Loom; but in the whitening they shrunk to twenty cu­bits.

Those of Brouda twenty cubits from the Loom, and shrink in the whitening to nineteen and a half.

All the Calicuts or Bafta's that come from these three Cities, are of two sorts: for some are broad, some are narrow. The narrow are those I have already men­tion'd, the prices whereof are various, from two Mamoudi's to six.

The broad Bafta's are a cubit, and one third part wide; the whole piece twenty cubits long. The usual price of them is from five Mamoudi's to twelve: but a Merchant being upon the place, may cause them to be made much more large and fine, till they are worth five-hunder'd Mamoudi's a-piece. I saw two pieces sold for a thousand Mamoudi's.

The English bought one, and the Hollanders another, each piece containing eight and twenty cubits.

Mahamed Alibeg returning into Persia out of India, where he had been Em­bassador, presented Cha-S [...]f the second with a Coco-nut, about the bigness of an Austrich-egg, all beset with Pearls: and when it was open'd there was taken out of it a Turbant that had sixty cubits of Calicut in length to make it, the Cloath be­ing so fine, that you could hardly feel it in your hand. For they will spin their thread so fine, that the eye can hardly discern it, or at least it seems to be but a Cob­web.

Twisted-Cotton.

COtton twisted and untwisted comes from the Provinces of Brampour and Gu­zerat. Untwisted Cotton is never transported into Europe, being too cum­bersome, and of little value; only they send it to Ormus, Balsara, and sometimes to the Philippine-Islands, and the Islands of Sinde. As for the twisted Cottons, the English and Hillo nders transport a good quantity, not of the finest, but of that sort which is priz'd from fifteen to fifty Mamoudi's: It serves for wicks for Can­dles, for Packsaddles, and for the ground of Silk-stuffs.

Indigo.

INdigo comes from several parts of the great Mogul's Empire; and according to the diversity of the places it differs in quality, and consequently in price. In the first place, it comes from the Territories of Biana, Indoua, and Corsae, a day or two's journey from Agra: which is esteem'd the best of all. It is made also eight days journey from Surat, in a Village call'd Sarquess, two leagues distance from Amadabat. Here the flat Indigo is made. There is also Indigo lit­tle inferior in goodness and price, which comes from the King of Golconda's Ter­ritories. The Mein of Surat, which contains 42 Serre's, or 34 and a half of our pounds, is valu'd from 15 to 20 Roupies. They make as good as this at Baroche. That which is made up about Agra is made up in half Balls, and is the most sought for in all India. It is sold by the Mein, which in those places contains 60 Serres, or 51 and three quarters of our pounds. The usual price is from 36 to 40 Rou­pies. There grows also Indico some 36 leagues from Brampour, about a great Village call'd Raout, and round about the neighbouring Towns in the road to Surat: of which the Natives usually make above a hunder'd-thousand Roupies.

There comes Indigo also from Bengala, which the Holland-Company transports for Maslipatan. But they buy this Indigo, and that of Brampour and Amadabat, cheaper by twenty four in the hunder'd, than that of Agra.

Indigo is made of an Herb which they sow every year after the rains are over: which when it is grown up, is very like our Hemp. They cut it three times a year; first when it is about two or three foot high; and they cut it within half a foot of the ground; the first cutting far exceeds the two latter. The second cutting is worse than the first by ten or twelve in the hunder'd, and the third worse than the second by twelve in the hunder'd. The difference is found by breaking a piece of the Paste, and observing the colour. The colour of that Indigo which is made of the first cutting, is a violet-blue, but more brisk and lively than the two others: and that which is made of the second is more lively than the third.

When they have cut the Herb, they throw it unto Pits which they make with Lime, which becomes so hard, that you would judg it to be one intire piece of Marble. They are generally fourscore or a hunder'd paces in circuit; and being half full of water, they fill them quite up with the Herb. Then they bruise and jumble it in the water till the leaf, for the stalk is worth nothing, become like a kind of thick mud. This being done, they let it settle for some days; and when the settling is all at the bottom, and the water clear above, they let out all the water. When the water is as drain'd out, they fill several baskets wit hthis slime, and in a plain Field you shall see several men at work, every one at his own bas­ket, making up little pieces of Indigo flat at the bottom, at the top sharp like an egg. Though at Amadabat they make their pieces quite flat like a small cake. Here you are to take particular notice, that the Merchants, because they would not pay custom for an unnecessary weight, before they transport their Indigo out of Asia into Europe, are very careful to cause it to be sifted, to seperate the dust from it; which they fell afterwards to the Natives of the Countrey to dye their Calicuts. They that sift this Indigo must be careful to keep a Linnen-cloath be­fore their faces, andthat their nostrils be well-stopt, leaving only two littles holes for their eyes. Besides, they must every half hour be sure to drink milk, which is a great preservative against the piercing quality of the dust. Yet notwith­standing [Page 129] all this caution, they that have sifted Indigo for nine or ten days, shall spit nothing but blew for a good while together. Once I laid an Egg in the morning among the sifters, and when I came to break it in the evening it was all blew within.

As they take the Paste out of the Baskets with their Fingers dipt in Oil, and make it into Lumps, or Cakes they lay them in the Sun to dry. Which is the reason that when the Merchants buy Indigo, they burn some pieces of it, to try whether there be any dust among it. For the Natives who take the Paste out of the Baskets to make it into Lumps, lay it in the Sand, which mixes with the Paste, and fouls it. But when the Merchants burn it, the Indigo turns to Ashes, and the Sand remains. The Governours do what they can to make the Natives leave their Knavery; but notwithstanding all their care, there will be some de­ceit.

Salt-Peter.

GReat store of Salt-Peter comes from Agra and Patna; but the refin'd costs three times more than that which is not. The Hollanders have set up a Ware-House fourteen Leagues above Patna, and when their Salt-Peter is re­fin'd, they transport it by Water by Ogueli. A Mein of refin'd Salt-Peter is worth seven Mamoudi's.

Spice.

CArdamom, Ginger, Pepper, Nutmegs, Nutmeg-Flowers, Cloves and Cinna­mon, are all the different sorts of Spices known to us. I put Cardamom, and Ginger in the first place because that Cardamom grows in the Territories of Visapour, and Ginger in the Dominions of the Great Mogul. And as for other Spices, they are brought from other Forreign parts to Surat, which is the grand Mart.

Cardamom is the most excellent of all other Spices, but it is very scarce; and in regard there is no great store in the place where it grows, it is only made use of in Asia, at the Tables of great Princes. Five hundred pound of Cardamoms, are priz'd from a hundred to a hundred and ten Reals.

Ginger is brought in great quantities from Amadabat, where there grows more than in any other part of Asia; and it is hardly to be imagin'd how much there is transported candied into Foreign parts.

Pepper is of two sorts. There is a sort which is very small, another sort much bigger; both which sorts are distinguish'd into small and great Pepper. The larger sort comes from the Coast of Malavare; and Tuticorin and Calicut are the Cities where it is brought up. Some of this Pepper comes from the Territories of the King of Visapour, being vended at Rejapour, a little City in that Kingdom. The Hollanders that purchase it of the Malavares, do not give Money for it, but several sorts of Commodities in Exchange; as Cotton, Opium, Vermillion, and Quicksilver; and this is the Pepper which is brought into Eu­rope. As for the little Pepper that comes from Bantam, Afchen, and some other parts toward the East, there is none of it carried out of Asia, where it is 'spent in vast quantities, especially among the Mahumetans. For there are double the Grains of small Pepper in one pound, to what there are of the great Pepper; besides that the great Pepper is hotter in the mouth.

The little Pepper that comes to Surat, has been sold some years for thir­teen or fourteen Mamoudi's the Mein; and so much I have seen the English give for it, to transport it to Ormus, Balsara; and the Red Sea. As for the great Pepper which the Hollanders fetch from the Coast of Malavare, five hun­dred pound in truck brings them in not above thirty-eight Reals; but by the Commodities which they give in Barter, they gain Cent, per Cent.

The Nutmeg, the Nutmeg-Flow'r, the Clove, and Cinnamon, are the only Spices which the Hollanders have in their own hands. The three first come from the Molucca Islands; the fourth, which is Cinnamon, from the Island of Ceylan:

[Page 130] 'Tis observable of the Nutmeg, that the Tree which bears it is never planted, which has been confirm'd to me by several persons that have liv'd several years in the Countrey. They related to me, that the Nutmeg being ripe, several Birds come from the Islands toward the South, and devour it whole, but are forc'd to throw it up again before it be digested. The Nutmeg then besmear'd with a viscous matter, falling to the ground takes root, and produces a Tree, which would never thrive were it planted. This puts me in mind of making one observation upon the Birds of Paradise. These Birds being very greedy after Nutmegs, come in flights to gorge themseves with the pleasing Spice, at the season, like Felfares in Vintage time; but the strength of the Nutmeg so intoxi­cates them, that they fall dead drunk to the Earth, where the Emets in a short time eat off their Legs. Hence it comes, that the Birds of Paradise are said to have no Feet; which is not true however, for I have seen three or four that had Feet; and a French Merchant sent one from Aleppo as a Present to Lewis the Thirteenth that had Feet; of which the King made great account, as being a very lovely Fowl.

But notwithstanding all the Hollanders Projects, you may buy Cloves at Macassar without purchasing them of the Hollander; in regard the Islanders buy them of the Dutch Captains and Soldiers, which the Hollanders have in those places where the Cloves grow, giving them in exchange Rice, and other necessaries for the support of life, without which they would starve, being very sadly provided for.

When the Natives of Macassar are thus furnish'd of Cloves, they barter them in Exchange for such Commodities as are brought them; sometines they give Tortoise-Shells in exchange, and Gold Dust; by which the Merchant gains six or seven in the hundred, being better than the Money of the Island, though it be Gold, by reason the King ofttimes enhances the value of it. The places where Cloves grow, are Amboyna, Ellias, Seram, and Bouro.

The Islands of Banda also, in number six, viz. Nero, Lontour, Poulcay, Rose­guin, and Grenapuis, bear Nutmegs, in great abundance. The Island of Grena­puis is about six Leagues in compass, and ends in a sharp point, where there is a continual fire burning out of the Earth. The Island of Damme, where there grows great store of Nutmegs, and very big, was discover'd in the year 1647, by Abel Ta [...]man, a Dutch Commander.

The price of Cloves and Nutmegs, as I have known them sold to the Hol­landers at Sarat, was as follows.

The Mein of Surat contains forty Serres, which make thirty-four of our Pounds, at sixteen Ounces to the Pound.

A Mein of Cloves was sold for a hundred and there Mamoudi's and a half.

A Mein of Mace was sold for a hundred and fifty-seven Mamoudi's and a half.

Nutmegs for fifty-six Mamoudi's and a half.

Cinnamon comes at Present from the Island of Ceylan. The Tree that bears it is very much like the Willow, and has three Barks. They never take off but the first and second, which is accounted the best. They never meddle with the third, for should the Knife enter that, the Tree would dye. So that it is an art to take off the Cinnamon, which they learn from their youth. The Cinna­mon Spice is much dearer to the Hollanders than people think; for the King of Ceylan, otherwise call'd King of Candy, from the name of his principal City, being a sworn Enemy to the Hollanders, sends his Forces with an intention to surprize them, when they gather their Cinnamon; so that they are forc'd to bring seven or eight hundred men together to defend as many more that are at work. Which great expence of theirs very much enhances the price of the Cinnamon. There grows upon the Cinnamon Tree a certain fruit like an Olive, though not to be eaten. This the Portugals were wont to put into a Caldron of Water, together with the tops of the Branches, and boil'd it till the Water was all consum'd. When it was cold, the upper part became a Paste like white Wax; of which they made Tapers to set up in their Churches, for no sooner were the Tapers lighted, but all the Church was perfum'd. Formerly the Por­tugals brought Cinnamon out of other Countries, belonging to the Raja's about [Page 131] Cochin. But the Hollanders have destroyed all those places, so that the Cinna­mon is now in their hands. When the Portugals had that Coast, the English bought their Cinnamon of them, and usually paid for it by the Mein fifty Mamoudi's.

Drugs that are brought to Surat, and brought from other Countries, with the price of every one by the Mein.

Salt Armoniack, according to the usual price, costs by the Mein twenty Mamoudi's.

Borax, comes unrefin'd from Amadabat, as does Salt Armoniack, and costs by the Mein thirty-five Mamoudi's.

Gum-Lack, seven Mamoudi's and a half.

Gum-Lack wash'd, ten Mamoudi's.

Gum-Lack in sticks of Wax, forty Mamoudi's.

There are some of these Sticks that cost fifty or sixty Mamoudi's the Mein, and more when they mix Musk in the Gum.

Saffron of Surat, which is good for nothing but for colouring, four Mamoudi's and a half.

Cumin White, eight Mamoudi's.

Cumin Black, three Mamoudi's.

Arlet small, three Mamoudi's.

Frankincense, that comes from the Coast of Arabia, three Mamoudi's.

Myrrh, that which is good, call'd Mirra Gilet, thirty Mamoudi's.

Myrrh Bolti, which comes from Arabia, fifteen Mamoudi's.

Cassia, two Mamoudi's.

Sugar Candy, eighteen Mamoudi's.

Asutinat, a sort of Grain, very hot, one Mamoudi.

Annise-Seed Gross, three Mamoudi's and a half.

Annise-Seed small and hot, one Mamoudi and a half.

Oupelote, a Root, fourteen Mamoudi's.

Cointre, five Mamoudi's.

Auzerout, from Persia, a hundred and twenty Mamoudi's.

Aloes Succotrine, from Arabia, twenty eight Mamoudi's.

Licorice, four Mamoudi's.

Lignum Aloes, in great pieces, two hundred Mamoudi's.

Lignum Aloes, in small pieces, four hundred Mamoudi's.

Vez-Cabouli, a certain Root, twelve Mamoudi's.

There is a sort of Lignum Aloes very Gummy, which comes to, by the Mein, four thousand Mamoudi's.

Gum-Lake for the most part comes from Pegu; yet there is some also brought from Bengala, where it is very dear, by reason the Natives fetch that lively Scar­let colour out of it, with which they paint their Calicuts. Nevertheless, the Hollanders buy it, and carry it into Persia for the same use of painting. That which remains after the colour is drawn off, is only fit to make fealing Wax. That which comes from Pegu is not so dear, though as good for other Countries. The difference is only this, that it is not so clean in Pegu, where the Pismires foul it, as in Bengala, where it grows in a healthy place, full of Shrubs, where those Animals cannot so well come at it. The Inhabitants of Pegu never make any use of it in painting, being a dull sort of people, that are in nothing at all industrious.

The women of Surat get their livings by cleansing the Lake after the Scar­let colour is drawn from it. After that they give it what colour they please, and make it up into Sticks for sealing Wax. The English and Holland Company carry away every year a hundred and fifty Chests. The price is about ten Sous the pound.

Powder'd Sugar is brought in great quantities out of the Kingdom of Ben­gala; it causes also a very great Trade at Ougeli, Patna, Daca, and other places. I have been told it for a very great certainty, by several ancient people in Bengala, that Sugar being kept thirty years becomes absolute poison, and that there is no Venome more dangerous, or that sooner works its effect. Loaf-Sugar [Page 132] is also made at Amadabat, where they are perfectly skill'd in refining it; for which reason it is call'd Sugar Royal. The Sugar-Loaves usually weigh from eight to ten pound.

Opium is brought from Brampour, a Town of good Trade between Agra and Surat. The Hollanders buy great quantities, which they truck for their Pep­per.

Tobacco also grows in abundance round about Brampour; sometimes there has been so much that the Natives have let vast quantities rot upon the ground, for want of gathering.

Coffee grows neither in Persia nor in India, where it is in no request; but the Hollanders drive a great Trade in it, transporting it from Ormus into Persia as far as Great Tartary, from Balsara into Caldea, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and other Provinces of Turky. It was first found out by a Hermite, whose name was Scheck-Siadeli, about twenty-years ago, before which time it was never heard of in any Author either ancient or modern.

Deceits in Silk Wares.

Plain Silk Wares may be alter'd in length, bredth, and quality. The qua­lity shews it self when they are of an even thread, when the weight is equal, and when there is no Cotton thread in the West.

The Indians not having the art of guilding silver, put into their strip'd Wares threads of pure Gold, so that you must count the quantity of Gold threads to see whether the Silk have its due number. And this also you must observe in your Silks wov'n with Silver. As for Taffata's, your are only to mind whether the pieces be all of a fiineness, and to see by unfolding some of them, that there be nothing within to augment the weight, and then weighing all the pieces by themselves, to see that they all agree.

The colours of those Carpetts which are made in India, do not last so long as the colour of those which are made in Persia; but for the Workman­ship it is very lovely. The eye of the Broaker is to judg of the largeness, beauty, and fineness of those Carpetts which are wrought with Gold and Silver, and whether they be fine and rich. But whether they be Carpetts, or other Stuffs mix'd with Gold and Silver, it behoves the Buyer to pull out some of the Gold and Silver Threads, to see whether they be of the right value or no.

Deceits in the White Calicuts.

The deceits usually put upon Calicuts, are in fineness length, and breadth. Every Bale may contain two hundred pieces; among which they will juggle in five or six or ten, less fine, or less white, shorter and narrower than accor­ding to the scantling of the Bale, which cannot be found out but by examining them piece by piece. The fineness is discern'd by the eye, the length and breadth by the measure. But the Indians practise a more cunning way, which is to count the number of threads which ought to be in the breadth, according to the fineness of the scantling. When the number fails, it is either more trans­parent, more narrow, or more course. The difference is sometimes so difficult to be perceiv'd, that there is no way to find it out but by counting the threads. And yet this difference in a great quantity comes to a great deal. For it is no­thing to cousen a Crown or two Crowns, in a piece that comes but to fifteen or twenty Crowns. Those that whiten these Calicuts, to save charges of a few Limons, will knock the Calicuts excessively upon a Stone, which does fine Calicuts a great injury, and loars the price.

As for their Calicuts dy'd blew or black, you must take care that the Work­men do not knock them after they are folded, to make them look sleek; for many times when they come to be unfolded, you shall find holes in the creases.

As for your painted and printed Calicuts, which are painted and printed as they come out of the Loom, the Merchant must take care that what he be­speaks be finish'd before the end of the Rains, for the thicker the Water is [Page 133] where they are wash'd, the more lively will the printed and painted colours ap­pear. It is easy to distinguish between the printed and the painted Calicuts; and between the neatness of the work: but for the fineness and other qua­lities, they are not so easily discern'd; and therefore the Broaker must be more careful.

Cheats in Cotton.

THE cheat in the weight is twofold. The first, by laying them in a moist place; and thrusting in the middle of every Skain something to add to the weight. The second, in not giving good weight when the Broaker receives it from the Workman, or Merchant that delivers it.

There is but one cheat in the quality, that is by putting three or four Skains, of a coarser Commodity than that which is uppermost, into one Mein. Which in a great quantity mounts high; for there are some Cottons that are worth an hunder'd Crowns the Men. These two cheats being often us'd by the Holland-Company, there is no way but to weigh your Com­modity in the presence of the Dutch-Commander, and his Councel, and to examine every Mein, Skain by Skain. When this is done, they who are order'd to be at this examination, are oblig'd to fix to every Bale a ticket of the weight and quality: for if there be a faileur, they who fix the ticket are engag'd to make good what is wanting.

Deceits in Indigo.

I Have told you, that when the Work-men have made up the Indigo-Paste into lumps, with their singers dipt in Oil, they lay them in the Sun a drying. Now those that have a design to cheat the Merchants, dry them in the sand, to the end that the sand sticking to the Indigo, should encrease the weight. Sometimes they lay up their Paste in moist places, which makes it give, and consequently renders it more heavy. But if the Governour of the place discovers the cheat, he makes them severely pay for it: and the best way of discovery is to burn som pieces of Indigo, for the sand will remain.

Indian Broakers.

THE Broakers are as it were the Masters of the Indian Families; for they have all Goods at their disposal. The Work-men choose the most aged and most experienc'd, who are to endeavor equal advantages for the whole Tribe they under­take for Every evening that they return from their business, and that, according to the custom of the Indians, who make no Suppers, they have eaten some little piece of Sweet-meat, and drank a glass of water, the eldest of the Tribe meet at the Broaker's House, who gives them an account of what he has done that day, and then they consult what he is to do next. Above all things, they caution him to look to his hits, and to cheat, rather than be cheated.

CHAP. XI.
Of Diamonds, and the Mines and Rivers where they are found; and first of the Author's journey to the Mine of Raolconda.

THE Diamond is the most precious of all Stones, and it was in that sort of Commodity wherein I most dealt. And therefore to acquire a perfect ex­perience, I went to all the Mines; and to one of the Rivers where they are found. To which purpose I travell'd to four Mines; of which I will give you a description; and of one of the Rivers where I have also been.

The first of these Mines, where I was, is in the Territories of the King of Vi­sopour, in the Province of Carnatica; and the place is call'd Raolconda, five days journey from Golconda, and eight or nine from Visapour. This Mine was discover'd not above two-hunder'd years ago, as I was Inform'd by those of the Coun­trey.

Round about the place where the Diamonds are found, the ground is sandy, full of Rocks, much resembling the parts near Fountain-Bleau. There are in the Rocks several veins, some half a finger, some a whole finger-wide: And the Miners make use of Irons with hooks at the end, with which they pick out the earth or Sand, which they put into tubs, and among that earth, they find the Dia­monds. But because these veins do not run always streight, but sometimes down, sometimes upward, the Miners are constrain'd to break the Rock, following always the train of the veins: When they have open'd all the veins, and taken out all the sand, then they wash it two or three times over to look for the Diamonds. In this Mine it is that they find the cleanest Stones, and of the whitest water. But the mischief is, that to fetch the sand out of the Rock, they are forc'd to strike such terrible blows with a great Iron-leaver, that they flaw the Dia­mond, and make it look like Crystal. Which is the reason there are found so many soft Stones in this Diamond-Mine, though they make a great shew. If the Stone be clean, they only give it a turn or two upon the wheel, not caring to shape it, for fear of losing the weight. If there be any flaws, or any points, or any black or red specks in it, they cut all the Stone into Fossets, to hide the de­fect. Now because a Merchant desires rather to have a black speck than a red one; 'tis but burning the Stone, and the speck becomes black. This trick at length I understood so well, that when I saw any Stones in them that came from the Mine made into Fossets, especially very small ones, I was certain there was either some speck or some flaw in the Stone.

There are several Diamond-Cutters at this Mine, but none of them have above one Mill, which is of Steel. They never cut but one Stone at a time upon each Mill, casting water continually upon the Mill, to find out the grain of the Stone; which being found they pour on Oil, (not sp [...]ing for powder of Diamonds though it be very dear,) to make the Stone slide the faster; and they lay on more weight than we do. I have seen them lay upon one Stone an hunder'd and fifty pound of Lead. I must confess it was a great Stone, which weigh'd an hunder'd and three Carats, after it was cut; and the Mill was like ours, only the great Wheel was turn'd by four Negros. The Indians are not of the same opinion that we are; for they do not believe that the weight gives any luster to the Stones. If theirs be not subject to take their luster, 'tis because there is always a Boy that stands with a thin woodden-slice in his hand, and waters the Wheel continually with Oil and Powder of Diamonds. Besides, their Wheel does not go so fast as ours, because the Woodden-wheel that turns the Steel-wheel, is not above three foot in Diameter.

They cannot give that lively polishment to Stones, as we give to ours in Europe; and I believe the reason to be, because their Wheel does not run so flat as ours. For in regard it is of Steel, to rub it upon the Emeril, as must be done every four and twenty hours, the Tree must be taken off, which can never be put on [Page 135] again so as to run so flat as it did. Had they the invention of Iron-mills, upon which they never use Emeril, but only the File, because their is no necessity to take off the Tree to file the Mill, they might polish their Stones better than they do. I have told you they must eithe rub the Mill with Emeril, or file it every four and twenty hours. For when the Stone has run for some time, that part of the Mill becomes as smooth and bright as glass: so that if you do not rough it again either with Emeril or the File, the powder will not stay; whereas if the powder stay, there is more work done in an hour than otherwise in two.

Though a Diamond be naturally very hard, having a kind of a knot, as you see in wood, the Indian Lapidaries will cut the Stone, which our European Lapidaries find great difficulty to do, and usually will not undertake to perform; which makes the Indians require something more for the fashion.

As for the Government of the Mines, they trade very freely, and very faith­fully. They pay two per cent. to the King for all that they buy: besides that, he has also a duty from the Merchants for leave to dig. The Merchant after he has made search with the Miners, who know all the places where the Diamonds grow, chooses out a place about two-hunder'd paces in compass, where they set at work sometimes fifty, sometimes an hunder'd Miners, as they are in hast of work. And from the day that they begin to work, to the day that they end, the Merchants pay to the King two Pagods a-day; and four when they employ and hunder'd men.

These poor people never get above three Pagods all the year long, though they understand their business extremely well; so that their wages being so small, they make no scruple, when they can handsomely, to hide a Stone for their own pro­fit; and in regard they are quite naked, only for a rag about their privities, some­times they are so dextrous, as to swallow the Stone. The chief of the Merchants who employ these Miners shew'd me one of them, that had cozen'd him of a Stone, and had put it into the corner of his eye, but he took it from the fellow so soon as he had discover'd the cheat. To prevent this cozenage, there are twelve or fifteen in fifty, who are engag'd to the Merchant, that he shall have no injury done him, nor any thefts committed. If by accident they meet with a Stone that weighs 14 or 16 Carats, they presently carry it to the Master of the work, who gives him in recompence the Sarpo, which is a piece of Calicut to make him a Bonnet, to the value of 25 Sous, together with half a Pagod in Silver, or else a whole Pagod, when he gives him neither Rice nor Sugar.

The Merchants that come to trade at the Mines keep their Lodgings; and every morning about ten or eleven a clock, after they have din'd, the Masters of the Miners bring their Diamonds to shew them. If the Stones are large, or that there be so many as amount from two-thousand to sixteen-thousand Crowns, they will leave them with the strange Merchant seven or eight days, for the Merchants to consider. When the Merchants has seen the Stones, it becomes him to agree upon the price in a short time. Otherwise the party that owes the Stones, takes them away again, and you shall never see the same Stones again, unless mix'd with others. When the bargain is concluded, the Purchaser gives a Bill of Exchange upon the Banker. If you have agreed to pay him in four dayes, and make him stay longer, you must pay him down one and an half in the hunder'd for a months in­terest. Most commonly when they know the Merchant to be sufficient, they will choose to take a Bill of Exchange for Agra, for Golconda, or Visapour, but more especially for Surat, as being the most frequented Port in all India, where they may furnish themselves with all Commodities which they want.

'Tis very pleasant to see the young children of the Merchants and other people of the Countrey, from the age of ten to fifteen or sixteen years, who seat them­selves upon a Tree, that lies in the void place of the Town: Every one of them has his Diamond-weights in a little Bag hanging at one side, on the other his Purse, with five or six-hunder'd Pagods in Gold in it. There they sit expecting when any person will come to sell them some Diamonds. If any person brings them a Stone, they put it into the hands of the eldest Boy among them, who is as it were their chief; who looks upon it, and after that gives it to him that is next him; by which means it goes from hand to hand, till it return to him again, none of the rest speaking one word. After that he demands the price, to buy it if possible; [Page 136] but if he buy it to dear, 'tis upon his own account. In the evening the Children compute what they have laid out, then they look upon their Stones, and seperate them according to their water, their weight, and clearness. Then they bring them to the great Merchants, who have generally great parcels to match: and the pro­fit is divided among the children equally; only the chief among them has a fourth in the hunder'd more than the rest. As young as they are, they so well understand the price of Stones, that if one of them have bought any purchase, and is willing to lose one half in the hunder'd, the other shall give him his Money. They shall hardly bring you a parcel of Stones, above a dozen, wherein there is not some flaw or other defect.

When I came to the Mine, I went to wait upon the Governour, who told me I was welcome; and because he made no question but that I had brought Gold with me, (for they talk of nothing under Gold at the Mines,) he bid me only lay it in my Chamber, and he would undertake it should be safe. Thereupon he pre­sented me with four servants to watch my Gold day and night, and to follow my orders, bidding me withal fear nothing, but eat, drink, and sleep, and take care of my health; but withal he told me I must be careful of not cheating the King. Thereupon I fell to buying, and found profit enough, above twenty in the hunder'd cheaper than at Golconda.

I have one thing to observe which is more than ordinarily curious, concerning the manner how the Indians, as well as Mahumetans as Idolaters, drive their bar­gains. Every thing is done with great silence, and without any talking on either side. The buyer and the seller sit one before another like two Taylors, and the one of the two opening his Girdle, the seller takes the right-hand of the purcha­ser, and covers his own hand and that with his Girdle: under which, in the pre­sence of many Merchants that meet together in the same Hall, the bargain is se­cretly driven without the knowledg of any person. For then the purchaser nor seller speak neither with their mouths nor eyes, but only with the hand, as thus. When the seller takes the purchaser by the whole hand, that signifies a thousand, and as often as he squeezes it, he means so many thousand Pagods or Roupies, ac­cording to the Money in question. If he takes but half to the knuckle of the middle-finger, that's as much as to say fifty: The small end of the finger to the first knuckle signifies ten. When he grasps five fingers, it signifies five-hunder'd; if but one finger, one-hunder'd. This is the mystery which the Indians use in driving their bargains. And many times it happens, that it the same place, where there are several people, one and the same parcel shall be sold seven or eight times over, and no person know that it was sold in that manner every time.

As for the weight of the Stones, no person can be deceiv'd in them, unless he purchase them in hugger-mugger. For if they are publickly bought, there is a person on purpose paid by the King, without any benefit from particular persons, whose place it is to weigh the Diamonds; and when he has spoken the weight, the buyer and seller are satisfi'd in his words, as not being a person any way ob­lig'd to favour any person.

Having dispatch'd all my business at the Mine, the Governour appointed me six Horse-men to convoy me through the Territories under his Government, which extends to a River that separates the Kingdom of Visapour from that of Golconda. 'Tis a very difficult thing to cross that River, it being deep, broad and rapid; be­sides that, there are no Boats. But they ferry over Men, Carriages, Oxen and Coaches upon a round Vessel, ten or twelve foot in Diameter, made of Osier­twigs, like our Flaskets; and cover'd without with Ox-hides; as I have already related. They might easily use Boats, or make a Bridg; but the King of Gol­conda will not suffer either, because the River parts the two Kingdoms. Every evening the Ferry-men on both sides are bound to carry to two Governours on each side the River, an exact account of the Persons, Carriages and Merchandizes which they ferri'd over that day.

Coming to Golconda, I found that the person whom I had left in trust with my Chamber, was dead: but that which I observ'd most remarkable, was, that I found the door seal'd with two Seals, one being the Cadi's or chief Justice's, the other the Sha-Bander's, or Provost of the Merchants. An Officer of Justice, together with the Servants I had left behind, watch'd the Chamber night and day. This [Page 137] Officer hearing of my arrival, went and gave notice to the Cadi and Sha-Bander, who sent for me. The Cadi presently ask'd me, if the Money I had left in the Chamber where the person dy'd were mine, and how I could prove it. I told him I had no better proofs than the Letters of Exchange which I had brought to the Banker that paid it by my order to the person deceas'd; to whom I had also giv'n farther order, that if the Banker paid me in Silver, he should change the sum into Gold. Thereupon the Bankers were sent for, who affirm­ing the payments accordingly, the Cadi sent his Deputy to op'n the Chamber door; nor would he leave me, till I had counted over my Money, and had assur'd him it was right. After that I return'd to the Cadi and the Sha-Bander, and signifi'd as much to them; and having paid them some Fees which they demanded. to the value of four Crowns and a half of our Money, I return'd them my thanks for their care. This I relate to shew the justice of the Country.

CHAP. XII.
The Authors Journey to the other Mines; and how they find the Diamonds there.

SEven days journey from Golconda Eastward there is another Diamond Mine, call'd in the language of the Country Gani, in the Persian tongue Coulour. It is near a great Town, by which the same River runs, which I cross'd coming from the other Mine; and a League and a half from the Town is a high Moun­tain in the form of a Half-Moon; the space between the Town an the Moun­tain is a Plain where they dig and find Diamonds. The nearer they dig to the Mountain, the larger Stones they find; but at the top they find nothing at all.

It is not above a hundred years since this Mine was found out by a Country­man, who digging in a piece of ground to sow Millet, found therein a pointed Stone that weigh'd above twenty-five Carats; he not knowing what the Stone was, but seeing it glister, carry'd it to Golconda, where as it happen'd well for him, he met with one that traded in Diamonds. The Merchant in­forming himself of the place where the Stone was found, admir'd to see a Jewel of that bigness, not having seen any one before that weigh'd above ten or twelve Carats. However his report made a great noise in the Country; insomuch that the Mony'd men in the Town set themselves to work, and causing the ground to be search'd, they found, and still do find bigger Stones, and in greater quan­tity than in any other Mine. For they found a great number of Stones from ten to forty Carats, and sometimes bigger; among the rest that large Stone that weigh'd nine hundred Carats, which Mirgimola presented to Aureng-zeb.

But though this Mine of Coulour be so considerable for the quantity of great Stones which are there found, yet the mischief is, the Stones are not clean; the Waters having something of the quality of the Earth where they are found. If the Ground be mershy, the Water enclines to black; if it be red, there is a redness in the Water; in other places the Stones appear somewhat greenish, in others yellowish; such a diversity of Soils there is between the Town and the Mountain. Upon the most part of these Stones after they are cut, there appears a kind of greasie moisture, which must be as often wip'd off.

As for the Water of the Stones, it is remarkable, that whereas in Europe we make use of day-light to examine the rough Stones, and to judg of their Water, and the speaks that are found therein, the Indians do all that in the night-time, setting up a Lamp with a large Wiek, in a hole which they make in the Wall, about a foot square; by the light whereof they judg of the Wa­ter and clearness of the Stone, which they hold between their Fingers. The Water which they call celestial is the worst of all, and it is impossible to discern it so long as the Stone is rough. The most infallible way to find out that Wa­ter, [Page 138] is to carry the Stone under a Tree thick of Boughs, for by the verdure of that shade you may easily discern whether the Water be blewish or no.

The first time I was at the Mine, there were above sixty thousand persons at work, men, woman, and children; the men being employ'd to dig, the women, and Children to carry the Earth.

After the Miners have pitch'd upon the place where they intend to work, they level another place close by, of the same extent, or else a little bigger, which they enclose with a Wall about two foot high. In the bottom of that little Wall, at the distance of every two foot, they make small holes to let in the water; which they stop up afterwards, till they come to drain out the water again. The place being thus prepar'd, the people that are to work meet all together, men, women, and children, with the Workmaster in the Company of his Friends and Relations. Then he brings along with him some little Image of the God that they adore; which being plac'd upright upon the ground, they all pro­strate themselves three times before it, while their Priest says a certain prayer. The prayer being ended, he marks the forehead of every one with a kind of Glue, made of Saffron and Gum, to such a compass as will hold seven or eight Grains of Rice, which he sticks upon it; then having wash'd their bodies with water, which every one brings in his pot, they rank themselves in order to eat what the Workmaster prelents them, before they go to work, to encourage them both to labour and be faithful. This Feast consists of nothing else but every one his Plate of Rice, distributed by the Bramin; for an Idolater may eat any thing from the hands of one of their Priests. The Plates are made of the Leaves of a certain Tree, not much unlike our Walnut-tree Leaves. Besides this, eve­ry one has a quarter of a pound of Butter, melted in a small Copper pot with some Sugar.

When their Feast is over, the men fall to digging, the women and children to carry Earth to the place prepar'd in that manner as I have already describ'd, They dig ten, twelve, and sometimes fourteen foot deep; but when they come to any water they leave off. All the Earth being carry'd into the place before­mention'd, the men, women, and children with Pitchers throw the water which is in the drains upon the Earth, letting it soak for two or three days, according to the hardness of it, till it come to be a kind of Batter; then they open the holes in the Wall to let out the water, and throw on more water still, till all the mud be wash'd away, and nothing left but the Sand. After that they dry it in the Sun; and then they winnow the Sand in little Winnows, as we winnow our Corn. The small dust flies away, the great remains, which they pour out a­gain upon the ground.

The Earth being thus winnow'd, they spread with a kind of Rake, as thin as they possibly can; then with a wooden Instrument, like a Paviers Rammer, about half a foot wide at the bottom, they pound the Earth from one end to the other, two or three times over. After that they winnow it again then; and spreading it at one end of the Van, for fear of losing any of the Earth, they look for the Diamond.

Formerly they were wont to pound the Earth with Flint-stones, instead of wooden Rammers; which made great flaws in the Diamonds, and is there­fore now left off.

Heretofore they made no scruple to buy those Diamonds that had a green outside; for being cut, they prov'd very white, and of an excellent water.

Since they have been more nice; for there was a Mine discover'd between Coulour and Raolconda, which the King caus'd to be shut up again, by reason of some cheats that were us'd there; for they found therein that sort of Stones which had this green outside, fair and transparent, and which appear'd more fair than the others; but when they came to the Mill they crumbl'd to pieces.

CHAP. XIII.
A Continuation of the Authors Travels to the Diamond Mines.

I come to the third Mine, which is the most ancient of all, in the Kingdom of Bengala. You may give it the name of Soumelpour, which is the name of the Town next to the place where the Diamonds are found; or rather Gouel, which is the name of the River in the Sand whereof they seek for the Stones. The Territories through which this River runs, belong to a Raja, who was anciently tributary to the Great Mogul, but revolted in the time of the Wars between Sha-jehan and Gehan-guir his Father. So soon as Sha-jehan came to the Empire, he sent to demand his Tribute of this Raja, as well for the time past, as to come; who finding that his Revenues were not sufficient to pay him, quitted his Country, and retir'd into the Mountains with his Subjects. Upon his refusal, Sha-jehan believing he would stand it out, sent a great Army against him, perswading himself that he should find great store of Diamonds in his Country. But he found neither Diamonds, nor People, nor Victuals, the Raja having burnt all the Corn which his Subjects could not carry away; so that the greatest part of Sha-jehans Army perish'd for hunger. At length the Raja return'd into his Country, upon condition to pay the Mogul some slight Tribute.

The Way from Agra to this Mine.
From Agra to Halabas, costes130
From Halabas to Banarous, costes33
From Agra to Sasaron, costes4
From Agra to Saseron you travel Eastward; but from Saseron to the Mine you must wind to the South, coming first to a great Town, costes21
This Town belongs to the Raja I have spoke of. From thence you go to a Fortress call'd Rodas, costes4
This is one of the strongest places in all Asia, seated upon a Mountain for­tifi'd with six Bastions, and twenty-seven pieces of Cannon, with three Moats full of Water, wherein there are good Fish. There is but one way to come to the top of the Mountain, where there is a Plain half a League in compass, wherein they sow Corn and Rice. There is above twenty Springs that water that Plain; but all the rest of that Mountain from top to bottom is nothing but a steep Precipice cover'd with over-grown Woods. The Raja's formerly us'd to live in this Fort with a Garrison of seven or eight hundred men. But the Great Mogul has it now; having taken that Fort by the policy of the fa­mous Mirgimola, which all the Kings of India could never take before. The Raja left three Sons, who betray'd one another; the eldest was poison'd, the second went and serv'd the Great Mogul, who gave him the command of four thousand Horse; the third possesses his Fathers Territories, paying the Mogul a small Tribute. 
From the Fortress of Rodas to Soumelpour, costes30

Soumelpour is a great Town, the Houses whereof are built of Earth, and co­ver'd only with Branches of Coco-trees. All these thirty Leagues you travel through Woods, which is a very dangerous passage, as being very much pester'd with Robbers. The Raja lives half a League from the Town, in Tents set upon a fair rising ground, at the foot whereof runs the Gouel, descending from the Southern Mountains, and falling into Ganges.

In this River they find the Diamonds. For after the great Rains are over, which is usually in December, they stay all January till the River be clear; by reason that by that time in some places it is not above two foot deep, and in several places the Sand lies above the water. About the end of January, or the beginning of February, there flock together out of the great Town, [Page 140] and some others adjoining, above eight thousand persons, men, women and children, that are able to work. They that are skilful know by the sand whe­ther there be any Diamonds or no, when they find among the sand little Stones like to those which we call Thunder-Stones. They begin to make search in the River from the Town of Soumelpour to the very Mountains from whence the River falls, for fifty Leagues together.

Where they believe there are Diamonds, they encompass the place with Stakes, Faggots, and Earth, as when they go about to make the Arch of a Bridg to drain all the water out of that place. Then they dig out all the Sand for two foot deep, which is all carried and spread upon a great place for that purpose prepar'd upon the side of the River; encompass'd with a little Wall about a foot and half high. When they have fill'd this place with as much Sand as they think convenient, they throw water upon it, wash it, and sift it; doing in other things as they do at the Mines which I have already des­crib'd.

From this River come all those fair Points which are call'd natural Points, but a great Stone is seldom found here. The reason why none of these Stones have been seen in Europe, is because of the Wars, that have hinder'd the people from working.

Besides the Diamond Mine which I have spoken of in the Province of Carnatica, which Mirgimola caus'd to be set up, by reason of the yellowness of the Diamonds, and the foulness of the Stones; there is in the Island of Bor­neo, the largest Island in the World, another River call'd Succadan, in the Sand whereof they find Diamonds as hard as any in the other Mines. The principal reason that disswaded me from going to the Island of Borneo was, because I understood that the Queen of the Island would not permit any Strangers to carry away any of those Diamonds out of the Island. Those few that are exported, being carry'd out by stealth, and privately sold at Batavia. I say the Queen, and not the King, because in that Island the Women have the Soveraign Command, and not the Men. For the people are so curious to have a lawful Heir upon the Throne, that the Husband not being certain that the Children which he has by his Wife are his own; but the Wife being always certain that the Children which she bears are hers, they rather choose to be govern'd by a Woman, to whom they give the Title of Queen; her Husband being only her Subject, and having no power but what she permits him.

CHAP. XIV.
Of the diversity of Weights us'd at the Diamond Mines. Of the Pieces of Gold and Silver there Currant; and the Rule which they observe to know the Price of Diamonds.

AT the Mine of Raolconda they weigh by Mangelins, a Mangelin being one Carat and three quarters, that is seven Grains.

At the Mine of Gani or Coulour they use the same weights.

At the Mine of Soumelpour in Bengala, they weigh by Rati's, and the Rati is seven eighths of a Carat, or three Grains and a half. They use the same Weights over all the Empire of the Mogul.

In the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, they make use of Mangelins; but a Mangelin in those parts is not above one Carat and three eighths. The Portugals in Goa make use of the same Weights in Goa; but a Mangelin there is not above five Grains.

As for the Money in use: First, in Bengala, in the Territories of the Raja before mention'd, in regard they lye enclos'd within the Dominions of the Great Mogul, they make their payments in Roupies.

[Page 141] At the two Mines about Raolconda in the Kingdom of Visapour, the payments are made in new Pagods, which the King coins in his own Name, as being inde­pendent from the Great Mogul. The new Pagod is not always at the same value; for it is sometimes worth three Roupies and a half, sometimes more, and some­times less; being advanc'd and brought down according to the course of Trade, and the correspondence of the Bankers with the Princes and Governors.

At the Mine of Colour or Gani, which belongs to the Kingdom of Golconda, they make their payments in new Pagods, which are equal in value to the King of Visapour's. But sometimes you are forc'd to give four in the hunder'd more, by reason they are better Gold, and besides, they will take no others at the Mine. These Pagods are coin'd by the English and Hollanders, who, whether willingly or by force, are priviledg'd by the King to coin them in their Forts: And those of the Hollanders cost one or two per cent. more than the English, by reason they are better Gold, and for that the Miners choose them before the other. But in re­gard the Merchants are prepossess'd that the Miners are a rude and savage sort of people, and that the ways are dangerous, they stay at Golconda, where the Work­masters keep correspondence with them, and send them their Jewels. There they pay in old Pagods coin'd many ages ago by several Princes that Reign'd in India before the Mahumetans got footing therein. Those old Pagods are worth four Roupies and a half, that is to say, a Roupy more than the new: not that there is any more Gold in them, or that they weigh any more. Only the Bankers, to ob­lige the King, not to bring down the price, pay him annually a very great Sum, by reason they get very much by it. For the Merchants receive none of those Pa­gods without a Changer to examin them, some being all defac'd, others low-metal others wanting weight: so that if one of these Bankers were not present at the receipt, the Merchant would be a greater loser, sometimes one, sometimes five, sometimes six i'th' hunder'd: for which they also pay them one quarter in the hunder'd for their pains. When the Miners are paid, they also receive their Mo­ney in the presence of Bankers, who tells them which is good, and which is bad; and has for that also one quarter i'th' hunder'd. In the payment of a thousand or two-thousand Pagods, the Banker, for his fee, puts them into a bag, and seals it with his Seal; and when the Merchant pays for his Diamonds, he brings the Seller to the Banker, who finding his bag entire, assures the party that all is right and good within; and so there is no more trouble.

As for the Roupies, they take indifferently, as well the Great Mogul's as the King of Golconda's: by reason that those which that King coins, are to be coin'd, by Articles, with the Great Mogul's stamp.

'Tis an idle thing to believe that vulgar error, that it is enough to carry Spices, Tobacco, Looking-glasses, and such trifles to truck for Diamonds at the Indian-Mines: For I can assure ye, these people will not only have Gold, but Gold of the best sort too.

As for the roads to the Mines, some fabulous modern relations have render'd them very dangerous, and fill'd them full of Lions, Tigers, and cruel People; but I found them not only free from those wild creatures, but also the People very loving and courteous.

From Golconda to Raolconda, which is the principal Mine, the road is as follows: the road being measur'd by Gos, is four French-leagues.

From Golconda to Canapour, one Gos.

From Canapour to Parquel, two Gos and a half.

From Parquel to Cakenol, one Gos.

From Cakenol to Canol-Candanor, three Gos.

From Canol-Candanor to Setapour, one Gos.

From Setapour to the River, two Gos.

That River is the bound between the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour.

From the River to Alpour, three quarters of a Gos.

From Alpour to Canal, three quarters of a Gos.

From Canal to Raolconda, two Gos and a half.

Thus from Golconda to the Mine, they reckon it seventeen Goss, or 68 French-Leagues.

From Golconda to the Mine of Coulour or Gani, is reckon'd thirteen Gos and three quarters, or 55 French-leagues.

[Page 142] From Golconda to Almaspinda, three Gos and a half.

From Almaspinda to Kaper, two Gos.

From Kaper to Montecour, two Gos and a half.

From Montecour to Naglepar, two Gos.

From Naglepar to Eligada, one Gos and a half.

From Eligada to Sarvaron, one Gos.

From Sarvaron to Mellaseron, one Gos.

From Mellaseron to Ponocour, two Gos and a quarter.

At Ponocour you only cross the River to Coulour.

CHAP. XV.
The Rule to know the just price and value of a Diamond of what weight soever, from three to a hunder'd, and upwards: a secret known to very few people in Europe.

I Make no mention of Diamonds of three Carats, the price thereof being suf­ficiently known.

First then, as to others above that weight, you must know how much the Dia­mond weighs, and see if it be perfect; if it be a thick Stone, well-squar'd, and have all its corners, if the water be white and lively, without specks and flaws. If it be a Stone cut in Facets, which we call a Rose-Diamond, you must take no­tice whether the form be round or oval, whether it be of a fair breadth, and not of Stones clapt together; whether it be of a good water, and without specks or flaws.

Such a Stone weighing one Carat, is worth 150 Livres or more. Now to know how much a Stone of the same perfection, weighing 12 Carats, is worth.

Multiply 12 by 12, it makes 144. Then multiply 144 by 150, which is the price of a Stone of one Carat, it comes to 21600 Livres.

As for Example.
12 
12 
144 
150 
7200 
144 
21600livres.

To know the price of imperfect Diamonds, you must observe the same rule, grounded upon the price of a Stone of one Carat.

You have a Diamond of fifteen Carats shewn ye, neither of a good water, nor good form, and full of specks and flaws besides: such a Diamond cannot be worth above 60, or 80, or 100 Livres at most, according to the goodness of the Stone. Multiply therefore the weight of the Diamond of 15 Carats by 15: then mul­tiply the product, which is 125, by the value of the Stone of one Carat, which we will grant to be 80 Livres, the product whereof is 10000 Livres, the price of a Diamond of 15 Carats.

[Page 143]

The Example.
15 
15 
75 
15 
125 
80 
10000livres.

By that it is easie to discover the difference between a perfect and an imperfect Stone. For if that Stone of 15 Carats were perfect, the second multiplication should be wrought by 150, which is the price of a perfect Stone of one Carat: and then the Diamond would come not to 10000 Livres, but to 33750 Livres, that is 23750 Livres more than an imperfect Diamond of the same weight.

By this rule observe the price of two the greatest Diamonds of the World for Cut-stones, the one in Asia, belonging to the Great Mogul; the other in Europe, in the possession of the Duke of Tuscany.

The Great Mogul's Diamond weighs 279 and 9 16th Carats. It is of a perfect good water, of a good shape, with only a little flaw in the edg of the cutting be low, which goes round about the Stone. Without that flaw, the first Carat were worth 160 Livres, but for that reason I reckon it not at above 150; and so by the rule it comes to 11723278 Livres, 14 Sous, and three Liards. Did the Diamond weigh no more than 279 Carats, it would not be worth above 11676150 Livres, so that the nine 16ths comes to 47128 Livres, 14 Sous, and three Liards.

The Great Duke of Tuscany's Diamond weighs 139 Carats, clean and well­shap'd, cut in facets every way: but in regard the water enclines somewhat to­ward the colour of Citron, I do not value the first Carat above 135 Livres; so that by the rule the Diamond ought to be worth 2608335 Livres.

A Diamond by the Miners is call'd Iri, which the Turks, Persians and Arabians call Almas.

CHAP. XVI.
Of Colour'd Stones, and the Places where they are found.

THere are but two places in all the East where Colour'd-Stones are found, within the Kingdom of Pegu, and the Island of Ceylan. The first is a Moun­tain twelve days journey, or there-abouts, from Siren, toward the North-east; the name whereof is Capelan. In this Mine are found great quantities of Rubies and Espinels, or Mothers of Rubies, yellow Topazes, blew and white Saphirs, Ja­cinths, Amethysts, and other Stones of different colours. Among these Stones which are hard, they find other Stones of various colours, that are very soft, which they call Bacan in the language of the Country, but are of little or no esteem.

Siren is the name of the City where the King of Pegu resides; and Ava is the Port of his Kingdom. From Ava to Siren you go by water in great flat-bottom'd-Barks, which is a voyage of sixty days. There is no going by land, by reason the Woods are full of Lions, Tigers, and Elephants. It is one of the poorest Coun­treys in the World, where there is no Commodity but Rubies; the whole Re­venue whereof amounts not to above a hunder'd-thousand Crowns. Among all the Stones that are there found, you shall hardly see one of three or four Ca­rats [Page 144] that is absolutely clean, by reason that the King strictly enjoyns his Subjects not to export them out of his Dominions; besides that, he keeps to himself all the clean Stones that are found. So that I have got very considerably in my Travels, by carrying Rubies out of Europe into Asia. Which makes me very much suspect the relation of Vincent le Blanc, who reports that he saw in the King's Palace, Rubies as big as eggs.

All Rubies are sold by weights, which are call'd Ratis; that is, three grains and a half, or seven 8ths of a Carat: and the payments are made in old Pagods.

A Ruby weighing one Ratis, has been sold for Pagods20
A Ruby of 2 Ratis and one 8th, Pagods85
A Ruby of 3 Ratis and one 4th, Pagods185
A Ruby of 4 Ratis and five 8ths, Pagods450
A Ruby of 5 Ratis, Pagods525
A Ruby of 6 Ratis and a half, Pagods920

If a Ruby exceed six Ratis, and be a perfect Stone, there is no value to be set upon it.

The Natives of the Country call all Colour'd-Stones Rubies, distinguishing them only by the colour. Saphirs they call Blue-Rubies, Amethysts they call Violet-Rubies, Topazes Yellow-Rubies; and so of other Stones.

The other place where Rubies are found, is a River in the Island of Ceylan, which descends from certain high Mountains in the middle of the Island; which swells very high when the rains fall; but when the waters are low, the people make it their business to search among the Sands for Rubies, Saphirs and Topazes. All the Stones that are found in this River, are generally fairer and clearer than those of Pegu.

I forgot to tell you that there are some Rubies, but more Balleis-Rubies, and an abundance of Bastard-Rubies, Saphirs and Topazes found in the Mountains that run along from Pegu to the Kingdom of Camboya.

Colour'd-Stones are also found in some parts of Europe, as in Bohemia and Hun­gary. In Hungary there is a Mine where they find certain Flints of different big­ness; some as big as eggs, some as big as a man's fift, which being broken, contain a Ruby within as hard and as clean as those of Pegu.

In Hungary there is a Mine of Opals, which Stone is no-where else to be found in the World but there.

The Turquoise is no-where to be found but in Persia. Where there are two Mines. The one is called the Old-Rock, three days journey from Meched, toward the North-west, near a great Town which goes by the name of Michabourg. The other which is call'd the New-Rock is five days journey off. Those of the New-Rock are of a Paler blue enclining to white, and less esteem'd, so that you may have a great many for a little Money. Some years since the King of Persia com­manded that no Turquoises should be digg'd out of the Old-Rock, but only for him­self; making use of those Turquoises instead of enamelling, to adorn Hilts of Swords, Knives and Daggers; of which the Persians are altogether ignorant.

As for Emraulds, it is a vulgar error to say they come originally from the East. And therefore when Jewellers and Gold-smiths, to prefer a deep-colour'd Em­rauld enclining to black, tell ye, it is an Oriental Emrauld, they speak that which is not true. I confess I could never discover in what part of our Continent those Stones are found. But sure I am, that the Eastern-part of the World never pro­duc'd any of those Stones, neither in the Continent, nor in the Islands. True it is, that since the discovery of America some of those Stones have been often brought rough from Peru to the Philippine-Islands, whence they have been transported in­to Europe; but this is not enough to make them Oriental. Besides that, at this time they send them into Spain through the North-Sea.

CHAP. XVII.
Of Pearles, and the Places where they Fish for them.

IN the first place, there is a Fishery for Pearls in the Persian Gulf, round about the Island of Bakren. It belongs to the King of Persia, and there is a strong Fort in it, Garrison'd with three hundred men. The Water which the people dring in that Island, and all along the Coast of Persia, is brackish and ill tasted, so that only the Natives of the Country can drink it. Fresh wa­ter costs▪ Strangers very dear; for the people fetch it sometimes on League, sometimes two Leagues from the Island, from the bottom of the Sea, being let down by a Rope, with a Bottle or two ty'd about their wastes, which they fill, and stop it well; and then giving the Rope a twitch, are hall'd up again by their Companions.

Every one that fishes pays to the King of Persia five Abassis, whether he get any thing or no. The Merchant also pays the King some small matter for every thousand Oysters

The second Fishery for Perals is right against Bakren upon the Coast of Ara­bia the happy, near the City of Catifa, which together with all the Country about it, is under the Jurisdiction of an Arabian Prince. The Pearls that are fish'd in these places are sold to the Indians, who are not so nice as we; for they give a good price for all, as well the uneven as the round ones. Over all Asia they chuse the yellow Water enclining to white; for they say those Pearls that encline somewhat to a Gold colour, are more brisk, and never change colour; but that the white ones will change in thirty-years time, through the very heat of the weather and the sweat of the person that wears them, turning the scandalously yellow.

There is a wondrous Pearl in the possession of an Arabian Prince, that took Mascate from the Portugals. He then call'd himself Imenhect Prince of Mas­cate; being known before only by the name of Aceph Ben-Ali Prince of No­rennae. It is but a small Province, but it is the best of all in the Happy Ara­bia. Therein grow all things necessary for the life of man; particularly, de­licate fruits, but more especially most excellent Grapes, which would make most incomparable Wine. This Prince has the most wonderful Pearl in the world, not so much for its bigness, for it weighs not above twelve Carats and one sixteenth, not for its perfect roundness, but because it is so clear and so transparent that you may almost see through it. The Great Mogul offer'd him by a Banian forty thousand Crowns for his Pearl, but he would not accept it. By which you see, that it is more profitable to carry Jewels that are rare out of Europe into Asia, than to bring them out of Asia into Europe; unless it be to Japan or China, where Jewels are little esteem'd.

There is another Fishery for Pearles in the Sea that beats against the Walls of a great Town call'd Manar, in the Island of Ceylan. For their roundness and their Water, they are the fairest that are found in any other Fishery; but they rarely weigh above three or four Carats,

There are excellent Pearls, and of a very good water, and large, which are found upon the Coast of Japan; but there are few fish'd for, in regard Jewels are of no esteem among the Natives.

There are other Fisheries, in the West Indies; in the first place all along the Island of Cubagna, three Leagues in compass, lying ten Degrees and a half of Northern Latidue, a hundred and sixty Leagues from Santo Domingo. The Pearls are small, seldom weighing above five Carats.

The second Fishery is in the Island of Manguerita, or the Island of Pearles, a League from Cubagna, but much bigger. This Fishery is not the most plen­tiful, but it is the most esteem'd of all those in the West Indies, by reason the Pearles are of most excellent water, and very large. I sold one Pear-fashion'd to Sha-Est-Kan, the Great Moguls Uncle, that weigh'd fifty-five Carats.

[Page 146] The third Fishery is at Camogete, near the Continent.

The fourth at Rio de la Hacha, all along the same Coast.

The fifth and last, at St. Martha's, sixty Leagues from Rio de la Hacha. All these three Fisheries produce very weighty Pearls; but they are generally ill­shap'd, and of a water enclining to the colour of Lead.

As for Scotch Pearl, and those that are found in the Rivers of Bavaria, tho a Neck-lace of them may be worth a thousand Crowns, yet they are not to be compar'd with the Eastern and West Indian Pearls.

Some years since there was a Fishery discover'd in a certain place upon the Coast of Japan, and I have seen some which the Hollanders have brought thence. They are of a very good water, and large, but very uneven.

Take this observation along with you, touching the difference of their wa­ters; some being very white, others inclining to yellow, others to black, others to a leaden colour. As for the last, there are no such but only in America, which proceeds from the nature of the Earth at the bottom of the Water, which is generally more ouzy than in the East. I once met with six Pearls in the return of a Cargo from the West Indies that were perfectly round, but black like jet, which weigh'd one with another twelve Carats. I carried them into the East Indies to put them off, but could meet with 10 Chapman to buy them. As for those that incline to yellow, it proceeds from hence, that the Fishermen selling the Oysters to the Merchants in heaps, while they stay fourteen or fif­teen days till the Oysters lose their water, the Oysters wast and begin to smell, for which reason the Pearl grows yellow by infection, which appears to be a truth, in regard that where the Oysters preserve their liquor the Pearls are white. Now the reason why they stay till the Oysters open of themselves, is because that if they should force them open, they might perhaps injure and cut the Pearl. In short, the Eastern people are much of our humour in matter of whiteness, for they love the whitest Pearls and the blackest Diamonds; the whitest bread, and the fairest women.

CHAP. XVIII.
How the Pearls are bred in the Oysters; how they Fish for them, and at what time.

SOme ancient Writers have vulgarly reported, that Pearls are produc'd by the Dew of Heaven, and that there is but one in an Oyster; but experience teaches the contrary. For the Oyster never stirs from the bottom of the Sea, where the Dew can never come, which is many times twelve fathoms deep; besides, that it is as often observ'd, that there are six or seven Pearls in one Oyster; and I have had in my hands an Oyster, wherein there were above ten beginning to breed. 'Tis very true, that they are not always of the same big­ness; for they grow in an Oyster after the same manner as Eggs in the Belly of a Pullet. But I cannot say there are Pearls in all, for you may open many Oysters and find none.

'Tis no advantage to them that fish for Pearls; for if the poor people could find any other employment, they would never stick to such a one as meerly keeps them alive. But the Land is so barren, that you may travel twenty Leagues be­fore you meet with one blade of Grass; and the people are so miserably poor, that they feed upon nothing but Dates and Salt-fish.

They fish in the Eastern Seas twice a year; the first time in March and April, the second time in August and September; and they keep their Fairs in June and November. However they do not fish every year; for they that fish, will know beforehand whether it will turn to account or no. Now to the end they may not be deceiv'd, they send to the places where they are wont to fish, seven or eight Barks, who bring back each of them about a thousand Oysters, [Page 147] which they open, and if they find not in every thousand Oysters to the value of five Fano's of Pearl, which amounts to half a Crown of our Money, 'tis a sign that the Fishing will not turn to account, in regard the poor people would not be able to defray their charge. For partly for a stock to set out, and partly for victuals while they are abroad, they are forc'd to borrow Money at three or four in the hundred a month. So that unless a thousand Oysters yield them five Fano's of Pearls; they do not fish that year. As for the Merchants, they must buy their Oysters at hap-hazard, and be content with what they find in them. If they meet with great Pearls, they account themselves happy; which they seldom do at the Fishery of Manar, those Pearls being fit for little else but to be sold by the [...]unce, to powder. Sometimes a thousand Oysters amounts to seven Fano's, and the whole Fishery to a hundred thousand Piasters. The Hollanders take of every Di­ver eight Piasters, in regard they always attend the Fishery with two or three small Men of War, to defend them from the Malavares Pyrats.

The more Rain falls in the year, the more profitable the Fishery happens to be. They fish in twelve fathom water, five or six Leagues off at Sea, sometimes two hundred and fifty Barks together, among which there is not above one or two Divers at most.

There is a Cord ty'd under the Arms of them that dive, one end whereof is held by them that are in the Bark. There is also a great stone of eighteen or twenty pound ty'd to the great Toe of him that dives; the end of the Rope that fastens it being also held by them in the Vessel. The Diver has beside a Sack made like a Net, the mouth whereof is kept open with a Hoop. Thus provided, he plunges into the Sea, the weight of the stone presently sinking him; when he is at the bottom, he slips off the stone, and the Bark puts off. Then the Diver goes to filling his Sack, as long as he can keep his breath; which when he can do no longer, he gives the Rope a twitch, and is presently hall'd up again. Those of Manar are better Fishers, and stay longer in the water than those of Bakren and Catifa; for they neither put Pincers upon their Noses, nor Cotton in their Ears, as they do in the Persian Gulf.

After the Diver is draw'n up, he stays half a quarter of an hour to take breath, and then dives again, for ten or twelve hours together. As for the Oysters themselves, they throw'em away, as being ill-tasted and unsavoury.

To conclude the discourse of Pearls, you are to take notice, that in Europe they sell them by the Carat weight, which is four Grains. In Persia they sell them by the Abas, and one Abas is an eighteenth less than our Carat. In the Dominions of the Mogul, the Kings of Visapour and Golconda weigh them by the Ratis, and one Ratis is also an eighteenth less than our Carat.

Goa was formerly the greatest place of the World for the trade of jewels and Pearls. You must know therefore, that in Goa, and in all other places which the Portugals had in the Indies, they us'd a particular weight to sell their Pearls by, which they call Chego's; the proportion whereof to Carats appears in the fol­lowing Table.

[Page 148]

Carats.Chegos.
15
28
311 and a half
416
521
627
734
844
956
1069
1184
12100
13117
14136
15156
16177 & 3 quart.
17200 & a half
18225
19250 & a half
20277 & 3 quart.
21306
22336
23367 & a quarter
24400
25430
26469 & a quarter
27506 & a quarter
28544 & a quarter
29584
30625
31667 & a quarter
32711
33756 and a quart.
34802 and 3 quart.
35850 and a quart.
36900
37950 and a half
381002 and 3 quart.
391056
401111 and a quart.

CHAP. XIX.
Observations upon the fairest and largest Diamonds and Rubies which the Author has seen in Europe and Asia, represented according to the Figures in the Plates; as also upon those which the Author sold to the King upon his last return from the Indies; with the Figure of a large Topaz, and the fairest Pearls in the World.

Numb. 1.

THis Diamond belongs to the Great Mogul, being cut into the same form; and it weighs 319 Ratis and an half, which make 279 and nine 16ths of our Ca­rats▪ when it was rough, it weigh'd 907 Ratis, which make 793 Carats.

Numb. 2.

Is the figure of a Diamond belonging to the Great Duke of Tuscany. It weighs 139 Carats and an half: the fault of it is, that the water enclines somewhat to a Citron-colour.

Numb. 3.

Is a Stone that weighs 176 and one 8th Mangelins, which makes 242 Carats and five 16ths. A Mangelin coming to one and three 8ths of our Carats. Being at Golconda I saw this Stone; and it was the biggest that ever I saw in my life in a Merchant's-hands. It was valu'd at 500000 Roupies, or 750000 Livres of our Money: I offer'd 400000 Roupies, but could not have it.

Numb. 4.

Is the figure of a Diamond which I bought at Amadabat; and it weigh'd 178 Ratis, or 157 Carats and a quarter.

[Page]

Page. 148. Travels in India.
N.1.
N.2.
N.3.
N.4.
N.5.
N.6.
N.7.
N.8.

[Page]
Page. 149. Travells in India.
N 1*
N 2*
N 6*
N 5*
N 4
N 3*

[Page]

Page. 149 A Representation of 24 the fairest Diamonds Chosen out among all those which Travels in India.

Monseiur Tavernier sold to the King at his last return from the Indies, upons which Consideration, and for severall services Jone the Kingdome His Majesty honored him with the Title of Noble.

A 112 3/16 Caratts
The Thickness.
the upper Part
the under Part
51 9/10 Ca
The Top
The Bottome
ye Thickness.
31 ⅜ Ca
the Thickness
The Top.
29 ½ C.
the Topp
ye Thickness
D 20 1/16 Ca
ye upper Part
ye Bottome
20 [...]/ [...] Ca
the Top.
ye Bottome
26 [...]/ [...] Ca
13 9/16 Ca
[...]6 [...]/16 Ca
ye Topp
ye Thickness
B [...]4 [...] C
ye Lower part
the topp
13 ⅝ Ca
the Bottome
the Topp
[...] Ca
ye Topp
ye Thickness
9 Car
11 Car
C 10 ⅚ Car
ye Bottome
ye Top
[...] Car
[...] Car
1 [...]0 [...]/ [...]6 Ca
2 32 Ca
3 24 ⅞

A. Is a Diamond cleane of a faire vio­let

B. C Are two of a pale rose Colour

D. Is one of an Extraordinary faire mater.

All the rest are white and Cleare and were Cutt in India.

The three below marked 1. 2. 3. are foule

[...]

Numb. 5.

Is the figure of the fore-mention'd Diamond, after it was cut on both sides; there remaining 94 Carats and a half; the water being perfect. The flat-side where there were two flaws below, was as thin as a sheet of brown-paper: When the Stone was cut, I caus'd all that thin side to be taken off, with one part of the end above, where there remains one little speck of a flaw.

Numb. 6.

Is another Diamond which I bought at the Mine of Coulour. It is fair and clean, and weighs 36 Mangelins, or 63 and 38ths of our Carats.

Numb. 7. and 8.

Are two pieces of a Stone that was cut in two, which being entire, weigh'd 75 Mangelins and a half, or 104 Carats. Though it were of a good water, it seem'd so foul in the middle, that, in regard it was large, and held at a high price, there was ne're a Banian would venture upon it: At length an Hollander bought it, and cutting it in two, found in the middle of it, eight Carats of filth like a rotten­weed. The small piece happen'd to be clean, excepting a little flaw hardly to be perceiv'd, but for the other, wherein there are so many other cross flaws, there was no way but to make seven or eight pieces of it. The Hollander ran a great risco in cutting it a-sunder; for it was very great luck that it had not broke into a hander'd pieces. Yet for all that it did not turn to account; so that it is in vain for another to buy that which a Banian refuses.

CHAP. XX.
The Forms of twenty Rubies which the Author sold to the King upon his last return from the Indies. The first part of the Plate shews the weight, extent, and thickness of every Stone.

Numb. 1.

IS the Figure of a Ruby that belongs to the King of Persia. It is in shape and bigness like an Egg, boar'd through in the middle, deep colour'd, fair and clean, except one flaw in the side. They will not tell you what it cost, not let you know what it weighs; only it appears by the Register that it has been several years in the Kings Treasury.

Numb. 2.

Is the Figure of a Balleis Ruby; sold for such to Giafer-Kan, the Great Mo­gu [...]s Uncle, who paid 950000 Roupies, 142 [...]000 Liv [...]es for it. But an old In­dian Jeweller [...] afterwards, that it was no Balle [...]s Ruby, that it was not worth above 500 Roupies, and that Giafer-Kan was cheated; and his opinion being confirm'd by Sha-jehan, the most skilful in Jewels of any person in the Empire A [...]ong-ze [...] compell'd the Merchant to take it again, and to restore the Money back.

Num. 3, and 4.

Is the Figure of a Ruby belonging to the King of Visapour. Numb. 4, is the height of the Stone above the Gold. And Numb. 3, is the roundness of the [Page 150] Beazil. It weighs fourteen Mangelins, or seventeen Carats and a half; a Visa­pour Mangelin being but five Grains. It cost the King 14200 new Pagods, or 74550 Livres.

Numb. 5.

Is the Figure of a Ruby that a Banian shew'd me at Banarous; it weighs 58 Rati's, or 50 Carats and 3 quarters; being of the second rank in beauty. In shape it is like a Plump Almond, bor'd through at the end. I offer'd 40000 Roupies, or 60000 Livres for it; but the Merchant demanded 55000 Roupies.

Numb. 6.

Is the Figure of a great Topaz belonging to the Great Mogul; nor did I see him wear any other but that, all the while I was in India. This Topaz weighs 181 Rati's and half a quarter, or 157 Carats and three quarters. It was bought at Goa for the Great Mogul, and cost 181000 Roupies, or 271500 Livres of our Money.

Numb. 7, 8, 9.

Are the Figures of three several Rubies belonging to the King of France.

Numb. 1.

Is the Figure of a Pearl which the King of Persia bought at the Fishery of Ca­tifa in Arabia. It cost him 32000 Tomans, or 1400000 Livres of our Money, at forty-six Livres and six Deneers to a Toman. It is the fairest and most perfect Pearl that ever was yet found to this hour, having no defect.

Numb. 2.

Is the Figure of the biggest Pearl that ever I saw in the Court of the Great Mogul. It hangs about the artificial Peacocks neck that adorns his great Throne.

Numb. 3.

Is the Figure of a Pearl that I sold to Cha-Est-Kan; the Water is somewhat faint, but it is the biggest Pearl that was ever carried out of Europe into Asia.

Numb. 4.

Is a great perfect Pearl, as well for its Water as for its form, which is like an Olive. It is in the midst of a Chain of Emraulds and Rubies, which the Great Mogul wears; which being put on, the Pearl dangles at the lower part of his Breast.

Numb. 5.

Is a Pearl perfectly round, the biggest I ever saw, and belongs to the Great Mogul. The like could never be found; for which reason the Great Mogul lays it up very charily, and never uses it. For if it could be match'd, both would make a Pair of Pendants for the Ears, set between Rubies or Emraulds, according to the custom of the Country; there being no person of any quality that does not wear a Pearl between two colour'd Stones in his Ear.

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Page 150. Travels in India.
The forme of three Balais Rubies belonging to his Majestie transparent quite through
N.7.
N.7.
N.8.
N.8.
N.9.
N.9.

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Page. 150. Travells in India.
N 3 *
[depiction of gemstone]
N 2 *
N 1 *
N 5 *
N 4 *

CHAP. XXI.
Of Coral, and Yellow Amber, and the places where it is found.

COral, but little valu'd in Europe, is highly esteem'd in all the three other parts of the World; and there are three places where they fish for it upon the Coast of Sardigna. That of Arguerrel is the fairest of all. The second place is call'd Boza; and the third is neer the Island of St. Peter. There are two other places upon the Coast of France, the one neer the Bastion of France; the other at Ta­barque. There is also another Fishery upon the Coast of Sicily, neer Trepano, bu [...] the Coral is small, and ill-colour'd. There is another upon the Coast of Catalogna, neer Cape de Quiers; where the Coral is large, and of an excellent colour, but the branches are short. There is a ninth Fishery in the Island of Majorque, much like that neer the Island of Corsica. And these are all the places in the Mediterranean-Sea, where they fish for Coral; for there is none at all in the Ocean.

Because that Coral grows under the hollow Rocks where the Sea is deep, the Fishers fix two spars of wood a-cross, fastening a great piece of Lead in the mid­dle to make it sink: after that they wind carelesly about the spar good store of tufted Hemp, and fasten the wood to two Cords, one end whereof hangs at the Poop, the other at the Prow of the Vessel. Then letting go the wood with the stream or current by the fides of the Rock, the Hemp twists it self among the Coral, so that sometimes they stand in need of five or six Boats to pull up the wood again: and if one of the Cables should chance to break with the stress, all the Rowers are in danger to be lost. While they tear up the Coral thus by force, there tumbles as much into the Sea as they fetch up: and the bottom of the Sea being generally very ouzy, the Coral will be eaten as our fruits are eaten by the worms; so that the sooner they get it out of the mud, the less it will be wa­sted.

This puts me in mind of one thing that I saw at Marseilles in a Shop where they dealt in Coral. It was a great piece of Coral, as big about as a man's fist, which because it was a little worm-eaten, was cut in two pieces. When it was so cut, there was a worm that stirr'd, and had life, and liv'd for some months after, being again put into the hole. For among some branches of Coral there engen­ders a kind of spongy-matter, like our honey-combs, where these worms lye like bees.

Some think that Coral is soft in the Sea, though in truth it be hard. But this indeed is as true, that in certain months of the year you may squeze out of the end of a branch a kind of milky-substance; and this perhaps may be a kind of seed, which falling upon any thing that it first meets with in the Sea (as if it light upon a dead Skull, the blade of a Sword, or a Pomgranate) produces another branch of Coral. And I have seen a Pomgranate, and had it in my hand, that had fallen into the Sea, about which the Coral had twin'd at least half a foot high.

They fish for Coral from the beginning of April to the end of July; to which purpose there are employ'd above 200 Vessels, some years more, and some years less. They are built all along the River of Genoa, being very swift. Their sails are very large for more swiftness, so that there are no Gallies can reach them. There are seven men and a boy to every Barque. They never fish above forty miles from the Land, where they think there are Rocks, for fear of the Pyrats, from which they make all the Sail they can when they see them, and easily scape them through the nimbleness of their Vessels.

I have one observation to make concerning Coral, in respect of the Eastern­people. The Japponners make little account of Jewels or Pearls; valuing nothing so much as a good grain of Coral, wherewith they pull the string that shuts their Purses, such as we had formerly in England. So that they strive who shall have the fairest grain of Coral hanging at the end of the Silk-string that draws their Purses. For this reason a piece of Coral as big as an egg, fair and clean without any flaw, will produce what any man will ask in reason for it. The Portugueses [Page 152] have assur'd me they would sometimes give 20000 Crowns for such a piece. And no wonder they will give so much Money for a piece of Coral, who despising all other Jewels and Pearls, care for nothing but that which is in no esteem any where else. They set a great value upon the Skin of a certain Fish which is rougher than a Seal-skin. Upon the back of the Fish there are [...] little holes, and some­times eight, somewhat elevated, with another in the middle; in the form of a Rose. They make Scabberds for Swords of the Skin; and the more those holes grow in the form of a Rose, the higher value they put upon them; having giv'n ten-thousand Crowns for a Skin. To conclude the discourse of Coral, you must know that the meaner sort of people use it for Bracelets and Neck-laces, all over Asia, especially toward the Northern Territories of the great Mogul; and all along the Mountains as you go to the Kingdom of Asen and Boutan.

Yellow-Amber is only found upon the Coast of Prussia in the Baltick-Sea, where the Sea throws it upon the Sand when such and such winds blow. The Elector of Brandenburgh, who is Sovereign of that Coast, farms it out for 20000 Crowns a year, and sometimes 22000. And the Farmers keep guards on both sides of the shoar, in regard the Sea casts it up sometimes upon one side, and sometimes upon the other, to prevent the stealing of it.

Amber is nothing but a certain congelation made in the Sea, like a certain Gum; for you shall find in several pieces, Flies, Gnats, and other insects congeal'd therein. I saw seven or eight Flies so congeal'd in one piece.

In China, when any great Lord makes a Feast, it is for his Grandeur and Mag­nificence to cause three or four several sorts of Perfuming-pots to be set upon the Table, and to throw into every one of them a vast quantity of Amber; for the more it burns, and the bigger the pieces are, the more magnificent is the Enter­tainment accounted. The reason of this custom is, because they adore the fire; and besides, that the Amber casts forth a scent pleasing to the Chineses, there is a kind of Oil in it, that flames after a more unusual manner than other materials of fire. This wast of Amber makes it the best Commodity that could be imported into China, if the Trade were free for Strangers. At present the Hollanders have engross'd all this Trade to themselves, and the Chineses come all to Batavia to buy it.

As for Amber-grise; there is no person in the World that knows either what it is, or where, or how it is produc'd. But the fairest probability is, that it must be only in the Eastern-Sea▪ though some parcels have been found upon the Coast of England, and in some other parts of Europe. The greatest quantity is found upon the Coast of Melinda, but more especially in the mouth of a River call'd Rio de Sena. The Governor of Mozambique gets in the three years of his Government above 300000 Pardo's of Amber-grise, every Pardo containing 27 Sous of our Money. Sometimes they meet with very large and very considerable pieces. In the year 1627 a Portugal setting Sail from Goa to the Manilles, after he had past the Streight of Malacca, was by tempest driv'n near an unknown Island, where they came to an Anchor. Several of the Ship's-Company ventring a-shore, met with a River; and going to bath themselves in it, one of them found a great piece of Amber-grise that weigh'd thirty-three pounds; but falling together by the ears about their shares, the Captain, to reconcile them, told them 'twas pitty to deface it, in regard it was a Present fit for the King; and therefore advis'd them to present it to the Vice-Roy, who would no doubt reward them for their pains. By that means the Captain got the parcel out of their Clutches, and presenting it to the Vice-Roy, got a reward for himself; and the Party that found it: but the rest had nothing at all.

In the year 1646 or 1647, a Middleburgher of good quality found a piece of forty-two pounds upon the Coast of the Island of St. Maurice, where he com­manded for the Holland-Company, East of the Island of St. Lawrence, and sent it to Batavia: but there being a mark, as if some piece of it were broken off, the Zelander, was accus'd to have taken half, and turn'd out of his Command, what­ever he could say to justify himself.

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Trauels in Indea. Page 153

The Beast Which yeilds Musk

The Bladder Where the Muske lyes

CHAP. XXII.
Of Musk and Bezoar; and some other Medicinal Stones.

THE best sort, and the greatest quantity of Musk, comes from the Kingdom of Boutan, from whence they bring it to Patna, the chief City of Bengala, to truck it away for other Commodities. All the Musk that is sold in Persia comes from thence. And the Musk-Merchants had rather deal with you for Coral and Yellow-Amber, than for Gold or Silver; in regard the other is more in esteem among the Natives where they live. I was so curious as to bring the Skin of one to Paris, of which I caus'd the figure to be cut.

After they have kill'd the creature, they cut off the bladder that grows under the belly as big as an egg, nearer to the genital parts than to the navil: Then they take out the Musk that is in the bladder, which at that time looks like clotted­blood. When the natives would adulterate their Musk, they stuff the bladder with the liver and blood of the Animal slic'd together, after they have taken out as much of the right Musk as they think convenient. This mixture in two or three years time produces certain Animals in the bladder that eat the good Musk; so that when you come to open it, there is a great wast. Others, so soon as they have cut off the bladder, and taken out as much of the Musk, as that the deceit may not be too palpable, fill up the Vessel with little stones to make it weight. The Merchants are less displeas'd at this deceit than the former, by reason that they do not find the Musk to be eaten. But the deceit is harder to be discover'd, when they make little Purses of the skin of the belly of the Beast, which they sow up with strings of the same skin, which are like the true bladders; and then fill those Purses with what they have taken out of the right bladders, and the other fraudulent mixture which they design to put among it. True it is, that should they tye up the bladder as soon as they cut it off, without giving it air or time to lose its force, the strength of the perfume would cause the blood to gush out of the nose, so that it must be qualifi'd to render it acceptable, or rather less hurtful to the brain. The scent of the Beast which I carri'd to Paris, was so strong, that I could not keep it in my Chamber; for it made all peoples heads ake that came neer it. At length my Servants laid it in a Garret, and cut off the bladder, and yet the scent remain'd very strong. This creature is not to be found in 65 degrees, but in 60 there are vast numbers, the Countrey being all over co­ver'd with Forrests. True it is, that in the months of February and March, after these creatures have endur'd a sharp hunger, by reason of the great Snows that fall where they breed, ten or twelve foot deep, they will come to 44 or 45 de­grees to fill themselves with Corn and new Rice. And then it is that the Natives lay gins and snares for them to catch them as they go back: shooting some with Bows, and knocking others o'the head. Some have assur'd me that they are so lean and faint with hunger at that time, that you may almost take them running. There must be surely a prodigious number of these creatures, none of them having above one bladder no bigger then a Hen's-egg, which will not yield above half an ounce of Musk: and sometimes three or four will not afford an ounce; and yet what a world of Musk is bought up?

The King of Boutan fearing that the cheats and adulterations of Musk would spoil the Musk-Trade, order'd that none of the Bladders should be sow'd up, but that they should be all brought to Boutan, and there, after due inspection, be seal'd up with his Seal. Yet notwithstanding all the wariness and care of the King, they will sometimes cunningly open them, and put in little pieces of Lead to augment the weight. In one Voyage to Patna I bought 7673 bladders, that weigh'd 2557 ounces and an half; and 452 ounces out of the bladder.

Bezoar comes from a Province of the Kingdom of Golconda toward the North­east. It is found among the ordure in the paunch of a wild-Goat that browzes upon a certain Tree, the name whereof I have forgot. This shrub bears little buds, round about which, and the tops of the boughs, the Bezoar engenders in [Page 154] the maw of the Goat. It is shap'd according to the form of the buds or tops of the branches which the Goats eat: which is the reason there are so many shapes of Bezoar-Stones. The Natives, by feeling the belly of the Goat, know how many Stones she has within, and sell the Goat according to the quantity. This they will find out by sliding their hands under their bellies, and then shaking both sides of the paunch; for the Stones will fall into the middle, where they may easily count them all by their feeling.

The rarity of Bezoar is in the bigness; though the small Bezoar has the same vertue as that which is larger. But there is more deceit in the large Bezoar; for the Natives have got a trick to add to the bigness of the Stone, with a certain Paste compos'd of Gum, and something else of the colour of Bezoar. And they are so cunning too, to shape it just like natural Bezoar. The cheat is found out two ways; the first is by weighing the Bezoar, and then steeping it in warm wa­ter; if neither the water change colour, nor the Bezoar lose any thing of its weight, the Stone is right. The other way is to thrust a red-hot Bodkin of Iron into the Stone; if the Bodkin enters, and causes it to fry, there is a mixture. Be­zoar is dearer according to the bigness of the Stones, advancing in price like Dia­monds. For if five or six Bezoars weigh an ounce, an ounce will be worth fifteen or eighteen Franks; but if it be a Stone of one ounce, that very ounce is well worth 100 Franks. I have sold one of four ounces and a half for 2000 Li­vres.

I have been very curious to inform my self of all things that concern'd the nature of Bezoar; but could never learn in what part of the body of the Goat it was to be found. One time among the rest, having oblig'd several Native Mer­chants by putting off for them a great quantity of Bezoar; upon my request, though it be death without mercy to transport any of these Goats out of the Countrey, they brought me six Goats by stealth to my lodging. When I ask'd the price of them, I was surpriz'd, when they told me one was worth but three Roupies; that the two other were worth four Roupies; and the three others four and three quarters a piece. I ask'd them why some were more worth than others; but I found afterwards that the first had but one Bezoar, that the rest had two, or three, or four. The six Goats had in all seventeen Bezoars in them, and a half one, as big as the half of a Hazel-nut. The inside was like the soft ordure of the Goat, the Bezoar lying among the dung, which is in the belly of the Goat. Some averr'd that they grew right against the liver, others right against the heart, but I could never find out the truth.

As well in the East, as West, there are a great quantity of Bezoars that breed in the same manner in Cows; of which there have been some that have weigh'd seventeen or eighteen ounces; For there was such a one that was giv'n to the Great Duke of Tuscany. But those Bezoars are little esteem'd, six grains of the other Bezoar working more powerfully than thirty of this.

As for the Bezoar which breeds in Apes, as some belive, it is so strong, that two grains work as effectually as six of Goat's-Bezoar: but it is very scarce, as being only found in those Apes that breed in the Island of Macassar. This sort of Be­zoar is round, whereas the other is of several fashions, as I said before. As the Apes Bezoar is stronger, and scarcer than the Goats, so it is dearer, and more sought after; a piece as big as a nut, being sometimes worth a hunder'd Crowns. The Portugals make great account of this Bezoar, standing always upon their guard for fear of being poison'd.

There is another Stone in great esteem, that is call'd the Porcupine's-Stone, which that creature is said to carry in its head, and is more precious than Bezoar against poison. If it be steep'd in water a quarter of an hour, the water becomes so bitter, that nothing can be more bitter. There is also a Stone sometimes found in the belly of that creature of the same nature; and as good as that which comes from the head; nevertheless with this difference, that being steep'd in water, it loses nothing of its weight nor bulk, as the other does. I have bought in my time three of those Stones. One of them cost me 500 Crowns, and I exchang'd it to advantage. I paid four-hunder'd Crowns for the other, which I kept, the other was sold me for 200 Crowns, which I presented to a friend.

[Page 155] There is the Serpent-Stone not to be forgot, about the bigness of a double; and some are almost oval, thick in the middle, and thin about the sides. The In­dians report that it is bred in the head of certain Serpents. But I rather take it to be a Story of the Idoloter's Priests, and that the Stone is rather a composition of certain Drugs. Whatever it be, it is of excellent vertue to drive any venom out of those that are bit by venomous creatures. If the person bit be not much wounded, the place must be incis'd; and the Stone being appli'd thereto, will not fall off till it has drawn all the poison to it. To cleanse it, you must steep it in Womans-milk, or for want of that, in Cows-milk; after the Stone has lain ten or twelve hours, the milk will turn to the colour of an Apostemated matter. The Arch-Bishop of Goa carrying me to his Cabinet of Rarities, shew'd me one of these Stones: and after he had assur'd me of the rare qualities it had, gave it me. Once as he cross'd a Mersh in the Island of Salseté where Goa stands, one of the men that carr'd his Pallequis, being half naked, was bit by a Serpent, and heal'd at the same time. I bought several; but there are none but the Bramines that sell them, which makes me believe that they compound them. There are two ways to try whether the Serpent-Stone be true or false. The first is, by putting the Stone in your mouth, for then it will give a leap, aud fix to the Palate. The other is, by putting it in a glass full of water; for if the Stone be true, the wa­ter will fall a boyling, and rise in little bubbles up to the top of the Glass.

There is another Stone, which is call'd the Stephen's-Stone with the hood. This is a kind of Serpent that has [...] a hood hanging down behind the head, as it is represented in the Figure. And it is behind this hood that the Stone is found, many times as big as Pullet's-egg. There are some Serpents both in Asia and America of a monstrous bigness, 25 foot long; as was that, the skin whereof is kept in Batavia, which had swallow'd a Maid of 18 years of age. These Stones are not found in any of those Serpents that are not at least two foot long. This Stone being rubb'd against another Stone, yields [...] slime, which be­ing drank in water by the person that has the poison in his [...] powerfuly drives it out. These Serpents are no-where to be found but upon the [...] of Melinde; but for the Stones you may buy them of the Portugueze Marin [...]s and Souldiers that come from Mozambique.

[figure]

CHAP. XXIII.
Of the [...] where they find their Gold both in Asia and America.

JApon, which consists of several Islands Eastward of China, bending to the North, some people believing that Niphon, which is the biggest, is in a maner join'd to the firm La [...] is that Region of all Asia that yields the greatest quantity of Gold: Though others believe it is found in the Island of Formosa, and carri'd thence to Japon. For as long as the Hollanders have had the Island, they could never yet tell what is the Trade of that Coast, whence they belive the Gold comes.

There comes also Gold from China, which the Chineses exchange for the Silver which is brought them. For price for price, they love Silver better than Gold; because they have no Silver-Mines. Yet it is the coarsest metal of all the Asia­tick Gold.

The Island of Celebes or Macassar produces Gold also, which is drawn out of the Rivers, where it rowls among the Sand.

In the Island of Achen or Sumatra, after the rainy season, when the Torrents are wasted, they find veins of Gold in the Flints, which the waters wash down from the Mountains that lye toward the North-east. Upon the West-side of the Island, when the Hollanders come to lade their Pepper, the Natives bring them great store of Gold, but very coarse metal, if not worse than that of China.

Toward the Thibet, which is the ancient Caucasus, in the Territories of a Raja, beyond the Kingdom of Chachemir, there are three Mountains close one by another one of which produces excellent Gold, the other Granats, and the third Lapis-Lazali.

There is Gold also comes from the Kingdom of Tipra, but it is coarse, almost as had as that of China; and these are all the places in Asia that produce Gold. I shall now say something of the Gold of Africa, and the places where it is found in greatest quantities.

Observe by the way, that the Vice-Roy of Mozambique has under his Com­mand the Governors of Sofala and Chepon-Goura. The first of these two Go­vernments lies upon the River Sene, sixty leagues from the Mouth of the River; and the other ten leagues higher. From the Mouth of the River to those very places on each side of the River, great numbers of Negro's inhabit, which are all commanded by one Portugueze. The Portuguezes have been Masters of this Countrey for many years, where they take upon them like Lords, and make War one upon another for the slightest occasions in the World; some of them having under them five-thousand Cafres, which are their Slaves. The Governor of Mo­zambique furnishes them with Calicuts, and all other necessary Commodities which they want, which he sells them at his own rates. When he enters upon his Government he carries with him great quantities of all sorts of Commodities, especially Calicuts dy'd black. His Correspondents also in Goa send him every year two Vessels, which he sends to Sofala, Chepon-Goura, and even as far as the City of Monomotopa, the chief City of a Kingdom of the same name, otherwise call'd Vouvebaran, distant from Chepon-Goura fifty leagues, or there-abouts. He that commands all that Countrey, assumes the name of Emperor of Monomotopa, extending his Dominions as far as the Confines of Prester John's Countrey. From this Country of Monomotopa it is, that the most pure and finest Gold of all Africa comes: where they dig it with ease out of the earth▪ not being put to labour above two or three foot deep. In some places of that Countrey which are not inhabited by reason of the scarcity of water, the people find great pieces of Gold, of several forms and weights, upon the surface of the earth▪ some of which weigh an ounce. One I have by me that weighs an ounce and a half, or there­abouts. Being at Surat, I went [...] the Embassadour of the King of the Abyssins. He shew'd us the Present which his Master had sent to the Great Mo­gul, consisting of fourteen stately Horses, the remainder of 30, the rest dying by the way; and a great number of Slaves of both Sexes. But what was most [Page 157] remarkable, was a natural Tree, all of Gold, two foot and four inches high, and six inches about in the stock. It had ten or twelve branches, some whereof shot out half a foot in length, and an inch about; others much smaller. In some parts of the great branches appear'd certain bunches that resembl'd buds. The roots of the Tree, which were also natural, were thick and short; the longest not exceeding four or five inches.

The Natives of Monomotopa knowing the time of the year that the Commo­dities arrive, come to Sofala and Chepon-Goura to furnish themselves. Thither also come the Cafres of other Provinces and Kingdoms for the same purpose. Whereupon the Governors of those places sell them what they want, trusting them till the next year, when they oblige themselves to bring their Gold, which they are very punctual to do, for else there could be no Trade between them. The Natives of Monomotopa never live long, by reason of the badness of the wa­ters in the Countrey: For at the age of five and twenty years they begin to be dropsical; so that it is a great wonder if any among them live above forty years. The Province where the River Sene has its head, is call'd Monkaran, and is under the Jurisdiction of a certain King, beginning a hunder'd leagues, or there-abouts, above Chapon-Goura. The people of that Country find great store of dust-Gold in the Rivers that fall into the Sene; but it is much coarser than the other, though they bring it to Chepon-Goura and Sofala. The Countrey is very healthy, and the people live as long as they do in Europe. Some years there are Cafres that come from beyond the Province of Monkaran, even as far as the Cape of good Hope. The Portuguez have enquir'd after their Countrey, and the name; but they can tell no more, only that it is call'd Sabia, commanded by a King; and that they are four months generally travelling to Sofala. The Gold which they bring is very fine, and in pieces like that of Monomotopa, which they say they find in the high Mountains, digging only ten or twelve foot in the ground. They also bring great quantities of Elephants-teeth; wherewith, by their report, the Countrey does so abound, that you may see them in herds in the fields; and that all the Palisado's of their Fortresses, and the Pales of their Parks, are made of Elephants-teeth. Their usual Diet is Elephants-flesh; which four Cafres will kill with their Ageagayes, or a sort of Half-pikes. The water of their Countrey is very bad, which is the reason that their thighs are swell'd, and it is a wonder to see any one of them free.

Beyond Sofala there is a Countrey commanded by a King, who is call'd the King of Beroé. In some parts of his Countrey there grows a Root about an inch­thick, and of a yellow colour. It heals all sorts of Fevers, causing the Patient to vomit. But because it grows very scarce, the King strictly forbids his Subjects to export it. The tast of it is very bitter upon the tongue.

As for Silver-Mines, there are none in all Asia but only in Japon; but some years since, at Delegora, Sangora, Bordelon and Bata, have been discover'd plenti­ful Mines of Tin, to the great damage of the English, there being now enough in Asia of their own besides.

CHAP. XXIV.
The Relation of a Notable piece of Treachery, whereby the Author was abus'd when he Embark'd at Gomrom for Surat.

IN the Month of April 1665, being ready to depart from Gomrom for Surat, in a Vessel that belong'd to a Holland-Broaker, commanded by a Holland-Captain, the English Agent gave me a Packet of Letters to deliver to the President at Surat. The Packet was large, containing not only the Companies-Letters, but several private Letters to particular persons at Surat and other parts of India. This Packet I receiv'd in the presence of one Casembrot, a Hollander, who inform'd another Dutch-man, whose name was Wauwuck, of it: Thereupon they presently [Page 158] contriv'd a design to seize this Packet, upon the report that ran of the rupture between England and Holland. Casembrot having seen the bigness of the Packet, gives Wauwuck a discription of it, and so both together they contrive another of the same form and bigness as neer as they could. When I came a-board, I took the English Packet, and lock'd it up in my Bouccha, which is the sort of Cloak­bag that is us'd in that Countrey, and laid it behind my Bolster. There were two Shallops sent a-board us, wherein there were sixty bags of Silver, containing some fifty, some a hunder'd Tomans a piece. These bags they unladed very leisurely to gain time, watching when I would be gone to bed. But when they saw that I did not go to rest, the Dutch consulted together, and agreed to let fall a bag of Tomans into the Sea; and so came all a-board, sending away a Shallop to Gomron for a Di­ver. When I found that the Vessel would not set Sail till two or three hours after day-light, I went to rest, my Bouccha lying in the same place, half out, and half with in-side of my Bolster: But when my Servants were gone, and I alone and a-sleep in the Cabin, they cunningly stole my Bouccha, took out the English Packet, and left the other which they had counterfeited, in the place; being only so many Letters of blanck-paper. Coming to Surat the sixth of May following, I gave the Packet, as I thought, which I had receiv'd from the English Agent at Gomron, to two Capuchin-Friers to deliver to the President at Surat. But when the Presi­dent came to open the Packet before several of the Company, there was nothing but white-paper made up in the form of Letters; which when I heard, too much to my sorrow, I understood the villanous trick that Van-Wuck had put upon me. I wrote a smart Letter of complaint to the Dutch-General in Batavia, but finding no redress, was forc'd to undergo the hard censure of the English, who would not permit me to justify my self. However, as it is rare to see treachery go un­punish'd, the Complotters all dy'd miserably. Van-Wuck fell into a violent Fe­ver, and being charg'd with the theft; thinking to defend himself with an equi­vocation, that if he took the Cloak-bag, he wish'd he might dye without speak­ing a word, in three days ended his life just in the same manner, and at the same time that he had imprecated upon himself. Bozan his Lieutenant, after a great debauch, going to sleep upon the Terrass of the Cabin, where he lay for coolness, (there being no balisters,) rolling and tumbling in his sleep, fell down, and the next day was found dead in the Sea.

The Captain, four or five days after his arrival at Surat, being met in the Street by a Mahometan, who was jealous of his Wife, and being mistak'n by him for one among several Franks, that had parted him, and kept him from correcting his Wife some few days before, was stabb'd by him in three or four places with a Dagger, and kill'd him out right. And this was the end of those treacherous people.

The End of the Second Book.

TRAVELS IN INDIA. The Third Book.

CHAP. I.
Of the particular Religion of the Mahometans in the East Indies.

THE diversity of Opinions among the Maahometans, does not consist in the different Expositions which they put upon the Alcoran; but in the contrariety of Belief which they receiv'd by Tradition from the first Successors of Mahomet. From thence there sprung two Sects, directly opposite: The one, which is call'd the Sect of the Sounnis, fol­low'd by the Turks; and the other of the Chiais, which is adher'd to by the Persians. I will not enlarge my self upon these two Sects, that divide all Ma­humetism; it being my design, only to tell you how the condition of that false Religion stands in the Empire of the Great Mogul, and in the Kingdoms of Gol­conda and Visapour.

When Mahumetism was first brought into the Indies, there was an excess of pride, but no devotion among the Christians; and the Idolaters were an effe­minate people, able to make little resistence; so that it was easie for the Ma­humetans to subdue both the one and the other by force of Arms, which they did so advantageously, that many, as well Christians as Idolaters, embrac'd the Mahumetan Religion.

The Great Mogul, with all his Court, follows the Sect of the Sounnis; the King of Golconda, that of the Chiais. In the King of Visapour's Territories the Sounnis and Chiais are mingl'd together; which may be said also of the Court of the Great Mogul, in regard of the great numbers of Persians that flock thi­ther to serve in his Armies. True it is, that though they abhor the Sounnis, yet they adhere to the Religion of the Prince; holding it lawful for the pre­servation of their Estates to conceal their belief. As for what concerns the King­dom of Golconda, Koutoub-Cha, the present King, very zealously maintains the Law of the Chiais; in regard the Grandees of his Court are almost all Per­sians.

Aureng-zeb testifies above all things an extraordinary devotion for the Sect of the Sounnis; of which he is so zealous an observer, that he surpasses all his Predecessors in outward profession; which was the Cloak under which he usurp'd the Crown. When he took possession of his Throne, he gave it out that he did it only out of a design to cause the Law of Mahomet to be more strictly observ'd, which had been very much neglected in the Reign of Sha-jehan his Father, and Gehan-guir his Grandfather; and to shew himself more zealous to the Law, he turn'd Faquir or Dervich, that is, poor Volunteer; and [Page 160] under that false pretence of Piety he cunningly made way to the Empire. And indeed though he has a great many Persians under his pay, yet he will not permit them to keep holy the day consecrated to the memory of Hosen and He [...]sin, the two sons of Ali, who were put to death by the Sounnis; besides that they, to please him, are willing e [...]ough to conform.

CHAP. II.
Of the Faquirs, or poor Mahometan Volunteers in the East Indies.

THey reckon that there are in the Indies eight hundred thousand Faquirs, and twelve hunder'd thousand Idolaters; which is a prodigious Number. They are all of them Vagabonds, and lazy Drones, that dazle the eyes of the people with a false zeal, and make them believe that whatever comes out of their mouths is an Oracle.

There are several sorts of Mahometan Faquirs. The one sort go almost naked like the Idolatrous Faquirs, having no certain abode in the world, but giving themselves up to all manner of uncleanness. There are others whose Garments are of so many different pieces and colours, that a man can hardly tell of what they are made. These Garments reach down to the half Leg, and hide the rags that are underneath. They go generally in Troops; and have their Superiour of the Gang, who is known by his Garment, which is generally poorer, and consists of more patches than the other. Besides, that he draws after him a great Iron Chain, which is ty'd to his Leg, and is about two Ells long, and proportionably thick. When he says his prayers, he does it with a loud voice, and ratling his Chain all the while, which is accompany'd with an affected gra­vity, that draws the Veneration of the people. In the mean time the people prepare Dinner for him and his company, in the place where he takes up his stand, which is usually in some street or publick place. There he causes his Disciples to spread certain Carpets, where he sets himself down to give audi­ence to the people. On the other side, the Disciples go about publishing through the Country the vertues of their Master, and the favours he receives from God, who reveals his most important secrets to him, and gives him power to relieve persons in affliction by his counsel. The people, who give credit to him, and believe him to be a holy man, approach him with a great devotion, and when they come near him, they pull off their Shoes, and prostrate them­selves to kiss his feet. Then the Faquir, to shew his humility reaches out his hand to kiss; that done, he causes them that come to consult him, to sit down by him, and hears every one apart. They boast themselves to have a prophetick Spirit; and above all to teach barren women a way how to have Children, and to be belov'd by whom they please.

There are some of these Faquirs who have above two hundred Disciples, or more, which they assemble together by the sound of a Horn, or the Beat of a Drum. When they travel, they have their Standard, Lances, and other Wea­pons which they pitch in the ground, near to their Master, when he reposes in any place.

The third sort of East Indian Faquirs, are those that being born of poor Pa­rents, and desirous to understand the Law, to the end they may become Moulla's or Doctors, retire to the Mosquees, where they live upon the Alms which is given them. They employ all their time in reading the Alcoran, which they get by heart; and if they can but add to that study the knowledg of some natural things, and an exemplary life withall, they come to be chief of the Mos­quees, and to the dignity of Moullahs, and Judges of the Law. Those Faquirs have their Wives; and some, out of their great zeal to imitate Mahomet, have three or four; thinking they do God great service in begetting many Children to be followers of their Laws.

CHAP. III
Of the Religion of the Gentiles, or Idolatrous Indians.

THe Idolaters among the Indians are so numerous, that they are reckon'd to be five or six for one Mahometan. It seems a wonderful thing, that such a prodigious multitude of men should be cow'd by a handful, and how so easily under the yoak of the Mahometan Princes. But that wonder well may cease, when we consider that those Idolaters are not in union among themselves; for Superstition has introduc'd such a diversity of Opinions and Customs, that they can never agree one with another. An Idolater will not eat Bread nor drink Water in the House of any one that is not of his Caste; though it be more noble, and much more superior to his own. Yet the [...] all eat and drink in the Bramins Houses, which are open to all the world. A Caste a­mong the Idolaters, is very near the same thing which was anciently call'd a Tribe among the Jews. And though it be vulgarly believ'd, that there are se­venty two Castes, yet I have been inform'd by some of their most ingennous Priests, that they may all be reduc'd into four Principal ones, from whence all the rest drew their Original.

The first Caste is that of the Bramins, who are the Successors of the an­cient Brachmans, or Indian Philosophers, that study'd Astrology. You may also meet with some of their Ancient Books, in reading whereof the Brammins spend all their time; and are so vers'd in their observations, that they never fail a minute in the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. And to preserve this knowledg among themselves they have a kind of University, in a City which is call'd Benarez, where they make all their exercises in Astrology, and where they have Doctors that expound their Law, which they very strictly observe. But in regard they are so great a number, and cannot all come to study at that Uni­versity, they are all very ignorant, and consequently very superstitious; those that go for the most refin'd Wits, being the greatest Sorcerers.

The second Caste is that of the Raspoutes or Ketris, that is to say, Warriors and warlike people. These are the only Idolatrous Indians that have any cou­rage to signalize themselves in War. All the Raja's that I have so often mem­tion'd, are of this Caste. These are so many petty Kings, whom their disunion has render'd Tributary to the Great Mogul. But in regard that the greatest part of them are in his service, they are highly recompenc'd by the large Salaries they receive for the small Tribute which they pay. These Raja's, and the Raspoutes their Subjects, are the chiefest support of the Dominions of the Great Mogul; for indeeed the Raja's Jesseing and Jessomseing were those that lifted up Aureng­zeb to the Throne. But you must take notice, that all of this second Caste are not Warriors; for they are the Raspoutes only that go to War, and are all Horsemen. But for the Ketris, they are degenerated from their Ancestors, and of Soldiers are become Merchants.

The third Caste is that of the Bannians, who are altogether addicted to Trade; of whom some are Sheraffs or Bankers, others Broakers, employ'd be­tween Merchant and Merchant for buying and selling. Those of this Caste are so subtil and nimble in Trade, that as I have said before, the Jews may be their Prentices. They accustom their Children betimes to fly Idleness. And instead of suffering them to lose their time in playing in the Streets, as we generally do, they teach them Arithmetick; which they are so perfect at, that without making use either of Pen or Ink, or Counters, but only of their memories, they will in a moment cast up the most difficult account that can be imagin'd. They always live with their Fathers, who instruct them in Trade, and do nothing but what they shew them. If any man in the heat of passion chafe at 'em, they hear him patiently without making any reply, and parting coldly from him, will not see him again in three or four days, when they think his passion may be over. They never eat any thing that has life; nay they would rather dye, [Page 162] than kill the smallest Animal or Vermin that crawls; being in that point above all things the most zealous Observers of the Law. They never fight, nor go to War; neither will they eat or drink in the House of a Raspoute, because they kill the Victuals they eat, all but Cows, which they never touch.

The fourth Caste is that of the Charados or Soudras; who go to War as well as the Raspoutes, but with this difference, that the Raspoutes serve on Horse­back, and the Charados on foot. Both of them take it for an Honour to dye in Battel; and let him be Horse or Foot, that Soldier is accounted infamous that retreats in Fight; 'tis an eternal blot in his Family. Upon which subject I will tell you a story. A Soldier who was passionately in love with his Wife, and reciprocally belov'd by her, had fled from the fight, not so much out of any fear of death, as out of a consideration of the grief which it would oc­casion to his Wife, should he leave her a Widow. When she knew the reason of his flight, as soon as he came to the door, she shut it against him, and or­der'd him to be told, that she could never acknowledg that man for a Husband, who had preferr'd the Love of a Woman before his Honour; that she did not desire to see him any more, as being a stain to the Reputation of her Family; and that she would endeavour to teach her Children to have more courage than their Father. The Wife continuing firm to her resolution, the Husband to re­gain his Honour and her affection, return'd to the Army, where he so behav'd himself, that he became famous; and having highly made amends for his Cow­ardise, the door of his House was again set open, and his Wife receiv'd him with her former kindness.

The rest of the Natives, that are not reckon'd in the number of these Castes, are call'd Pauzecour. These are such as employ themselves in Handicraft Trades; among which there is no other distinction, but according to the Trades which they follow from Father to Son. So that a Taylor cannot prefer his Son, but only in his own Calling, though he be never so rich; nor marry either a Son or Daughter, but to one of his own Craft. By the same rule, when a Taylor dies, all those of his own Trade accompany the corps to the place where it is burnt: and the same practise is observ'd in all other Trades.

Among the particular Castes, there is one that goes by the name of Alecors, whose employment is only to clean Houses; for which every Family pays him something once a month, according to their proportion and quality. If a person of quality in the Indies keeps fifty Servants, let him be Mahometan or Idola­ter, there isnot one of them will take a Besome in his hand to sweep the House; for he would think himself affronted, it being one of the greatest scorns you can put upon an Indian, to call him Alacor. Besides, every one of those Servants knows his business; whether it be to carry the pot of Water to drink by the way, or to give his Master his Pipe of Tobacco when he calls for it; so that if the Master should bid one to do that which the other was ap­pointed to do, that Servant would stand like a Statue, and never make him any answer. But for the Slaves, they are oblig'd to do what ever the Master commands them. These Alacors having no other business but only to make clean the Houses, eat the scraps of all other Castes; and so without scruple feed upon any thing. There are none but those of this Tribe make use of Asses, to carry away the filth of the Houses into the Field; for which reason none of the rest of the Indians will so much as touch that Animal; which is quite o­therwise in Persia, as well for carriage, as to ride upon. Moreover, there are none of the other Indians, except the Alacors that will eat.

CHAP. IV.
Of the Kings and Idolatrous Princes of Asia.

THe chiefest of the Idolatrous Kings of Asia, are the King of Aracan, the King of Pegu, the King of Siam, the King of Cochinchina, and the King of Tun­quin. As for the King of China, we know that he was an Idolater before the Tartars invaded his Dominions. But since that, we know not what to report of certainty, in regard that the Tartars who are now Masters of the Country, are neither Idolaters nor Mahometans, but rather both together. In the Islands, the King of Japon, the King of Ceylan, and some petty Kings of the Molucca Islands are Idolaters; as are all the Raja's as well in the Empire of the Great Mogul, as in the neighbouring Kingdoms of Visapour and Golconda. In a word, all the meaner sort of people, as well in the Territories of the Great Mogul, Kings of Golconda and Visapour, as in the Isles of Achan, Java, and Macassar, though their Kings are Mahumetans, are all themselves Idolaters.

Some fifty years ago, one of the Kings of Ceylan became a Christian, and was baptiz'd by the name of John, being call'd before the Emperor Priapen­der. But as soon as he had embrac'd the Christian Faith, the Princes and Priests of the Country set up another King in his room. He endeavour'd all he could to bring his people to follow his example; to which purpose he assign'd to the Father Jesuits, twelve large Villages about Colombo, for the bringing up the youth of the Country in their Colledges; to the end that they being well instructed, might instruct others. For the King made it plain to the Jesuits, that it was impossible for them so well to understand the Language of the Country, as to be able to preach to the Natives. Besides, that they found the ingenuities of the Youth of Ceylan so quick and apprehensive, that they learnt more La­tin, Philosophy, and other Sciences in six months, than the Europeans learnt in a year; and that they put such subtle Questions to their Masters, as were be­yond imagination.

Some years after the King had profess'd Christianity, a witty man of the Island of Ceylan, and a good natural Philosopher, whose name was Alegamme, Motiar, or the Master of the Philosophers, after he had convers'd with the Jesuits and other Religious persons, was inspir'd to turn Christian. Thereupon he went to the Jesuits, and told them, that he desir'd to be a Christian; but withall he was very earnest to know what Jesus Christ had done, and left in writing. They gave him the new Testament, which he set himself to read with that heed and study, that in less than six months there was hardly a passage which he could not repeat. After that he again testifi'd to the Jesuits and o­ther Religious persons, that he had a great desire to turn Christian, in regard he found their Religion to be such as Jesus Christ had taught; but only he won­der'd that they themselves did not follow his example. For that he could ne­ver find by his reading, that Jesus Christ ever took any money of any body; but that they took all they could get, and never baptiz'd nor buri'd unless they were well paid. But though he started the Question, he was baptiz'd, and afterwards became a sedulous converter of others.

CHAP. V.
What the Idolaters believe touching a Divinity.

THough the Idolatrous Indians attribute to the Creature, as to Cows, Apes, and several Monsters, those Divine Honours which are only due to the true Diety; yet they acknowledge one only Infinite God, Almighty, and only Wise, the Creator of Heaven and earth, who fills all places with his presence. They call him in some places Permesser, in others Peremael, and Westnon among the Bramins that inhabit the Coast of Cormandel. It may be, because they have heard that the Circle is the most perfect of all Figures, therefore it is that they say God is of an Oval Figure; for they have in all their Pagods an Oval Flintstone, which they fetch from Ganges, and worship as a God. They are so obstinately wedded to this foolish imagination that the wisest among the Bra­mins will not so much as hear any argument to the contrary. So that it is no wonder that a people led by such blind Guides, should fall into such Abysses of Idolatry. There is one Tribe so superstitious, in reference to that article, that they carry those Oval Flints about their Necks, and beat them against their Breasts, when they are at their devotions. In this dark and lamentable mist of ignorance, these Idolaters make their Gods to be born like men, and assign them Wives, imagining that theirs are the pleasures of men. Thus they take their Ram for a great Deity, in regard of the Miracles which they believe he wrought while he liv'd upon Earth. Ram was the Son of a potent Raja, who was call'd by the name of Deseret, and the most vertuous of all his Children, which he had by two lawful Wives. He was particular belov'd by his Father, who design'd him to be his Successor. But the Mother of Ram being dead, the Raja's other Wife, who had her Husband entirely at her beck, prevail'd with him to exterminate Ram and his Brother Lokeman from his House, and all his Territories; upon whose exclusion the Son of that Wife was declar'd the Raja's Successor. As the two Brothers were about to be gone, Ram's Wife Sita, of whom he went to take his leave, and whom the Idolaters worship as a Goddess, beg'd of him that she might not leave him, having made a reso­lution never to forsake him; whereupon they all three went together to seek their fortunes. They were not very successful at first; for as they pass'd through a Wood, Ram being in pursuit of a Bird, stray'd from the Company, and was missing a long time; insomuch that Sita fearing that some disaster was befall'n him, befought Lokeman to look after him. He excus'd himself at first, by rea­son that Ram had oblig'd him never to leave Sita alone, foreseeing by a Pro­phetick Spirit what would befall her, should she be left to her self. Never­theless Lokeman being over perswaded by the prayers of his fair Sister, went to seek for Ram his Brother; but in the mean time Rhevan another of the I­dolaters Gods, appear'd to Sita in the shape of a Faquir, and beg'd an Alms of her. Now Ram had order'd Sita, that she should not stir out of the place where he left her; which Rhevan well knowing, would not receive the Alms which Sita presented him, unless she would remove to another place; which when Sita had done, either out of negligence or forgetfulness, Rhevan seiz'd upon her, and carry'd her into the thick of the Wood, where his Train stay'd for him. Ram at his return missing Sita, fell into a swoon for grief, but be­ing brought again to himself by his Brother Lokeman, they two immediately went together in search of Sita, who was so dearly belov'd by her Husband.

When the Bramins repeat this Rape of their Goddess, they do it with tears in their eyes, and great demonstrations of sorrow; adding upon this subject, an infinite company of Fables more ridiculous, to shew the great courage of Ram in pursuit of the Ravisher. They employ'd all Creatures living upon the discovery; but none of them had the luck to succeed, only the Monkey call'd Harman. He cross'd over the Sea at one Leap, and coming into Rhevans Gar­dens, found Sita in the extremity of affliction; and very much surpriz'd to hear [Page 165] an Ape speak to her in her Husbands behalf. At first she would not give any credit to such an Ambassador; but the Ape, to shew that his Commission was authentick, presents her with a Ring which her Husband had giv'n her, and that she had left behind her among her Furniture. She could hardly however believe so great a Miracle, as that Ram her Husband should make a Beast speak, to bring her the news of his health, and to testifie as he did the marks of his affection. But the Ape Harman wrought Miracles himself, for being taken for a Spy by some Rhevans Servants, who therefore would have burnt him, he made use of the fire which they had prepar'd to burn him, to set Rhevans Pa­lace on fire, which he almost consum'd to the ground, with all the tatters and rags which were ty'd to his tail and his body. When the Ape had thus done, the better to escape out of Rhevans hands, he took the same way he came, and repassing the Sea again at one jump, he came and gave Ram an account of his adventures; and told him in what a sorrowful condition he had found Sita, who did nothing but mourn by reason of her absence from her Husband. Ram touch'd with his Wives affection, resolv'd to deliver her out of Rhevans hands, whatever it cost him; whereupon he rais'd Forces, and being guided by the Ape, at length he came to Rhevans Palace, that still smoak'd, the fire had been so great; and by reason that Rhevans Servants were dispers'd, Ram had an easie opportunity to see his belov'd Sita again, whom Rhevan aban­don'd wholly to him, flying for fear to the Mountains. Ram and Sita were infinitely overjoy'd at their coming together again, and return'd very great Honours to Harman, who had done him so great service.

As for Rhevan, he spent all the rest of his days like a poor Faquir, seeing his Country ruin'd by Ram's Troops, who was resolv'd to be reveng'd for the injury which he had receiv'd; and from this Rhevan it was, from whence that infinite multitude of Faquirs, that swarm all over India, first took their Ori­ginal.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Faquirs, or poor Volunteers among the Indians, and of their Pennances.

THE Original of the Faquirs, as I said before, came from that Rhevan, whom Ram dispoil'd of his Kingdom; at which he conceiv'd such an un­speakable sorrow, that he resolv'd to lead a Vagabond life, and to wander about the world, poor, stript of all, and in a manner quite naked. He found enough to follow him in a course of life that gives them so much liberty. For being worship'd as Saints, they have in their hands all opportunities of doing evil.

These Faquirs wander generally in Troops, every one of which has a Supe­rior. And in regard they are quite naked, Winter and Summer lying upon the hard ground, when it is cold, the young Faquirs, and others that are most de­vout, go in the afternoon to seek for the dungs of Cows and other Creatures, of which they make their fires. They rarely burn Wood, for fear of killing any living Animal which is wont to breed in it; and therefore the Wood where­with they burn their dead, is only such as has floated long in the Water, which never breeds in any sort of living Creature. The young Faquirs having got toge­ther a good quantity of dung, mix'd with dry turf, make several fires, accor­ding to the bigness of the Company; round about every one of which the Fa­quirs seat themselves. When they grow sleepy, they lay themselves upon the ground, spreading the Ashes abroad which serve them for a Mattress; without any other Canopy than that of Heaven.

As for the Faquirs that do Pennance, when they are laid down in the same posture as you see them in the day time, they kindle a good fire on each side of them, for otherwise they would not be able to to endure the cold. The rich [Page 166] Idolaters account themselves happy, and their Houses to be fill'd with the benedictions of Heaven, when they have any of these Faquirs for their Guests, which the more austere they are, the more they honour: and it is the glory of the Troop to have one among them that does some considerable act of Pe­nance.

The Crews of Faquirs many time joyn together to go in Pilgrimage to the Principal Pagods, and publick Washings, which they use upon certain dayes in the year in the River Ganges, whereof they make the chiefest account; as also in that which separates the Territories of the Portugals of Goa from the Dominions of the King of Visapour. Some of the most austere Faquirs live in little pitti­ful Huts neer their Pagods, where they have once in four and twenty hours some­thing to eat bestow'd upon them for God's sake. The Tree whereof I have giv'n the description, is of the same sort as that which grows neer Gomron, which I have describ'd in my Persian Relations. The Franks call it the Bannians-Tree, because in those places where those Trees grow, the Idolaters always take up their quar­ters, and dress their victuals under them. They have those Trees in great re­verence, and oft-times build their Pagods either under or very neer them. That which the Reader sees here describ'd, grows at Surat; in the trunk whereof, which is hollow, is the figure of a Monster, representing the face of a deform'd Woman, which they say was the first Woman, whose name was Mamaniva; thi­ther great numbers of Idolaters every day resort: neer to which there is some Bramin or other always appointed to be ready to say Prayers, and receive the Alms of Rice, Millet, and other Grains which the charitable bestow upon them. The Bramin marks the forhead of all, both Men and Woman, that come to pray in the Pagod, with a kind of Vermillion, wherewith he also besmears the Idol; for being thus mark'd, they belive the evil Spirit cannot hurt them, as being then under the protection of their God.

Number 1. is that part where the Bramins paint their Idols; such as Mama­niva, Sita, Madedina, and others; whereof they have a great number.

Numb. 2, is the figure of Mamaniva, which is in the Pagod.

Numb. 3, is another Pagod neer the former. There stands a Cow at the door, and within stands the figure of their God Ram.

Numb. 4, is another Pagod, into which the Faquirs, that do Penance, often re­tire.

Numb. 5, is another Pagod dedicated to Ram.

Numb. 6, is a Hut into which a Faquir makes his retirement several times a year, there being but one hole to let in the light. He stays there according to the height of his devotion, sometimes nine or ten days together, without either eat­ing or drinking; a thing which I could not have believ'd, had I not seen it. My curiosity carri'd me to see one of those penitents, which the President of the Dutch-Company, who set a spy to watch night and day whether any body brought him any victuals. But he could not discover any relief the Faquir had, all the while sitting upon his Bum like our Taylors, never changing his posture above seven days together, not being able to hold out any longer, by reason the heat and stench of the Lamp was ready to stifle him. Their other sorts of Penance out-doing this, might be thought incredible, were there not so many thousand witnesses thereof.

Numb. 7, is the figure of another Penitentiary, over whose head several years have past; and yet he never slept day nor night. When he finds himself sleepy, he hangs the weight of the upper part of his body upon a double-rope that is fasten'd to one of the boughs of the Tree; and by the continuance of this posture, which is very strange and painful, there falls a humour into their legs that swells them very much.

Numb. 8, is the figure of two postures of two doing Penance; who, as long as they live, carry their arms above their heads in that manner; which cau­ses certain Carnosities to breed in the joynts, that they can never bring them down again. Their hair grows down to their wasts, and their nails are as long as their fingers. Night and Day, Winter and Summer they go always stark naked in the same posture, expos'd to the heat and rain, and the stinging of the Flies; from which they have not the use of their hands to rid themselves. In other

[Page]

[Page] [Page] necessities they have other Faquirs in their company always ready to assist them.

Numb. 9, is the posture of another Penitent, who every day for several hours stands upon one foot, holding a chasing-dish in his hand, into which he pours In­cense, as an Offering to his God, fixing his eyes all the while upon the Sun.

Num. 10 and 11, are the figures of two other Penitents sitting with their hands rais'd above their heads in the air.

Numb. 12, is the posture wherein the Penitents sleep, without ever resting their arms; which is certainly one of the greatest torments the body of man can suffer.

Numb. 13, is the posture of a Penitent, whose arms, through weakness, hang flagging down upon his shoulders, being dry'd up for want of nourish­ment.

There are an infinite number of other Penitents; some who in a posture quite contrary to the motion and frame of nature, keep their eys always turn'd toward the Sun. Others who fix their eyes perpetually upon the ground, never so much as speaking one word, or looking any person in the face. And indeed there is such an infinte variety of them, that would render the farther discourse of them more tedious

True it is, that I have hid those parts which modesty will not suffer to be ex­pos'd to view. But they both in City and Countrey go all as naked as they came out of their Mothers wombs; and though the Woman appraoch them to take them by the fingers-ends, and to kiss those parts which modesty forbids to name; yet shall you not observe in them any motion of sensuality; rather quite contrary, seeing them never to look upon any person, but rowling their eyes in a most fright­ful manner, you would belive them in an extasie.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Idolaters belief touching the estate of the Soul after death.

'TIS an Article of the Idolaters Faith, that the Souls of Men departing out of the body, are presented to God; who according to the lives which they lead, orders them another body to inhabit. So that one and the same person is born several times into the World. And that as for the Souls of wicked and vi­cious persons, God disposes them into the bodies of contemptable Beasts, such as Asses, Dogs, Cats, and the like; to do Penance for their crimes in those infamous Prisons. But they believe that those Souls that enter into Cows are happy; pre­suming that there is a divinity in those creatures. For if a man dye with a Cows-tail in his hand, they say it is enough to render him happy in the other World.

The Idolaters believing thus the transmigration of the Souls of men into the bodies of other creatures, they abhor to kill any creature whatever, for fear they should be guilty of the death of some of their kindred or friends doing Penance in those bodies.

If the Men in their life-time are famous for their vertuous deeds, they hold that their Souls pass into the bodies of some Potent Raja's: where they enjoy the pleasures of this life in those bodies, as the reward of those good works which they did.

This is the reason why the Faquirs put themselves to such horrible Penances. But because that all are not able to endure so much torment in this World, they labour to supply the defect of that cruel Penance by good works. And besides, they charge their Heirs in their Wills to give Alms to the Bramins, to the end that by the powerful effect of their Prayers, their God may assign them the body of some Noble Personage.

[Page] In January 1661, the Broaker belonging to the Holland Company, whose name was Mondas-Parek, dy'd at Surat. He was a rich Man, and very charitable, giving his Alms very liberally as well to the Christians as to the Idolaters; The Capu­chins at Surat living one part of the year upon the Rice, Butter and Pulse which he sent them. This Banian was not sick above four or five days; during all which time, and for eight days more after he was dead, his Brothers distributed nine or ten-thousand Roupies; and in the burning of his body they mix'd Sandal­wood, and Lignum-Aloes, with the ordinary wood, believing that by that means the Soul of their Brother transmigrating into another body, he would come to be some great Lord in another Country. There are some that are such fools that they bury their treasure in their life-time, as it is the usal custome of all the rich Men in the Kingdom of Asen: to the end that if they should be condemn'd to the body of some poor miserable person, they might have wherewithal to sup­ply their necessities. I remember one day that I bought in India an Agate Cup half a foot high; he that sold it me, assur'd me that it had been buried under ground above 40 years, and that he kept it to serve his occasions after death; but that it was to him a thing indifferent whether he buried his Cup or his Mo­ney. In my last Voyage I bought of one of these Idolaters sixty-two Diamonds of about six grains a-piece; and while I was wondring to see so fair a parcel, he told me I needed not to wonder; for he had been fifty years getting them to­gether▪ to serve him after his death, but that having occasion for Money, he was forc'd to part with them. This buried treasure stood the Raja-Seva-Gi in great stead, when he took Arms against the Great Mogul, and the King of Visapour. For that Raja having taken Callian Biondi, a small City in the Kingdom of Visa­pour, by the advice of the Bramins, who assur'd him he should find great store of treasure buri'd, caus'd the greatest part thereof to be demolish;d and found so much wealth, as to maintain his Army, which was above thirty-thousand Men. It is impossible to convince these poor Idolaters of their errors; in regard they will hear no reason, but submit themselves altogether to their old forms and cu­stoms.

CHAP. VIII.
Of the Custom among the Idolaters to burn the Bodies of their Dead.

THE custom of burning the Bodies of the dead is very ancient among the Gentiles; which Ceremony they most commonly perform by the banks of Rivers, where they wash the dead; which is the last purgation of them from their sins. Nay, their superstition is so great sometimes, that they will carry the sick person, death approaching, to the bank of some River or Pond, and put his feet in the water. As nature fails, they dip him deeper and deeper, till at length they hold him expiring up to the chin in the River: to the end that the same time that the Soul departs out of the Body, both Body and Soul may be cleans'd from all defilement; and then plunging the newly dead Body over head and ears, they bring it out, and burn it in the place appointed; which is generally neer some Pa­god. There are some persons that make it their business to fetch Wood, and agree what they shall have for their pains. An Idolater being dead, all those of his Caste or Tribe assemble together at the House of the deceas'd, and laying the Body upon a Bier cover'd with clean fine Linnen according to his Quality and Estate, they follow the Bier, which is carri'd by such as are appointed for that purpose to the place where the Body is to be burn'd. A [...] they go along they sing certain Prayers to their God, pronouncing several times the words Ram, Ram, while another going before the Bier, sounds a little Bell, to advertize the living to pray for the dead. The Body being set down by the bank of the River or Pond, they first plunge it into the water, and then they burn it. According to the qua­lity of the deceas'd they also mingle with the ordinary wood Sandal-wood, and [Page 169] other Sweet-woods. But the Idolaters do not only burn the Bodies of the dead, but the Bodies of the living. They scruple to kill a serpent, or a louse, but ac­count it a meritorious thing to burn a living Wife with the body of the deceas'd Husband.

CHAP. X.
How the Wives are burnt in India with the Bodies of their deceas'd Husbands.

IT is also an ancient custom among the Indians, that the Husband happening todye, the Wife can never marry again. So that as soon as the Man is dead, the Wife retires to bewail her Husband; some days after that, they shave off her hair; she lays aside all the ornaments of her apparel; she takes off from her arms and legs the Bracelets which her Husband put on when he espous'd her, in token of her submission, and her being chain'd to him: and all the rest of her life she lives slighted and dispis'd, and in a worse condition than a Slave in the very House where she was Mistress before. This unfortunate condition causes them to hate life, so that they rather choose to be buri'd alive with the body of their deceas'd Husbands, then to live in the scorn and contempt of the World. Besides that, the Bramins make them believe, that in dying after that manner, they shall re­vive again with him in another World, with more honour and more advantages than they enjoy'd before. These are the motives that perswade the Woman to burn with their Husbands; besides that, the Priests flatter them with a hope, that while they are in the midst of the flames, before they expire, Ram will appear, and reveal wonderful visions to them; and that after their Souls have transmigrated into various Bodies, they shall at length obtain a high degree of Honour to eternity.

However, there is no Woman that can burn her Husband's body, till she has the leave of the Governor of the place where she inhabits, who be ing a Ma­h [...]metan, and abhorring that execrable custom of Self-murder, is very shy to per­mit them. Besides, there are none but Widows that have no children, that lye under the reproach that forces them to violent death. For as for the Widows that have children, they are by no means permitted to burn themselves; but quite the contrary, they are commanded to live for the education of the chil­dren. Those Woman whom the Governour will not permit to burn themselves, spend the rest of thir lives in doing Penance, and performing works of Charity. Some make it their business to sit upon the Road to boyl certain Pulse in water, and to give the liquor to Travellers to drink. Others sit with fire always ready for them to light their Tobacco. Others make vows to eat nothing but the un­digested grains which they find in Cow-dung.

The Governour finding no perswasions will alter the Woman's resolution, but more especially perceiving by the sign which his Secretary makes him, that he had receiv'd the Coin, in a surly manner gives the Woman leave, bidding the Devil take her and all her kindred.

When they have got this leave, their Musick begins to strike up, and away they ding to the House of the deceas'd, with Drums beating, and Flutes playing before them; and in that manner they accompany the person that is to be burnt, to the place appointed. All the kindred and friends of the Widow that is to dye, come to her, and congratulate her for the happiness she is to enjoy in the other World: and for the honour which the Caste she is of receives by her generous resolution, she dresses her self as she were going to be marri'd, and she is conducted in tri­umph to the place of execution. For the noise is loud of Musical Instruments, and Womens Voices, that follow her singing Songs in honour of the miserable creature that is going to dye. The Bramins that accompany her, exhort her to give publick testimonies of her constancy and courage: and many of our Europeans [Page 170] are of opinion, that to take away the fears of death, which naturally terrifies hu­manity, the Priests do give her a certain Beverage to stupify and disorder the senses, which takes from her all apprehension of her preparations for death. 'Tis for the Bramins interest that the poor miserable creatures should continue in their resolutions; for all their Bracelets as well about their legs as their arms, the Pen­dents in their ears; their Rings sometimes of Gold, sometimes of Silver; (for the poor wear only Copper and Tin,) all these belong to the Bramins, who rake for them among the Ashes when the party is burn'd.

I have seen Women burnt after three several manners, according to the diffe­rence of the Countrey. In the Kingdom of Guzerat, as far as Agra and Dehli, they set up a little Hut above twelve foot square upon the bank of a Pond or River. 'Tis made of Reeds, and all sorts of small Wood, with which they min­gle certain pots of Oil and other Drugs to make it burn more vehemently. The Woman is plac'd in the middle of the Hut, in a half-lying-down posture, leaning her head upon a kind of a wooden Bolster, and resting her back against a Pillar, to which the Bramin tyes her about the middle, for fear [...]he should run away when she feels the fire. In this posture she holds the body of her deceas'd Hus­band upon her knees, chewing Betlé all the while: and when she has continu'd in this posture about half an hour, the Bramin goes out, and the woman bids them set fire to the Hut; which is immediately done by the Bramins, and the kindred and friends of the Woman; who also cast several pots of Oil into the fire, to put the Woman the sooner out of her pain. After the Woman is burnt, the Bramins search the Ashes for all her Bracelets, Pendants and Rings, whether Gold, Silver, Copper or Tin, which is all free booty to themselves.

In Bengala they burn the Woman after another fashion. In that Country a Woman must be very poor that does not accompany the Body of her deceas'd Husband to the Ganges to wash his Body, and to be wash'd her self before she is burnt. I have seen dead Carkasses brought to the Ganges above twenty days journey off from the place, and smelt 'em to boot; for the scent of them has been intollerably noysom. There was one that came from the Northern Moun­tains neer the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Boutan, with the body of her Hus­band carri'd in a Waggon; she travel'd twenty days a-foot, and neither eat nor drank for 15 or 16 days together till she came to the Ganges, where after she had wash'd the body that stank abominably, and had afterwards wash'd her self, she was burnt with him with an admirable constancy. Before the Woman that is to be burnt, goes the Musick, consisting of Drums, Flutes and Hautboys, whom the Woman in her best Accoutrements follows, dancing up to the very Funeral-pile, upon which she gets up, and places her self as if she were sitting up in her Bed; and then they lay a-cross her the body of her Husband. When that is done, her kindred and friends, some bring her a Letter, some a piece of Calicut, another pieces of Silver or Copper, and desire her to deliver them to their Mother, or Brother, or some other Kinsman or Friend. When the woman sees they have all done, she asks the Standers-by three times, if they have nothing more of ser­vice to command her; if they make no answer, she ties up all she has got in a piece of Taffata, which she puts between her own belly, and the body of her Husband, bidding them to set fire to the Pile; which is presently done by the Bramins and her Kindred. I have observ'd, because there is scarcity of Wood in Bengala, that when these poor Creatures are half griddl'd, they cast their bodies into the Ganges, where the remains are devour'd by the Crocodiles.

I must not forget a wicked custom practis'd by the Idolaters of Bengala. When a Woman is brought to bed, and the Child will not take to the Teat, they carry it out of the Village, and putting it into a Linnen Cloath, which they fast'n by the four Corners to the Boughs of a Tree, they there leave it from morning till evening. By this means the poor Infant is expos'd to be tormented by the Crows, insomuch that there are some who have their eyes pickt out of their heads: which is the reason that in Bengala you shall see many of these Ido­laters that have but one eye, and some that have lost both. In the evening they fetch the child away, to try whether he will suck the next night; and if he still refuse the teat, they carry him again to the same place next morning; which they do for three days together; after which, if the Infant after that refuses to suck, they [Page 171] believe him to be a Devil, and throw him into Ganges, or any the next Pond or River. In the places where the Apes breed, these poor Infants are not so expos'd to the Crows; for where the Ape discovers a Nest of those Birds, he climbs the Tree, and throws the Nest one way and the Eggs another. Some­times some charitable people among the English, Hollanders, and Portugals, com­passionating the misfortune of those Children, will take them away from the Tree, and give them good education.

All along the Coast of Cormandel, when the Woman are to be burnt with their Husbands, they make a great hole in the ground nine or ten foot deep, and twenty-five or thirty foot square, into which they throw a great quantity of Wood and Drugs to make the fire burn more fiercely. When the fire is kindled, they set the body of the man upon the brink; and then presently up comes the Woman dancing and chewing Betlé; accompany'd by her Friends and Kindred, with Drums beating, and Flutes sounding. Then the Woman takes three turns round the hole, and every time she has gone the round, she kisses her Friends and Kindred. After the third time the Bramins casts the Carcass of her Husband into the flame; and the woman standing with her back to the fire, is pusht in by the Bramins also, and tumbles backward. Then her Kindred and Friends cast Oil and other combustile Drugs upon the fire, to make it burn more vehemently, that the Bodies may be the sooner con­sum'd.

In most places upon the Coast of Cormandel, the Women are not burnt with their deceas'd Husbands, but they are buried alive with them in holes which the Bramins make a foot deeper than the tallness of the man and wo­man. Usually they chuse a Sandy place; so that when the man and woman are both let down together, all the Company with Baskets of Sand fill up the hole above half a foot higher than the surface of the ground, after which they jump and dance upon it, till they believe the woman to be stifl'd.

When some of the Idolaters upon the Coast of Cormandel are upon the point of death, their Friends do not carry them to the side of a River or Lake to cleanse their Souls, but they carry them to the fattest Cow they can find; and laying the sick party just behind the Cow, they lift up her Tail, and pro­voke her to piss. If she piss, so that it falls upon the face of the sick party, all the Company are overjoy'd, saying, that his Soul is happy. But if the Cow do not piss, to wash the sick parties face, they burn him with a great deal of sadness. If a Cow be sick, the owner must be careful to lead her to a Pond or River; for should she dye at his House, the Bramins would fine him.

CHAP. X.
Remarkable Storie of Women that have been burnt after their. Husband decease.

THE Raja of Velou having lost his City and his life, through the loss of a Battel gain'd against him by the King of Visapour's General, he was extreamly lamented at Court. Eleven of his Wives also were no less concern'd for his death, and resolv'd to be burnt when his Body was burn'd. The General of Visapour's Army understanding their resolution thought at first to divert them, by promising them all kind usage. But finding perswa­sions, would not prevail, he order'd them to be shut up in a Room. He who had the order, going to put it in execution, the Women in a rage told him, that 'twas to no purpose to keep them Prisoners, for if they might not have leave to do what they had resolv'd, in three hours there would not one of them be alive. The person entrusted, laugh'd at their threats; but the Keeper of those women opening the door at the end of the three hours, found them [Page 172] all stretch'd out dead upon the place, without any mark in the world to be seen that they had any way hasten'd their own deaths.

Two of the most potent Raja's of India came to Agra in the year 1642, to do homage to Sha-jehan, who then reign'd; who not having acquitted them­selves as they ought to have done, in the judgment of the Grand-Master of the Kings Houshold, he told one of the Raja's one day, in the presence of the King, that they had not done well, to behave themselves in that manner toward so great a Monarch, as was the King his Master. The Raja looking upon himself to be a great King, and a great Prince, he and his Brother having brought along with them a Train of 15 or 16000 thousand Horse, was netl'd at the bold reproof which the Grand Master gave him, and drawing out his Dagger, slew him upon the place, in the presence of the King. The Grand Master falling at the feet of his own Brother, who stood close by him, he was going about to re­venge his death, but was prevented by the Raja's Brother, who stab'd him, and laid him athwart his Brothers Body. The King, who beheld these two murthers one upon the neck of the other, retir'd into his Haram for fear. But presently the Omrahs and other people fell upon the Raja's, and cut 'em to pieces. The King incens'd at such an attempt committed in his House and in his presence, commanded the Rajah's bodies to be thrown into the River; which their Troops that they had left about Agra understanding, threaten'd to enter the City and pillage it. But rather than hazard the City, the King was advis'd to deliver them the Bodies of their Princes. When they were to be burn'd, thirteen Women belonging to the two Raja's Houses, came dancing and leaping, and presently got upon the Funeral pile, holding one another by the hands, and being presently after stifl'd with the smoak, fell together into the fire. Presently the Bramins threw great heaps of Wood, pots of Oil, and other combustible matter upon them, to dispatch them the sooner.

I observed a strange passage at Patna, being then with the Governour, a young Gentleman of about twenty-four years of age, in his own House. While I was with him, in came a young woman, very handsome, and not above two and twenty years old, who desir'd leave of the Governour to be burnt with the Body of her deceas'd Husband. The Governour compassionating her youth and beauty, endeavour'd to divert her from her resolution; but finding he could not prevail, with a surly countenance, he ask'd her whether she understood what the torment of fire was, and whether she had ever burnt her fingers? No, no, answer'd she more stoutly than before, I do not fear fire, and to let you know as much, send for a lighted Torch, hither. The Governour abominating her answer, in great passion bid her go to the Devil. Some young Lords that were with the Governour, desir'd him to try the Woman, and to call for a Torch; which with much ado he did, and a lighted Torch was brought. So soon as the woman saw the lighted Torch coming, she ran to meet it, and held her hand in the flame, not altering her countenance in the least; still searing her arm along up to the very elbow, till her flesh look'd as if it had been broil'd; whereupon the Governour commanded her out of his sight.

A Bramin coming to Patna, and assembling all his Tribe together, told them, that they must give him two thousand Roupies, and twenty-seven Ells of Cali­cut. To which the chief among them made him answer, that they were poor, and could not possible raise such a sum. However he persisted in his demand, po­sitively affirming to them, that he would stay there without eating or drink­ing till they brought him the Money and the Cloath. With this resolution he climb'd a Tree, and setting in the fork between the boughs, remain'd there without eating or drinking for several days. The noise of this extrava­gance coming to the ears of the Hollanders where we lay, we set Sentinels to watch whether it were true, that a man could sit so long without victu­als, which he did for thirty days together. The one and thirtieth day of such an extraordinary Fast, the Idolaters fearing to kill one of their Priests for want of granting him his demand, club'd together, and brought him his twenty-seven Ells of Calicut, and two thousand Roupies. So soon as the Bramin saw the Money and the Cloath, he came down from the Tree; and after he had upbraided those of his Tribe for want of Charity, he distributed all the Roupies [Page 173] among the poor, reserving only five or six for himself. The Cloth he cut into little pieces, and gave away, keeping only to himself enough to cover his own makedness; and having made this distribution, he disappear'd of a suddeh, and no body knew what became of him, though dilligent search was made after him.

When a Chinese lies at the point of death, all his Kindred and Friends gather about him, and ask him whither he intends to go; they tell him also, that if he want any thing, he need but only ask and have, let it be Gold, Silver, or a Woman. When they are dead they perform many Ceremonies at their Funerals, which consists chiefly in artificial fires, wherein the Chineses are the most expert in the world; so that he must be a very poor man that has no fire-works at his Funeral. Besides that, they put Money in a little Box, and bury it by the deceas'd; and leave good store of victuals upon the Grave, out of an opinion that they rise and eat. Which the Souldiers of Batavia observing, us'd to fill their Bellies at these Graves every time they walk'd their rounds. But when the Chineses perceiv'd it, they poyson'd the victuals to spoil the Dutchmens feast­ing. The Townsmen of Batavia taking the Souldiers part, accus'd the Chi­neses for poysoning several of the Dutch. But the Chineses pleaded, that if the Sol­diers had over-eat themselves, or surfeited themselves upon what was left for the dead to eat, 'twas none of their fault; for that they did not leave their victuals for the Souldiers; and besides that, among all the multitudes which they had bu­ried, they never had heard the least complaint before of any one that ever came by any harm by eating their food. Thus the business was hush'd over; nor did the Souldiers dare to pilfer any more.

CHAP. IX.
Of the most celebrated Pagods of the Idolaters in India.

THE Indian Idolaters have a great number of Temples, small and great which they call Pagods, where they pray to their Gods, and make their Offerings. But the poor people that live in the Woods and Mountains, and re­mote from Towns, are contented only with some stone, whereon they make a rude kind of Nose, and paint it with some Vermillion colour, which serves all the whole neighbourhood to worship.

The four most celebrated Pagods, are Jagrenate, Banarous, Matura, and Tri­peti.

Jagrenate is one of the mouths of Ganges, whereupon is built the Great Pa­god, where the Arch Bramin, or chief Priest among the Idolaters keeps his residence. The great Idol that stands upon the Altar in the innermost part of the Pagod, has two Diamonds for his Eyes, and another that hangs about his neck, the least of those Diamonds weighing about forty Carats. About his Arms he wears Bracelets sometimes of Pearls, and sometimes of Rubies; and this magnificent Idol is call'd Resora. The Revenues of this Pagod are suffi­cient to seed fifteen or twenty thousand Pilgrims every day; which is a num­ber often seen there, that Pagod being the greatest place of devotion in all In­dia. But you must take notice, that no Goldsmith is suffer'd to enter this Pagod, because that one of them being lock'd in all night long, stole a Diamond out of one of the Idols eyes. As he was about to go out, when the Pagod was open'd in the morning, he dy'd at the door; their God, as they affirm, re­venging his own sacriledg. That which renders this Pagod, which is a large build­ing the most considerable in all India, is, because it is situated upon the Gan­ges; the Idolaters believing that the waters of that River have a particular quality to cleanse them from their sins. That which makes it so rich (for it maintains above twenty thousand Cows) is the vast Alms that are continually bestow'd by so incredible a multitude as comes from all parts. Which Alms are not so much as at the discretion of the Donor, at the Will of the chief [Page 174] Priest, who before he gives them leave to shave and wash in Ganges, taxes them according to their quality, of which he has information. Thus he col­lects vasts sums, of which he makes little or no profit himself; all going to feed the poor, and the repair of the Pagod. The chief Bramin causes Victuals to be distributed to the Pilgrims every day; as Milk, Rice, Butter and Wheat; but to the poor, who want wherewithall to coo [...] it, they distribute their food ready dresst. In the morning they boil a quantity of Rice in Earth'n pots of different bigness; and at the hour when the Pilgrims come for their meat, the chief Bramin orders another Bramin to take a pot▪ of boil'd Rice; this pot he lets fall; and if there be five, the pot breaks into five equal parts, and eve­ry one takes his own share. And in the same manner he breaks it into more pieces, if there be more persons, to whom he is to distribute the food. Which is a thing very strange and worthy observation. They never boil twice in an Earthen pot; but in a Copper pot [...] ▪ nor have they any other Dishes, than only certain Leaves, which they fasten together, and a certain kind of a Bason, a­bout a foot in compass, wherein they melt their Butter, and stir the Rice with the ends of their fingers when they eat. They have also a kind of a Shell, wherein they pour their melted Butter, which they will swallow down, as we do Sack.

Now for the description of a particular Idol which stands upon the Altar in the Pagod of Jagrenate: It is cover'd from the Shoulders downward with a great Mantle that hangs down upon the Altar. This Mantle is of Tissue of Gold or Silver, according to the Solemnities. At first it had neither feet nor hands; but after one of their Phropets was taken up into Heaven, while they were lamenting what to do for another, God sent them an Angel in the like­ness of that Prophet, to the end they might continue their Veneration toward him. Now while this Angel was busie in making this Idol, the people grew so impatient, that they took him out of the Angels hands, and put him into the Pagod, without hands or feet; but finding that the Idol appear'd in that manner too deform'd, they made him hands and arms of those small Pearls which we call Ounce-Pearls. As for his feet, they are never seen, being hid un­der his Cloak. There is no part op'n but his hands and feet; the head and body being of Sandal-wood; round about the Dnomo, under which this Idol stands, being very high, from the bottom to the top, are only Niches fill'd with other Idols; the greatest part whereof represent most hideous Monsters, being all of different colours. On each side of this Pagod, there stands ano­ther much less, where the Pilgrims make their lesser Offerings. And some that have in sickness, or upon business made any Vows to any Deity, bring thi­ther the resemblance thereof in remembrance of the good which they have re­ceiv'd. They rub this Idol every day with sweet Oils, that make it of a black colour. And at the right hand of this Idol sits his Sister, who stands upon her feet, and is well clad, being call'd by the name Sotora; upon his left, stands his Brother, cloath'd all over also, whom they call Balhadar. Before the Idol, somewhat toward his lest hand, stands the Idols Wife upon her feet, all of massy Gold, by the name of Remin; whereas the other three, are only of Sandal­wood.

The other two Pagods are appointed for the residence of the chief Bramin, and other Bramins that officiate in the great Pagod. All these Bramins go with their heads bare, and for the most part shav'd; having no other Cloathes but only one piece of Calicut, with one half whereof they cover their bodies; the other part serves them instead of a Scarf. Neer the Pagod stands the Tomb of one of their Prophets, whose name was Cabir, to whom they give great honour. You are to take notice also, that their Idols stand upon a kind of Altar encompass'd with Iron Bars. For no persons are to touch them, but only certain Bramins, appointed for that service by the chief Bramin.

Next to that of Jagrenate, the most famous Pagod is that of Banurous, be­ing also feated upon the Ganges, in a City that bears the same name. That which is most remarkable is, that from the Gate of the Pagod to the River there is a descent all of Stone; neer to which are certain Platforms, and small blind Chambers, some of the Bramins lodging, others where they dress th [...] [Page 175] victuals; for so soon as the Idolaters have said their Prayers, and made their Of­ferings, they dress their food, not suffering any person to touch it but themselves, for fear lest any unclean person should come neer it. But above all things, they passionately desire to drink of Ganges water; for as often as they drink it, they are wash'd, as they believe, from all their sins. Great numbers of these Bramins go every day to the cleanest part of the River, where they fill their little round earthen-pots full of water, the mouths whereof are very small, and contain every one of them a Bucket-full. Being thus fill'd they bring them before the great Priest, who covers them with a fine piece of flame-colour'd Calicut, three or four times doubl'd, to which he sets his Seal. The Bramins carry these pots, some six of them ty'd together with six little cords fasten'd to the end of a stick as broad as a lath, shifting their shoulders often; travelling sometimes three or four hunder'd leagues with those precious burthens up into the Countrey. Where they sell it, or present it; but that is only to the rich, from whence they expect great rewards. There are some of the Idolaters, who when they make any great Feast, especially when they marry their children, will drink four or five hunder'd Crowns in this water. They never drink of it till the end of their meals; and then a glass or two according to the liberality of the Master of the Feast. The chief reason why they esteem the water of Ganges so highly, is, because it never putrifies, nor engenders any Vermin; though I know not whether they may be believ'd, considering the great quantity of dead bodies which they fling into the Ganges.

The body of the Pagod of Banarous is made like a Cross, as are all the rest of the Pagods, the four parts whereof are equal. In the midst there is a Cupola rais'd very high, the top whereof is pyramidal; at the end also of every four parts of the Cross there is a Tower, to which there is an ascent on the out-side. Before you come to the top, there are several Balconies and Niches wherein to take the fresh air: and round about are figures of all sorts of creatures, but very Lend work. Under the Duomo, in the middle of the Pagod there is an Altar, like a Table, eight foot long, and six foot broad, with two steps before, that serve for a footstool, which is cover'd sometimes with a rich Tapestry, sometimes with Silk, sometimes with Cloath of Gold or Silver, according to the solemnity of their Festival. Their Altars are cover'd with Cloath of Gold or Silver, or else with some painted Calicuts. Approaching the entry of the Pagod, you see the Altar right before ye, together with the Idols which are upon it. For the Wo­men and Virgins worship without, not being permitted to enter the Pagod, no more than is a certain Tribe which is among them. Among the Idols that stand upon the great Altar, there is one plac'd upright some five or six foot high; but you can see neither arms, nor legs, nor body: nothing appears but the head and neck, all the rest being cover'd down to the Altar with a Robe that spreads it self below. Sometimes you shall see the neck set out with some rich Chain either of Gold, Rubies, Pearls or Emraulds. This Idol was made in honour and likeness of Bainma-don, who was heretofore a very great and holy Personage among them, whose name they oft'n have in their mouths. Upon the right-side of the Altar stands the figure of a Chimera, part Elephant, part Horse, part Mule. It is of massive Gold, and they call it Garou, not suffering any person to approach it but the Bramins. They say it is the resemblance of the Beast which carri'd that holy person when he liv'd upon earth. And that he travell'd long journeys upon his back, to see if the people remain'd in their duty, and whether they did no wrong one to another. Between the great Gate and the great Altar upon the left-hand, there is a little Altar, upon which there stands an Idol of black Marble sitting cross­legg'd, about two foot high. While I was there, a little Boy who was the Son of the High-Priest stood upon the left-side of the Altar, and all the people threw him certain pieces of Taffata, or imbroider'd Calicut, like Handkerchiefs, all which he return'd to the people again after he had wip'd them upon the Idol. Others threw him Bracelets of Coral, others of yellow-Amber, others threw him fruits and flowers; whatever they threw him, he rubb'd it upon the Idol, put it to his lips, and then restor'd it to the people. This Idol is call'd Morli-Ram, that is to say God▪ Morli, and was the Brother of him that stands upon the great Al­tar.

[Page 176] Under the Portal of the Pagod sits one of the principal Bramins with a great Bason by him, full of a yellow colour mix'd with water. All these poor Idola­ters come and present themselves before him, who gives them a mark from be­tween the eyes to the top of the nose, then upon the arms, and upon the stomach; by which marks they know who have wash'd themselves in Ganges, and who not. Those that never wash'd themselves but in the waters of their own Wells, or have only sent for it from the River, they do not belive to be perfectly purifi'd, and by consequence they are not to be mark'd with that colour. By the way take notice, that these Idolaters are mark'd with different colours, according to the Tribe they are of. But in the Empire of the Great Mogul, they who are painted with yellow compose the biggest Tribe, and are the least defil'd. For when they are necessitated to the deeds of nature, some think it enough to wash the part defil'd; but they first rub the part with a handful of sand, then they scour it with water. After so doing, they affirm their bodies to be clean, and that they can eat their food without fear.

Neer to this great Pagod upon the Summer-West, stands a kind of a Colledg, which the Raja Jesseing, the most potent of all the Idolaters in the Mogul's Em­pire, built for the education of the youth of the better sort. I saw two of the children of that Prince there at School, who had for their Masters several Bra­mins, who trught them to write and read in a language peculiar to the Idolaters Priests, and far different from the speech of the common people. Entring into the Court of that Colledg, and casting my eyes up, I discover'd two Galleries that went round the Court, where I saw the two Princes sitting, attended by several petty Lords and Bramins, who made several Mathematical Figures upon the ground with chalk. The two Princes seeing me, sent to know who I was; and understanding that I was a Frank, they sent for me up, and ask'd me several questions touching Europe, and particularly touching France. Whereupon there being two Globes in the room which the Hollanders had giv'n the Bramins, I shew'd the Princes where France lay upon one of them. After I had taken leave, I ask'd one of the Bramins when I might see the Pagod open: he answer'd me, the next morning before Sun-rising. When I came there, I observ'd before the door, a Gallery supported with Pillars, where there was already a great crowd of men, women and children expecting when the Pagod would be open'd. By and by, the Gallery, and a great part of the Court being full, there came eight Bra­mins, four of each side of the Gate, with every one a Censer in his hand, follow'd by a rabble of other Bramins that made a hideous noise with Drums and other In­struments. The two eldest of the Bramins sing a Song; and then all the people falling into the tune, fall a singing and playing, with every one a Peacock's-tail, or some other kind of flable, to drive away the flies, that the Idol may not be an­noid when they op'n the Pagod. This fanning, and the Musick, lasted a good half hour. Then the two principal Bramins made a great noise three times with two little Bells, and with a kind of a Mallet knockt at the Pagod-door. Which was presently open'd by six Bramins within, discovering, some six or seven paces from the entrance, an Alter with an Idol upon it, which they call Ram, Ram, the Sister of Morli-Ram. Upon her right-hand she has a child made like a great Cu­pid, which they call the God La-Kemin, and in her left-arm a little Girl, which they call the Goddess Sita. So soon as the Pagod was open, and that a great Cur­tain was drawn, the people, who perceiv'd the Idol, fell upon the ground, laying their hands upon their heads, and prostrating themselves three times. Then rising up, they threw great quantities of Nosegays and Garlands to the Priests; with which the Bramins touch'd the Idol, and then restor'd them again. Before the Alter stood a Bramin, who held in his hand a lamp of nine wieks lighted▪ upon which he cast Incense every foot, land then held it to the Idol. All these ceremonies lasted above an hour; after which the people departed, and the Pagod was shut. They pre­sented the Idol with great store of Rice, Meal, Butter, Oil, and Milk-meats, of which the Bramins lose nothing. Now in regard this Idol is the representation of a Woman, the Women all invoke it, and call her their Patroness: which is the reason that the place is generally crowded with Women and Maids. The Raja, to have this Idol in the Pagod of his own house, and for taking it out of the great Pagod, has expended as well upon the Bramins, as in alms to the poor, above five Lacres of Roupies, or 750000 Livres of our Money.

[Page 177] On the other side of the Street where the Colledg is built, there stands another Pagod, call'd Richourdas, from the name of the Idol, which is within upon the Al­tar: and somewhat lower upon another small Altar stands another Idol, which they call Goupaidas, the Brother of Richourdas. You see nothing but the face of all these Idols, which is either of wood or jet; unless it be the Idol of Morly-Ram, which stands in the great Pagod stark naked. As for the Idol Ram-Kam, which stands in the Raja's Pagod, it has two Diamonds instead of eyes, which the Prince caus'd to be set there, with a Coller of Pearl, and Canopy over his head, sup­ported with four Silver-Pillars.

Some eight days journey from Banarous, bending Northward, you enter into a Mountainous Countrey; but which sometimes op'ns it self into very large plains, sometimes three or four leagues in length. They are very fertil in Corn, Rice, Wheat, and Pulse. But that which is the plague and ruine of the people of that Countrey, is the vast number of Elephants that breed there, and devour their Harvest. If a Caravan pass through any part of that Countrey where there are no Inns, in regard the people are forc'd to lye in the op'n Fields, they have much ado to defend themselves from the Elephants that will come to take away their provisions. To skare them, the people make great fires, shoot off their Mus­kets, hooping and hollowing ever and anon. In this place there is another Pagod, well-built, and very ancient, adorn'd with many figures both within and without, which are only the representations of Maids and Women; so that Men are seldom known to repair thither for devotion's-sake; and therefore it is call'd the Wo­mens Pagod. There is an Altar in the middle, as in other Pagods; and upon the Altar an Idol of massy Gold, four foot high, representing a Maid standing upright, which they call Ram-Marion. At her right-hand stands a Child of massy Silver, about two foot high; and they say that the Maid liv'd a very holy life, that that Child was brought to her by the Bramins to he instructed in her belief, and in the knowledg of well-living: but that after two or three years that the Child had liv'd with her, the Infant grew so knowing and ready witted, that all the Raja's of the Countrey long'd for her company; so that being stoll'n from her one night, she was never seen afterwards. Upon the left-hand of this Idol, stands another Idol, representing an old Man; who, as they say, was the servant of Ram-Marion and the Infant: for which reason the Bramins do very much reverence this Idol. They never come but once a year in devotion, but they must be there upon a pre­fix'd day, which is the first of November, though they never op'n the Pagod till the full of the Moon. During those fifteen days, the Pilgrims, as well Men as Women, fast from time to time, and wash themselves three times a-day, not leaving a hair in any part of their bodies, which they take off with a certain earth.

CHAP. XII.
A Continuation of the description of the principal Pagods of the Indian Idolaters.

NEXT to the Pagods of Ingrenate and Banarous, the most considerable is that of Matura, about eighteen leagues from Agra, upon the way to Dehly. It is one of the most sumptuous Edifices in all India, and the place to which the greatest number of Pilgrims was wont to resort: But now there are very few or none; the Idolaters having sensibly lost the reverence which they had for that Pagod, since the River of Gemena, that formerly ran by that Pagod, has chang'd its course, above half a league from it. For it requires so much time to return to the Pagod, after they have wash'd in the River, that they were many times defil'd again before they could reach it. Though this Pagod stand in a bottom, yet you may discover it five or six leagues before you come at it, the building being very lofty and magnificent. The Stones are of a red colour, [Page 178] which they fetch from a Quarry, neer Agra. They cleave like our Slates, some of them being fifteen foot long, and nine or ten foot broad, yet not above six fingers thick, especially when you cleave them as you would have them for use: They also make very fair Pillars. The Fortress of Agra, the Walls of Jeba­nabat, the King's House, the two Mosquees, and several Noblemens Houses are all built of this Stone.

The Pagod is built upon a great Platform of an Octogonal Figure, pav'd with Free-stone; being adorn'd round about with the figures of all sorts of crea­tures, especially Apes. There is an ascent to it two wayes of fifteen or sixteen steps a-piece, every step being two foot broad, for two persons to go a-brest. One of the ascents leads up to the great Portal of the Pagod, the other behind up to the Chancel. The Pagod does not take up above half the Platform, the other half serving for a Piazza before it. The Structure is in the form of a Cross, like the rest of the Pagods, in the midst whereof a great Duomo, with two others of each side somewhat less, advance themselves above the rest of the building. The out-side of the building from top to bottom is adorn'd with the figures of Rams, Apes and Elephants, and several sorts of Mon­sters. From one foot below every one of these Duomo's to the Roof, at such and such spaces, are Windows, some five, some six feet high, and to every Window, belongs a Balcone, where four persons may stand. Every Bal­cone is cover'd with a little Arch, supported by four Pillars, others by eight, every two touching one another. Round about the Duomo's are Niches fill'd with the figures of Daemons. Some with four arms, some with four legs. Some with mens heads upon the bodies of Beasts, and long tails that hang down to their thighes: There are abundance of Apes; and indeed it is an ugly sight to behold so many deform'd spectacles. There is but one great door to the Pagod, upon each side whereof there are Pillars and Figures of Men and Monsters. The hinder-part is clos'd with a close Balister of Stone-Pillars five or six inches in Diameter, into which, as into a kind of Sanctum Sanctorum, none but the Bramins are permitted to enter: but for Money, I got in, and saw a square Altar some fifteen or sixten foot from the door co­ver'd with an old Tissue of Gold and Silver, upon which stood the great Idol, which they call Ram, Ram. You see nothing but his head, which is of a very black Marble, with two Rubies instead of eyes. All the body, from the shoul­ders to the feet, is cover'd with a Robe of Purple-Velvet, with some small embroidery. There are two other Idols of each side of him two foot high, ap­parrell'd in the same manner; only their faces are white, which they call Bec­chor. There I saw a Machine sixteen foot square, and between twelve and fifteen foot high; cover'd with painted Calicuts, representing the shapes of De­vils. This Machine running upon four Wheels, they told me, was a moving Altar, upon which they carri'd their great God in Procession to visit the other Gods, as also to the River, whither all the people went upon their great Festi­val.

The fourth Pagod is that of Tripeti, in the Province of Carnatica, toward the Coast of Coromandel, and Cape Comorin. I saw it as I went to Maslipatan. It is a Pagod to which there belong a great number of little lodgings for the Bramins: so that altogether it seems to be a great Town. There are several Ponds round about it; but their superstition is so great, that no Passenger dare take any water out of them, but what the Bramin gives him.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the Pilgrimages of the Idolaters to their Pagods.

ALL the Idolaters under the Dominion of the Great Mogul, and other Princes, both on this side and beyond Ganges, at least once in their lives go in Pilgrimage to one of these Pagods that I have nam'd; but most gene­rally to that of Ingrenate, as being the first and most considerable above all the rest. The Bramins and rich people go oftner. For some go every four years, some every six, or eight; and putting the Idols of their Pagods upon Pallekies cover'd with Tissues, they travel with their Bramins, as it were in procession to the Pagod which they most esteem.

They go not in Pilgrimage, one by one, or two and two, but whole Towns, and many times several Towns together. The poor that go a great way, are supply'd by the rich; who spend very freely in such acts of Charity. The rich travel in Pallekies or Chariots, the poor on foot, or upon Oxen; the Wife carrying the Child, and the man the Kitchin Implements.

The Idol which they carry in procession, by way of visit, and out of respect to the great Ram-Ram, lies at length in a rich Palleky, cover'd with Tissue of Gold and Silver, fring'd as richly; the Mattress and Bolster being of the same stuff under the head, feet, and elbows. The Bramins also distribute Fla­bels to the most considerable of the Company, the handles whereof being eight foot long, are plated with Gold and Silver. The Flabel being three foot in Dia­meter, of the same Tissue as the Pallekies; round about, it is adorn'd with Peacocks Feathers to gather more wind, and sometimes with Bells to make a kind of tingling. There are six of these Flabels usually employ'd to keep off the Flies from their God; the better sort taking it by turns, that the honour of waiting upon their God may be more equally shar'd.

CHAP. XIV.
Of divers Customs of the Indian Idolaters.

THE Bramins are well skill'd in Astrology; and will exactly foretell to the peo­ple the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. The second of July 1666, about one a Clock in the afternoon, at Patna in Bengala, there was an Eclipse of the Sun; at which time it was a prodigious thing to see the multitudes of people, men, women, and children, that ran to the River Ganges, to wash them­selves. But it behoves them to begin to wash three days before the Eclipse; all which time they labour day and night in providing all sorts of Rice Milk, Meats, and Sweatmeats, to throw to the Fish and Crocodiles, as soon as the Bramins give the word. Whatever Eclipse it be whether of the Sun or Moon, the Idolaters as soon a [...] it appears, break all their Earthen Pots and Dishes in the house, which makes a hideous noise altogether.

Every Bramin has his Magick Book, wherein are abundance of Circles and Semicircles, Squares, Triangles, and several sorts of Cifers. They also make several Figures upon the ground, and when they find that the good hour is come, they cry aloud to the people to feed the fish. Then there ensues a most horrible Din of Drums, Bells, and great noise of sounding Mettal, which they twang one against another. And as soon as the victuals are thrown into the Ri­ver, the people are to go in and wash and rub themselves till the Eclipse be o­ver. So that in regard the waters were at that time very high, for more than three Leagues above and below the City, and all the breadth of the River, there [Page 180] was nothing to be seen but the heads of the people. As for the Bramins, they stay ashore to receive the richer sort, and those that give most; to dry their bodies and to give them dry Linnen to their bellies. Afterwards they cause them to sit down in a Chair, where the most liberal of the Idolaters have pro­vided Rice, Pulfe, Milk, Butter, Sugar, Meal, and Wood. Before the Chair the Bramin makes a place very clean about five foot square; then with Cow-dung steep'd in a kind of yellow Bason, he rubs all the place, for fear any Emet should come there to be burnt. For indeed they would never make use of Wood if they could help it; and when they do, they are very careful that there be no Worms or Insects in it. In the place which they have thus cleans'd, they draw several Figures, as Triangles, Ovals, Half-Ovals, &c. Then upon every Figure they lay a little Cows-dung, with two or three small sticks of Wood, upon every one of which they lay a several sort of Grain; after that pouring Butter, and setting fire to each; by the smoak which rises, they judg of the plenty of every sort of Grain that year.

When the Moon is at the full in March, they keep a solemn Festival for their Idol, which is in form of a Serpent. This Festival continues nine dayes; and when it comes, they do nothing but make Holiday all the while, as well men as beasts, which they beautifie by making Circles about their eyes with Ver­million, with which they also colour the Horns; and if they have a particular kindness for the beast, they hang them with Leaves of Guilded Tin. Every morning they worship the Idol, and the Maids dance about it for an hour, to the noise of Fluits and Drums; after which they eat and drink and are merry till the evening, and then they worship and dance about their Idol again.

Though the Idolaters never drink any strong drink at other times, yet at this Festival they drink Palm-wine, and strong water, which is made of the same in remote Villages; for else their Mahometan Governour would not suffer them to make Wine, nor to sell any which might be brought out of Persia.

Their strong Water is thus made: They take a great Earthen pot, well glaz'd within, which they call Martavane; into one of these Vessels, that holds three hundred Paris pints, of Palma-wine, they put in fifty or sixty pound of brown Sugar unrefin'd, which looks like yellow Wax; with about twenty pound of a great thick bark of a Thorn, not much unlike that which our Leather-dressers use. This bark sets the Palma-wine a bubling and working just like our new wines, for five or six days together, till it becomes of a sweet Liquor, as sowre as our Crabs. Then they distill it, and according to the taste they would give, they either put into a Cauldron full, a little Bag of Mace, or three or four handfuls of Annise-seed. They can make it also as strong as they please.

Being at Agra in the year 1642, an Idolater, whose name was Woldas, Broa­ker to the Hollanders, about seventy years of age, receiving news that the chief Bramin at the Pagod of Matura was dead, went to the Hollander and desir'd him to even all accounts; for said he, the chief Priest being dead, it behoves me to dye, that I may serve him in the other world. Thereupon having ended his accounts, he took his Coach, with some of his Kindred; but having neither eaten nor drank from the time he receiv'd the news, he dy'd by the way; having famish'd himself for grief.

The Indian Idolaters have a custom, that when any person gives a thing, they snap their fingers, crying out, Gi-Narami, remember Narami, who was a great Saint among them, for fear the Evil Spirit, should enter into the body of him that gives.

Being at Surat in the year 1653, a Raspoute being demanded Custom for three or four pieces of Calicut, boldly ask'd the Governour, whether a Soul­dier that had serv'd the King all his life-time, ought to pay Custom for two or three pitiful pieces of Calicut, not worth four or five Roupies; telling him it was only to cloath his Wife and Children. The Governour netl'd at his sawciness, call'd him Be [...]hico, or Son of a Whore; adding, that if he were Prince he would make him pay his Customs. Whereupon the Souldier incens'd at the affront, making as if he felt for Money to pay his dues, bearing up to the Go­vernor, stab'd him in the belly, so that he dy'd immediately. But the Soul­dier was presently cut in pieces by the Governors Servants.

[Page 181] Though the Idolaters are in utter darkness as to the knowledg of the true God, however the Law of Nature teaches them Morality in many things. When they are married they are seldom false to their Wives. Adultery is very rare among them. And as for Sodomy I never heard it mention'd. They marry their Children between seven and eight years old, for fear they should fall into that vice; the Ceremonies whereof are these: The day before the Nuptials, the Bridegroom, accompany'd by all his Kindred, goes to the House where the Bride lives, with a great pair of Bracelets, two fingers thick, hollow within, and in two pieces, with a hinge in the middle to open them. According to the quality of the Bride those Bracelets are of more or less value, sometimes of Gold, sometimes of Silver, Tin, or Latten, the poorest sort of all making use of Lead. The next day there is a great Feast at the Bridegrooms House, whi­ther all the Kindred on both sides are invited, and about three a Clock in the afternoon the Bride is brought thither. Then the chief of the Bramins that are there, of which there are always several laying the head of the Bride to the Bridegrooms, pronounces several words, sprinkling their heads and bo­dies all the while with water. Then they bring him upon Plates or Fig-leaves several sorts of Meats, Calicuts, and Stuffs; and then the Bramin asks the Bridegroom, whether so long as God shall make him able, he will let his Wife share with him, and whether he will endeavour to maintain her by his labour. If he says yes, they all set themselves down to the Feast prepar'd for them, where every one eats by himself. If the Bride be rich, and be acquainted among the Nobility, their Weddings are very pompous and expensive. The Bridegroom is mounted upon an Elephant, and the Bride rides in a Chariot; the whole Company carrying Torches in their hands. They also borrow of the Governour and the Nobility of the place, as many Elephants and prancing Horses as they can get. And they walk some part of the night with Fire­works, which they throw about the Streets and Piazza's. But the greatest expence to those that live three or four hundred Leagues from it, is to get the wa­ter of Ganges; for in regard they account that water sacred, and drink it out of devotion▪ it must be brought them by the Bramins, and in Earthen Vessels, glaz'd within side, which the chief Bramin of Ingrenate fills himself with the purest Water of the River, and then seals up with his own Seal. They never drink this water till the end of the Feast, and then they give their guests three or more glasses apiece. This water coming so far, and the chief Bramin de­manding a Tribute for every pot, which contains a Pail-full, sometimes a wed­ding comes to two or three thousand Roupies.

The eighth of April, being in a City of Bengala call'd Malde, the Idolaters made a great Feast, according to the particular Custom of that place; they all go out of the City, and fasten Iron hooks to the boughs of several Trees, then come a great number of poor people and hang themselves, some by the sides, some by the brawn of their backs, upon those hooks, till the weight of their body tearing away the flesh, they fall of themselves. 'Tis a wonderful thing to see that not so much as one drop of blood should issue, from the wounded flesh, nor that any of the flesh should be left upon the hook; besides, that in two days they are perfectly cur'd by such Plaisters as their Bramins give them. There are others who at that Feast will lye upon a bed of nails, with the points upward, the nails entring a good way into the flesh; however while these peo­ple are under this Pennance, their Friends come and present them with Money and Linnen. When they have undergone their Penance, they take the presents and distribute them to the poor, without making any farther advantage of them. I ask'd one, why they made that Feast, and suffer'd those severe Pe­nances; who answer'd me, that it was in remembrance of the first man, whom they call'd Adam, as we do.

In the year 1666, I saw another sort of Penance, as I cross'd the Ganges; upon the Bank of which River they had prepar'd a clean place, where one of the poor Idolaters was condemn'd to rest upon the ground, touching it only with his hands and feet; which he was to do several times a day, and every time to kiss the earth three times before he rose up again. He was to rise up upon his left foot, never touching the ground with his right all the while. And [Page 182] every day for a month together before he either eat or drank he was oblig'd to this posture for fifty times together, and consequently to kiss the ground a hundred and fifty times. He told me that the Bramins had enjoin'd him that Penance because he had suffer'd a Cow to dye in his House, and had not lead her to the water to be wash'd before she dy'd.

When an Idolater has lost any piece of Gold or Silver, or summ of Money either by negligence, or as being stoln from him, he is oblig'd to carry as much as he lost to the great Bramin; for if he does not, and that the other should come to know of it, he is ignominiously cast out of his Tribe, to make him more careful another time.

On the other side the Ganges Northward, toward the Mountains of Naugro­cot, there are two or three Raja's, who neither believe God nor the Devil. Their Bramins have a book containing their Belief, full of ridiculous absurdi­ties, whereof the Author whose name is Baudou gives no reason. These Raja's are the Great Moguls Vassals, and pay him Tribute.

To conclude, the Malavares carefully preserve the nails of their left hands and let their hair grow like women's. These nails, which are half a finger long, serve them instead of Combs; and it is with their left hand that they do all their drudgery, never touching their faces, nor what they eat, but with their right hands.

CHAP. XV.
Of the Kingdom of Boutan whence comes the Musk, the good Rhu­barb, and some Furs.

THE Kingdom of Boutan is of a large extent; but I could never yet come to a perfect knowledg thereof. I have set down all that I could learn at Patna, whither the Merchants of Boutan come to sell their Musk. The most excellent Rhubarb comes also from the Kingdom of Boutan. From hence is brought also that Seed which is good against the worms, therefore call'd Wormseed; and good store of Furs. As for the Rhubarb, the Merchants run a great hazard which way soever they bring it; for if they take the Northern Road, toward Caboul, the wet spoils it; if the Southern Road, in regard the journey is long, if the Rains happen to fall, there is as much danger that way, so that there is no Commodity requires more care than that.

As for the Musk, during the heats the Merchant loses by it, because it dries and loses its weight. Now in regard this Commodity pays twenty-five in the hundred Custom at Gorrochepour, the last Town belonging to the Great Mogul, next to the Kingdom of Boutan, when the Indian Merchants come to that City, they go to the officer at the Custom-House, and tell him that they are going to Boutan, to buy Musk or Rhubarb, and how much they intend to lay out; all which the Officer registers, with the name of the Merchant. Then the Merchants instead of twenty-five, agree with him for seven or eight in the hundred, and take a Certificate from the Officer or Cadi, that he may not de­mand any more at their return. If the Officer refuses a handsom composition, then they go another way, over Desarts and Mountains cover'd with Snow, tedious and troublesome, till they come to Caboul, where the Caravans part, some for great Tartary, others for Belch. Here it is that the Merchants coming from Boutan barter their Commodities for Horses, Mules, and Camels; for there is little Money in that Country. Then those Tartars transport their Commo­dities into Persia, as far as Ardevile and Tauris; which is the reason that some Europeans have thought that Rhubarb and Wormseed came out of Tartary. True it is, that some Rhubarb comes from thence; but not so good as that of Boutan, being sooner corrupted; for Rhubarb will eat out its own heart. The Tartars carry back out of Persia Silks of Small value, which are made in Tauris [Page 183] and Ardevile, and some English Cloth brought by the Armenians from Constan­tinople and Smyrna. Some of the Merchants that come from Caboul and Bou­tan go to Candahar, and thence to Ispahan; whither they carry Coral in Beads, yellow Amber, and Lapis Lazuli Beads, if they can meet with it. The other Merchants that come from the Coast of Multan, Lahor, and Agra, bring only Linnons, Indigo, and store of Cornelian and Christal Beads. Those that return through Gorrochepour, and are agreed with the Officer of the Custom-House, carry from Patna and Daca, Coral, yellow Amber, Bracelets of Tortoise-shells, and other Shells, with great store of round and square thick pieces of Tor­tois. When I was at Patna, four Armenians who had been before at Boutan, return'd from Dantzick, where they had made certain Figures of yellow Am­ber, representing the shapes of several Creatures and Monsters, which they were carrying to the King of Boutan, who is an Idolater, as are all his people, to set up in his Pagods. For the Armenians for Money will sell any thing of Ido­latry; and they told me besides, that if they could but have made the Idol which the King of Boutan bespoke of them, they should have done their busi­ness. Which was to have been a Monsters head, with six horns, four ears, four arms, and six fingers upon every hand, all of yellow Amber; but they could not find pieces big enough.

The Caravan is three months travelling from Patna, to the Kingdom of Bou­tan. It sets out from Patna about the end of December, and eight days after arrives at Gorrochepour.

From Gorrochepour to the foot of the high Mountains, is eight or nine days journey more, during which the Caravan suffers very much hardship, for the Country is nothing but wild Forrests, full of wild Elephants. So that the Mer­chants, instead of taking their rests, are forc'd to watch, keep fires, and shoot off their Muskets all the night long. For the Elephant making no noise in tread­ing, would else be upon the Caravan before they were aware; not that he comes to do any mischief to the men, but to get what victuals he can find. You may travel from Patna to the foot of those Mountains in Palleki's. But gene­rally they ride upon Oxen, Camels, or Horses, bred in the Countrey. Those Horses are generally so little, that when a man is upon the back of them, his feet touch the Ground; but they will travel twenty Leagues an end, and never bait, or else with a very small one. Some of those Horses cost two hundred Crowns; for indeed when you come to cross, the Mountains, you can make use of no other sort of carriage but them in regard of the narrowness and rug­gedness of the Passes; which many times put the Horses very much to it, as strong and as low as they are.

Five or six Leagues beyond Gorrochepour you enter into the Territories of the Raja of Nupal, which extend to the Frontiers of the Kindom of Boutan. This Raja is a Tributary to the great Mogul, and pays him every year an Elephant for his Homage. He resides in the City of Nupal, from whence he derives his Title; but there is little either Trade or Money in his Country, which is all Woods and Forrests.

The Caravan being arriv'd at the foot of these Mountains which are call'd at this day by the name of Naugrocot, abundance of people come from all parts of the Mountain, the greatest part whereof are women and maids, who agree with the Merchants to carry them, their Goods and provisions cross the Mountains, which is eight days journey more.

The women carry upon each shoulder a woollen Roll, to which is fasten'd a large Cushion, that hangs down upon their backs, upon which the man sits. There are three women to carry one man, relieving one another by turns. And for their luggage and provisions, they lade them upon Goats, that will carry a hundred and fifty pound weight apiece. Those that will ride, are in many places forc'd to have their Horses hoisted up with Cords. They never seed them but morning and evening mixing a pound of meal, half a pound of brown Sugar, and half a pound of Butter together, with water sufficient. In the evening they must be contented only with a few flat Peason, bruis'd, and steep'd half an hour in water. The women that carry the men, get for their ten days travel two Roupies apiece, and as much for every▪ burthen which the Goats carry, and for every Horse which they lead.

[Page 184] After you have pass'd the Mountains, you may travel to Boutan upon Oxen, Camels, Horses, or Palleki's, which you please. The Country, is good, abound­ing in Rice, Corn, Pulse, and store of Wine. All the people both men and wo­men are clad in the Summer with a large piece of Fustian, or Hempen-Cloath; in the Winter with a thick Cloath, almost like Felt. Both men and women wear upon their heads a kinde of Bonnet, much like our drinking Cans, which they adorn with Boars teeth, and with round and square pieces of Tortois-Shells. The richer sort intermix Coral and Amber Beads, of which their women make them Neck-Laces. The men as well as the woman wear Bracelets upon their left hands only, from the wrist to the elbow. The woman wear them strait, the men lose. About their necks they wear a silken twist, at the end where­of hangs a Bead of yellow Amber or Coral, or a Boars Tooth, which dangles upon their Breasts. On their left sides, their Girdles are button'd with Beads of the same. Though they be Idolaters, yet they feed upon all sort of food, except the flesh of Cows, which they adore as the common Nurses of all men; they are besides great lovers of strong water. They observe also some Cere­monies of the Chineses, burning Amber at the end of their Feasts, though they do not worship fire like the Chineses. For which reason the Merchants of Bou­tan will give at Patna for a Serre of large pieces of yellow Amber, as big as a Nut, bright and clean, thirty-five and forty Roupies. The Serre of yellow Am­ber, Musk, Coral, Ambergrease, Rhubarb, and other Drugs, containing nine Ounces to the pound. Saltpeter, Sugar, Rice, Corn, and other Commodities, are also sold by the Serre in Bengala; but the Serre contains seventy-two of our Pounds, at sixteen Ounces to the Pound; and forty Serres make a Mein, or 2824 Pounds of Paris.

To return to yellow Amber a piece of nine ounces is worth in Boutan from 250 to 300 Roupies, according to its colour and beauty. Coral rough, or wrought into Beads, yields profit enough; but they had rather have it rough, to shape it as they please themselves.

The Women and Maids are generally the Artists among them, as to those toys. They also make Beads of Crystal and Agat. As for the Men, they make Bracelets of Tortoise-shell, and Sea-shells, and polish those little pieces of Shells which the Northern people wear in their ears, and in their hair. In Patna and Daca there are above two thousand persons that thus employ themselves, furnishing the King­doms of Boutan, Asem, Siam, and other Northern and Eastern parts of the Mo­gul's Dominions.

As for Wormseed, the Herb grows in the Fields, and must dye before the Seed can be gather'd; but the mischief is, that before the Seed is ripe, the wind scat­ters the greatest part, which makes it so scearce. When they gather the Seed, they take two little Hampers, and as they go along the Fields, they move their Hampers from the right to the left, and from the left to the right, as if they were mowing the Herb, bowing it at the top, and so all the Seed falls into the Hampers.

Rhubarb is a Root which they cut in pieces, and stringing them by ten or twelve together, hang them up a drying.

Had the Natives of Boutan as much art in killing the Martin as the Muscovite, they might vend great store of those rich Furs, considering what a number of those Beasts there are in that Countrey. No sooner does that creature peep out of his hole, but the Muscovites, who lye upon the watch, have 'em presently, either in the nose or in the eyes; for should they hit 'em in the body, the blood would quite spoyl the skin.

The King of Boutan has constantly seven or eight thousand Men for his Guard. Their Weapons are for the most part Bows and Arrows. Some of them carry Battel-axes, and Bucklers. 'Tis a long time ago since they had the first use of Muskets and Cannons: their Gun-Powder being long, but of an extraordinary force. They assur'd me that some of their Cannons had Letters and Figures up­on them, that were above five hunder'd years old. They dare not stir out of the Kingdom without the Governor's particular leave; nor dare they carry a Musket along with them, unless their next Kindred will undertake for them that they shall bring it back. Otherwise I had brought one along with me; for by the cha­racters [Page 185] upon the Barrel, it appear'd to have been made above 180 years, It was very thick, the mouth of the bore being like a Tulip, polish'd within as bright as a Looking-glass. Two thirds of the Barrel were garnish'd with emboss'd Wires, with certain Flowers of Gold and Silver inlaid between; and it carri'd a Bullet that weigh'd an ounce. But I could not prevail with the Merchant to sell it me nor to give me any of his powder.

There are always fifty Elephants kept about the King's House, and twenty-five Camels, with each a Pice of Artillery mounted upon his back, that carries half a pound Ball. Behind the Gun fits a Cannoneer that manages and levels the Guns as he pleases.

There is no King in the World more fear'd and more respected by his Subjects then the King of Boutan; being in a manner ador'd by them. When he sits to do Justice, or give Audience, all that appear in his presence hold their hands close to­gether above their forheads: and at a distance from the Throne prostrate them­selves upon the ground, not daring to lift up their heads. In this humble posture they make their Petitions to the King; and when they retire, they go backwards till they are quite out of his sight. One thing they told me for truth, that when the King has done the deeds of nature, they dilligently preserve the ordure, dry it and powder it, like sneezing-powder: and then putting it into Boxes, they go every Market-day, and present it to the chief Merchants, and rich Farmers, who recompence them for their kindness: that those people also carry it home, as a great rarity, and when they feast their Friends, strew it upon their meat. Two Boutan Merchants shew'd me their Boxes, and the Powder that was in them.

The Natives of Boutan are strong and well proportion'd; but their noses and faces are somewhat flat. Their women are said to be bigger and more vigo­rous than the men; but that they are much more troubled with swellings in the throat then the men, few escaping that disease. They know not what war is, having no enemy to fear but the Mogul. But from him they are senc'd with high, steep, craggy, and showey Mountains. Northward there are nothing but vast Forrests and Snow. East and West nothing but bitter water. And as for the Raja's near them, they are Princes of little force.

There is certainly some Silver Mine in the Kingdom of Boutan, for the King coins much Silver, in pieces that are of the value of a Roupy. The pieces are alredy describ'd. However the Boutan Merchants could not tell me where the Mine lay. And as for their Gold, that little they have is brought them from the East, by the Merchants of those Countries.

In the year 1659, the Duke of Muscovy's Embassadours pass'd through this Country to the King of China. They were three of the greatest Noblemen in Muscovy, and were at first very well receiv'd; but when they were brought to kiss the Kings hands, the custom being to prostrate themselves three times to the ground, they refus'd to do it, saying that they would complement the King after their manner, and as they approach'd their own Emperor, who was as great and as potent as the Emperor of China. Thereupon, and for that they con­tinu'd in their resolution, they were dismiss'd with their presents, not being ad­mitted to see the King. But had those Ambassadors conform'd to the custom of China, without doubt we might have had a beaten rode through Muscovy and the North part of Great Tartary, and much more Commerce and knowledge of the Country than now we have.

This mentioning the Muscovites, puts me in mind of a story that several Muscovy Merchants averr'd to be true, upon the rode between Tauris and Is­pahan, where I overtook them, of a woman of four score and two years of age, who at those years was brought to bed in one of the Cities of Muscovy of a Male Child, which was carry'd to the Duke, and by him brought up at the Court.

CHAP. XVI.
Of the Kingdom of Tipra.

MOst people have been of opinion till now, that the Kingdom of Pegu, lies upon the Frontiers of China; and I thought so my self, till the Merchants of Tipra undeceiv'd me. I met with three, one at Daca, and two others at Patna. They were men of very few words; whether it were their own particular disposition, or the General habit of the Country. They cast up their accounts with small Stones likes Agats, as big as a mans nail, upon every one of which was a Cypher. They had every one their weights, like a Stelleer; though the Beam were not of Iron, but of a certain Wood as hard as Brazile; nor was the Ring that holds the weight, and is put thorough the Beam to mark the weight, of Iron, but a strong Silk Rope. And thus they weigh'd from a Dram to ten of our Pounds. If all the Natives of the King­dom of Tipra, were like the two Merchants which I met at Patna, I dare af­firm them to be notable topers; for they never refus'd whatever strong Li­quor I gave them, and never left till all was out; and when I told them by my Interpreter that all my Wine was gone, they clapt their hands upon their stomachs and sigh'd. These Merchants travell'd all three through the King­dom of Arakan, which lies to the South and West of Tipra, having some part of Pegu upon the Winter west. They told me also, that it was about fifteen days journey to cross through their Country; from whence there is no cer­tain conjecture of the extent to be made, by reason of the inequality of the stages. They ride upon Oxen and Horses, which are low, but very hardy. As for the King and the Nobility, they ride in their Pallekies, or upon their Ele­phants of War. They are no less subject to Wens under their throats, than those of Boutan; insomuch that the women have those Wens hanging down to their Nipples; which proceeds from the badness of the waters.

There is nothing in Tipra which is fit for strangers. There is a Mine of Gold, but the Gold is very course. And there is a sort of very course Silk, which is all the Revenue the King has. He exacts no Subsidies from his Subjects; but only that they, who are not of the prime Nobility, should work six days in a year in his Mine, or in his Silk-works. He sends his Gold and his Silk into China, for which they bring him back Silver, which he coins into pieces to the value of ten Sous. He also makes thin pieces of Gold, like to the Aspers of Turky; of which he two sorts, four of the one sort making a Crown, and twelve of the other.

CHAP. XVII.
Of the Kingdom of Asem.

IT was never known what the Kingdom of Asem was, till Mirgimola had setl'd Aureng-zeb in the Empire. For he considering that he should be no longer valu'd at Court, after the War was at an end, being then General of Au­reng-zeb's Army and powerful in the Kingdom where he had great store of Creatures, to preserve the Authority he had, resolv'd to undertake the Con­quest of the Kingdom of Asem; where he knew he should find little or no re­sistance, that Kingdom having been at peace above 500 years before. 'Tis thought these were the people that formerly invented Guns and Powder; which spread it self from Asem to Pegu, and from Pegu to China, from whence the inventi­on has been attributed to the Chineses. However certain it is, that Mirgimola brought from thence several pieces of Canon, which were all Iron Guns, and store of excellent Powder, both made in that Country. The Powder is round and small, like ours, and very strong.

Mirgimola embark'd his Army in one of the mouths of Ganges, and sailing up one of the Rivers that comes from the Lake Chiamay, to the twenty-ninth or thirtieth Degree, he landed his Army, and came into a Country abounding in all humane necessaries, still finding the less resistance because the people were surpriz'd. Being a Mahumetan, he spar'd not the very Pagods, but burn'd and sack'd all where-ever he came to the thirty-fifth Degree. There he under­stood that the King of Asem was in the field with a more powerfull Army than he expected, and that he had several pieces of Canon, and great store of fire-works withall. Thereupon Mirgimola thought it not convenient to march any farther; though the chief reason of his return was the drawing on of Winter; which the Indians are so sensible of, that it is impossible to make them stir beyond the thirti'th or thirty-fifth Degree, especially to hazard their lives.

Mirgimola therefore turns to the South-west, and besieges a City call'd Azoo, which he took in a small time, and found good plunder therein. In this City of Azoo, are the Tombs of the Kings of Asem, and of all the Royal Family. For though they are Idolaters, they never burn their dead bodies, but bury them. They believe that the dead go into another world, where they that have liv'd well in this, have plenty of all things; but that they who have been ill livers, suffer the want of all things, being in a more especial manner afflicted with hunger and drowth; and that therefore it is good, to bury something with them to serve them in their necessities. This was the reason that Mirgimola found so much wealth in the City of Azoo. For many ages, together, several King had built them Chappels in the great Pagod to be buried in, and in their life times had stor'd up in the Vaults of their particular Chappels, great sums of Gold and Silver, and other moveables of value. Besides, that when they bury the deceas'd King, they bury with him likewise whatever he esteem'd most precious in his life-time, whether it were an Idol of Gold or Silver, or what­ever else, that being needful in this, might be necessary for him in the world to come. But that which savours most of Barbarism is, that when he dies, all his best beloved Wives, and the principal Officers of his House poyson them­selves, to be buri'd with him, and to wait upon him in the other world. Be­sides this, they bury one Elephant, twelve Camels, six Horses, and a good num­ber of Hounds, believing that all those Creatures rise again to serve their King.

The Kingdom of Asem is one of the best Countries of all Asia, for it pro­duces all things necessary for humane subsistence, without any need of foreign supply. There are in it Mines of Gold, Silver, Steel, Lead, Iron, and great store of Silk, but coarse. There is a sort of Silk that is found under the Trees, which is spun by a Creature like to our Silk-worms, but rounder, [Page 188] and which lives all the year long under the trees. The Silks which are made of this Silk glist'n very much, but they fret presently. The Country produces also great store of Gum-Lake; of which there is two sorts, one grows under the trees of a red colour, wherewith they paint their Linnen, and Stuffs; and when they have drawn out the red juice, the remaining substance serves to var­nish Cabinets, and to make Wax; being the best Lake in Asia, for those uses. As for their Gold they never suffer it to be transported out of the Kingdom, nor do they make any Money of it; but they preserve it all in Ingots, which pass in trade among the Inhabitants; but as for the Silver, the King coins it into Money, as is already describ'd.

Though the Country be very plentiful of all things, yet there is no flesh which they esteem so much as Dogs flesh; which is the greatest delicacy at all Feasts; and is sold every month in every City of the Kingdom upon their Market-days. There are also great store of Vines, and very good Grapes, but they never make any Wine; only they dry the Grapes to make Aqua Vitae. As for salt they have none but what is artificial, which they make two wayes. First they raise great heaps of that green Stuff that Swims at the tops of standing waters, which the Ducks and Frogs eat, This they dry and burn; and the ashes thereof being boil'd in a Cloth in water, become very good Salt. The other way most in use is to take the leaves of Adams Fig-tree, which they dry and burn; the ashes whereof make a Salt so tart, that it is impossible to eat until the tartness be tak'n away; which they do by putting the ashes in water, where they stir them ten or twelve hours together; then they strain the substance through a Linnen Cloth and boil it; as the water boils away, the bottom thick'ns; and when the water is all boil'd away they find at the bottom very good and white Salt.

Of the Ashes of these Fig-leaves they make a Lye, wherewith they wash their Silk, which makes it as white as Snow; but they have not enough to whiten half the Silk that grows in the Country.

Kenneroof is the name of the City, where the King of Asem keeps his Court; twenty-five or thirty days journey from that which was formerly the Capital City, and bore the same name. The King requires no Subsidies of his peo­ple; but all the Mines in his Kingdom are his own; where for the ease of his Subjects, he has none but slaves that work; so that all the Natives of Asem live at their ease, and every one has his house by himself, and in the middle of his ground a fountain encompass'd with trees and most commonly every one an Elephant to carry their Wives; for they have four Wives, and when they marry, they say to one, I take the to serve me in such a thing; to the other, I appoint the to do such business; so that every one of the wives knows what she has to do in the House. The men and women are generally well complexi­on'd; only those that live more Southerly are more swarthy, and not so sub­ject to Wens in their throats; neither are they so well featur'd, besides that the women are somewhat flat Nos'd. In the Southern parts the people go stark naked, only covering their private parts, with a Bonnet like a blew Cap upon their heads, hung about with Swines teeth. They pierce holes in their ears, that you may thrust your Thumb in where they hang pieces of Gold and Silver. Bracelets also of Tortoise-shells, and Sea-shells as long as an egg, which they saw into Circles, are in great esteem among the meaner sort; as Bracelets of Coral and yellow Amber among those that are rich. When they bury a man, all his Friends and Relations must come to the burial; and when they lay the body in the ground, they all take off their Bracelets from their Arms and Legs, and bury them with the Corps.

CHAP. XVIII.
Of the Kingdom of Siam.

THE greatest part of the Kingdom of Siam lies between the Golf of Siam, and the Golf of Bengala; bordering upon Pegu toward the North, and the Peninsula of Malacca toward the South. The shortest and nearest way for the Europaeans to go to this Kingdom, is to go to Ispahan, from Ispahan, to Ormus, from Ormus to Surat, from Surat to Golconda, from Golconda to Maslipatan, there to embark for Denouserin, which is one of the Ports belonging to the King­dom of Siam. From Denouserin to the Capital City, which is also call'd Siam, is thirty-five days journey, part by Water, part by Land, by Waggon, or upon Elephants. The way, whether by Land or Water, is very troublesome; for by Land you must be always upon your guard for fear of Tigers and Lions; by Water, by reason of the many falls of the River, they are forc'd to hoise up their Boats with Engines.

All the Country of Siam, is very plentiful in Rice and Fruits; the chiefest whereof are Mangos, Durions, and Mangustans. The Forests are full of Harts, Elephants, Tigers, Rhinocero's, and Apes; where there grow also large Bambou's in great abundance. Under the knots of these Bambou's are Emets nests as big as a mans head, where every Emet has his apartment by himself; but there is but one hole to enter into the nest. They make their nests in these Canes to preserve themselves from the rains which continue four or five months together.

In the night time the Serpents are very busie. There are some two foot long, with two heads; but one of them has no motion.

There is also another creature in Siam, like our Salamander, with a forked tail, and very venomous.

The Rivers in this Kingdom are very large; and that which runs by Siam is equally as large as the rest. The water is very wholesome; but it is very full of Crocodiles of a monstrous bigness, that devour men if they be not very care­ful of themselves. These Rivers overflow their banks while the Sun is in the Southern Tropick; which makes the fields to be very fertil as far as they flow; and it is observ'd, that the Rice grows higher or lower, as the floods do more or less increase.

Siam, the Capital City of the Kingdom, where the King keeps his Court, is wall'd about, being about three of our Leagues in circuit; it is situated in an Island, the River running quite round it, and might be easily brought into eve­ry street in the Town, if the King would but lay out as much Money upno that design, as he spends in Temples and Idols.

The Siamers have thirty-three Letters in their Alphabet. But they write from the left to the right, as we do, contrary to the custom of Japon, China, Cochinchina, and Tunquin, who write from the right to the left.

All the Natives of this Kingdom are slaves, either to the King or the great Lords. The women as well as the men cut their hair; neither are they very rich in their habits. Among their Complements, the chiefest is, never to go before a person that they respect, unless they first ask leave, which they do by holding up both their hands. Those that are rich have several Wives.

The Money of the Country is already describ'd.

The King of Siam is one of the richest Monarchs in the East, and stiles him­self King of Heaven and Earth; though he be Tributary to the King of China. He seldom shews himself to his Subjects; and never gives Audience, but to the Principal Favourites of his Court. He trusts to his Ministers of State, for the management of his affairs, who sometimes make very bad use of their authority. He never shews himself in publick above twice a year; but then it is with an extraordinary magnificence. The first is, when he goes to a cer­tain Pagod within the City, which is guilded round both within and without. There are three Idols between six and seven foot high, which are all of massie. [Page 190] Gold; which he believes he renders propitious to him, by the great store of Alms that he distributes among the poor, and the presents which he makes to the Priests. Then he goes attended by all his Court, and puts to open view the richest Ornaments he has. One part of his magnificence consists in his train of two hundred Elephants; among which there is one that is white, which the King so highly esteems, that he stiles himself King of the White Elephant.

The second time the King appears in publick, is when he goes to another Pagod five or six Leagues above the Town, up the River. But no person must enter into this Pagod, unless it be the King and his Priests. As for the people, so soon as they see the Door op'n, they must presently fall upon their Faces to the Earth. Then the King appears upon the River with two hundred Gallies of a prodigious length; four hundred Rowers belonging to every one of the Gallies; most of them being guilded and carv'd very richly. Now in regard this second appearance of the King is in the month of No­vember, when the waters begin to abate, the Priests make the people believe that none but the King can stop the course of the waters, by his Prayers and by his Offerings to this Pagod. and they are so vain as to think that the King cuts the waters with his Sabra, or Skain; thereby commanding it to retire back into the Sea.

The King also goes, but incognito, to a Pagod in an Island where the Hol­landers have a Factory. There is at the entry thereof an Idol sitting cross­leg'd with one hand upon his knee, and the other arm akimbo. It is above sixty foot high; and round about this Idol are about three hundred others, of several▪sorts and sizes. All these Idols are guilt. And indeed there are a prodigious number of Pagods in this Country; for every rich Siomer causes one to be built in memory of himself. Those Pagods have Steeples and Bells, and the Walls within are painted and guilded; but the Windows are so nar­row that they give but a very dim light. The two Pagods to which the King goes publickly, are adorn'd with several tall Pyramids, well guilded. And to that in the Hollanders Island there belongs a Cloyster, which is a very neat Structure. In the middle of the Pagod is a fair Chappel, all guild­ed within side; where they find a Lamp, and three Wax Candles continually burning before the Altar, which is all over cover'd with Idols, some of Massie Gold, others of Copper guilt. In the Pagod in the midst of the Town, and in one of those to which the King goes once a year, there are above four thousand Idols; and for that which is six Leagues from Siam, it is surround­ded with Pyramids, whose beauty makes the industry of that Nation to be admir'd.

When the King appears, all the Doors and Windows of the Houses must be shut; and all the people prostrate themselves upon the ground, not da­ring to lift up their eyes. And because no person is to be in a higher place than the King, they that are within doors, are bound to keep their lowest Rooms. When he cuts his hair, one of his Wives performs that office, for he will not suffer a Barber to come near him.

This Prince has a Passionate kindness for his Elephants; which he looks upon as his Favourites, and the Ornaments of his Kingdom. If there be any of them that fall sick, the Lords of the Court are mighty careful to please their Soveraign; and if they happ'n to dye, they are buried with the same Funeral Pomp as the Nobles of the Kingdom; which are thus perform'd: They set up a kind of Mausoleum, or Tomb of Reeds, cover'd with Paper; in the midst whereof they lay as much sweet wood as the body weighs, and after the Priests have [...]umbl'd certain Orsons, they set it a-fire, and burn it to ashes; which the rich preserve in Gold or Silver Urns▪ but the poor scatter in the wind. As for offenders, they never burn, but bury them.

'Tis thought that in this Kingdom there are above two hundred Priests, which they call Bonzes▪ which are highly reverenc'd as well at Court as among the people. The King himself has such a value for some of them, as to hum­ble himself before them. This extraordinary respect makes them so proud, that some of them have aspir'd to the Throne. But when the King discovers [Page 191] any such design, he puts them to death. And one of them had his head lately struck off for his Ambition.

These Bonzes wear yellow, with a little red Cloth about their Wasts; like a Girdle. Outwardly they are very modest, and are never seen to be angry. About four in the morning, upon the tolling of their Bells, they rise to their prayers, which they repeat again toward evening. There are some days in the year when they retire from all converse, with men. Some of them live by Alms; others have Houses with good Revenues. While they wear the Ha­bit of Bonzes, they must not marry; for if they do, they must lay their Ha­bit aside. They are generally very ignorant, not knowing what they believe. Yet they hold the transmigration of Souls into several Bodies. They are for­bid to kill any Creature; yet they will make no scruple to eat what others kill, or that which dies of it self. They say that the God of the Christians and theirs were Brothers; but that theirs was the eldest. If you ask them where their God is, they say, he vanish'd away, and they know not where he is.

The chief strength of the Kingdom is their Infantry, which is indifferent good; the Soldiers are us'd to hardship, going all quite naked, except their private parts; all the rest of their body, looking as if it had been cupt, is carv'd into several shapes of beasts and flowers. When they have cut their skins, and stanch'd the blood, they rub the cut-work with such colours as they think most proper. So that afar off you would think they were clad in some kind of flower'd Satin or other; for the colours never rub out. Their Weapons are Bows and Arrows, Pike and Musket▪ and an Azagaya, or Staff between five and six foot long, with a long Iron Spike at the end, which they very dextrously dart at the Enemy.

In the year 1665, there was at Siam a Neapolitan Jesuite who was call'd Father Thomas; he caus'd the Town and the Kings Palace to be fortifi'd with very good Bulwarks, according to Art; for which reason the King gave him leave to live in the City, where he has a House and a little Church.

CHAP. XIX.
Of the Kingdom of Macassar; and the Embassadors which the Hollanders sent into China.

THE Kingdom of Macassar, otherwise call'd the Isle of Celebes, begins at the fifteenth Degree of Southern Latitude. The heats are excessive all the day; but the nights are temperate enough. And for the Soil, it is very fertile; but the people have not the art of building. The Capital City bears the name of the Kingdom, and is situated upon the Sea. The Port is free; for the Vessels that bring great quantities of goods from the Adjacent Islands, pay no Customs. The Islanders have a custom to poyson their Arrows; and the most dangerous poyson which they use, is the juice of certain Trees in the Island of Borneo; which they will temper so as to work swift or slow, as they please. They hold that the King has only the secret Receit to take away the force of it; who boasts that he has the most effectual poyson in the world, which there is no remedy can prevent.

One day an English man in heat of blood had kill'd one of the Kings of Macassars Subjects; and though the King had pardon'd him, yet both English, Hollanders, and Portugals fearing if the English man should go unpunish'd, lest the Islanders should revenge themselves upon some of them, besought the King to put him to death; which with much ado being consented to, the King un­willing to put him to a lingring death, and desirous to shew the effect of his poyson, resolv'd to shoot the Criminal himself; whereupon he took a long Trunk, and shot him exactly into the great Toe of the right foot, the place particularly aim'd at. Two Chirurgeons, one an English man, and the other a Hollander, [Page 192] provided on purpose, immediately cut off the member; but for all that, the poyson had dispers'd it self so speedily, that the English man dy'd at the same time. All the Kings and Princes of the East are very diligent in their enquiry after strong Poysons. And I remember that the chief of the Dutch Factory and I try'd several poyson'd Arrows, with which the King of Achen had presented him, by shooting at Squirrels, who fell down dead, as soon as ever they were touch'd.

The King of Macassar is a Mahometan, and will not suffer his Subjects to embrace Christianity. Yet in the year 1656, the Christians found a way to get leave to build a fair Church in Macassar. But the next year the King caus'd it to be pull'd down, as also that of the Dominican Friars, which the Portugals made use of. The Parish Church, which was under the Government of the secular Priests, stood still, till the Hollanders attack'd Macassar, and compell'd him to turn all the Portugals out of his Dominions. The ill conduct of that Prince was in part the occasion of that war: to which the Hollanders were mov'd, to revenge themselves upon the Portugal Jesuits, who had cross'd their Em­bassy to China. Besides, that they offer'd great affronts to the Hollanders at Macassar, especially when they trod under foot the Hat of one of the Dutch Envoys, who was sent to treat with the King in behalf of the Company. There­upon the Hollanders resolv'd to unite their forces with the Bouquifes, that were in rebellion against their Soveraign, and to revenge themselves at any rate.

Now as to the business of China, it happen'd thus: Toward the end of the year 1658, the General of Baravia and his Council, sent one of the chief of the Holland Company, with Presents in the King of China; who arriving at Court, labour'd to gain the friendship of the Mandarins, who are the Nobility of the Kingdom. But the Jesuits, who by reason of their long abode in the Country, understood the language, and were acquainted with the Lords of the Court, lest the Holland Company should get footing to the prejudice of the Portugals, represented several things to the Kings Council to the prejudice of the Hollanders; more especially charging them with breach of Faith in all the places where they came. Upon this the Holland Agent was dismiss'd, and departed out of China, without doing any feats. Afterwards coming to under­stand what a trick the Portugal Jesuits had put upon him, he made report thereof to the General and his Council at Batavia; which so incens'd them, that they resolv'd to be reveng'd. For by the Deputies accounts, the Em­bassy had cost them above fifty thousand Crowns; for which they consulted how to make the Portugals pay double. Understanding therefore the trade which the Jesuits drove in the Island of Macao, and to the Kingdom of Ma­cassar, whither upon their own account they sent seven Vessels, laden with all sorts of Commodities, as well of India as China; they took their opportunity, and the seventh of June 1660, appear'd with a Fleet of thirty Sail before the Port of Macassar. The King thinking himself oblig'd to make defence against so Potent an Enemy, endeavour'd to sustain the brunt of the Hollander with the Portugal Ships in the Road; but the Hollander dividing their Fleet, part of them fought the Portugal, the other half batter'd the Royal Fortress so [...]uriously, that they carry'd it in a short time. Which so terrifi'd the King that he commanded the Portugals not to fire any more for fear of farther pro­voking his Enemies. The Prince Patinsaloa, was slain in the fight, which was a great loss to the King of Macassar, who was become formidable to his neigh­bours by the good Conduct of that Minister. As for the Hollanders, they took, burnt, and sunk all the Portugal Vessels, and sufficiently re-imburs'd themselves for their China Expences.

The thirteenth of June the King of Macassar, whose name was Sumbaco, hung out a white Flag from another Tower, whence he beheld the fight en­viron'd by his Wives. During the truce, he sent one of the Grandees of his Court to the Dutch Admiral, to desire peace, which was granted, upon con­dition he should send an Embassador to Batavia, expel the Portugals out of the Island, and not permit his Subjects to have any more to do with them.

Thereupon the King of Macassar, sent eleven of the greatest Lords of his Court, with a train of seven hundred men; the Chief of the Embassy being [Page 193] the Prince of Patinsaloa. The first thing they did, was to pay two hundred Loaves of Gold to redeem the Royal Fortress again; and then submitting to the Con­ditions which the Dutch Admiral had propos'd, the General of Batavia sign'd the Articles, which are punctually observ'd. For the Portugals had in all quitted the Country, some departing for Siam and Camboya, others for Macoa and Goa. Macoa, formerly one of the most famous and richest Cities of the Orient, was the principal motive that enclin'd the Hollanders to send an Em­bassadour into China; for being the best station which the Portugals had in all those parts, the Dutch had a design to win it wholly. Now, this City, lying in twenty-two Degrees of Northern Latitude, in a small Island next to the Province of Kanton, which is a part of China, has very much lost its former luster.

But this was not all which the Jesuits and the Portugal Merchants suffer'd. The Chief of the Dutch Factory at Mingrela, which is but eight Leagues from this City, understanding the bad success of the Dutch in China, had a contri­vance by himself to be reveng'd. He knew that the Jesuites of Goa and other places, drove a great trade in rough Diamonds, which they sent into Europe, or else carry'd along with them when they return'd; and that for the more private carrying on of their trade, they were wont to send one or two of their Order, that knew the language, in the habit of a Faquir, which consists of a Tygers Skin to cover their back-parts, and a Goats Skin to cover the breast, reaching down to the knees. Thereupon the Chief of the Factory of Mingrela taking his opportunity, and having notice that two of the suppos'd Faquirs were gone to the Mines, to lay out 400000 Pardo's in Diamonds, gave order to two men, which he had fee'd for the purpose, that as soon as the Fathers had made their purchase, he should give notice to the Officer of the Custom-House at Bicholi.

Bicholi is a great Town upon the Frontiers of those Lands that part the Kingdom of Visapour from the Territories of the Portugals; there being no other way to pass the River, which encompasses the Island where the City of Goa is built.

The Fathers believing that the Customer knew nothing of their purchase, went into the Boat to go over the River; but as soon as they were in, they were strictly search'd, and all their Diamonds confiscated.

To return to the King of Macassar; you must know, that the Jesuits once endeavour'd to convert him; and perhaps they might have brought it to pass, had they not neglected one proposal which he made them. For at the same time that the Jesuits labour'd to bring him to Christianity, the Mahumetans us'd all their endeavours to oblige him to stick to their Law. The King willing to leave his Idolatry, yet not knowing which part to take, commanded the Mahumetans to send for two or three of their most able Moulla's, or Doctors from Mecca; and the Jesuits he order'd to send him as many of the most learn'd among them, that he might be instructed in both Religions; which they both promis'd to do. But the Mahometans were more diligent than the Christians, for in eight months they fetch'd from Mecca two learned Moulla's; whereupon the King seeing that the Jesuits sent no body to him, embrac'd the Mahumetan Law. True it is, that three years after there came two Portugal Jesuits, but then it was too late.

The King of Macassar being thus become a Mahumetan, the Prince his Bro­ther was so mad at it, that when the Mosquee, which the King had caus'd to be built, was finish'd, he got into it one night, and causing the throats of two Pigs to be cut, he all besmear'd the Walls of the new Mosquee, and the place which was appointed for the Moulla to perform Divine Service with the blood; so that the King was forc'd to pull down that, and build Another. After which the Prince with some Idolatrous Lords stole out of the Island, and never since appear'd at Court.

CHAP. XX.
The Author pursues his Travels into the East, and embarks at Min­grela for Batavia. The danger he was in upon the Sea; and his arrival in the Island of Ceylan.

I Departed from Mingrela, a great Town in the Kingdom of Visapour, eight Leagues from Goa, the fourteenth of April, 1648, and embark'd in a Dutch Vessel bound for Batavia. The Ship had orders to touch at Bokanour, to take in Rice. Whereupon I went ashore with the Captain, to obtain leave of the King to buy Rice. We found him upon the shore, where he had about a do­zen Huts set up, which were cover'd with Palm-leaves. In his own Hut there was a piece of Persian Tapestry spread under him, and there we saw five or six women, some fanning him with Peacocks Feathers, others giving him Be [...]lè, others filling him his Pipe of Tobacco. The most considerable persons of the Country were in the other Huts; and we counted about two hundred men that were upon the Guard, arm'd only with Bows and Arrows. They had also two Elephants among 'em. 'Tis very probable, that his Palace was not far off, and that he only came thither to take the fresh air. There we were pre­sented with Tari or Palm-wine; but being new, and not boil'd, it caus'd the head-ach in all that drank it, insomuch that we were two days before we could recover it. I ask'd the reason, how the Wine came to do us so much prejudice; to which they answer'd me, that it was the Planting of Pepper about the Palm­trees, that gave such a strength to the Wine.

We were no sooner got aboard, but a mighty tempest arose, wherein the Ship, men, and goods had all like to have been cast away, being near the shore; but at length, the wind changing, we found our selves by break of day three or four Leagues at Sea, having lost all our Anchors; and at length came safe to Port in the Haven of Ponte de Galle, the twelfth of May.

I found nothing remarkable in that City; there being nothing but the ruins made by the underminings and Cannon-shot, when the Hollanders besieg'd it, and chas'd the Portugals from thence. The Company allow'd ground to build upon, to them that would inhabit there, and land to till; and had then rais'd two Bulwarks which commanded the Port. If they have finish'd the design which they undertook, the place cannot but be very considerable.

The Hollanders, before they took all the places which the Portugals had in the Island of Ceylan, did believe that the trade of this Island would have brought them in vasts sums, could they but be sole Masters of it; and perhaps their Conjectures might have been true, had they not broken their words with the King of Candy, who is the King of the Country; but breaking faith with him, they lost themselves in all other places thereabouts.

The Hollanders had made an agreement with the King of Candy, that he should be always ready with twenty thousand men, to keep the passages that hinder the Portugals from bringing any succours from Colombo, Negombe, Ma­nar, or any other places which they possessed upon the Coast. In con­sideration whereof the Hollanders, when they had taken Ponte Galle, were to restore it to the King of Candy; which they not performing, the King sent to know why they did not give him possession of the Town; to which they return'd answer, that they were ready to do it, provided he would defray the expences of the war. But they knew, that if he had had three Kingdoms more, such as his own, he could never have pay'd so great a sum. I must confess indeed the Country is very poor, for I do not believe that the King ever saw fifty thou­sand Crowns together in his life; his Trade being all in Cinnamon and Elephants. As for his Cinnamon, he has no profit of it since the Portugals coming into the East Indies. And for his Elephants, he makes but little of them; for they take not above five or six in a year; but they are more esteem'd than any other Country Elephants, as being the most couragious in war. One thing I [Page 195] will tell you hardly to be believ'd, but that which is a certain truth, which is, that when any other King or Raja has one of these Elephants of Ceylan, if they bring him among any other breed in any other place whatsoever, so soon as the other Elephants behold the Ceylan Elephants, by an instinct of na­ture they do him reverence, laying their trunks upon the Ground, and raising them up again.

The King of Achen, with whom the Hollanders also broke their word, had more opportunity to be reveng'd upon them then the King of Candy. For he deni'd them the transportation of Pepper out of his Country, without which their trade was worth little. His Pepper being that which is most coveted by the East. So that they were forc'd to make a composition with him. The King of Achens Embassadour coming to Batavia, was strangely surpriz'd to see wo­men sitting at the Table; but much more, when after a health drank to the Queen of Achen, the General of Batavia commanded his Wife to go and kiss the Embassadour. Nor was the King behind hand with the Dutch Embassadour another way; whom the King beholding in a languishing distemper, ask'd him whether he had never any familiarity with any of the Natives. Yes, replied the Embassadour; however I left her to marry in my own Country. Upon that the King commanded three of his Physicians to cure him in fifteen days, upon the forfeiture of their lives. Thereupon they gave him a certain potion every morning, and a little Pill at night; and at the end of nine days he took a great Vomit. Every body thought he would have dy'd with the working of it; but at length brought up a stopple of course hair, as big as a nut; after which he presently recover'd. At his departure the King gave him a Flint about the bigness of a Goose Egg, with veins of Gold in it, like the veins of a mans hand, as the Gold grows in that Country.

CHAP. XXI.
The Authors departure from Ceylan, and his arrival at Batavia.

THE twenty-fifth of May we set sail from Ponte Galle. The second of June we pass'd the Line. The sixth we saw the Island call'd Nazaco's. The seventeenth we discover'd the Coast of Sumatra, the eighteenth the Island of Ingamina, and the nineteenth the Island of Fortune. The twentieth we were in ken of certain little Islands, and the Coast of Java; among which Islands there are three call'd the Islands of the Prince. The one and twentieth we dis­cover'd Bantam, and the two and twentieth we anchor'd in the Road of Ba­tavia.

There are two Councils in Batavia, the Council of the Fort, where the Ge­neral presides, and where all the affairs of the Company are manag'd. The other which is held in a House in the City, and relates to the Civil Government, and decides the petty differences among the Citizens.

All the kindness I had shew'n me here, was to be prosecuted by the City Council, for being suspected to have bought a parcel of Diamonds for Moun­sieur Constant, my very good Friend, and President of the Dutch Factory at Gomron; but when they could make nothing of it, they ceas'd their suit, a­sham'd of what they had done.

CHAP. XXII.
The Author goes to visit the King of Bantam, and relates several Adventures upon that occasion.

BEing so ill treated in Batavia, I resolv'd to visit the King of Bantam; to which purpose I took my own Brother along with me, because he spoke the Language call'd Malaye; which in the East is as universal as Latin among us. Being arriv'd at Bantam in a small Bark, which we hir'd for our selves; we went first and visited the English President, who kindly entertain'd and lodg'd us.

The next day I sent my Brother to the Palace, to know when it would be seasonable for me to come and kiss the King's Hand. When the King saw him (for he was well known to him) he would not suffer him to return, but sent others to fetch me, and to tell me withall, that if I had any rare Jewels, I should do him a kindness to bring them along with me.

When I saw my Brother return'd not with the persons which the King sent, I was almost in the mind not to have gone; remembring how the King of A­chen had serv'd the Sieur Renaud. For the French having set up an East India Company, sent away four Vessels, three great ones, and one of eight Guns, for the service of the Country. Their Voyage was the shortest that ever was heard of; arriving at Bantam in less than four months. The King also cour­teously receiv'd them, and let them have as much Pepper as they desir'd, and cheaper by twenty in the hundred then he sold it to the Hollanders. But the French not coming only for Pepper, sent away their small Ship with the greatest part of their Money to Macassar, to try the Market for Cloves, Nut­megs, and Mace.

The French being so soon dispatch'd at Bantam, had not patience to stay till the return of the small Vessel which they had sent to Macassar; but to pass the time, must needs run over to Batavia, being not above fourteen Leagues off; so that you may be at Batavia from Bantam in a tide with a good wind. When they came to an Anchor, the General of the French Fleet sent to Complement the General of Batavia, who fail'd not to answer his ci­vility, and invited the Admiral ashore. Moreover he sent to those that stay'd aboard, great store of excellent chear, and a good quantity of Spanish and Rh [...]ish Wine, with particular order to them that carry'd it, to make the French drunk. His order was so well follow'd, that 'twas easie to set the Ships on fire, according to the private instructions which they had. So soon as the flame was discover'd from the Generals window, which overlook'd all the Road, there was a wonderful pretended astonishment among the Dutch. But the French Ad­miral too truly conjecturing the ground and Authors of the treachery, behold­ing the company with an undaunted courage; Come, come, cry'd he, lets drink on; they that set the Ships a-fire shall pay for 'em. However the French Ships were all burnt, though the men were all sav'd in Boats which were forth­with sent to their relief. After that, the General of Batavia made them great offers, which they refus'd, and return'd to Batavia, in expectation of their small Vessel. When it return'd, they could find out no better way then to sell Ship and goods, and all to the English, and to [...]are the Money among themselves, every one according to their condition.

But the trick which they put upon the English was far more bloody. The English were the first that found out the danger of sailing from Surat, Masli­patan, or any other distant parts, to Japon without touching by the way. Whereupon they thought it convenient to build a Fort in the Island of For­mosa, which not only sav'd the loss of several Vessels, but also brought them in great gain. The Hollanders mad that the English were possess'd of such an advantageous scituation, being the only place in all the Island where Vessels could [...] in safety; and finding they could not carry it by force, bethought [Page 197] themselves of a Stratagem; to which purpose they sent away two Ships, where­in they stor'd the best of their Souldiers, who pretending they had been in a storm in Sea, put into the Harbour of Formosa, with some of their Masts by the board, their Sails scatter'd, and their Seamen seemingly sick. The English compassionating their miseries, which was only in outward appearance, invited the chief of them to come ashore to refresh themselves; which they were very ready to do, carrying as many men with them as possibly they could under pretence of sickness. While the chief of them were at Dinner with the chief of the English, they all ply'd their Cups; and when the Dutch saw the English had drunk hard enough, taking their opportunity, they pickt a quar­rel with the Commander of the Fort, and drawing their Swords, which they had hidden under their Coats for that purpose, they easily surpriz'd and cut all the throats of the Soldiers in the Garrison; and being thus Masters of the Fort, they kept it from that time till they were routed out by the Chineses.

Now for the trick that the King of Achen serv'd the Sieur Renaud; he ha­ving got a good Estate by Jewels, arriv'd at length at Achen, and as it is the custom for the Merchants to shew the King what Jewels they have, the King had no sooner cast his eye upon four Rings which the Sieur Renaud shew'd him, but he bid him fifteen thousand Crowns for them; but Renaud would not bate of eighteen thousand. Now because they could not agree, the Sieur Renaud carry'd them away with him, which very much displeas'd the King; however he sent for him the next day. Whereupon Renaud returning to him, the King paid him his eighteen thousand Crowns; but he was never seen after that, and it is thought he was secretly murther'd in the Palace.

This story came to my remembrance, when I found my Brother did not come along with those that were sent to fetch me,▪ However I resolv'd to go, taking with me 12 or 13000 Roupies worth of Jewels; the greatest part be­ing in Rose Diamond Rings, some consisting of seven, some of nine, and some of eleven Stones; with some small Bracelets of Diamonds and Rubies. I found the King with three of his Captains and my Brother sitting together, after the manner of the East, with five great Plates of Rice before them of divers colours. For their drink they had Spanish Wine, strong waters, and several sorts of Sherbets. Af­ter I had complemented the King, and presented him with a Diamond Ring, a blew Saphir Ring, and a little Bracelet of Diamonds, Rubies,, and blew Sa­phirs, he commanded me to sit down, and order'd me a glass of strong Wa­ter to whet my appetite. The glass held a quarter of a pint, and therefore I refus'd it, which the King very much wonder'd at; but being told by my Bro­ther, that I never drank any strong Water, he order'd me presently a glass of Sack.

After that he rose up, and seated himself in a Chair, the Elbows whereof were gilded. His feet and legs were bare, having a Persian Carpet of Gold and Silk to tread upon. He was clad with a piece of Calicut, part whereof cover'd his body from his waste to his knees, the rest being wound about his back and shoulders like a Scarf. Instead of Shoes he had a pair of Sandals, that stood by the Chair side, the straps whereof was embroider'd with Gold and small Pearl. About his head he had a thing like a Handkerchief, with three Corners, bound about his head like a Fillet. His hair also, which was very long, was twisted and ty'd together over his head. Two persons stood behind him with great Fans of long Peacock Feathers, the handles whereof were five or six foot in length. Upon his right hand stood an old black women, holding in her hand a little Mortar and Pestle of Gold, to beat his Betl [...], in; where­with he mix'd the Kernel of the Nut of Araquè, and Seed Pearl dissolv'd. When it was all beaten together, the old woman gave it the King over his Shoulders, who opening his mouth, the old woman fed him as our women feed their Chil­dren. For the King had chaw'd so much Betlè, and taken so much Tobacco, that his teeth were all fall'n out of his head.

The King of Bantam's Palace was never built by any curious Architect. It is a square place, encompass'd with a great many Pillars, varnish'd over with se­veral sorts of colours, against which the King leans when he sits down. At the four Corners there are four great Pillars set in the earth, at forty foot distance [Page 198] the one from the other, lin'd with a Mat made of the Rhind of a certain Tree, so thin that it looks like a piece of Linnen, which neither Fleas nor Punies will come near. The roof was cover'd with Coco-Branches. Not far off, under another Roof supported with four great Pillars, he had sixteen Elephants, the noblest of all those that are in the Kings service: for he has a far greater num­ber train'd up for war, that are not afraid of wild-fire. For his guard he might have about two thousand men, that were drawn up in Companies under the shade of the next Trees. They are good Soldiers as well by Sea as by Land; great Mahometans, and stand not at all in fear of death. His Haram, or the Womens Apartment, was certainly a very small Place. For when he had view'd what I brought him, he sent for two old women, to whom he gave some of the Jewels, to go and shew them to his Wives. The two women return'd back through a little pitiful door; the enclosure being nothing but a kind of Wall made up of Earth and Cow-dung mix'd together. Whatever he sent to the Women, they never return'd any thing again. Which made me believe they would bear a good price; and indeed whatever I sold to him, I sold to good profit, and had my Money well paid me. After this we took our leaves; but the King oblig'd us to come next day in the evening, because he had a desire to shew us a Turky Dagger, the Haft whereof, being thin of Diamonds, he had a mind to enrich with more Stones. Coming to the English House with our Money, they wonder'd that the King had laid out twenty thousand Roupies, telling me, they believ'd it was the best part of his treasure.

The next day my brother and I went to wait upon him at the appointed hour, and we found him sitting in the same place where he sate before. There was a Moulla then read to him, who seem'd to interpret to him something of the Alcoran in the Arabick Language. The Lecture being ended, they both rose and went to prayers; which being concluded, the King sent for the Dag­ger and the Haft which was of Gold. The top of the Handle was already set with Diamonds, and upon the upper part of the cross Bar was cut in Fa­cets, which could not be less worth than fifteen or sixteen thousand Crowns. The King told me, it was presented to him by the Queen of Borneo, and that it was cut at Goa; but that he put a far higher value upon it than I esteem'd it to be worth. The Dagger, as well as the Sheath was full of Beazils, or Collets, in very good order; but the King had neither Diamond, Ruby, nor any other Stone to set in the Collets; and therefore desir'd me to help him to some that might come at an easie rate. I told him it was impossible to find Stones that would fit the Beazils; and therefore that it was better, when he had got Stones enough, to fix other Beazils according to the proportion of the Stones. To which purpose he was first to range all his Stones in Wax; which I shew'd him how to do at the same time; but that was above his skill. And therefore do what I could to excuse my self to the contrary, he would needs oblige me to carry the Dagger to Batavia; whereupon I took my leave of the King, and departed.

CHAP. XXIII.
The Authors return to Batavia. His re-visiting the King of Ban­tam. And a relation of several Extravagancies of certain Fa­quirs in their return from Mecca.

ABout elev'n a Clock at night, we embark'd for Batavia; for the night winds blowing from the Land, are the only winds to serve our turn; so that we were at Batavia between ten and elev'n the next morning. There I stay'd twenty days for the King of Bantam's sake, to make him belive I had sought for that which I knew was impossible to be found. I had nothing to do all the while, for in Batavia there is no other recreation than gaming and drinking, which was none of my business. At that time the Sieur Cant dy'd, one of the Indian Counsellors, who was sumptuously buri'd for his good services done to the Company; but the people complain'd heavily of the in­justice which he had done as well to the Souldiers as Mariners.

Having stay'd twenty days at Bantam, I resolv'd to go and return the King of Bantam his Dagger again; for it was impossible to meet with stones to fit his Beazils. However I took along with me some other Stones which he had not seen. Coming to Bantam, the King caus'd us to be lodg'd in one of his own Houses in the City, which was made of Bamboo's. Thither in less then a quarter of an hour, the King sent us some Pateches, or sweet Water-Melons, red within like Scarlet. We had also Mongo's, and a certain large Fruit call'd Pompone, red also within, the meat of it being soft and spungy, but of an excellent taste▪ Having stay'd our stomachs, we went to wait upon the King, whom we found in the same place, with his old Mortar-bearer, who every foot fed him with Betlè with her fingers. There were sitting about the Hall five or six of his Captains, viewing a certain parcel of Fire-works, as Gra­nado's, Rochets, and other divices to run upon the water, which the Chi­neses had brought; who are the most exquisite at those sports of any people in the world. When the King was at leasure, I return'd him his Dagger, tel­ling him, that Batavia was no place to meet with stones; and that such as were to be found, were valu'd at double the price they were worth; and that there was no place where he could fit himself, but at Golconda, Goa, or the Diamond Mines. Thereupon the old woman took the Dagger, and carry'd it in­to his Haram; nor did the King speak one word more about it. After that I shew'd him what other stones I had brought, a percel whereof I sold him to good profit; the King ordering us to come the next day for payment.

The next day about six a Clock in the morning, my Brother and I, and a Dutch Chirurgion, were going along a narrow way, between a River on the one hand, and the Pales of a great Garden on the other. Behind the Pales a Rascally Bantamois, had hid himself; one of those that was newly come from Mecca, and was upon the design Moqua; that is, in their Language, when the Rascality of the Mahumetans return from Mecca, they presently take their Cric in their hands, which is a kind of Poniard, the Blade whereof is half poyson'd; with which they run through the streets, and kill all those which are not of the Mahumetan Law, till they be kill'd themselves. These Furies think that in so doing they do God and Mahomet good service, and shall be sav'd thereby. If any of these madmen be kill'd, the Rabble of Mahumetans buries them as Saints, and every one contributes to make a fair Tomb. Sometimes you shall have an idle Rogue, in the habit of a Dervich, that will build him a Hut near the Tomb, which he undertakes to look to, and strew with Flowers. And as his alms increase, he adds some other ornament to it. For the Fairer and better set out the Tomb is, the more devoutly it is wor­ship'd, and the more Alms it brings in. I remember in theyear 1642, that at Souali, which is the Port of Surat, it happen'd that a Vessel of the great Moguls return'd from Mecca, with a great number of Faquirs or Derviches. For [Page 200] every year the King sends two Vessels to carry and bring back the Pilgrims, who have their passage free. And when these Vessels are to go, the Faquirs come from all parts of India to embark. These Vessels are lad'n with very good Commodities, which are sold at Mecca, and the profit is distributed among the poor Pilgrims. But the principal is brought back for the next year, amounting to six hundred thousand Roupies at least. 'Tis an ill Market when they do not gain 30 or 40 per Cent. by their Commodities; nay there are some that produce Cent. per Cent. besides, that the principal persons of the Moguls Haram, and other particular persons, send very large gifts to Mecca.

One of these Faquirs returning from Mecca in the year 1642, and being landed at Souali, had no sooner said his prayers, but he took his Dagger, and ran among several Dutch Mariners that were unlading goods upon the shore, and before they were aware this mad▪ Faquir had wounded seventeen of them, of which thirteen dy'd. The Canjare which he had in his hand, was a kind of Dagger, the Blade whereof toward the Handle was three fingers broad; and because it is a very dangerous weapon, I have here given you the Figure of it.

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[Page 201] At length the Sentinel that stood at the entry of the Tent where the Gover­nour and Merchants were, shot him through the body, so that he fell down dead. Immediately all the other Faquirs and Mahumetans that were upon the place took up the body and buried it: and at the end of fifteen days they put him up a fair Monument. Every year the English and Hollanders pull it down; but when they are gone, the Faquirs set it up again, and plant Banners over it; nay some there are that perform their devotions to it.

But to return to the Bantam Faquir. That Villain lying, as I said, behind the Pales, as my Brother and I, and the Dutch Chirurgion came toward him, all three a-breast, thrust his Pike between the Pales, thinking to have stabb'd it into one of our breasts. The Dutch man being next the River, and somewhat be­fore the rest, the head of his Pike ran into his Breeches; whereupon we both laid hold of the Staff. But my Brother being next the Pales, presently leap'd over, and ran the Faquir thorough. Whereupon several Chineses, and other Idolaters, came and gave my Brother thanks for killing him. After that we waited upon the King, and told him what my Brother had done; who was so far from being displeas'd, that he gave my Brother a Girdle. For the King and his Governours are glad when those Rogues are slain, knowing them to be Desperado's, not fit to live.

The next day, coming to take my leave of the English President, he shew'd me two strings of Diamonds, and two Services of Silver, which came from England. He would have sold them all, but I only bought one [...] of the strings of Diamonds, the other being foul; and for the Silver, I would have bought it, had they coin'd Silver in Batavia, as they were wont to do. Formerly the Hol­landers coin'd Reals, Half-Reals, and Quarter-Reals, bearing on the one side the stamp of a Ship, on the other V, O, C, like a Character, as in the Figure, signifying in Dutch, Vor Ost Indian, Compagnie, for the East Indian Company. Which they did for the Sake of the Chineses, who loving Silver better than Gold, carri'd away all the Silver that was coin'd at Batavia, at good rates. But at length they left it off, finding so few people that made use of Silver.

[figure]

CHAP. XXIV.
Of the War of the Hollanders with the Emperor of Java.

HAving taken my leave of the English President, I return'd to Batavia; where having little to do, I resolv'd to give a visit to the King of Japar, otherwise call'd the Emperor of Java. This King was formerly King of all the Island, till the King of Bantam, who was only Governour of a Province, rebell'd against him; the Hollanders being made by the divisions of those two Princes. For when the King of Japar besieg'd Batavia, the King of Bantam reliev'd the Hollanders; and when they were attack'd by the King of Bantam, the King of Japar came to their assistance. And when those two Kings were together by the ears, the Hollanders always aided the weakest.

The King of Japar keeps his Court in a City of the same name, distant from Batavia some thirty Leagues. You may cost along the shore to it by Sea; but the City stands above eight Leagues up in the Land. From the City there is a fine Walk to the Sea, where there is a handsom Port, and fairer Houses than any in the City. And the King would live there if he thought it safe.

The day before I departed, I went to take my leave of one of the Indian Counsellors, and telling him that I was going to wait upon the King of Japar, he stood amaz'd, in regard the King and the Hollanders were mortal Enemies; of which he gave me this account: The deceas'd King, Father to the King that now reigns, since the Hollanders built their Fort of Batavia would never have any peace with them. And though that during the war the Hollanders took ten of his Subjects, for one of theirs, and offer'd ten for one in exchange, yet he would never exchange one upon any condition whatsoever, and charg'd, his Son upon his death-bed never to release one. This obstinacy very much trou­bl'd the Dutch General, and all the rest in Batavia, and oblig'd them to con­sult upon ways how to right themselves. Now it is the custom when a Ma­hometan King dyes, that his successor sends certain great Lords of his Court to Mecca with Presents, as well to engage them to pray for the Soul of the deceas'd; as also to give thanks to God and Mahomet for the coming of a new King to the Throne without any Impediment; and to pray for the blessing of victory over all his Enemies. But the new King and his Council were at a loss how to accomplish this Voyage; for first the King had none but little Vessels, that were wont only to sail along by the shore, by reason of the in­experience of his Seamen; and in the second place the Dutch were always ply­ing to and fro about the mouths of his Havens, to surprize his Subjects if they stirr'd forth. For the safety therefore of his Pilgrims, the King at last Con­cludes upon making an agreement with the English. For which reason he dis­patches away an Envoy to Bantam, to the English President and his Council▪ who promis'd to len [...] him the biggest Vessel and the best mounted which the com­pany had in the Indies. [...] whereof the English were to pay but half Customs for ever, for all Commodities exported or imported out of his Country. Which Treaty being [...] the English furnish'd him with three [...]out Vessels, Mann'd and Gunn'd beyond an [...] rate. Thereupon nine of the principal Lords of the Court, and [...] Blood Royal, with a Train of a hundred persons, embark'd themselves in the great Vessel. But all these preparations could not be carri'd so privately, [...] the Dutch had [...] of it by their Spies. Thereupon the General of the Dutch makes ready three Ships, and lying just in the streight of Bantams mouth; so soon as the English came up, (for they had no other way) let fly at them so roundly, that the English fearing lest their Vessels would be sunk, struck Sail; which the Java Lords seeing, call'd the Eng­lish, Traytors, and drawing their poyson'd Daggers, cry'd a Mocca upon the Eng­lish, killing a great number of them before they had time to put themselves into a posture of defence. And perhaps there would not one of them have escap'd, had not the Hollanders come aboard as they did. Some of the Java Lords, and about [Page 203] twenty of their Attendants, would take no quarter; so that the Hollanders were forc'd to fight for't, and at last they got the better, with the loss of seven or eight men. The English Vessel being carri'd into Batavia, the General very ci­villy sent both the Prisoners and the Vessel home again; withall giving notice to the King, that he was ready to make an exchange of Prisoners with him. But the King would not so much as hearken to any such proposition; returning for answer, that though the Hollanders had three times as many of his Sub­jects he would not release so much as one Hollander. So that the poor Dutch were kept slaves in Java, and the Javanners dy'd iniserable in Batavia.

As for the Javanners, they are good Souldiers. And it is reported, that while Batavia was besieg'd by the King of Bantam in the year 1659, a Dutch Soul­dier lying in Ambuscade in a Marsh, a Javanner, little dreaming, that any body had been there, came to the same place to discover the Enemy, and was by the Dutch man thrust with his Pike into his Body. Upon which the Javanner find­ing himself wounded, did not strive to pull the Pike out of the body, but thrust himself farther upon it, to the end he might come at his Enemy, whom he stab'd to the heart, as soon as he got within his reach.

CHAP. XXV.
The Author buries his Brother; and is again quarrel'd withall by the General and his Council.

WHile I stay'd at Batavia, my Brother dy'd; and it was pretty to con­sider what the Dutch made me pay for his Funeral. The first expence is for the Feet of those that beg leave for the Corps to be buri'd of whom the more there are, the more honourable the Funeral is esteem'd, I sent six, and paid them to my wonder for that seventy-two Crowns. The fee for the Pall is a right that belongs to the poor, for which I paid two Crowns. There was a Vessel of Spanish Wine drank out, that cost me two hundred Piasters. I gave twenty-six more for three Westphalia Hams, and some Neats-tongues, and twenty-two for Bak'd Meats. To the Bearers I gave twenty Crowns, and six­teen for a place in the Church-yard, for they ask'd me a hundred to bury him in the Church. And all these are Fee's demanded. So that my Brothers Funeral cost me twelve hundred and twenty three Livres of French Mo­ney.

Being thus put by the two Voyages which I intended to Japan and Sumatra, I was advis'd to lay out my Money in Requenings or Debentures of the Servants of the Holland Company; which they that have no mind to return into their own Country, as being settled in the Indies, will sell at an easie rate; insomuch, that for sixty or seventy you may buy a hundred Paisters; the Act and Ac­quittance of the Seller being made and register'd by the Publick Notary. There­upon I bought of one of the publick Notaries, who had Bills in his hands, to the value of about eleven thousand Guelders, at fourscore and two for the hun­dred. After that, I bought by means of the Advocate of the Treasury, six thousand Guelders more, at seventy-nine for the hundred. But some few days after, meeting with the same Advocate again, he pass'd a Complement upon me, and told me, he was very much troubl'd for those that had bought De­bentures, in regard that the General and the Council had commanded him to recall all Debentures that had been sold; for they had consider'd, how sad a thing it would be, for the poor men to loose so much of their Salaries. I an­swer'd him, that for my part I was willing to return mine, provided I might have my Money again. About six or seven hours after, I was sent for by the General and his Council. When I came there, they ask'd me why I had not re­turn'd the Debentures. which I had bought. to the Advocate, who had demand­ed them by their order. I answer'd them, that they were at Bantam, whither [Page 204] I had sent them in order to my passage home; in regard that the English Pre­sident had offer'd me a convenience to go along with him. The Council an­swer'd me, that the Dutch Ships were as good as the English, and very cour­teously assur'd me, they would give order for a Cabin to my self in the Vice-Admiral. But withall they told me, I must deliver up my Debentures before I stirr'd; assuring me, that they would give me a Bill to be re-imburs'd my Mo­ney by the Company in Holland. I thought it very hard, for I knew not how to trust 'em; but seeing the Merchants, Commanders, and all other persons clapt up, and their Papers taken from them by force, that had bought De­bentures; I thought it the best way to deliver mine, and stand [...] their cour­tesie. I often press'd the General and the Council for my Bill, but after ma­ny delays the General ascertain'd me, that my Bill should be in Holland as soon as I. Thereupon desiring the Vice-Admiral and some others to be my witnesses of what the General promis'd, I took my leave of him, very much repenting my going to Batavia.

CHAP. XXVI.
The Author embarks in a Dutch Vessel, to return into Europe.

THE next day I went aboard the Vice admiral, and the third day after we set sail, and as soon as we were out of the Streight, we discover'd the Islands of the Prince. From thence being in the Altitude of the Coco Islands, we beat about two days to discover them; but all to no purpose, thereupon we made directly for the Cape of good Hope.

The forty-fifth day after our departure from Batavia, our Vice-Admiral neglected to put out his Lights; believing all the Fleet had been before at the Cape; so that it happen'd that one of the Fleet being behind, and not carry­ing any Lights out neither, it being a dark night, fell soul upon us, which put every man to his prayers, all people believing the Vessel had been lost; and indeed had she not been a sound stanch Ship (for the Provinces were so ac­counted) she should never have endur'd so terrible a shock. At length we clear'd our selves, by cutting of the Yards of the Maestricht, that hung in our Cor­dage.

The fifty-fifth we came within view of the Cape of good Hope; but were forc'd to keep the Sea, because the waves roll'd so that we were not able to come to an Anchor; not that the Wind was extream high, but because the South­wind had blown so long that it had forc'd the Water to that part. When the Sea grew calm, we came to an Anchor.

But of all the people that ever I saw in all my travels I never saw any so hideous nor so bruitsh as the Comoukes, of which I had spoken in my Persian Travels; and those of the Cape of good Hope, whom they call Cafres, or Ho­sentotes. When they speak, they make anoise with their tongues, like the breaking of wind backward; and though they hardly speak articulately, yet they easily, understand one another. They cover themselves with the Skins of wild Beasts, which they kill in the Woods; in Winter wearing the hairy part inner­most, and in Summer outermost. But there are none but the best sort among them who are thus clad, the rest wear nothing but a nasty rag about their privy parts. The men and the women are lean and short; and when they bring forth a Male-child, the Mothers cut out his right Stone; and presently give him Water to drink, and Tobacco to eat. They cut out the right Testicle, because, say they, it makes them swifter to run. There are some of them that will catch a Roe-Buck runnig: They neither know what belongs to Gold nor Silver; and for Religion, they have none among them.

So soon as we cast Anchor, four women came aboard us, and brought us four young Ostriches; which were boil'd for some sick people that we had a­board. [Page 205] After that they brought great store of Tortoise-Shells, and Ostriches Eggs, and other Eggs as big as Goose Eggs; which though they had no Yolk, tasted wery well. The Birds that lay these Eggs are a sort of Geese; and so fat that they are hardly to be eaten, tasting rather like Fish than Flesh. The wo­men seeing our Cook throw away the Guts of two or three Fowl which he was dressing, took them up, and squeezing out the Ordure, eat them as they were; being hugely pleas'd with the Aqua Vitae which the Captain gave them. Nei­ther men nor women are asham'd to shew their nakedness, for indeed they are but a sort of human Beasts.

So soon as the Ship arrives, they bring their Beeves to the shore, with what other Commodities they have, to barter for strong Water and Tobacco, Cry­stal or Agat Beads; or any sort of old Iron work. If they are not satisfi'd with what you offer them, away they fly; and then giving a whistle all their Cat­tel follow 'em; nor shall you ever see 'em again. Some, when they saw 'em fly, would shoot and kill their Cattel; but after that for some years they would never bring any more. 'Tis a very great convenience for the Vessels that touch there, to take in fresh Victals; and the Hollanders did well to build a Fort there. It is now a good handsom Town, inhabited by all sorts, that live with the Hollanders; and all sorts of Grain, which are brought out of Europe or Asia and sow'd there, come to better perfection there then in other parts. The Coun­try lies in thirty-five Degrees, and some few Minutes over, so that it cannot be said that either the heat or scituation of the Climate makes these Cafres so black. Being desirous to know the reason, and why they stunk so terribly, I learnt it from a Girl that was bred up in the Fort, who was tak'n from her Mother, as soon as she was born, and was white like our women in Europe; she told me, that the reason why the Cafres are so black is, because they rub themselves with a Grease or Ointment compos'd of several sorts of Drugs; wherewith should they not anoint themselves very often, and as soon as they were born, they should be­come Hydrop [...]ical, as the Blacks of Africa, and the Abyssins are; or like the people of Saba, that never live above forty years, and are always troubl'd with one Leg twice as big as the other. These Cafres, as bruitish as they are, have yet some knowledge of Simples, which they know to apply to several Diseases; which the Hollanders have several times experienc'd. Of nineteen sick persons that we had in our Ship, fifteen were committed to the care of these Cafres, being troubl'd with Ulcers in their Legs, and old wounds which they had re­ceiv'd in the wars; and in less then fifteen days they were all perfectly cur'd. Every one of these had two Cafres to look after him; and according to the con­dition of the wound or Ulcer, they went and fetch'd Simples, which they bruis'd between two Stones, and apply'd to the sore. As for the other four, they were so far gone with the Pox, that they would not trust the Cafres with them, having been given over at Batavia, and so they all dy'd, between the Cape and St. He­lens.

In the year 1661, a Gentleman of Britanny being at Batavia, was so bit by the Gnats in the night, that his Leg exulcerated presently in such a manner, as to puzzle all the art and skill of the Chirurgeons in that Town. When he came to the Cape of good Hope, the Captain of the Ship sending him a shore, the Cafres came about him, and after they had beheld him, they told him if he would trust to them they would cure him. The Captain thereupon committed him to their care, who cur'd him and made him a sound man in less then fifteen days.

When a Ship comes to an Anchor in the Cape, it is the fashion for him that commands the Ship, to give leave to some part of the Mariners and Souldiers to go ashore to refresh themselves. The sickly have first leave by turns, and go to the Town, where they are dyeted and lodg'd for seven or eight Sous a day, and are very well us'd.

It is the custom of the Hollanders, when they stay here, to send out parties of Souldiers upon the discovery of the up-land Country, and they that go farthest are best rewaaded. With this design a party of Souldiers, under the Command of a Serjant▪ far advanc'd in the Country; and night coming on, they made a great fire, as well to keep themselves from the Lions, as to warm them selves, and so lay down to sleep round about it▪ Being asleep, a Lion came and seiz'd [Page 206] one of the Souldiers Arms, which the Serjant perceiving, immediately shot the Lion with his Carbine; but when he was dead, they had much ado to open the Lions mouth, to get out the Souldiers Arm. Thus it appears a vulgar error, to believe that Lions would not come near the fire. As for the Souldier, the Ca­fres cur'd his Arm in twelve days. There are in the Fort abundance of Lions and Tigers Skins; among the rest, there was the Skin of a Horse which the Ca­fres had kill'd; it was white, cross'd with black streaks, spotted like a Leopard, without a Tail. Two or three Leagues from the Hollanders Fort, there was a Lion found dead, with four Porcupines Qills in his body, the third part were­of had pierc'd his flesh. So that it was judg'd that the Porcupine had kill'd the Lion. The Skin, with the Quills in it, is kept in the Fort.

A League from the Fort, is a fair Town, that grows bigger and bigger every day. When the Holland Company arrives there with their Ships, if any Soul­dier or Mariner will live there, they are very glad of it. They have as much ground as they can mannage; where they have all sorts of Herbs, and Pulse, and as much Rice, and as many grapes as they can desire. They have also young Ostridges, Beef Sea-fish, and sweet water. To catch the Ostridges, when they please, they got their Nests when they were young, and driving a stake in the ground, tye the Birds by one Leg to the stake, and when they are old enough they come and take them out of the Nest, from whence it is impossible to fly away.

When the Hollanders began to inhabit the Cape, they took a young Girl from her Mother, as soon as she was born; she is white, only her Nose is a little flat. A French man got her with Child, and would have marry'd her; but the Com­pany were so far from permitting him, that they took away above a hundred Livres of the Maids wages from her, to punish her for the misdemeanour, which was somewhat hard.

There are great numbers of Lions and Tigers, which the Hollanders have a pretty invention to take; they fasten a Carbine to a stake, driv'n into the Earth, and lay meat round about the Gun, which meat is fasten'd with a string to the Trigger. So that when the Beast snatches the meat, the String pulls the Trig­ger, and the Gun going off, hits the Lion either in the throat or the breast.

The Cafres feed upon a Root like our Skerrets, which they rost and make bread of. Sometimes they grind it into flower, and then it tasts like a Wal­nut. For their food they eat the same Root raw, with raw Fish; with the En­trails of Beasts, out of which they only squeeze the ordure. As for the bowels of the wild Beasts, the women wear them dry'd about their Legs, especially the bowels of those Beasts which their Husbands kill, which they look upon as a kind of Ornament. They also feed upon Tortoises, when they have so far heat­ed them at the fire, as to make the Shells come off. They are very expert in darting their Azagaya's; and those that have none, make use of pointed sticks, which they will lance a great way. With these they go down to the Sea-side, and as soon as ever they spy a Fish near the top of the water, they will not fail to strike him.

As for their Birds, which are like our Ducks, whose Eggs are without any Yolk; they breed in such great quantities in the Country, that in a Bay about eighteen Miles from the Cape, you may knock them on the head with a stick.

The Hollanders once carri'd a young Cafre to the General at Batavia, who bred him carefully up, teaching him to understand the Dutch and Portugal Lan­guages perfectly well. At length being desirous to return into his Country, the General gave him very good Cloaths, and good Linnen, hoping that he would have liv'd among the Hollanders, and been serviceable to them in the dicovery of the Country; but so soon as he got home, he flung his Cloaths i' the Sea, and return'd wild among his fellow Natives, eating raw flesh as he did before, and quite for­getting his Benefactors.

When the Cafres go a hunting, they go a great number together, and make such a prodigious howling and yelling, that they fright the very Beasts them­selves, and in that affright with ease destroy them; and I have been assur'd, that their cries do terrfie the Lions themselves.

The women are of so hot a Constitution of Body, that at the times that their [Page 207] monthly customs are upon 'em, they happen to make water, and that Euro­pean chances to set his feet upon it, it causes an immediate Head-ach and Fea­ver, which many times turns to the Plague.

CHAP. XXVII.
The Holland Fleet arrives at St. Helens. The discription of the Island▪

HAving staid two and twenty dayes at the Cape of good Hope, seeing that the Wind was favourable, we weigh'd, and steer'd for St. Helens. When we were under Sail, the Mariners cry'd out, they would sleep till they came into St. Helens Road. For the wind is very constant, and carries you in sixteen or eighteen days to the Road of the Island. All the trouble that our Mariners had, was that fourteen days after our departure from the Cape, they were often forc'd to the Top-Mast head, upon discovery of the Island; for as soon as you discover the Island, the Pilot must take care to steer to the Noth-side of the Island, be­cause there is no casting Anchor but on that side, and that very near the shore too; by reason of the deepness of the water; for if the Anchors come not to take hold, the current of the water and the wind carries the Ship quite out of the Road, which there is no recovering again, because the wind never changes.

So soon as the Ships came to an Anchor, part of the Seamen were sent ashore to get wild Hogs, of which there are great plenty; and to gather Sorrel, which grows in great abundance; and indeed they not only send the Seamen, but all the Pigs, Sheep, Geese, Ducks, and Pullets aboard, to feed upon that Sorrel, which pur­ges them in such a manner, that in a few days they became so fat, that by that time we came to Holland they were hardly to be eaten. That Sorrel has the same operation upon the men, who boiling their wild Swines flesh, Rice, and Sorrel to­gether, make thereof a kind of Potage so excellent, that it keeps their bodies open by an insensible purgation.

There are two places upon the Coast of St. Helens where Ships may come to an Anchor. But the best is that where we lay, by reason that ground is very good, and for that the water that falls from the Mountain is the best in the Island. In this part of the Island there is no plain, for the Mountain descends to the very shore of the Sea.

It is not so good anchoring in the other Road; but there is a very handsome plain, where you may sow or plant whatever you please. There are great store of Citrons, and some Oranges, which the Portugals had formerly planted there. For that Nation has that vertue, that whereever they come, they make the place the better for those that come after them; whereas the Hollanders endeavour to destroy all things wherever they set footing. I confess the Commanders are not of that humour, but the Sea-men and Souldiers, who cry one to another, we shall never come hither any more, and out of greediness will cut down a whole tree instead of gathering the fruit.

Some days after there arriv'd a Portugueze Vessel from Guiny, full of Slaves, which were bound for the Mines of Peru. Some of the Hollanders that understood the language of the Negro's, tol'd 'em how miserably they would be us'd, and thereupon the next night two hundred and fifty of them threw themselves into the Sea. And indeed it is a miserable slavery; for sometimes after they have min'd in some places for some days together, the Earth being loose, falls down and kills four or five hunder'd at a time. Besides, that after they had been mining awhile, their Faces, their Eyes, and their Skins change colour; which proceeds from the vapours that arise from those concavities; nor could they subsist in those places, but for the quantity of strong Water which they give both to the men and wo­men. There are some that are made free by their Masters, who labour however for their living; but between Saturday night and Munday morning they spend all their weeks wages in strong Water, which is very dear; so that they always live miserably.

Being ready to depart the Island of St. Helens, the Admiral call'd a Council, to advize which way to steer. The greatest part were for steering more to the West, [Page 208] then to the South; because the season for sailing was far spent; and for that if we steer'd for the West Indies, we should find the wind more proper to carry us into Holland. But we had no sooner cross'd the Line, but we found the wind quite con­trary to what the Mariners expected; so that we were forc'd to steer to the sixty-forth Degree of Altitude with the Island, and so return by the North into Holland.

CHAP. XXVIII.
The Holland Fleet sets Sail from St. Helens, and prosperously ar­rives in Holland.

THE next day after the Admiral had call'd a Council, we weigh'd and set Sail about ten a Clock at night. Three days after our departure from St. Helens, the Seamen were call'd very dully to prayers morning and evening; though all the time we staid in the rode, they never minded any such matter; which made me wonder, to find they should be more devout when they were out of danger, than when they were in jeopardy.

After several other days sailing, we discover'd the Coast of Island, and then the Island of Ferella, where we join'd with the Holland Fleet that stay'd for us. Here it is that the Commander in chief calls to account all the Mariners for their misde­meanours during the whole Voyage.

Our Ship was bound for Zealand; but we were forc'd to Iye out at Sea seven days before we could get into Flushing, because the Sand had chang'd its place. Coming to an Anchor before Flushing, two of the Company came aboard to wel­come us home, and to advise us to lock our Chests, and put our marks upon them; for all Chests are carry'd into the East India House, where when the owners come for them, they are order'd to op'n them, lest they should have any counterband goods therein. Thereupon I set a mark upon my Chests, and went ashore, after I had giv'n a good character of the Captain, and his civility to me all the Voyage, and thence proceed by Land to Middleburgh.

Four days after I came to Middleburgh, I went to fetch my Chests; and find­ing the two Directors there, one a Zealander, the other of Horn, who came first aboard us; I produc'd my Keys, and offer'd my Chests to be open'd. But the Zea­lander more civil than the Horner, deliver'd me my Keys again, and taking my word, told me I was free to take away my goods. And indeed I have always ob­serv'd, that the Northern people are always more rude and ungentile than the Southern.

As for the 17500 Florins which the General of Batavia promis'd should be paid me upon my arrival in Holland, I receiv'd so many delays and put off's, that I was length forc'd to commenced a Suit that lasted above two years; nor could I get a publick Notary either at Amsterdam or the Hague, that would make me out a protest, every one fearing the Directors, who were both Judges and Par­ties. At length after five years wrangling and jangling, the Director wrote to my Brother at Batavia: (for I was then return'd again to the Indies) that if I would accept of 10000 Livres, he might receive it for me; which he did, and was forc'd to give them an acquittance form the whole.

This is the return which I made from the Indies in the year 1649, and the only time that ever I return'd by Sea; having perform'd all the rest of my Travels by Land, not counting my short Voyages through the Mediterranean for any thing. And as for my first Travels, perform'd them all by Land, from Paris through Germany and Hungary, as far as Constantinople; whither I return'd again in the year 1669. From Constantinople I went to Smyrna, thence I sail'd for Ligorn; from Ligorn I travel'd by Land to Genoa, thence to Turin, and so to Paris.

The End.

THE INDEX TO THE Indian Travels.

A.
  • ABdoul-Coutou Sha, the pre­sent King of Golconda, pag. 65. His Children, 66. His reply to the Canoneer that would have taken off Aurengzeb's head, 68. See Mir­gimola.
  • Abdul Feta, Gelul Eddin Maho­met, 107.
  • Aceph Ben Ali takes Mascate from the Dutch, 145. His wondrous Pearl. ibid.
  • Agra, the King's Palace there, 48, 49.
  • Alegamma Motiar of Ceylan turns Christian, and his answer to the Jesuits, 163.
  • Amadabat, and the Trade there­of, 37.
  • Amber, where found, 151, 152.
  • Ambergreese, where found 152.
  • Apes, their antipathy against the Crows, 40. The danger, of kil­ling one, ibid. Hospitals for them, 48. How set together by the ears
  • Asem, the Kingdom. 187.
  • Asouf-Kan's Policy, 112, Assists Sha-Jehan ibid.
  • Ast-kan. 60. Takes Dultabat, 60, 61.
  • Atek, 44.
  • Ava, 143.
  • Augans, a strange sort of People, 44.
  • Aureng-abat made a City, 61.
  • Aureng-zeb his cruelty at Cal­labas, 33, 35. His Dominions, 106. His Power, 108. His Ambition and craft: he joyns with his Brother, Morad-Backshe, 110, defeats Dara-Sha, ibid. deceives Morad, and sends him to Prison, ibid. He ascends the Throne 116. He affronts his Father, 120. His Embassadors affronted by the King of Persia, 121. His state when he sits upon his Throne, 123.
B.
  • BAgnagar, see Golconda, pag. 61.
  • [Page 210] Banarou, 52.
  • Bannians never kill any living thing, 37. Their cruelty to them that do, ibid. Their veneration for Apes. 39, out-do the Jews, 44.
  • Bantam the King visited by the Author; his Entertainment, 196, 197, &c.
  • Bargant, 41. The Raja of Bar­gant entertains the Author.
  • Baroche, 36.
  • Begum-Saheb, 108, imprison'd by Aurengzeb; deprived of her wealth: her death suspected, 113, 114: re­stor'd to favour: her wit, 121.
  • Bengala, the Revenue of it, 51. Bezoar, 153, &c.
  • Boutan, a Kingdom; the Commo­dities thereof, 182, 183, &c.
  • Bramins, a stranger story of one, 172.
  • Brampour, 31 a Tumult there, and the occasion, ibid.
  • Broakers Indian, 133.
  • Buildings publick in India, how rear'd, 35.
C.
  • CAboul, pag. 44.
  • Callabas, 33.
  • Callicuts, where made, 31, 33, 40, 43, 52.
  • Cambaya, 36.
  • Caravasera's Indian, the met hod therein 32.
  • Cardamoms, where had, 73.
  • Carriages Indian, 27.
  • Carriers; the Order and Go­vernment among them.
  • Cast the signification and kinds, 161, 162.
  • Cattel how fed in India, 97.
  • Chalaour, 42.
  • Cheats in Indian Commodities, 232, 133.
  • Check of Mecca comes to Gol­conda, in disguise, 66. Marries the King's Daughter, 67. Hinders him from surrendring to Aurengzeb, 68.
  • Cheraffs-Indian Bankers, 22, sub­tiler than the Jews, 23.
  • Chineses poison the Dutch Soul­diers, 173.
  • Chites, 40.
  • Chitpour, ib.
  • Cifers, Indian, 23.
  • Cochin Besieg'd by the Dutch 88. Taken, 89. Dutch make a mock King of it, ibid.
  • Collasar, 33.
  • Commodities of the Great Mo­gul's Countrey, 126, &c. and their price, 128, 129, 130.
  • Comoukes, a description of the People and Countrey, 204, &c.
  • Candevir, 93.
  • Corral, where found, 151.
  • Cottons, where made, 31, 36. Where whiten'd, 36.
  • Coulour, the Diamond-Mine, 137, 141.
  • Coins Arabian, 1. Mogul's, 2 His Tributaries, 3. Coins call'd Pagods, 4, 5. English and Dutch, 5, 6. Made by the King of Chida and Pera, 6. By the King of Achen, Kings of Macassar, the Celebes, and Cam­boya, 7. By the King of Siam, ib. By the Kings of Asem, Tipoura, Arakan and Pegu, 8. Coins of Chi­na and Tunquin, ib. Of Japon, 9.
  • Coins Indian, representing the twelve signs, 10. Coins Indian, 22.
  • Coins made by the Portugals, 12.
  • Coins Muscovian, 13.
  • Coins European, their value in India, 21, 22.
  • Coinage Indian, 17. What loss, what gain by it, ib. Thrown about at the King's Ascent to the Throne, 107. Currant at the Diamond-Mines, 141.
  • Cranganor, 89. promis'd by the Dutch at Samarin, ib. Demolish'd, ib.
  • Crocodiles, may be wounded, 55. How they dye, ib.
  • Customs Indian, 17.
  • Customs affronted by an English Captain, 17. Exacted by the Per­sians from the English, 75.
D.
  • [Page 211]DAca, pag. 55.
  • Daman besieg'd by Aureng­zeb. 72.
  • Dara-Sha his duty to his Father, 108. Defeated by his Brother, 110. He flies into Scindi, he fights a se­cond Battel with Aurengzeb: He is betraid by Jessomseing, 114, then by Gion-Kan, 115. His death, 116.
  • Dehly, 45.
  • De Lan, a Dutch Chirurgeon, lets the Mogul, his Mother, and Wife Blood, 103.
  • Dervichs, 4. See Faquirs.
  • Diamonds, a Discourse thereof, 134, &c. The forms of several Dia­monds, 148, 149. Vulgar error con­cerning the purchase of them, 141.
  • Diamond Miners, their customs, 138.
  • Dultabat, 60, 61.
  • Dutch send an Embassador to China, 192. Their revenge upon the Jesuits, 193.
  • Dutch break their word with the King of Caudy, 149; with the King of Achen; at War with the King of Java, 202; they quarrel with the Author.
E.
  • ELephants destroy the Banni­an's Idols, pag. 34; the Woods of Mirda, 43, affrighted; the loss of Aurengzeb's Army, 72; how taken, 95; how tam'd, ib. Their fury, ib. The difference between them, 96. Eaten b [...] the Natives, ib. How taken in Ceilan, ib. The tusks due to the Lord, ib. How the fe­male receives the male, ib. A re­mark peculiar to Ceilan Elephants, ib. Their Age, ib. The number kept by the Great Mogul, and his Ex­pences, 97; how wash'd, 103.
  • Emir jemla, 116, 118.
  • Emraulds, the vulgar error con­cerning them, 114.
  • Eunuchs, covetous of Monu­ments, 5.
  • Exchange Indian, 26, 27.
F.
  • FAquirs; their manner of travel­ling, pag. 41; their Habit and Arms, ib. The respect given them; ib. Their Religion, 160: their Pe­nances, 165, &c. Their extrava­gancies returning from Mecca.
  • Feast; the Great Mogul's grand Feast when he is weigh'd, 122.
G
  • GAnges, pag. 51, an ordinary River, ib. and bad water, 52
  • Gani; see Coulour.
  • Gate, what manner of place, 34.
  • Gehanabad, 45; the Mogul's Palace there, 45, 46, 47.
  • Gehanguir, ninth King of the Indians. He permits Nourhamal his Wife to Reign in his stead. He put out his Eldest Son's eyes, 111. He prefers his Grandchild to the Throne, ib. Dies, ib.
  • Gion-Kan a Traytor; his death, 115.
  • Goa, the present state of it 74,
  • Golconda describ'd, 61. The Po­licy and Government of the City, 64.
  • Gold, where found, 156, &c.
  • Gomron Road heat excessive, in­jures the Ships, 90.
  • Gondicot taken by Mirgoimla, 98. Describ'd, ib.
  • Govaleor, 35. The Prison for the Indian Grandees, ib.
  • Guards, how reliev'd at Gol­conda, 64.
H.
  • HAlabas, pag. 52. The Governor a great Person, ib. The cru­elty of his Physitian, ib.
  • Hameth-Sheck, 107.
I
  • [Page 212]JAva, the King thereof, pag. 202.
  • Javaniers, good Souldiers, 203.
  • Jessom-seing betrays Dara-Sha, 114.
  • Idolaters belief touching a Dei­ty, 164. Of the state of the Soul after death, 167. Of their burning their dead, 168. Their several customs, 179.
  • Idolatrous Princes of Asia, 163.
  • Indians cunninger thn the Jews, 23. Their manner of crossing Ri­vers, 100, 102. Their Superstition, 97. The Penance of the Women, ib. Their Alms, ib. Their Pilgrima­ges, 101. Their craftinefs, 102. Their Physick, 102. Their honesty, 136, 137. Their manner of driving bargains, ib. Their Penances, 181.
  • Indigo, where made, 36, 37, 43. Indolstan bounded, 106.
  • Iron of Golconda, the best, 65.
  • Island of St. Helens describ'd.
  • Ivory the best, 96.
  • Justice in India quick, 99, 100.
K
  • Kemerouf, a City, pag. 188.
L
  • LAhor, pag. 45.
  • Letter-Carriers, 110.
  • Lions, how tam'd, 40.
M
  • MAcassar, a Kingdom describ'd, 191. The King shoots an English Malefactor with a poison'd Arrow, 191. His difference with the Hollanders, 192.
  • Maldives Islands, 90.
  • Malvares, Indian Pyrats, 71, 182,
  • Mascate, 16.
  • Maslipatan, 70.
  • Matura, one of the chiefest Pa­gods of the Indians, 48.
  • Measures Indian, 27.
  • Mingrela, 73.
  • A Miracle done by a Bramin, 101, 102.
  • Miram-Sha, 107.
  • Mirda, 43.
  • Mirgimola, the King of Golcon­da's General, 67. He is suspected by the King, ib. He revolts, 68. He joyns with Aurengzeb, ib. besieges the King, ib. and cunningly settles a new Peace, ib. entertains the Au­thor at Gondicot, 98, 99. How he dispatch'd business, 99. He conquers Asem, 187.
  • Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing marries the King of Golconda's third Daugh­ter, 69.
  • Mirza Mahomed, 68. See Check of Mecca.
  • Moguls, why so call'd, 106.
  • Money; the force of it in India, 19. What most proper to be carri'd into India, 18, 21.
  • Monuments Indian; their sump­tuousness, 49, 50, 52, 61.
  • Morad-Back she, 108, Vice-Roy of Guzerat, ib. He rebels against his Father, 109, besieges Surat, ib. pro­claims himself King, ib. He gives credit to Aurengzeb's fallacies, ib. joyns with him, 110, and defeats Dara-Sha, ib. wounded, ib. He sees his error, is betraid, and sent to Govaleor, ib.
  • Mountebanks, Indian, 36.
  • Multan, 43.
  • Musk, 153. Its adulterations, ib.
N
  • NAder, pag. 35.
  • Nahab, what it signifies, 53.
  • Navapoura, 30, famous for Rice, ib.
  • Nava-Sevagi revolts from the King of Visapour, 73.
  • Nourmahal, Queen of Indai, her Extraction, 11, 12.
O
  • [Page 213]OBservations particular upon the Mogul's Court, pag. 124, 125,
  • Omrahs, their duty, 122.
  • Ormus; the manner of Sailing from Ormus to Surat, 15.
  • Outemeda, 97.
P
  • PAgods Indian describ'd, 92, 93. 94, 97, 102. The most celebra­ted among the Indians, 173, &c.
  • Palicat, 93.
  • Passage by Sea from Ormus to Maslipatan, 90.
  • Passes, where requir'd, 44, 52.
  • Patna, 53.
  • Peacocks plentiful, 37. How caught, ib.
  • Pearls, and where fish'd for, 145. How bred, how fish'd for, and at what time, 146, &c.
  • Perca, a petty Indian King, 89.
  • Physitians, none in India, but such as attend Princes, 102.
  • Pilgrimages of the Indians, 119.
  • Ponte Galle, 194.
  • Portugals, their power in Goa, 74, 75. Their excessive pro [...]eness to revenge, ib. discover [...] a strange Countrey, 83. 84.
  • Priests Indian, how maintain'd▪
  • Presents given by the Author at the Great Mogul's Court, 59.
R
  • RAge-Mehide, 54.
  • Raolconda, Diamond-Mine, 134.
  • Rauchenara-Begum, 108, always a friend to Aurengzeb. His kind­ness to her; their falling out, 121.
  • Religion of the Mahumetans in the Indies▪ 159, &c. Of the Idola­trous Indians, 161.
  • Roads from Ispahan to Agra through Gomron, 15; from Surat to Agra through Brampour and Se­ronge, 30, through Amadabat, 36. From Ispahan to Agra, through Can­dahar, 43. From Dehly to Agra, 48. From Agra to Patna, and Daca. 51. From Surat to Golconda, 60. From Golconda to Maslipatan, 69. From Surat to Goa; from Goa to Gol­conda, through Visapour, 71. From Goa to Maslipatan, through Cochin, 88. From Maslipatan to Gandicot, 91. From Gandicot to Golconda, 100; to the Mines, 137, 139. 141.
  • Rodas the Fortress, 139.
  • Roupies, the difference of them, 20.
  • Rubies, the forms of several, 149, 150.
  • Rule to know the price of Dia­monds, 142, 143.
S
  • SAltpeter, where refin'd, 53.
  • Samarin an Indian King, 89.
  • Saseron, 53.
  • Say-pieces Indian, 25, 26.
  • Sepper-chekour, 115, sent to Go­valeor, 116.
  • Sera, the signification of the word, 32.
  • Scronge, 33.
  • Serpents, their vast bulk, and deadly venom, 34.
  • Seva gi continues the revolt, 73. He finds vast Treasures, ib.
  • Sha-Est-Kan, 20, 24, 56; buys the Authors Jewels, 104; his kind­ness to the Author, ib. revolts to Aurengzeb, 110.
  • Sha-Jehan first call'd Sha-Bedin-Mahomet, 107. His good Govern­ment, 108. He marries a young Lady, ib. His children, ib. His love to his children ib. He rebels against his Father, is disinherited, 111. He is advanc'd to the Throne, 112. His cruelty, ib. He is kept Prisoner by Aurengzeb, and dies, 113.
  • Siam, a Kingdom; the King of it, 119, &c.
  • Siren, 143.
  • [Page 214] Sodomy abominated by the Indi­ans. 54.
  • Solyman Chekour Defeats his Ʋnckle, 109 betraid by Raja Roup. flies to Nactiran, 114. Is deliver'd up by him, 119. Sent Pris'ner to Govaleor.
  • Soumelpour, 139.
  • Stones colour'd, where found, 145.
  • Stones medicinal, and their ef­fects 154, 155.
  • Stories of the man that lost his child in Swimming, 38, Of the Merchant's Wife that desir'd a child, 39. Of the Merchant that ne'r told lye, ib. The Story of Mon­sieur Belloy, 79. Of the rich Leaper in Goa, ib. Of St. Amant, and John de Rose, and the Sieur Ma­rests, ib. 80, 81, &c. Of Father Ephraim, 85, 86, 87.
  • Sultan Abousaid-Mirza, 107.
  • Sultan Babur, 107.
  • Sultan Boulaki preferr'd by Sha-Jehan, 111. Betraid by Asouf-K [...]n, 112. Retires into Persia, ib.
  • Sultan Kourom, 107. See Sha-Jehan.
  • Sultan Mahomed, Mogul, 107.
  • Sultan Mahomed, Aurengzeb's Son, marries the second Daughter of the King of Golconda, 69. He flies to his Ʋnckle, 117. Is betraid by Emir-Jemla, and imprison'd, 118, 119.
  • Sultan Selim, alias Jehanguir Patska, 107.
  • Sultan Soujah, 108. Rebels, 109. He flies to the King of Arakan, marries his Daughter, 119. Plots against him, ib. His death, 120.
  • Sumbaco King of Macassar, 192.
  • Surat, 15.
T
  • TAmurleng, 106
  • Tari, what, 65.
  • Tavernier abus'd at the Mogul's Court, 57, 58.
  • Tenara a sweet place, 69.
  • Thrones; the description of the Mogul's Thrones, 122, &c.
  • Thunderbolts three at a time, 91.
  • Tipra a Kingdom, 186.
  • Travelling, the manner in India, 27, 29.
  • Treachery, a notable piece put upon the Author at Gomron, 157.
  • Turquoises, where found, 144.
V.
  • Visapour describ'd, 72.
W.
  • VVAys; Highways in India, 100.
  • Weights Indian for Gold and Sil­ver, 18. Other weights, 27. Of Dia­monds, 140. Of colour'd Stones, 144. Of Pearls, 148.
  • Winds hot, their stifling nature, 44.
  • Wives of the Indians burnt a­live with their dead Husbands, 169, 170, 171, 172.
  • Woods of Bambous, 94.
A NEW RELATION OF Th …

A NEW RELATION OF The Inner-Part OF THE Grand Seignor's SERAGLIO.

Containing Several Remarkable Particulars, never before ex­pos'd to publick view.

By J. B. TAVERNIER, Baron of Aubonne.

LONDON: Printed, and Sold by R. L. and Moses Pitt.

1684.

THE Author's Design.

I Question not but that several Relations of the Grand Seignor's Seraglio have been publish'd; but I am to acknowledge withal that I have not had the leisure to read any one of them. I have travell'd six several times, by Land, into the East, and by different Roads, during the space of Forty Years; and most persons know, that my Employ­ments were such, as would not allow me much time for the reading of Books. But when my Affairs afforded me any re­mission, I wholly employ'd those spare hours, in the collection of things the most worthy to be remark'd, whether the Scene lay in Turkey, or in Persia, or in the Indies, on this, or the other side of the River Ganges, or in the Diamond-Mines, which are in the Territories of divers Princes. While I am bu­sied in putting into order those Memories, which I conceive my self oblig'd to gratify the Publick withal, I make it a Present of this Relation of the Seraglio, attended with some Obser­vations sufficiently remarkable, which, haply, will not be un­pleasant.

The Ottoman Court, which makes so much noise in the World, has not, to my thinking, been yet sufficiently well known, if I may judge of it, by what I have seene thereof my self, and have heard from several Persons. I do here com­municate a faithful and ample description thereof: which I have extracted, as well out of what I had observ'd my self, in the several Voyages I made to Constantinople, as out of the infor­mations I receiv'd from two intelligent Persons, who had spent many years in the Seraglio, in very considerable Employments. One of whom was a Sicilian, advanc'd to the Charge of Chas­nadar-bachi, or chief Officer belonging to the Treasury; and after Five and Fifty years Service in the Seraglio, was, for some slight miscarriage committed by him, banish'd to a place near Bursa, in Natolia, from whence he made his escape into the Indies. The other, a Parisian-born, named De Vienne; had been one of the Pages of the Treasury. In his Return from the Jubilee at Rome, in the Year M. DC. L. being aboard a Brigantine bound from Civita Vecchia to Marseilles, he was [Page] taken by the Pyrates of Tripoli, and the Bassa finding that young Lad well shap'd, and looking like one that promis'd much, sent him, as a Present, to the Grand Seignor. He was also pack'd away out of the Seraglio, after Fifteen Years Service, only upon this score, that there was some discovery made, of his holding a secret correspondence with the disgrac'd Sicilian, who had heretofore shewn him much kindness, and indeed it was by his credit that the Parisian was first advanc'd to the Chamber of the Treasury.

From those two men, who were in a fair capacity to make exact Observations of things, have I extracted the better part of this Relation. Though they had been forc'd to embrace the erroneous perswasion of Mahomet, yet were there some Relicks of the good sentiments of Christianity: And whereas there was not the least hope of recovering the honours, where­in they pride themselves who are exalted to Charges in the Seraglio, it is not to be imagin'd, that they could have any design to disguise things to me. They themselves thought it a certain pleasure to descend to a greater familiarity of Dis­course, and to specifie even the least circumstances: but I am to discover withal, that having had their education amongst the Turks, and learnt of them, to love Money, it must have been so much the greater charge to me, to give them content. I have kept them for a considerable space of time, at my own charge, and that in several places, one at Ispahan in Persia, and the other in the Indies, where they had made their residences, and the Memoires which they supply'd me withal were perfect­ly concordant.

To the Instructions, which I made a shift to get from those two men, and to what discoveries I may have made my self, of the present state of the Grand Seignor's Palace, I shall add some necessary Observations of the Manners and Customes of several Provinces of the Ottoman Empire, slightly passing over those things, which, in all probability, are generally known. But that the Reader may with greater ease comprehend the matters I treat of, and that the discourse may not be inter­rupted, by the necessary explication of the several names of Charges and Dignities, I have thought it [...]it, in the first place, to give a short List of them, after which shall follow another, of the different Species of Money, which are current all over the Turkish Empire.

A TABLE OF THE Chapters contained in this RELATION.
Of the Charges and Dignities as well of the Seraglio, as of the Ottoman Empire; AND Of the different Species of Gold and Silver, now current in TURKEY.

  • CHAP. I. Of the Extent, and outside of the Seraglio.
  • II. Of the first Court of the Seraglio, and particularly of the Infirmery.
  • III. Of the second Court, in which are the lesser Stables, the Kitchins, and the Divan.
  • IV. Of the [...]ivan-Hall, and the exact administration of Justice there by the Grand Seignor.
  • V. Of the inner part of the Seraglio in general, and particularly of the Q [...]rter of the Eunuchs and the Ichoglans.
  • VI. Of the Hall, where the Grand Seignor gives Audience to Am­bassadors, and how they are receiv'd.
  • VII. Of the Baths of the Seraglio.
  • VIII. Of the Grand Seignor's Treasure.
  • IX. Of the secret Treasure.
  • X. Of the means us'd by the Grand Seignor, to augment his Trea­sury, besides the ordinary Revenues of the Empire.
  • XI. A subtle way which the Grand Seignor has to bestow great Liberalities without medling with his Revenues.
  • [Page] Chap. XII. Of the Present which the Grand Seignor sends every Year to Mecha.
  • XIII. Of the Cellar, and divers other Appartments.
  • XIV. Of the Quarter of the Dogangi-bachi, or Grand Falconer, and some other Officers.
  • XV. Of the Grand Seignor's own Appartment.
  • XVI. Of the Grand Seignor's ordinary Occupations.
  • XVII. Of the Womens Quarter.
  • XVIII. The Entrance into Constantinople of the Sultaness, (Mo­ther to the Grand Seignor) who has the honorary Title of La Valide, on the second of July, 1668.
  • XIX. Of the Gardens of the Seraglio.
  • XX. Of the Princes, who follow the Mahumetan Religion in Eu­rope, Asia, and Africa.
FINIS.

The Publisher unto the Reader.

THE ensuing Narration was put into my hands Five or Six Years ago, by a very Intelligent Worthy Person, who long resided in the same Family with our Author, and did assure me, that the Discourse here published, was written with his own hand, and presented unto that Honourable Person who redeemed him out of Captivity. The Gentleman who bestowed these Papers upon me, will not be respon­sible for the Truth of all therein contained; but I having compared his Account of several Countries with that of Olearius and other more Ancient and Modern Writers, have found them very Con­sonant unto each other, and therefore do charitably belive him no less Faithful in his Description of those Countries and People concerning whom little hath been said by any besides. By reason of his long absence from his Native Country, and dis-use of his Mother-Tongue, his style was so rough, odd, and unpleasant, that I was forced to make therein great Alterations both as to Method and Expression, yet keeping strictly unto his sense: I have also much abbreviated his Discourse, many things being often repeated, and he having stuffed it with divers impertinencies, which would have been void of all Instruction and Delight. He would never own his true Name or Pedigree, for Reasons mentioned in his Paper, which I thought al­together unnecessary to be rehearsed; that of Astracan, wherewith he concludes his NARRATIVE, being fictitious, and I suppose assumed, because of his long Residence in a City of that name, from which he made most of his Excursions: And which with the Adjacent Country he hath above all others most particularly de­scribed, giving us the names of several Neighbouring Places and Rivers mentioned by no other Writer. I was highly pleased with the Account he gives us of Czarofs­gorod, which he also sometimes calls Seraichan and Seraichena; the former of which is the Muscovitish, the latter the Tartarian Appellation, and inrepreted, both signifie the Habitation of the Emperour or Cham, it being formerly the Metropolis of a great Empire. As also with his mention of a place on the West side of the Volga, where he sayes Astracan was formerly situated. Concerning both which Cities, I shall declare di­vers things I have Collected out of several European and Arabian Writers, which ei­ther are not commonly known, or little regarded. But I must necessarly premise somewhat concerning the Antient Inhabitants of the Country wherein these Cities are situated.

The first Nation (of whom I find any mention) who made any fix'd habitation in these Quarters were the Chazari, so named by the Latines and Greeks, but by the Mahumetans, Alchozar, and Gorjani. This Nation during the Reign of the Emperour Justine, like a Torrent Overflowed all that Vast Continent which lies between China and the Boristhenes, Conquered part of India, all Bactria, Sogdiana, and made the Persians Tributary, by whom they are always called Turks, and their Prince, Chacan, a Title formerly common unto all great Turkish Emperours. This Mighty Monarch having conquered the Igors or Jugurs, Avares, Chuni or Huns, Abtelites or White Huns, and all other Tribes of Turks and Tartars, together with the Alani (whose Do­minion then extended, as appears by Marcellinus, from the Boristhenes far beyond the most North-East part of the Caspian Sea) entred into a League with Justine, and styles himself in his Letters, Lord of the Seven Climates of the World. His Acts may be read at large in Theophilactus Simocatta; Excerptis de Legationibus: and divers others of the Eizantine Historians. This Nation Assisted the Emperour Heraclius in his Wars [Page] against the great Cosroes, whom by their Assistance he overcame. These Cazari were also possessed of all that part of Turica Chersonesus which is plain and fit for feeding Cattle, they being addicted, after the manner of all other Scythian Nomades, unto a Pastoral life; which Peninsula from them was untill the Famous Irruption of the Tartars in the Thirteenth Century, called Cassaria, or Chazaria, and afterwards more corruptly by the Genoeses, Venetians, and other Latines, Cazaria. I find mention of these Chazari or Chozars in divers Persian and Arabian Historians and Geogra­phers. Abulpharagius acquaints us with an Expedition they made into Persia the 183 Year of the Hegira, which was after our Account in 799. From whence they returned with great Spoile, and above 100000 Captives: and afterwards, in the 514th. Year of the Mahumetan Epocha, being A. C. 1120. they made another In­road, accompanied by the Comanians,) whom the Arabians call Kaphjacks;) Frequent mention is made of them by that Deservedly Celebrated Arabian Geographer Al Edrisi, who flourished in the 548th. year of the Hegira; of Christ, 1153. He al­ways calls the Caspian Sea, Mare Chozar: and all that Countrey on the North and to the West of the Caspian Sea, Terra Chozar. He acquaints us, that the Residence of the Prince of Chozar was not far above the Mouth of the Volga, which the Tartars call Athel; which name I suppose it derived from Attila, that Renowned King of the Hunns, being so called in the Relation of the Ambassadors who were sent by the Emperour Justine, unto the Great Chacan of the Turks residing in the East. Al Earisi and his Epitomizer, commonly known by the Name of Geographus Nubien­sis intimate, That these Chozars inhabited divers other Cities, but that this was the Mettopolis; he surpresses the Name, styling it only from the River, the City of Athel; and declares it was divided by the River, the chief and greatest part being on the West-side; and that the other less considerable on the East-side, was inhabited only by the meaner sort of People and Merchants, it being a place of great Trade, that which made it more considerable, was the liberty allowed unto all of the Publick Profession, and Exercise of their respective Religious Perswasions, Jews, Christians, Mahumetans, and Idolaters being there equally countenanced, which I suppose might occasion that Dialogue published out of an Ancient Hebrew Manuscript, by L' Empereur, between the Author a Jewesh Rabbi, and the King of Chozar. This City is said to have been extended along the River three miles in length, and its breadth proportionable; the Western part well fortified; adorned with the Emperours Palace, and several other eminent Structures. Nassir Eddin, who wrote at the latter end of the 13th. Century, calls this City in his Geographical Tables, Balanjar, and from him Abulfeda; they place it in 46 degrees 30 minutes of Northern Latitude; where within six or eight mi­nutes our best Geographers seat Astracan. And questionless this was that City which our Author and Olearius call Old Astracan. These Chazari, did I suppose, conserve their vast Dominion without any great Interruption, at least until A. C. 900. For Alferganus who lived about that Time, places no other Nation in his Table of Climes, between China and the Boristhenes; And Eutichius, who worte about 30 or 40 years after, makes mention of them as a mighty Nation, and many amonst them con­verted unto the Christian Belief. About the middle of the 10th Century these Cha­zari gave place unto the Cumanians or Commanians, who were also a Turkish Nation known unto the Turks, Persians, and Arabians, under the Name of Kaphjack; whether they expelled the Chazari, or that the former becoming the more Eminent Tribe, gave Law and Name unto these latter (as hath since frequently happened among the Tartars) I will not here undertake to determine: but this is certain, that suddenly the Name of Chazari was extinct, and all that Tract of Land from the Nepper unto Turkestan 1500 miles beyond the Volga, was inhabited by these Cumanians, who were often troublesome unto the Russes, Lithuanians, Hungarians, and other Neighbour-Na­tions. But this People was almost totally destroyed by the Tartars in that great In­undation which happened at the beginning of the 12th Century, soon after the death of Jingiz Chan; whose Son Hocota being chosen Emperour, sent his Nephew Ba­tu, or Bathy, the Son of Tussy Jingiz Chan, his Eldest Son with 400000 Men, to in­vade the Northern Parts of Asia. The Cumani for divers years valianty resisted, and made the greatest opposition the Tartars met with in all their Conquests; repuls'd them in two pitch'd Battels; but then growing secure, and dispersing upon the Tar­tars retreat, they were unexpectedly surprized, the whole Countrey over-run, above 200000 killed, their King Kuthen hardly escaping with 40000 into Hungary, where [Page] he met with a kind reception, had land allotted him, and his Company; which Re­gion is called Campus Cumanus unto this day. This Countrey was so miserably wa­sted by the Tartars that in the Years 1253, and 1254, when Rubriquis pasted through ir, going unto and returning from his Ambassage to Mangu Chan, there was no fixed habitation, excepting a few Cottages in the Island where Astracan is now situ­ated.

But Bathy having destroyed the Comanians, ruinated their Cities, and established his own Dominion, began to think of a fix'd aboade, which after long observation he chose near the River Volga, on the East-side, and immediately beneath the River Acta­bon, a great Arm of the Volga, and the first it dismisles, which empties it self into the Caspian-Sea (having run a course of near 400 miles, and received several other Branches from the foresaid River) about 7 Leagues East off the main River. He had newly began this City at the return of Rubriquis from his Embassage unto Man­gu Chan, in the year 1246, and called Serai; which City was enlarged and beau­tified by all his Successors, unto the time of its destruction by Tamerlane, which was almost 150 years. Bathy was succeded by Barcah, who was the first professed Mahumetan Emperour; he by Hocola, or Hoctay, Contemporary with Hayton the Ar­menian, who hath in his History largely discoursed concerning him: I should here men­tion all the other Emperours interceeding between Hocota and Tucktamisch (who was dispossessed by Tamerlane) together with their Acts, but that I hasten unto that which most immediately concerns our present Design, and give some account of this City, which (as I said) was first named Serai, which interpreted signifies only a Dwelling or Habitation; the beginning of it being a Palace built for Bathy. You may see what our Traveller says concering it, Page 112. Besides him I find two Authors who make particular mention thereof; the first is in the History of Arabshiade, pub­lished by Golius. This Author represents it as one of the greatest and most populous Cities in the Universe, agrees with out Traveller in the situation, only he calls that Branch which runs out of the Volga and passes to the South-East, Sencle. The other is Michovius, who wrote his History of the Tartars in the year. 1515. He affirms, That in his time there remained the ruines of 300 Temples besides the Walls of the City, and several other Magnificent Structures. The Tarters have se­veral times attempted to re-edifie it, but divisions amongst themselves, Wars with the Muscovites, and attempts of the Cossacks caused them to retire unto places of greater security. But because little mention is made of this great Revolution by any European Writer I shall here present the Reader with an account thereof out of the most Authentick Turkish, Arabian, and Persian Writers. For Calcondilas is greatly mi­staken, who seems to have received by his confident way of writing, most particular information, when as nothing can be more remote from the truth than what he af­firms, viz, That Tamerlane after several attempts, and two or three Battles was forced to retire, and glad to secure his Retreat by a Peace, he first made with Tucktha­misch, which was by both afterwards kept inviolable; which is contrary to the Re­ports of much more Authentick Historians. The Origin, Progress, and Event of this War, was after the ensuing manner.

Tamerlane being in effect Prince, but in name only Courachan (the Greeks call it Kurgant) that is, Viceroy or General over all those Countries which are comprehend­ed between the Oxus and Jaxartes, wherein Bochara, Samarchand, and several other famous Cities were contained, extended his Conquests towards Balch and Chorasan, (the Aria of the Antients;) which progress of his, filled Thuetamisch Emperour of Serai (the City we have beforementioned) with jealousies of his growing Greatness; whereupon gathering a numerous Army, he resolved to invade him, using no forma­lity, or so much as pretence, he thought to have surprized his Enemy; but Tamer­lane, one of whose Master-pieces was to gain early Intelligence of whatsoever was de­signed, or transacted by neighbouring Princes, having timely notice of his intention, gathering all his own Forces, together with considerable assistance from his Confe­derates, marched directly towards his Enemy, and passing the Jaxartes, met him to his no small astonishment, on the Borders of his own Countrey; for the Jaxartes on­ly divided their Territories. After a most obstinate bloody fight, Tameriane gained the Victory, yet neither absolute, nor without great loss, but it was sufficient that he [Page] had secured his own Dominion. After this success he did for divers years attend other Conquests, and having subdued a great part of India, all Persia, Media, Armenia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Syria, he resolved to requite the Invasion of Thu­ctamish: whereupon having drawn together an Army of 500000 men, he marched through Mediae Atropatia, then and still called Shervan; passed the Portae Caucasiae, which the Persians name Derbent; thence through Dahestan, and the great Desart be­tween that and Astracan (then named Gitturchan) and having wasted all that spacious Countrey on the West-side of the Volga, depoulated and dismantled divers fair Ci­ties (the ruines of several being yet visible to those who Navigate the Volga, as we are informed by Olearius) he passed the Volga, and on the East-side encoun­tred Thuctamisch, who had Collected a mighty Force, having besides his own Hords, the assistance of the Tartars of Cassan, Tumen, Kalmuke, and Dahestan: and his Army by this accession was more numerous than that of his Enemy. The Battel was long doubtful, and exceeding all that happened in that Age for carnage and cruelty, both Parties being full of hatred unto their Adversaries; and knowing that this Fight would lose or gain them a mighty Empire. They fought three days with little in­termission, and it could not be discerned which had the advantage. But that which is thought chiefly to have occasioned Tamerlane's Victory, was the departure of a great Tribe from Thuctamisch, whose Prince Ectave pretended he had received some great injury or affront, but 'twas indeed thought he was corrupted: For retreating unto Amuarth the Turkish Emperour, he after the same mannner betrayed Bajazet, who soon after succeeded; revolting at the beginning of the fight unto Tamerlane. Thucta­misch being defeated, with great difficulty made his escape, leaving his Countrey ex­posed unto the fury of the Zagataians, whom so great a slaughter of their own Friends had highly exasperated. They spared nothing that was capable of being spoiled; demolished Serai, together with Seraichick upon the Jaick, and Gitturchan, which were the only considerable Cities on the East-side of the Volga, and leaving the Countrey a meer Desart, killing, or Captivating the Inhabitants, driving away the Cattle, they returnd into Persia with great Booty. This happened in the 791 year of the Hegira. A. C. 1388. Serai, and Saraichick never regained thir former splen­dour; but (Gitturcan now Astracan) did by degrees recover, but never arrived to that heighth it attained unto during the Empire of the Chazari and Zavolgensian Tar­tars.

For J [...]saphat Barbaro, and Ambrosio Contarini, who were both Ambassadors from the Venetians unto Usun Cassan Emperour of Persia, and well acquainted with those Parts; Barbaro living sixteen years at the City Tana on the mouth of the River Ta­nais; and Contarini being forced in his return from Persia to reside there some months: They, I say, both tell us, Thar this City before its destruction by Tamerlane, was a very famous Emporium; all the Silks, most of the Spices and other Commodities, which were afterwards brought down to Syria, were then carried by Shipping to Astracan (which they both name Citrachan) and thence by Land in a few days to Ta­na, whether the Venetians sent every year sixteen great Gallies. But after its subver­sion by Tamerlane, this Commerce ceased and the Gallies receiving their Lading in Syria, and at Alexandria of Aegypt. In the time of the forementioned Writers, which was from the year 1436. when Barbaro first went to Tana, until his return out of Persia in 1488. And Contarini, who returned not long before him, Citrachan was a mean Town, consisting chiefly of Tartarian Huts and incompassed with a pitiful mud-Wall, a place of no considerable Traffick, only the Muscovites fetch'd thence Fish and Salt. But Juan Vassilowich having reduced it in the year 1554 under his Dominion, it hath been by succeeding Emperours both fortified and enlarged: I shall say no more concerning it, Olearius a most deligent and judicious Writer, having left us so particular a Description thereof. I shall only add, That I suppose the cause of so diffrent names, as Gittarchan, Citrachan, and Astrachan, were occasioned by the Princs, who successively praesided, as is very obvious to any who are acquainted with the Customes of the Arabians, Persians, Turks, and other Eastern People.

But to return unto our Zavolgentian Tartars, so called by the Neighbouring Slavonick Nations, because the Seat of their Empire, and their chiefest places of Re­sidence were on, or near the Volga (which River did also almost equally divide their Territory) Za being only an Expletive Particle, as I could manifest by In­duction [Page] of several Russian, Polish, and Lithuanian Names of Men and Countries. After the devastation of their Countrey they would notwithstanding have soon re­covered their former Grandeur, had not divisions and intestine Wars long kept them low; and at length after divers wonderful and great Revolutions given the Russes leasure first to breath, and then invite them to deprive them of the best part of their Dominion. They not able to resist, being broken, as I said, by Discord and Division into divers petty Principalities. And on the other side the Crim Tartar, assisted by the Turk, subdued the remainder, whereby that Tribe which before was comparatively inconsiderable, became Supreme, and is at this day a terror un­to all the North-East Countries of Christendom. To shew in what manner, and by what degrees all this was transacted, is rather matter of a just History, than of a Preface the decorum whereof I have already transgressed, in making a Porch almost as large as the main Building, to which it should serve only for an Entrance.

I shall therefore conclude with some short and slight Remarks on diver Passages in our Authors Relation. His account of the Periplus of the Exuine Sea, (leaving out what he allows for the Teine Sea, or Palus Moetis) differs little in number of Miles from that of Arrian, though they disagree somewhat in particular distances; and is wonder­fully consonant to that calculation of Eratosthones, Hecataeus, Ptolomy, and Ammianus Marchellinus, who reckon it to amount unto 23000 Stadia, or 2875 Miles, which wants but 15 of our Travellers Computation.

He is also more particular, and I believe, more exact than any I have hitherto met with, in his Description of Crim or Taurica Chersonesus, whose length and breadth he gives us in several places directly, or by consequence. What he tells us concernining Arbot­ka and the great Field without it, sourrounded by the Sea he calls The Ratten Sea, is scarcely mentioned by any Modern Geographer, but wonderfully consonant to what is delivered by Strabo. Arbotka seems to be Taphre, the Ratten Sea, he calls [...], or Lacus Putris, and affirms to be part of the Palus Maeotis: in compass 4000 furlongs, with divers other particulars, confirming our Travellers Discourse, as may be read at large in his seventh Book. And I find in a Discourse published by Mr. Thevenot concerning the Tartars, written lately by a Religious Missionary who long resided in those parts, a Description of this place very sutable unto our Author. His words are these, speaking of the most remarkable places in Crim. Arbotec est un Cha­steau avee une tour scituee sur la col d'une Peninsule que est enfermee entre la Mer de Limen & Tineka Woda, cette gorge n'a plus d'un quart de lieue, elle est traversee d'une Pallisade qui s'ende d'une Mer a l'autre: la Peninsule est appellee par nos Cosaques Cola, a cause q'elle a la forme d'une faulx, c'est on ce lieu ou le Chan tient son Paras qui est bien de septante mille Chevaux. Et il est un destroit entre la terre ferme e Cosa 200 pas de large qui est gayable quand il est calme, le Cossaques le passent quand ils vont derober le Che­vaux de haras de Cham.

What our Author tells us of the Communication between the Tanais and Volga at Camusshanka, is particularly described by Olearius, who wrote many years after him; who also agrees with us in his account of the Rivers of Circassia, and Comukes Coun­trey: only our Writer is more punctual in his Description of their Sourses and Course, and mentions two or three omitted by Olearius, or unknow to him. A frequent mention is made by Procopious, Agathias, and others of the Bizantine Historians, of that strait passage between Georgia and Anadoule, or as they word it, between Colchis and Asia Minor, or Armenia.

Our Author having given an account of the Course of the Volga, and of the most remarkable places lying upon, or near it; at last assures us, That it empties it self in­to the Caspian Sea only by 22 Mouths, whose names he there rehearses: whereas other Writers ascribe unto it 70 Entrances, though as Olearius judiciously observes, most of them are rather passages made by the Sea between Islands and broken Ground, than proper distinct Arms or Branches of the forementioned Rivers.

What is said concerning the Cossacks retiring unto, and nesting in an Island of the Caspian Sea, is confirmed by a late French Writer, who long resided in Persia, He [Page] largely acquaints us with the great spoil these Outlaws made on the Coast of Me­sanderon, that they took Asterabath one of the Emperours Royal Stats, and having continued several days in possession, retired with great Booty and little loss.

I could render some probable account of those Thieves our Writer calls Sigakes, of what Nation they are, when they began, and how they live; but shall for brevity­sake wave this and divers other Remarks; and that I may manifest how impartial my sentiments are in reference unto the Treatise I have here Published, I shall first ac­knowledge, That I never met with any Writer who calls that Vast Plain between the Rivers Boristhenes and Tanais the Desart of Ingel and Ʋngul, although I have seen di­vers Journals both Antient and Modern, of Persons who have frequently traversed that vast Region: and have read most Histories, and perused Geographical Books or Tables that relate unto the Tartars, or their Countrey. Secondly, I must declare my distrust of his computation concerning the compass of the Caspian Sea; which he makes less than in truth it is, as I could largely demonstrate; though he hath pretty well salved the mistake, by his allowance of a thousand Miles for Bays, broken Ground, and Promontories. Lastly, Our Author is greatly mistaken, when he affirms, There is no Nation of Tartars between those of Bochara and China; whereas indeed several very Potent Kingdoms intervene. And yet he hath luckily Andabatorum more, hit up­on the Truth, where he assures us, there are no Catayans between the Ʋsbeg Tartars and China. For indeed there is at present no Catayne besides China, which is so called by all Tartars, Persians, Arabians, and other Mahumetans, as also by the Muscovites and other Nations who travel thither by Land, either in the Quality of Ambassadors, or Merchants. Though formerly there was a mighty People, either Turks or Tartars (they bing both Originally the same, as to Extract, Language, Manners, Religion, and Government) who lay directly in the way between Persia and China, and were certainly the Chatae of Ptolomy, but almost extirpated by Jingiz Chan, whom they vigo­rously resisted. And the remainder have ever since gone under the more general Names of Mogulls and Tartars, as I shall hereafter more clearly and fully demonstrate in a Discourse which I have long ago written, and may speedily publish, concerning the Beginnings and Progress of the Turkish and Tartarian Nations and Empires.

FINIS.

[Page] COLLECTIONS OF TRAVELS THROUGH TURKY into PERSIA, and the EAST-INDIES.

Giving an Account of the Present State of those Countries.

AS ALSO A Full RELATION of the Five Years WARS, between Aureng-Zebe and his Brothers in their Father's Life-time, about the Succession. And a Voyage made by the Great Mogol (Aureng-Zebe) with his Army from Dehli to Lahor, from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, by the Mogols, call'd, The Paradise of the Indies.

TOGETHER With a Relation of the Kingdom of JAPAN and TUNKIN, and of their particular Manners and Trade.

To which is added A New Description of the GRAND SEIGNIOR'S SERAGLIO, And also of all the Kingdoms that encompass the Euxine and Caspian Seas.

BEING The TRAVELS of Monsieur TAVERNIER BERNIER, and other great Men: Adorned with many Copper Plates.

The Second Volume.

LONDON, Printed for Moses Pitt at the Angel in St. Pauls Church-yard.

M. DC. LXXXIV.

AN EXTRACT OF A LETTER WRITTEN TO Mr. H. Ouldinburgh, FROM Monsieur DE MONCEAUX:
Giving a Character of the BOOK here Englished, and its AUTHOR.

VIrtue sometimes is no less interessed than Affection: Both, Sir, are glad to receive from time to time pledges mutually answering for those that have united themselves in a close correspondence. Yours indeed should demand of me such, as might be a security to you for the advance you have been pleased to make me of your Friendship. But since at present I have nothing worth presenting you with; and yet am unwilling to give you any leisure to be diffident of my realness, or to repent for having so easily given me a share in your esteem, I here send you a Relation of Indostan, in which you will find such considerable Oc­currences, as will make you confess, I could not convey to you a more acceptable Present, and that Monsieur Bernier, who hath written it, is a very Gallant Man, and of a mould, I wish all Travellers were made of. We ordinarily travel more out of Ʋnsetledness than Curiosity, with a design to see Towns and Countries rather than to know their Inhabitants and Pro­ductions; and we stay not long enough in a place, to inform our selves well of the Government, Policy, Interests and Manners of its People. Monsieur Bernier, after he had benefitted himself for the space of many years by the converse of the famous Gassendi, seen him expire in his arms, succeeded him in his Knowledge, and inherited his Opinions and Discove­ries, embarqued for Aegypt, stay'd above a whole year at Cairo, and then took the occasion of some Indian Vessels, that Trade in the Ports of the Red Sea, to pass to Suratte; and after Twelve years abode at the Court of the Great Mogol, is at last come to seek his rest in his native Countrey, there to give an Accompt of his Observations and Discoveries, and to pour out into the bosom of France, what he had amassed in India.

Sir, I shall say nothing to you of his Adventures, which you will find in the Relations that are to follow hereafter, which he abandons to the [Page] greediness of the Curious, who prefer their satisfaction to his quiet, and do already persecute him to have the sequel of this History. Neither shall I mention to you the hazards he did run, by being in the Neighbourhood of Mecca; nor of his prudent Conduct, which made him merit the esteem of his Generous Fazelcan, who since is become the first Minister of that Great Empire, whom he taught the principal Languages of Europe, after he had Translated for him the whole Philosophy of Gassendi in Latin, and whose leave he could not obtain to go home, till he had got for him a se­lect number of our best European Books, thereby to supply the loss he should suffer of his Person. This, at least, I can assure you of, that never a Traveller went from home more capable to observe, nor hath written with more knowledge, candour, and integrity; that I knew him at Con­stantinople, and in some Towns of Greece, of so excellent a Conduct, that I proposed him to my self for a Pattern in the Design I then had, to carry my Curiosity as far as the place where the Sun riseth; that I have often drowned in the sweetness of his entertainment the bitternesses, which else I must have swallowed all alone, in such irksome and unpleasant passages, as are those of Asia.

Sir, You will do me a pleasure to let me know the sentiment, your Il­lustrious Society hath of this Piece. Their Approbation begets much emu­lation among the Intelligent, who all have no other Ambition than to please them. I my self must avow to you, that if I thought I could merit so much, I should not so stifly oppose, as I do, the Publication of the Ob­servations and Notes I have made in the Levant. I should suffer my Friends to take them out of my Cabinet, where from the slight value I have for them, they are like to lye imprisoned, except the King my Master, by whose Order I undertook those Voyages, should absolutely command me to set them at liberty, and to let them take their course in the world. Mean time, Sir, you will oblige me, to assure those Great Men, who this day compose the most knowing Company on Earth, of the Veneration I have for the Oracles that come from their Mouth, and that I prefer their Lyceum before that of Athens; and lastly, that of all their Admirers there is none, that hath a greater Concern for their Glory, than

De MONCEAƲX.

The HEADS of the Principal Contents of this HISTORY.
Added by the English Interpreter.

1. WHat depth of Policy and Craft was used by Aureng-Zebe, the Heros in this History, and the Third of the Four Sons of Chah-Jehan the Great Mogol, to supplant all his Bro­thers, and to settle himself in the Throne: And how the first Foundation thereof was laid by the Visier of the King of Golconda, and the sickness of Chah-Jehan the Father of Aureng-Zebe.

2. A mixture of Love-Intrigues, practised by the Princess Begum-Saheb, one of the two Daughters of the Great Mogol, Chah-Jehan.

3. How Aureng-Zebe having overcome all his Brothers, did secure his Fa­ther and others, whom he had cause to be jealous of.

4. How the Neighbours of the Empire of Mogol demeaned themselves to­wards the new Emperour, Aureng-Zebe; and what Embassies were dispatched to him, first by the Usbec-Tartars (where a description of that Country and Peóple;) then the Dutch of Suratte; as also from Mecca, from Arabia Felix, from Ethiopia and Persia; together with an Account of their respective Instru­ctions, Receptions, Entertainments and Dismissions; particularly of that of the Hollanders, securing and improving their Trade by this their Embassie.

5. Aureng-Zebe's singular prudence, and indefatigable pains, in managing the Government himself; and how he treated him that endeavoured to perswade him to take his ease and pleasure, now he was established.

6. Aureng-Zebe's distaste against his Favourite-Sister, Rauchenara-Begum, occasioned by some Love-Cabals.

7. His great Care in appointing a Governour and Tutor to his Third Son Sultan Ekbar.

8. With what wisdom and severity Aureng-Zebe received and treated his Pedantick Tutor, who expected to be made a great Lord for his former ser­vice; together with a Model for the sutable Education of a Great Prince, pre­scribed by Aureng-Zebe on this occasion.

9. In what credit Judiciary Astrology is over all Asia.

10. How the Kings of India make themselves Heirs of all the Estate of those that dye in their service.

11. Of the Reciprocal Appearance of Kindnesses between Aureng-Zebe and his Imprison'd Father and Sister.

12. What pass'd between Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla, who had laid the first Ground work to Aureng-Zebe's Greatness.

13. What in these Revolutions was transacted about the Bay of Bengale and the Heathen Kingdom of Rakan.

14. How Aureng-Zebe carried himself towards his two Eldest Sons, Sultan Mahmoud and Sultan Mahum: And how, for a Trial of the Obedience and Courage of the latter, he commanded him to kill a certain Lion, that did great mischief in the Country; together with the success thereof.

15. Divers Particulars, shewing the Interest between Indostan and Persia, supposed by this Author to be unknown, or at least not well known hitherto.

16. How generously Aureng-Zebe recompensed those that had faithfully serv­ed him in these Revolutions.

[Page] 17. Some Account of that small Kingdom of Kachimere, or Cassimere, repre­sented as the Paradice of the Indies; concerning which the Author affirms, that he hath a particular History of it in the Persian Tongue.

18. A considerable Relation of Suratte's being strangely surpriz'd and plun­der'd, by a stout Rebel of Visapour; and how the English and Dutch saved themselves and their Treasure in this bold Enterprize.

19. A particular Account both of the former and present State of the whole Peninsule of Indostan; the occasion of its Division into divers Sovereign­ties, and the several Arts used to maintain themselves one against another; particularly of the present Government and State of the Kingdoms of Gol­konda and Visapour, and the Interests in reference to the Great Mogol.

20. Of the Extent of Indostan, and the Trade which the English, Portu­gueses, and Hollanders, have in that Empire; as also of the vast quantities of Gold and Silver, circulated through the World, and conveyed into Indostan, and there swallowed up, as in an Abyss.

21. Of the many Nations, which in that vast Extent of Country cannot be well kept in subjection by the Great Mogol.

22. Of the Great Mogol's Religion, which is Mahumetan, of the Turk­ish▪ not Persian Sect.

23. Of his Militia, both in the Field and about his Person; and how the same is provided for, employed, punctually paid, and carefully distributed in several places.

24. Of the Omrahs, that is, the Great Lords of Indostan; their several Qualities, Offices, Attendants.

25. The Artillery of the Mogol, great and small, very considerable.

26. Of his Stables of Horses, Elephants, Camels, Mules, &c.

27. Of his Seraglio.

28. Of his vast Revenues and Expences.

29. What Prince may be said to be truly Rich.

30. An important State-Question Debated, viz. Whether it be more expe­dient for the Prince and People, that the Prince be the sole Proprietor of all the Lands of the Countrey over which he Reigns, yea or no?

The Heads of the Chief Contents of the Third Tome, being the Continuation of the Great Mogols History.

  • AN Accurate Description of the two famous Cities of Indostan, Dehli and Agra, p. 1. and 91. and a Comparison betwixt them and Paris, p. 92. together with di­vers particulars interspersed up and down, discovering the Court and Genius of the Mogols and Indians; as also the Effects of the Christian Missionaries in those parts, with some strictures and reflections upon the indiscretion and scandalousness of some of them. p. 92.
  • An ample and very punctual Narrative of the Superstitions, strange Fashions and Doctrines of the Native Indians, or Gentiles of Indostan; manifesting, that there are no Opinions so extravagant and so ridiculous, which the Spirit of Man is not capable of, p. 96. The odd Belief and behaviour of that People concerning Eclipses, ib. The abominable Impostures of their Priests, p. 98. Divers very notable. Relations of the Banian Women burning themselves alive with the Corpses of their dead Husbands, ib. and of others of them, suf­fering themselves to be buried in the ground alive up to the very Neck, p. 101. The variety and abundance of Religious and Monkish Men among those Heathens, together with their extra­ordinary Strictures and cruel Austerities exercised upon themselves, p. 102. The reputed Saints, and many Enthusiasts that are amongst them, ib. The Books of Law and Sciences received there, p. 104. Their Doctrine of the Transmigration of Souls, ibid. Of the Creation, Preservation and Destruction of the World, p. 150. Of a kind of Trinity, and strange Incar­nation said to be believed by them, 105. as also of an odd Manifestation of the third person of their Trinity, p. 106. The Language of the Brachmans, altogether different from the common Indian, p. 107. together with its pretended extraordinary Antiquity, ibid. Their Philosophers, constituting chiefly six different Sects, ibid. Whereof some approach to the E­picurean principles; others reduce all to Matter and Form; others to Four Elements; others to Light and Darkness, &c. ibid. Their Method of Physick very different from ours; and what Principles 'tis grounded upon, p. 108. and how successful, ibid. Their Ignorance in Anatomy, ibid. Their Extravagant Tenets in Astronomy, ibid. and in Ge­ography, p. 109. A Description of that famous School of all the Indian Gentility at Ba­nares, ibid. Their Chronology, making the World in effect Eternal, ibid. Their Opini­on concerning Plants and Animals, importing, that the Seeds of both those kinds are not form'd anew, but were contriv'd in the First production of the World; as also, that they are (not only potentially, but) actually the very entire Plant and Animal, p. 110. Their Doctrine about the Soul of the World, and Creation, ibid.

The Heads of the Fourth Tome.

  • A Relation of a magnificent Voyage, made by the Great Mogol, Aureng-zebe, attended by his whole Army, from Dehli to Lahor; from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, the reputed Paradise of the Indies. Where is a Descripti­on of the greatness of the Mogolian Army, Provision, Artillery, Encampment, Discipline; among all which is inserted a particular way of keeping their Water fresh for drinking, p. 112. Then the number and pomp, the order and disposition of the great Mogols Te [...]ts in the Field; and the number of Elephants, Camels, Mules, and Porters necessary to carry them, p. 115. The disposition of the Royal Markets in the Camp, p. 117. The particular Quar­ters of the Mogolian Lords, and of the rest of the Army, ibid. The Extent of the whole Army, p. 118. The Confusion, there met with, and how it may be avoided, ibid. the different manners of the March of the King, the Princesses, and the whole Seraglio, p. 119. the great danger there is in being too near the Women, p. 120. The several ways of the Royal Hunting, ibid. Especially that of the Lion, p. 121. The vast number of People there is in the Army, and the method of providing for them all, p. 122.
  • [Page] A Description of Lahor, p. 123. The excessive Heats between Lahor and Bember, and its peculiar cause, p. 124. The Excellency of the waters of the Indian River Tchenau, ibid. Of the excessive Sweats men are subject to in those parts, and the harmless drinking of those Waters in very great quantity. p. 125.
  • An exact Description of the Kingdom and Paradise of Kachemire; its ancient State, p. 126.
  • Its present condition and excellencies, for Soyl, Corn, Trees, Saffron, Honey, as also for Springs, Rivers, Lakes; Cattle of all sorts, and wild Deer, without wild Beasts; the Wit and Industry of the Inhabitants, in making Stuffs softer than any Caster; in making good Vernish; the European Complexion of the people, and particularly the great beauty of their Women. p. 126.
  • Considerable Observations about the Mountains there, one side of them being intolerably hot, and of the temper of the Torrid Zone, and yielding Indian Plants; the other very tolera­ble, and of the nature of the Temperate Zone, and affording none but European Plants. p. 130.
  • Remarkables about the generation and corruption of Trees there, ibid. Strange Cascata's of Water, ibid. Odd changes of Winds, p. 104. A rare Fountain flowing and stopping regularly thrice a day, at a certain time of the Year; and at other times flowing regularly, p. 131.
  • With some Reflections thereon, ibid. Other not ordinary Fountains. p. 132.
  • The Description of an House of pleasure, of the ancient Kings of Kachemire, p. 133. And of two Royal Gardens. ibid.
  • The Discovery, made by the Author, of an Imposture practised by the Mullah's, (a sort of Re­ligious Heathens) pretending to be able to lift up a big stone with the end only of their eleven fingers. p. 133.
  • A great Lake, having Ice in Summer. The Condition of the neighbouring Mountains and Vallies of Kachemire, as to the Commodities of Wooll, Leather, Corn, Fruit, &c. p. 134.
  • An Account of some of the ancient Kachemirian Kings posterity, and of an odd way of theirs in preserving their Family. ibid.
  • The Scituation of the Kingdoms of the little and great Tibet, and the Commodities they af­ford, of Crystal, Musc, and Wooll, and a certain blewish Stone, of an Adamantine hard­ness, highly esteemed. p. 135.
  • The Embassy of the King of the Great Tibet, to Aureng-zebe, ibid. Where is related a plea­sant story of a Physitian of that Country, touching the Transmigration of Souls. ibid.
  • A considerable account of Voyages made by Caravans from Kachemire, through the Mountains of the great Tibet into Tartary, and Cataja, p. 136. And the Commodities brought back by those Caravans, as Musk, China-wood, Rubarb, Mamiron. ibid.
  • An Account of the Kingdom of Kacheguer or Kascar, its situation, together with directions how to travel thither from Kachemire, p. 136. As also, how to pass from Kacheguer to Katay. ibid.
  • An Answer to five Questions; concerning Jews in Kachemire, p. 137. the Mounsons, and the season of the ordinary Rains in the East-Indies, p. 138. the wonderful Regularity of the Current of the Sea, and of the Winds there, p. 139. the great Fertility and Riches of the Kingdom of Bengale, p. 140. the Causes of the Increase of the Nile. p. 143.
  • A Memorandum for perfecting the Map of Indostan, and for knowing the Revenue of the Great Mogol. p. 146.

THE HISTORY OF THE Late Revolution OF THE DOMINIONS OF THE GREAT MOGOL.

THE desire of seeing the World having made me Travel into Pale­stina and Egypt, would not let me stop there; it put me upon a resolution to see the Red Sea from one end to the other. I went from Grand Cairo, after I had staid there above a year; and in two and thirty hours, going the Caravan-pace, I arrived at Suez, where I Embarked in a Gally, which in seventeen days carry'd me, always in sight of Land, to the Port of Gidda, which is half a days Journey from Mecca. There I was constrained (contrary to my hopes, and the promise which the Beig of the Red Sea had made me) to go ashore on that pretended Holy Land of Mahomet, where a Christian, that is not a Slave, dares not set his foot. I staid there four and thirty days; and then I Embarked in a small Vessel, which in fifteen days carried me along the Coast of Arabia the Happy to Moka, near the Streight of Babel-mandel. I resolved to pass thence to the Isle of Masowa and Arkiko, to get as far as Gouder, the Capital Town of the Countrey of Alebech, or the Kingdom of Aethiopia; but I received certain information, that, since the Portugueses had been killed there by the intrigue of the Queen-Mother, or expelled, together with the Jesuit Patriarch, whom they had brought thither from Goa, the Roman Catholicks were not safe there; a poor Capuchin having lost his head at Suaken, for having attempted to en­ter into that Kingdom: That indeed, by going under the name of a Greek, or an Ar­menian, I did not run so great hazard, and that even the King himself, when he should know, that I could do him service, would give me Land to Till by Slaves, which I might buy if I had money; but that undoubtedly they would forthwith oblige me to Marry, as they had lately done a certain Frier, who had passed there under the name of a Greek Physitian; and that they would never suffer me to come away again.

These considerations, among others, induced me to change my resolution. I went aboard of an Indian Vessel; I passed those Streights, and in two and twenty days I ar­rived at Suratte in Indostan, the Empire of the Great Mogol, in the Year 1655. There I found, that he who then Reigned there, was call'd Chah-Jehan, that is to say, King of the World; who, according to the History of that Countrey, was Son of Jehan-Guyre, which signifieth Conqueror of the World, Grandchild of Ekbar, which is Great, and that thus ascending by Houmayons, or the Fortunate, Father of Ekbar, and his other Predecessors, he was the Tenth of those that were descended from that Timur-Lengue, which signifieth the Lame Prince, commonly and corruptly call'd Tamerlan, so renowned for his Conquests; who married his near Kinswoman, the only Daughter of the Prince of [Page 2] the Nations of Great Tartary, call'd Mogols, who have left and communicated their Name to the Strangers, that now govern Indostan, the Countrey of the Indians, though those that are employ'd in publick Charges and Offices, and even those that are listed in the Militia, be not all of the Race of the Mogols, but Strangers, and Nations gather'd out of all Countries, most of them Persians, some Arabians, and some Turks. For, to be esteem'd a Mogol, 'tis enough to be a Stranger white of Face, and a Mahumetan; in distinction as well to the Indians, who are brown, and Pagans, as to the Christians of Europe, who are call'd Franguis.

I found also at my arrival, that this King of the World, Chah-Jehan, of above seven­ty years of Age, had four Sons and two Daughters; that, some years since, he had made these four Sons Vice-Kings or Governors of four of his most considerable Provinces or Kingdoms; that it was almost a year that he was fallen into a great sickness, whence it was believed he would never recover: Which had occasioned a great division among these four Brothers (all laying claim to the Empire) and had kindled among them a War which lasted about five years, and which I design here to describe, having been present at some of the most considerable Actions, and entertained for the space of eight years at that Court, where Fortune and the small stock of Money (left me after divers Encounters with Robbers, and the Expences of a Voyage of six and forty days from Su­ratte to Agra and Dehli, the Capital Towns of that Empire) obliged me to take a Sala­ry from the Grand Mogol in the quality of a Physitian, and a little after from Danech­mend-Kan, the most knowing Man of Asia, who had been Bakchis, or Great Master of the Horse, and was one of the most powerful and the most considerable Omrahs or Lords of that Court.

The Eldest of these four Sons of Chah-Jehan was call'd Dara, that is Darius. The Second was call'd Sultan-Sujah, that is, the Valiant Prince. The name of the Third was Aurenge-Zebe, which signifies the Ornament of the Throne. That of the Fourth was Morad-Bakche, as if you should say, Desire accomplished. Of the two Daughters, the eldest was call'd Begum-Saheb, that is, the Mistress Princess; and the youngest Rau­chenara-Begum, which is as much as Bright Princess, or the Splendor of Princesses.

'Tis the Custom of the Countrey, to give such Names to their Princes and Princesses. Thus the Wife of Chah-Jehan, so renown'd for her Beauty, and for having a Tomb, which much more deserved to be reckon'd among the Wonders of the World, than those unshapen Masses, and those heaps of Stones in Egypt, was called Tage-Mehalle, that is to say, the Crown of the Seraglio; and the Wife of Jehan-Guyre, who hath so long govern'd the State, whilst her Husband minded nothing but Drinking and Divertise­ments, was first called Nour-Mehalle, and afterwards, Nour-Jehan-Begum, the Light of the Seraglio, the Light of the World. The reason, why they give such kind of Names to the Great Ones, and not Names from their Land or Dominion (as is usual in Europe) is, because all the Land being the Kings, there are no Marquisates, Earldoms and Dut­chies, of which the Grandees might bear their Names; all consists in Pensions either of Land or ready Money, which the King giveth, increaseth, retrencheth, and takes away, as seems good unto him: And 'tis even for this reason, that the Omrahs have also no other but such Names; one (for example) being called Raz-Audaze-Kan, i. e. a Thunderer; another, Safe Cheken-Kan, a Breaker of Ranks; a third, Bare-Audaze-Kan, a Man of Lightening; others, Dianet-Kan, or Danechmend-Kan, or Fazel-Kan, i. e. the Faithful Lord, the Intelligent, the Perfect, and the like.

Dara, the Eldest Son, wanted not good Qualities. He was Gallant in Conversation, Witty in Repartees, exceeding Civil and Liberal, but entertained too good an Opinion of his person, esteeming himself alone capable of all, and thinking it scarce possible that any Body was able to give him counsel; insomuch, that he would give reproachful Names to those who pretended to advise him in any thing; whereby it came to pass, that even those, who were most affectionate to him, were shie to discover to him the most secret Intrigues of his Brothers. Besides, he was apt to be transported with pas­sion, to menace, to injure, to affront, even the greatest Omrahs or Lords; but all passed over like a flash of light. Though he was a Mahumetan, and publickly expressed in the ordinary Exercises of Religion to be so, yet, in private, he was Heathen with the Hea­then, and Christian with the Christians. He had constantly about him of those Hea­then Doctors, to whom he gave very considerable Pensions, and who (as was said) had instilled into him Opinions contrary to the Religion of the Land; of which I may touch something hereafter, when I shall come to speak of the Religion of the Indians [Page 3] or Gentiles. He also hearkened of late very willingly to the Reverend Father Buzee a Jesuit, and began very well to relish what he suggested. Yet there are some who say, that at the bottom he was void of all Religion, and that whatever he pretended in it, was only for curiosity, or, as others say, out of policy, to make himself beloved by the Christians, who are pretty numerous in his Artillery; but above all, to gain the Affecti­on of the Rajas, or Soveraign Gentiles, that were Tributary to the Empire, and to make them of his party upon occasion. Mean time, this hath not much furthered his Affairs, on the contrary, it will appear in the sequel of this History, that the pretence used by Aureng-Zebe, his third Brother, to cut off his head, was, that he was turned Kafer, that is to say, an Infidel, of no Religion, an Idolater.

Sultan Sujah, the second Brother, was much of the humor of Dara, but he was more close and more setled, and had better conduct and dexterity. He was fit to ma­nage an Intrigue well, and he made, under-hand, Friends, by the force of Presents, which he heaped upon the great Omrahs, and principally upon the most powerful Rajas, as Jessomseigne, and some others; but he did somewhat too much indulge his pleasures, in entertaining an extraordinary number of Women, among whom when he was, he spent whole days and nights in drinking, singing, and dancing. He made them Pre­sents of very rich Apparel; and he encreased or lessened their Pensions according as the fancy took him: By which kind of life his Affairs did languish, and the Affections of ma­ny of his People cooled. He cast himself into the Religion of the Persians, although Chah-Jehan, his Father, and all his Brothers, were of the Turkish. 'Tis known that Mahumetanism is divided into several Sects, which made that famous Check-Sady, Au­thor of the Goulistan, say in Verse, which is to this effect in Prose; I am a Dervich Drinker, I seem to be without Religion, and I am known of sixty two Sects. But of all those Sects there are two principal ones, whose Partisans are mortal Enemies to one ano­ther. The one is that of the Turks, whom the Persians call Osmantous, that is, Sectators of Osman; they believing that 'tis he that was the true and lawful Successor of Maho­met, the Great Caliph or Soveraign Priest, to whom alone it did appertain to interpret the Alcoran, and to decide the Controversies to be met with in the Law. The other is that of the Persians, whom the Turks call Chias, Rafezys, Aly-Merdans, that is, Secta­ries, Hereticks, Partisans of Aly, because they believe, contrary to the belief of the Turks, that this Succession and Pontifical Authority, which I just now intimated, was due only to Aly the Son-in-law of Mahomet. It was by reason of State that Sultan Su­jah had embraced this latter Sect, considering that all the Persians being Chias, and most of them, or their Children, having the greatest power at the Court of Mogol, and hold­ing the most important Places of the Empire, he had most reason to hope, that, when occasion served, they would all take his part.

Aureng-Zebe, the third Brother, had not that Gallantry, nor surprizing Presence of Dara, he appeared more serious and melancholy, and was indeed much more judicious, understanding the World very well, and knowing whom to chuse for his service and pur­pose, and where to bestow his favour and bounty most for his interest. He was reser­ved, crafty, and exceedingly versed in dissembling, insomuch that for a long while he made profession to be Fakire, that is, Poor, Dervich, or Devout, renouncing the World, and feigning not to pretend at all to the Crown, but to desire to pass his life in Prayer, and other Devotions. In the mean time he failed not to make a Party at Court, espe­cially when he was made Vice-King of Decan; but he did it with so much dexterity, art, and secresie, that it could hardly be perceived. He also had the skill to maintain himself in the affection of Chah-Jehan his Father, who although he much loved Dara, could yet not forbear to shew that he esteemed Aureng-Zebe, and judged him capable to Reign; which caused jealousie enough in Dara, who began to find it, insomuch that he could not hold from saying sometimes to his Friends in private, Of all my Brothers I apprehend only this Nemazi, that is, this Bigot, this great Praying-man.

Morad-Bakche, the youngest of all, was the least dextrous, and the least judicious. He cared for nothing but mirth and pastime, to drink, hunt, and shoot. Yet he had some good qualities, for he was very civil and liberal; he gloried in it, that he kept no­thing secret; he despised Cabals; and he bragg'd openly, that he trusted only in his A [...]m and Sword: In short, he was very Brave, and if this Bravery had been accompanied with some conduct, he would have carried the Bell from all his Brothers, and been King of Indostan, as will appear in what is to follow.

Concerning the two Daughters, the Eldest, Begum-Saheb, was very beautiful, and a [Page 4] great Wit, passionately beloved of her Father. It was even rumoured, that he loved her to that degree as is hardly to be imagined, and that he alledged for his excuse, that, according to the determination of his Mullahs, or Doctors of his Law, it was permitted a Man to eat of the fruit of the Tree he had planted. He had so great a confidence in her, that he had given her charge to watch over his safety, and to have an eye to all what came to his Table: And she knew perfectly to manage his humor, and even in the most weighty Affairs to bend him as she pleased. She was exceedingly enriched by great Pensions, and by costly Presents, which she received from all Parts, for such Nego­tiations as she employed her self in about her Father: And she made also great Expences, being of a very liberal and generous disposition. She stuck entirely to Dara, her eldest Brother, espoused cordially his part, and declared openly for him; which contributed not a little to make the Affairs of Dara prosper, and to keep him in the affection of his Father; for she supported him in all things, and advertised him of all occurrences: Yet that was not so much, because he was the eldest Son, and she the eldest Daughter (as the People believed) as because he had promised her, that as soon as he should come to the Crown, he would marry her; which is altogether extraordinary, and almost never practised in Indostan.

I shall not scruple to relate here some of the Amours of this Princess, although shut up in a Seraglio, and well kept, like other Women. Neither shall I apprehend, that I may be thought to prepare matter for a Romancer; for they are not Amours like ours, followed by Gallant and Comical Adventures, but attended with Events dreadful and Tragical.

Now 'tis reported, that this Princess found means to let a young Gallant enter the Seraglio, who was of no great Quality, but proper, and of a good Meen. But among such a number of jealous and envious persons, she could not carry on her business so pri­vily, but she was discover'd. Chah-Jehan, her Father, was soon advertised of it, and resolved to surprize her, under the pretence of giving her a Visit, as he used to do. The Princess seeing him come unexpected, had no more time than to hide this unfortunate Lover in one of the great Chaudrons made to Bath in; which yet could not be so done, but that Chah-Jehan suspected it. Mean time he quarrelled not with his Daughter, but entertained her a pretty while, as he was wont to do; and at length told her, that he found her in a careless and less neat posture; that it was convenient she should wash her self, and bath oftner; commanding presently, with somewhat a stern countenance, that forthwith a Fire should be made under that Chaudron, and he would not part thence, before the Eunuchs had brought him word, that that unhappy Man was dispatched. Some time after she took other measures, she chose for her Kane-saman, that is, her Steward, a certain Persian called Nazerkan, who was a young Omrah, the handsomest and most accomplished of the whole Court; a Man of Courage and Ambition, the Dar­ling of all, insomuch that Chah-Hestkan, Uncle of Aureng-Zebe, proposed to marry him to the Princess: But Chah-Jehan received that Proposition very ill, and besides, when he was informed of some of the secret Intrigues that had been formed, he resolved quick­ly to rid himself of Nazerkan. He therefore presented to him, as 'twere to do him honour, a Betele, which he could not refuse to chew presently, after the custom of the Countrey. Betele is a little knot made up of very delicate leaves, and some other things, with a little chalk of Sea-Cockles, which maketh the mouth and lips of a ver­milion colour, and the breath sweet and pleasing. This young Lord thought of nothing less than being poysoned: He went away from the Company very jocund and content, into his Paleky; but the Drug was so strong, that before he could come to his house, he was no more alive.

Rauchenara-Begum never passed for so handsom and spiritual as Begum-Saheb, but she was not less cheerful, and comely enough, and hated pleasures no more than her Sister. But she addicted her self wholly to Aureng-Zebe, and consequently declared her self an Enemy to Begum-Saheb and Dara. This was the cause, that she had no great Riches, nor any considerable share in the Affairs of the State: Nevertheless as she was in the Se­raglio, and wanted no Wit and Spies, she could not but discover many important mat­ters, of which she gave secret advertisement to Aureng Zebe.

Chah-Jehan, some years before the Troubles, finding himself charged with these four Princes, all come to Age, all Married, all pretending to the Crown, Enemies to one another, and each of them making secretly a Party, was perplexed enough, as to what was fittest for him to do, fearing danger to his own person, and foreseeing what after­wards [Page 5] befell him: For, to shut them up in Goualeor, which is a Fortress where the Princes are ordinarily kept close, and which is held impregnable, it being situated upon an inaccessible Rock, and having within it self good water, and provision enough for a Garison; that was not so easie a thing. They were too potent already, each of them having a Princely Train. And again, he could not handsomly remove them far off, with­out giving them some Government fit for their Birth; wherein he apprehended they would Cantonize themselves, and become little independent Kings, as actually they afterwards did. Nevertheless, fearing lest they should cut one anothers Throat before his Eyes, if he kept them still at Court, he at last concluded to send them away. And so he sent Sultan Sujah, his second Son, into the Kingdom of Bengale; his third, Au­reng-Zebe, into Decan; and the youngest, Morad-Bakche, to Guzaratte; giving to Dara, the eldest, Cabal and Multan. The three first went away very well content with their Government, and there they acted each the Soveraign, and retained all the Revenues of their respective Countries, entertaining great Troops, under the pretence of bridling their Subjects and Neighbours. As to Dara, because the eldest, and designed to the Crown, he stirred not from the Court; which that he should not do, seemed also to be the intention of Chah-Jehan, who entertained him in the hopes of succeeding him after his death. He even permitted then, that Orders were issued out by him, and that he might sit in a kind of Throne, beneath his, among the Omrahs; so that it seemed, as if there were two Kings together. But as 'tis very difficult for two Soveraigns to agree, Chah-Jehan, though Dara shew'd him great observance and affection, always harbour'd some dissidence, fearing above all things the Morsel; and besides, for as much as he knew the parts of Aureng-Zebe, and thought him more capable to Reign than any of the rest, he had always (as they say) some particular correspondence with him.

This it is, what I thought fit to premise concerning these four Princes, and their Fa­ther Chah-Jehan, because 'tis necessary for the understanding of all that follows. I esteem'd also, that I was not to forget those two Princesses, as having been the most considerable Actors in the Tragedy; the Women in the Indies taking very often, as well as at Constantinople, and in many other places, the best part in the most important Tran­sactions, though men take seldom notice of it, and trouble their heads of seeking for other causes.

But to deliver this History with clearness, we must rise somewhat higher, and relate what passed, some time before the Troubles, between Aureng-Zebe, the King of Golkonda, and his Visier Emir-Jemla; because this will discover to us the character and temper of Aureng-Zebe, who is to be the Heros of this Piece, and the King of the Indies. Let us then see, after what manner Emir-Jemla proceeded, to lay the first foundation of the Royalty of Aureng Zebe.

During the time that Aureng-Zebe was in Decan, the King of Golkonda had for his Visier and General of his Armies this Emir-Jemla, who was a Persian by Nation, and very famous in the Indies. He was not a man of great Extraction, but beaten in Busi­ness, a person of excellent parts, and a great Captain. He had the wit of amassing great Treasures, not only by the administration of the affairs of this opulent Kingdom, but also by Navigation and Trade, sending Ships into very many Parts, and causing the Diamond Mines, which he alone had farmed under many borrowed names, to be wrought with extraordinary diligence. So that people discoursed almost of nothing but of the Riches of Emir-Jemla, and of the plenty of his Diamonds, which were not reckon'd but by Sacks. He had also the skill to render himself very potent and considerable, en­tertaining, besides the Armies of the King, very good Troops for his particular, and above all a very good Artillery, with abundance of Franguys or Christians to manage it. In a word, he grew so rich, and so puissant, especially after he had found a way to enter into the Kingdom of Karnates, and to pillage all the ancient Churches of the Idols of that Countrey, that the King of Golkonda became jealous of it, and prepared himself to unsaddle him; and that the more, because he could not bear what was reported of him, as if he had used too great familiarity with the Queen his Mother, that was yet beauteous. Yet he discover'd nothing of his design to any, having patience, and wait­ing till Emir came to the Court, for he was then in the Kingdom of Karnates with his Army. But one day, when more particular News was brought him of what had passed between his mother and him, he had not power enough to dissemble any longer, but was transported by choler to fall to invectives and menaces: Whereof Emir was soon made acquainted, having at the Court abundance of his Wives Kindred, and all his [Page 6] nearest Relations and best Friends possessing the principal Offices. The King's Mother also, who did not hate him, had speedy information of the same. Which obliged Emir, without delay, to write to his only Son, Mahmet Emir-Kan, who then was about the King, requiring him to do the best he could to withdraw with all speed from the Court, under some pretence of Hunting, or the like, and to come and join with him. Mahmet Emir-Kan failed not to attempt divers ways; but, the King causing him to be narrowly observed, none of them all would succeed. This very much perplexed Emir, and made him take a strange resolution, which cast the King in great danger to lose his Crown and Life; so true 'tis, that he who knows not to Dissemble, knows not how to Reign. He writ to Aureng-Zebe, who was then in Daulet-Abad, the Capital of Decan, about fifteen or sixteen days Journey from Golkonda, giving him to understand, that the King of Golkonda did intend to ruine him and his Family, notwithstanding the signal Services he had done him, as all the World knew; which was an unexampled Injustice and In­gratitude; that this necessiated him to take his refuge to him, and to intreat him, that he would receive him into his protection; that, for the rest, if he would follow his ad­vice, and confide in him, he would so dispose Affairs, that he would at once put into his hands both the King and Kingdom of Golkonda. This thing he made very easie, using the following Discourse: You need but take four or five thousand Horse, of the best of your Army, and to march with Expedition to Golkonda, spreading a rumor by the way, that 'tis an Ambassador of Chah-Jehan that goes in haste, about considerable mat­ters, to speak with the King at Bag-naguer. The Dabir, who is he that is first to be addressed unto, to make any thing known unto the King, is allied to me, and my crea­ture, and altogether mine; take care of nothing but to march with Expedition, and I will so order it, that without making you known, you shall come to the Gates of Bag-naguer; and when the King shall come out to receive the Letters, according to custom, you may easily seize on him, and afterwards of all his Family, and do with him what shall seem good to you; in regard that his house of Bag-naguer, where he commonly resides, is unwalled and unfortified. He added, that he would make this Enterprise up­on his own charges, offering him fifty thousand Roupies a day (which is about five and twenty thousand Crowns) during the whole time of the March.

Aureng-Zebe, who looked only for some such occasion, had no mind at all to lose so fair an one. He soon undertook the Expedition, and did so fortunately manage his En­terprise, that he arrived at Bag-naguer, without being otherwise known than as an Am­bassador of Chah-Jehan. The King of Golkonda being advertised of the arrival of this pretended Ambassador, came forth into a Garden, according to custom, received him with honour, and having unfortunately put himself into the hands of his Enemy, ten or twelve Slaves, Gurgis, were ready to fall upon and to seize his person, as had been pro­jected; but that a certain Omrah, touched with tenderness, could not forbear to cry out, though he was of the Party, and a creature of Emir, Doth not your Majesty see that this is Aureng-Zebe? Away, or you are taken. Whereat the King being a [...]righted, slips away, and gets hastily on horseback, riding with all his might to the Fortress of Golkon­da, which is but a short League from thence.

Aureng-Zebe seeing he was defeated in his design, yet was not therefore discomposed; but seized at the same time on the Royal House, taketh all the rich and good things he finds there; yet sending to the King all his Wives (which over all the Indies is very re­ligiously observed) and goeth to besiege him in his Fortress. But as the Siege, for want of having brought along all Necessaries, held on long, and lasted above two months, he received order from Chah-Jehan to raise it, and to retire into Decan again; so that, although the Fortress was reduced to Extremities, for want of Victuals and Ammunition of War, he found himself obliged to abandon his Enterprise. He knew very well, that it was Dara and Begum that had induced Chah-Jehan to send these Or­ders, from the apprehension they entertained, that he would become too powerful; but in the mean time he never discover'd any resentment of it, saying only, that he ought to obey the Orders of his Father. Yet he withdrew not, without causing under-hand payment to be made to him of all the Charges of his Expedition: Besides, he married his Son Sultan Mahmond to the eldest Daughter of that King, with a promise, that he would make him his Successor, causing him also to give him for a Dowry the Fortress and the Appurtenances of Bamguyre. He also made the King consent, that all the Silver Money that should be Coined for the future in that Kingdom, should bear on one side the Arms of Chah-Jehan; and that Emir-Jemla should withdraw with his whole Fami­ly, all his Goods, Troops, and Artillery.

[Page 7] These two great Men were not long together, but they framed great designs: On the way they besieged and took Bider, one of the strongest and most important Places of Visapour; and thence they went to Daulet-Abad, where they contracted so intimate a friendship together, that Aureng-Zebe could not live without seeing Emir twice a day, no [...] Emir without seeing Aureng-Zebe. Their Union began to cause a new Face in all the Affairs of those Parts, and laid the first foundations of the Royalty of Aureng-Zebe.

This Prince having used the Art to make himself to be called to the Court divers times, went with great and rich Presents to Agra to Chah-Jehan, presenting him his service, and inducing him to make War against the King of Golkunda, and him of Vi­sapour, and against the Portugals. At first he presented to him that great Diamond, which is esteem'd matchless; giving him to understand, that the precious stones of Gol­konda were quite other things, than those Rocks of Kandabar; that there it was, where the War ought to be made, to get the possession thereof, and to go as far as Cape-Como­ry. Chah-Jehan, whether it were that he was dazled by the Diamonds of Emir, or whether he thought it fit, as some believe he did, to have an Army in the Field, some­what to restrain Dara, whom he found active in making himself potent, and who with insolence had ill treated the Visier Sadullah-Kan (whom Chah-Jehan passionately loved, and considered as the greatest Statesman that had been in the Indies) causing him even to be made away with Poison, as a Man not of his Party, but inclined to Sultan Sujah; or rather, because he found him too powerful, and in a condition to be the Umpire of the Crown, if Chah-Jehan should decease; or lastly, because being neither Persian, nor of Persian Extraction, but an Indian, there were not wanting envious persons, who spread abroad, that he entertained in divers places numerous Troops of Patans, very gallant men, and well paid, with a design to make himself King, or his Son; or at least to ex­pel the Mogels, and to restore to the Throne the Nation of the Patans, of whom he had taken his Wife. However it be, Chah-Jehan resolved to send an Army towards Decan, under the conduct of Emir-Jemla.

Dara, who saw the consequence of this Affair, and that the sending of Troops for those Parts, was to give strength to Aureng-Zebe, opposed it exceedingly, and did what he could to hinder it. Nevertheless, when he saw that Chah-Jehan was resolute for it, he at last thought it best to consent; but with this condition, that Aureng-Zebe should keep in Daulet-Abad, as Governor only of the Countrey, without medling at all in the War, or pretending to govern the Army; that Emir should be the absolute General, who for a pledge of his Fidelity was to leave his whole Family at the Court. Emir strugled enough within himself, whether he should agree to this last condition, but when Chah-Jehan desir'd him to give that satisfaction to Dara, and promised him, that after a little while he would send him back his Wife and Children, he consented, and marched into Decan towards Aureng-Zebe with a very gallant Army, and without any stop entred into Visapour, where he besieged a strong place called Kaliane.

The Affairs of Indostan were in that condition, as I have been relating, when Chah-Jahan fell dangerously sick, I shall not speak here of his sickness, much less relate the particulars of it. I shall only say this, that it was little suitable to a man of above Seventy years of Age, who should rather think on preserving his strength, than to ruine it, as he did. This sickness did soon alarm and trouble all Indostan. Mighty Armies were levied in Dehly and Agra, the Capitals of the Empire. Sultan Sujah did the like in Bengale, and Aureng-Zebe in Decan, and Mord-Bakche in Guzaratte: All four assem­bled to themselves their Allies and Friends; all four write, promise, and form divers Intrigues. Dara having surprised some of their Letters, shew'd them to Chah-Jehan, and made great noise about them; and his Sister Begum failed not to make use of this occasion, to animate the King against them. But Chah-Jehan was diffident of Dara, and fearing to be poisoned, gave order, that particular care should be had of what was brought to his Table. 'Twas also said, that he wrote to Aureng-Zebe; and that Dara being advertised thereof, could not forbear to menace, and to break into very passionate expressions. In the mean time the distemper of Chah-Jehan lingred, and 'twas bruited every where, that he was dead. Whereupon the whole Court was disorder'd, the whole Town alarm'd, the Shops for many days shut up; and the four Sons of the King made openly great Preparations, each for himself: And to say truth, it was not without rea­son, that they all made ready for War; for they all very well knew, that there was no hopes of Quarter, that there was no other way, than to vanquish or die, to be King or [Page 8] undone, and that he that should be Conqueror would rid himself of all the rest, as for­merly Chah-Jehan had done of his Brothers.

Sultan Sujah, who had heaped up great Treasures in that rich Kingdom of Bengale, ruining some of the Rajas or petty Kings that are in those Parts, and drawing great Sums from others, took the Field first of all with a puissant Army, and in the confidence he had of all the Persian Omrahs, for the Sect of whom he had declared himself, he boldly marched towards Agra, giving out openly, that Chah-Jehan was dead, that Dara had poison'd him, that he would revenge the death of his Father, and, in a word, that he would be King. Dara desired Chah-Jehan to write himself to him, and to forbid him to advance further; which he did, assuring him, that his sickness was not at all dangerous, and that he was already much better. But he having Friends at Court, who assured him that the sickness of Chah-Jehan was mortal, he dissembled, and ceased not to advance, saying still, that he knew very well Chah-Jehan was dead; and if he should be alive, he was desirous to come and kiss his feet, and to receive his Com­mands.

Aureng-Zebe immediately after, if not at the same time, taketh the Field also in De­can, maketh a great noise, and prepareth to march towards Agra. The same prohi­bition was made to him also, as well from Chah-Jehan, as from Dara, who threaten'd him. But he dissembleth, for the same reason that Sultan Sujah had done, and giveth the like answer. Mean time, finding that his Treasure was low, and his Soldiery very inconsiderable, he devised two Artifices, which succeeded admirably well; the one, in regard of Morad-Bakche; the other, in respect of Emir-Jemla. To Morad-Bakche he writes with speed a very fair Letter, importing, that he had always been his true and intimate Friend; that, as for himself, he laid no claim at all to the Crown; that he might remember, he had all his life-time made profession of a Fakire, but that Dara was a person incapable to govern a Kingdom; that he was a Kafer, an Idolater, and hated of all the greatest Omrahs; that Sultan Sujah was a Rafezy, an Heretick, and by conse­quence an Enemy to Indostan, and unworthy of the Crown: So that, in a word, there was none but he (Morad-Bakche) that could reasonably pretend to the Succession; that the Crown did expect him; that the whole Court, which was not ignorant of his Valor, would be for him; and that for his particular, if he would promise him, that being King, he would give him leave to live quietly in some corner or other of his Empire, there to serve God the remainder of his days, he was ready to make a conjunction with him, to assist him with his Counsel and Friends, and to put into his hands his whole Army, to fight Dara and Sultan Sujah; that in the mean time he sent him an Hundred thousand Rupies (which make about Fifty thousand Crowns of our money) and prayed him to accept thereof as a pledge of his friendship; and that he would advise him to come with all possible speed to seize on the Castle of Suratte, where he knew to be the Trea­sure of the Land.

Morad-Bakche, who was neither too rich, nor too powerful, received with much joy this Proposition of Aureng-Zebe, and the Hundred thousand Rupies sent by him; and shew'd Aureng-Zebe's Letter to every body, thereby to oblige the Flower of that Coun­trey to take up Arms for him, and the substantial Merchants to lend him the more wil­lingly such Sums of money as he demanded of them. He began in good earnest to act the King, made large promises to all, and, in short, did so well, that he set a good Ar­my on foot, of whom he fingled out some Three thousand, who, under the conduct of Chah-Abas, one of his Eunuchs, but a valiant man, should go to besiege Suratte.

Aureng-Zebe sent his eldest Son, Sultan Mahmoud (him whom he had married to the Daughter of the King of Golkonda) to Emir-Jemla, who was yet employed in the siege of Kaliane, to perswade him to come to him to Daulet-Abad, pretending to have mat­ter of the greatest importance to communicate to him. Emir, who soon suspected his intentions, excused himself, saying openly, that Chah-Jehan was not dead, that he had fresh News of his being alive, and that besides, all his Family being at Agra in the hands of Dara, he could by no means assist Aureng-Zebe, nor declare himself for him. Where­upon Sultan Mahmoud return'd to Daulet-Abad, without effecting any thing, and very much dissatisfied with Emir. But Aureng-Zebe lost no courage for all that, but sent the second time to Emir, yet not Sultan Mahmoud, but Sultan Mazum his second Son, who presented to him his Fathers Letter, and handled him with that dexterity, sweetness, and protestation of friendship, that it was not possible to resist him. Emir therefore pressed the siege of Kaliane, forced the besieged to surrender upon composition, took the [Page 9] choice of his Army, and with all diligence went away with Sultan Mazum. At his ar­rival, Aureng-Zebe courted him in the highest degree, treating him no otherwise than with the name of Baba and Babagy, that is, Father, Lord-Father; and after an hun­dred Embraces, he took him somewhat aside, and told him (according to what I could learn from persons who knew of it) That it was not just, that having his Family at the Court, he should adventure to do any thing in his behalf that might come to be known; but that, after all, there was nothing so difficult but an Expedient might be found. Give me leave therefore, said he, to propose to you a Design, which at first will possibly surprise you; but, since you apprehend the danger of your Wife and Children that are in Hostage, the best way of providing for their security would be, to suffer me to seize on your person, and to put you in Prison. It is out of doubt, that all the World will believe it done in earnest: For who would imagine, that such a person as you would be content to let your self be laid in Pri­son? In the interim, I could make use of part of your Army, and of your Artillery, as you shall judge most proper and convenient: You also could furnish me with a Sum of mo­ney, as you have frequently offered it; and besides, methinks I might tempt Fortune further, and we might together take our measures, to see in what manner I had best to domean my self, if you would also permit, that I might cause you to be transported into the Fortress of Dau­let-Abad, where you should be Master; and that there I might have you kept by my own Son, Sultan Mazum, or Sultan Mahmoud; this would yet better palliate the matter, and I see not, what Dara could justly say of it, nor how he could reasonably treat your Wife and Children ill.

Emir, whether it were by reason of the friendship he had sworn to Aureng-Zebe, or for the great promises made to him, or the apprehension he had, of seeing near him Sul­tan Mazum, who stood by, very pensive and well armed, and Sultan Mahmoud, who looked grim upon him for his coming away at the solicitation of his Brother, not at that of his, and had at his very entrance lift up his foot, as if he would have hit him; what­ever of these Considerations might induce him, consented to all what Aureng-Zebe desi­red, and approved of the Expedient to suffer himself to be imprison'd; so that Aureng-Zebe being no sooner gone, but the great Master of the Artillery was seen to approach with some fierceness to Emir, and to command him in the name of Aureng-Zebe to fol­low him, locking him up in a Chamber, and there giving him very good words, whilst all the Soldiery that Aureng-Zebe had thereabout, went to their Arms. The report of the detention of Emir-Jemla was no sooner spread [...]ut a great Tumult arose; and those, whom he had brought along with him, althou [...] [...]astonish'd, yet put themselves into a posture of reseuing him, and with their Sword [...] drawn ran to force the Guards, and the Gate of his Prison, which was easie for them to do: For Aureng-Zebe had not with him sufficient Troops to make good so bold an Enterprise, the only name of Emir-Jemla made all tremble. But the whole matter being altogether counterfeited, all these Commotions were presently calmed, by the intimations that were given to the chief Of­ficers of Emir's Army, and by the presence of Aureng-Zebe, who there appeared very resolute with his two Sons, and spoke now to one, then to another; and at last by Pro­mises and Presents, liberally bestowed on those that were concerned. So that all the Troops of Emir, and even most of those of Chah-Jehan, seeing things troubled, and being without their General, and believing Chah-Jehan to be dead, or, at best, despe­rately sick; considering also the ample promises made to them of augmenting their Sti­pend, and of giving them at that very time three months Advance, soon Lasted them­selves under Aureng-Zebe; who having seized on all the Equipage of Emir, even his very Camels and Tents, took the Field, resolved to march to the Siege of Suratte, and to hasten the taking it in; where Morad-Bakche was exceedingly embarrassed, because that his best Troops were employed there, and that he found more resistance in that place than he imagined. But Aureng-Zebe, after some days March, was informed, that the Go­vernor had surrendred the Place; for which he sent Congratulations to Morad-Bakche, acquainting him withal of his Transactions with Emir-Jemla, and assuring him, that he had Forces and Money enough, and very good intelligence at the Court; that nothing was wanting; that he was directly going to Brampour and Agra; that he had expected him on the way, and therefore desired him to join with him.

'Tis true, that Morad-Bakche found not so much money in the Fortress of Suratte as he had imagined, whether it were that really there was not so much as was reported, or whether the Governor had diverted a part of it, as some believed: Yet notwith­standing that little he found there was useful to him, to pay the Soldiers that had Listed [Page 10] themselves in hopes of the advantages, they should make of the imagined vast Treasure of Suratte. 'Tis not less true, that he had no greater reason to boast of the taking of this Place, in regard there was not any Regular Fortification about it; and yet his Army had lain before it above a month, and would never have reduced it without the Hollanders, who furnished them with the Invention of Springing a Mine, which ruin­ing a great side of the Wall, cast the besieged into such a Consternation, that it made them immediately surrender. The reduction of this Town did much advance his De­sign, Fame proclaiming immediately throughout these Countreys, that Morad-Bakche had taken Suratte; that he had sprung a Mine, which sounded very big among the Indians, who as yet do little understand that practice; and that there he had found a vast Treasure. Notwithstanding this great noise, and all the first advantages, joyned to all those frequent Letters and great Promises of Aureng-Zebe, the Eunuch, Chah-Abas, a Man of good Sense, of a great Heart, and exceedingly affectionate to the Ser­vice of his Master, was not of opinion, that Morad-Bakche should so much tye him­self in Interest to Aureng-Zebe, or precipitate his conjunction with him, but advised, that he should amuse him with words, and let him advance alone towards Agra; that in the mean time there would come certain News of the sickness of Chah-Jehan; that he should first see what Channel Affairs would run in; that he should Fortifie Suratte, as a very good Post, able to render him Master of a very large and rich Countrey; and that perhaps in time he might seize Brampour, which is a very considerable Passage of a River, and as 'twere a Bar of Decan. But the continual Letters and Protestations of Aureng-Zebe, joyned to the small Forces, Artillery, and Treasure of Morad-Bakche, blinded with an excessive ambition to Reign, made him regardless of all other consi­derations; so that he went away from Amadevad, abandoned Guzaratte, and took his way through the Woods and Mountains, with all Expedition, to be at the Rendez­vouz, where Aureng-Zebe had looked for him these two or three days.

Great Solemnities of Joy were made at the conjunction of the two Armies, the Prin­ces visited one another, Aureng-Zebe made a hundred Protestations and no less Promi­ses to Morad-Bakche, assured him afresh, and solemnly, of his not caring for the Crown, as also of his being there for no other end than to assist him against Dara, their Common Enemy, and to place him in the Throne, which expected him.

Upon this Enterview, and confirmation of Friendship, both Armies marched toge­ther, Aureng-Zebe continuing always, during the March, in the Protestations of Friend­ship, and in his Courtship to Morad-Bakche, treating him never otherwise, whether in publick or private, but with the Title of Hazaret, that is, King and Majesty: So that Morad-Bakche was fully perswaded, that Aureng-Zebe meant sincerely, from an excess of affection towards him; whence he even willingly, and without Ceremony, suffered the submissions and respects he shewed him; instead of remembring what had lately passed at Golkonda, and of considering, that he, who had thus hazarded himself with so much boldness to usurp a Kingdom, was not of a temper to live and dye a Fakire.

These two Armies thus joyned made a Body considerable enough; which begot a great noise at Court, and gave cause of thoughtfulness, not only to Dara, but to Chah-Jehan himself, who knew the great parts and subtle Conduct of Aureng-Zebe, and the Courage of Morad-Bakche; and who foresaw wery well, that a fire was a kindling, which would be very hard to quench. It was to no purpose to write Letters upon Let­ters, signifying that he was well, and giving Order that they should turn back to their respective Governments, and expressing also, that he would forget all that had passed hitherto. All his Letters were not able to hinder their Advance; and as the sickness of Chah-Jehan did still pass for mortal, there being no persons wanting to bring and spread such News, they still continued to dissemble, giving out, that they were Letters counterfeited by Dara; that Chah-Jehan was dead indeed; but that, in case he were alive, they would go to kiss his Feet, and deliver him from the hands of Dara.

What then should Chah-Jehan, this unfortunate King, do, who seeth, that his Sons have no regard to his Orders; who is informed at all hours, that they march apace to­wards Agra in the head of their Armics, and who in this conjuncture finds himself sick to boot in the hands of Dara, that is, of a man who breatheth nothing but War; who prepareth for it with all imaginable earnestness, and with all the marks of an enraged re­sentment against his Brothers; but what could he do in this extremity? He is constrained to abandon to them his Treasures, and to leave them to their disposal. He is forced to send for his old and most trusty Captains, whom he knows for the most part to be not [Page 11] very affectionate to Dara; he must command them to fight for Dara, against his own Blood, his own Children, and those, for whom he hath more esteem than for Dara; he is obliged forthwith to send an Army against Sultan Sujah, because 'tis he that is most advanced; and he is to send another against Aureng-Zebe and Mored-Bakche, who no less are marching towards him.

Soliman Chekouh, the eldest Son of Dara, a young Prince of about five and twenty years of Age, very proper of Body, and of good Parts and Conduct, generous, libe­ral, and universally beloved, especially of Chah-Jehan, who had already enriched him, and who considered him rather for his Successor than Dara, was he, that was made General of this Army against Sujah. Nevertheless Chah-Jehan, who wished much ra­ther, that Sujah were returned to Bengale, than that the matter should be tryed by a bloody Combat, which could not be but very Tragical, and wherein he run the hazard of losing one or other of his Sons, gave him for Companion an Ancient Raja, called Jesseigne, who is at present one of the powerfullest and richest Rajahs of all Ind [...]stan, and one of the ablest in the whole Kingdom, with a secret Order not to fight, except it were altogether unavoidable; as also to endeavour by all means to induce Sujah to retire, and to reserve his Forces for a better occasion; that is to say, after they should have seen the event of the sickness of Chah-Jehan, and the success of Aureng-Zebe, and of Morad-Bakche. But this young Prince, Soliman Chekouh, full of heat and Cou­rage, breathing after nothing but to signalize himself by some great action, and Sultan Sujah fearing lest Aureng-Zebe gaining a Battle should first make himself Master of the Capital Towns of the Empire, Agra and Dehly; it was impossible for the Raja Jesseigne to keep them from a Combat. The two Armies are no sooner in sight of one another, but they prepare to fall on, and they were not long from giving some Vollies of Can­non. I shall not relate the particulars of this Fight, for, besides that the narration of it would be too long and tedious, in the sequel of this History we shall be obliged to describe more considerable ones, by which the Reader will be able to judge of this. 'Tis sufficient to know in general, that the first onset was very sharp and obstinate on both sides, but that at length Soliman Chekouh did urge Sujah with that force and vigour that he disordered him, and made him fly: So that if Jesseigne, and the Patan Delil-kan, who was one of the first Captains and a valiant Man, but an intimate friend of the Raja, and did not act but being moved by him, had seconded him in good earnest, 'tis thought that the whole Army of Sujah would have been defeated, and himself in dan­ger of being taken: But that was not the design of the Raja to destroy him, no more than it was that of Chah-Jehan, who had given him order to the contrary. Thus then had Sujah time to retreat, and that without losing any considerable number of his Men; yet because Soliman Chekouh kept the field, and brought away some pieces of Ar­tillery, it was presently bruited at Court, that Sujah had been totally overthrown. This Defeat purchased great reputation to Soliman Chekouh, lessened much the esteem of Sultan Sujah, and coo [...]ed exceedingly all the Persians that had an inclination for him.

After that some days were spent in the pursuit of Sujah, the Prince Soliman Chekouh, who every day received News from the Court, and who learned that Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Backche did approach with great resolution, well knowing, that his Father Da­ra had no great stock of Prudence, but good store of secret Enemies, resolved to quit the pursuit of Sultan Sujah, and with all speed to return to Agra, where in all appear­ance Dara was to give Battel against Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche. This was the best counsel he could take, for no man doubts, that if he could have been there in good time, Aureng-Zebe would not have had the Advantage; and 'tis even believed, he would never have hazarded the Combat, the Party being too unequal; but the bad fortune of Dara did not permit it.

Whilst all that was thus transacted towards Elahas, which is the place where the Gemna is joyned to Ganges; the Scene was very different on the side of Agra. At the Court they were much surprised to hear, that Aureng-Zebe had passed the River of Brampour, and all the other passages that were most difficult between the Mountains; so that with all hast they sent away some Troops to dispute with him the passage of the River Eugenes, whilst the whole Army was making ready. For which purpose there were chosen two of the most considerable and the most powerful of the Kingdom to command it; the one was Kasem-Kan, a Renowned Captain and very affectionate to Chah-Jehan, but one that had no great inclination to Dara, and who went not but to oblige Chah-Jehan, whom he saw in the hands of Dara: The other was Jessomseigne, a [Page 12] potent Raja, not inferior to Jesseigne, and Son-in-law to that Raja Rana, who was at the time of Ekhar so puissant, as if he had been the Emperor of the Raja's. Dara at their farewel expressed to them great kindness, and presented them nobly; but Chah-Jehan took his time, before their departure, to charge them in secret, as he had done the Raja Jesseigne, when he went away in the Expedition against Sultan Sujah with Soliman Chekouh. Neither were they wanting, in their March, to send se­veral times to Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, to perswade them to turn back: But this was in vain; their Envoys came not again, and the Army advanced with that dili­gence, that they saw it much sooner than they thought upon a rising ground, not far remote from the River.

It being then Summer, and the season of the greatest heats, the River was fordable; which was the cause, that at the same time Kasem-kan and the Raja prepared them­selves to give Battel; besides that, they soon knew the resolution of Aureng-Zebe, that he would force them, since that, although his Army was not all come up, he gave them some Vollies of Cannon; his design being to amuse them, fearing lest they them­selves should pass the River, not only to prevent his passage, but also to hinder his Ar­my from reposing, and from taking an advantageous post; which was indeed in great dis­order, and so tired by their March, and so faint by the heat, that if at the very first it had been assaulted, and kept from passing the Water, it would doubtless have been routed without much resistance. [I was not by in this first Encounter, but thus it was generally discoursed of, and it agreeth with the after-relation of many of our French­men, who served Aureng-Zebe in the Artillery.] But they were content to stay at the River-side, to keep Aureng-Zebe from passing it, according to the Order they had re­ceived.

After that Aureng-Zebe had let his Army rest two or three days, and by amusing the Enemy, had fitted it to pass the River, he made his whole Artillery play, which was very well placed; and he commanded, that under the favour of the Cannon they should pass the River. Kasem-Kan and the Raja, on their part, discharged theirs also, and did what they could to repulse the Enemy, and to keep him from passing. The Combat was sharp enough at first, and very obstinately maintained by the extraordinary Valour of Jessomseigne. For as to Kasem-Kan, although a great Captain, and a stout Man, he gave no great proof of his Valour in this occasion; yea, some accuse him of Treachery, charging him that he had in the night caused the Bullets and Powder to be hid under the Sand, there being no more of them to be found after two or three dischar­ges. However it be, the Combat for all that was, as I said, very resolutely carried on, and the Passage long disputed. There were Rocks in the Bed of the River, which did much embarass, and the Banks in many places were very high and difficult to climb up. But at last, Morad-Backche cast himself into the water with so much resolution and force, and shewed so much valour and boldness, that there was no resisting of him. He passed over, and with him a good part of the Army, which made Kasem-Kan to give back, and cast Jessomseigne into great danger of his Person. For by and by he found the whole Body of the Enemy upon him, and without the extraordinary resolution of his Ragipous, who almost all were killed about him, he had been a dead man. One may judge of the great danger he was in upon this occasion, by this, that after he had disengaged himself as well as he could, and was come back to his own, not daring to return to Agra, because of the great loss he had suffered, of seven or eight thousand Ragipous he had but five or six hundred of them remaining.

These Ragipous, who take their name from the Rajas, that is to say, the Children of the Ra­jas, are from Father to Son such Men as make the Sword their Profession. The Rajas, whose Subjects they are, do assign them Lands for their subsistence, on condition to be always rea­dy to go to War when summoned. So that one might say, that they were a sort of Pagan Nobles, if the Rajas gave them their Lands in propriety for them and their Children. They are great takers of Opium; and I have sometimes wondred at the quantity I have seen them take: They accustom themselves to it from their youth. On the day of Battel they double the Dose, this Drug animating, or rather inebriating them, and making them insen­sible of danger; insomuch that they cast themselves into the Combate like so many furious Beasts, not knowing what it is to run away, but dying at the feet of their Raja, when he stands to it. They want nothing but Order, Resolution they have enough. 'Tis a pleasure thus to see them, with the fume of Opium in their Head to embrace one another, when the Battel is to begin, and to give their mutual Farewels, as men resol­ved [Page 13] to dye. And that they do for this reason; that the Great Mogol, though a Mahu­metan, and by consequence an Enemy of the Heathen, yet for all that entertains always a good number of Rajas i [...] his service, whom he considers as his other Omrahs, and imploys in his Armies as if they were Mahumetans.

I cannot forbear to relate here the fierce reception, which the Daughter of the Rana gave to her Husband Jessomseigne, after his defeat and flight. When she heard that he was nigh, and had understood what had passed in the Battel; that he had fought with all possible courage; that he had but four or five hundred Men left; and that at last, not being able to re [...]ist any longer the Enemy, he had been obliged to retreat: She, in stead of sending one to receive him, and to condole him in his misfortunes, commanded in a dry mood to shut the Gates of the Castle, and not to let this infamous Man enter; that he was not her Husband; that she would never see him; that the Son-in-law of the Great Rana, could not have so low a Soul; that he was to remember, that being grafted into so Illustrious an House, he was to imitate the Virtue of it; and, in a word, that he was either to vanquish, or to dye. A moment after she was of another humour; she commands a Pile of Wood to be laid, that she might burn her self, that they abus'd her; that her Husband must needs be dead; that it could not be otherwise. And a little while after this, she was seen to change her countenance, to fall into passion, and to break out into a thousand reproaches against him. In short, she remained thus transported eight or nine days, without being able to resolve to see her Husband, 'till at last her Mo­ther coming in, brought her in some degree to her self, and comforted her, assuring her, that as soon as the Raja had but a little refresh'd himself, he would raise another Army, to fight Aureng-Zebe, and repair his Honour at any rate.

By which story one may see a pattern of the Courage of the Women in that Coun­trey: To which I could add something I have seen some of them do, who burned themselves alive after the death of their Husbands; but we must reserve this Discourse for another place, where I shall also shew, that there is nothing which opinion, prepos­session, custom, hope, and the point of honour, &c. may not make Men do or suffer.

Dara having understood what had passed at Eugenes, fell into that choler against Kasem Kan, that it was thought he would have cut off his Head, if he had been upon the place. He was also transported against Emir-Jemla, as the Person that was the first and principal cause of the Misfortune, and who had furnish'd Aureng-Zebe with Men, Money, and Cannon. He is ready to kill his Son Mahmet Emir-Kan, and will send his Wife and Daughter to Basar, or the Market-place of prostituted Women; and 'tis past doubt, that he would have done some such thing, if Chah-Jehan, with much art and prudence, had not moderated the excess of his passion, in remonstrating to him, that Emir-Jemla had not so little conduct, nor so great a friendship for Aureng-Zebe, as to hazard, and in a manner to sacrifice his Family, for the advancing of his Interest; that Aureng-Zebe must needs have gulled and ensnared him, by his usual artifice and cun­ning.

As for Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, the happy success of this first Encounter did so swell their hearts, and gave such Courage to their whole Army, that henceforth they believed themselves invincible, and capable to compass any thing. Besides, Aureng-Zebe, the more to animate his Soldiers, bragged openly, that he had Thirty thousand Mogols at his devotion in the Army of Dara; and there was something in it, as appeared by the sequel. Morad-Bakche was for nothing but fighting, and would march with all dili­gence. But Aureng-Zebe represented to him, that it was necessary the Army should re­fresh themselves for some time upon the Banks of this sweet River; that in the mean time he would write to all his Friends, and get a full and certain information of the state of the Court, and of the condition of all Affairs. So that he marched not towards Agra, 'till he had rested some days, and after that he marched but slowly, to inform himself of all, and to take his time and measures.

Concerning Chah-Jehan, when he plainly saw the resolution of Aureng-Zebe and Mo­rad-Bakche, and that there was no hope left to make them turn back, he was in such a perplexity, that he knew not what to resolve, and foreseeing some great calamity, he would sain have hindred the last decisive Battel, for which he saw Dara preparing him­self with great eagerness. But what could he do to oppose it? He was yet too weak of his sickness, and saw himself still in the hands of Dara, whom, as I have said, he trusted not much: So that he found himself obliged to acquiesee in his Will, and to com­mit [Page 14] to him all the Forces of the Empire, and to command all Captains to obey him. Immediately all was in Arms: I know not, whether there was ever a more gallant Ar­my seen in Indostan. 'Tis said, that there were little less than an Hundred thousand Horse, and Twenty thousand Foot, with Four thousand pieces of Cannon, without reckoning the incredible number of Servants, Followers, Victuallers, whom Historians, methinks, do often put into the number of the Combatants, when they speak of those formidable Armies of Three or four hundred thousand men, of which their Books are full. Though this Army was very brave, and strong enough to cut in pieces two or three of such as Aureng-Zebe had, in which there were no more than Thirty Five or Forty thou­sand men in all, and these tired and harassed by a very long and irksom march, during the height of the Heats; and but a small number of Cannon, in respect of that of Dara. Mean time (which seems hard to believe) there was scarce any Body that pr [...] ­saged well for Dara, all knowing, that most of the chief Omrahs had no affection for him, and that all the good Soldiers that were for him, and whom he might confide in, were in the Army of Soliman Chekouh, his Son. And 'twas for this reason, that the most prudent and the most faithful of his Friends, and Chah-Jehan; himself, counselled him, not to hazard a Battel: Chah-Jehan offering, as infirm as he was, that he would go in­to the Field himself, and be carried before Aureng-Zebe, to interpose; which was looked upon as a very good Expedient for Peace, and for accommodating the Affairs of Chah-Jehan. For 'tis certain, that Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, would never have had the boldness to fight against their own Father; and if they should have attempted it, they would have smarted for it, because, besides that the match was not equal, and all the great Omrahs were so affectionate to Chah-Jehan, that they would not have failed to fight resolutely, if they had seen him in the head of the Army; besides this, I say, the Cap­tains themselves of Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche, bore great affection and respect to this Prince, whose Creatures they most were; and the whole Army, in a manner, was his. So that in all appearance, not one of them would have presumed to draw his Sword against him, nor he been at the pains of drawing his.

Then they advised Dara, that if he would not hearken to this Expedient, he should at least not precipitate the business, but delay, 'till Soliman Chekouh, who made all haste to join, were come in. Which was also very good counsel, in regard that that Prince was beloved of all, and was lately come home victorious, and had the most faithful and the bravest Soldiers with him. But Dara would never hearken to any Proposition that could be made to him, and he thought on nothing else but to give Battel presently, and to go against Aureng-Zebe in person. And possibly he did not amiss, as to his own Ho­nour and particular Interest, if he could have commanded Fortune, and made things suc­ceed as he contrived them. For the Considerations he had (as he could not forbear now and then to discover) were some such as these:

He looked upon himself as Master of the person of Chah-Jehan; that he could dis­pose of him as he pleased; that he was also Possessor of all the Treasures and Forces of the Empire; that Sultan Sujah was half ruined; that his two other Brothers, with a weak and tired Army, were come to cast themselves into his hands; that, if he gained the Battel, they could not escape him; that he should all at once be absolute Master, and at the end of all his troubles, and at the height of his wishes, so as no body could con­tradict him in any thing, or dispute the Crown with him. Whereas if Chah-Jehan should take the Field, all Affairs would be accommodated, his Brothers would return to their Governments, Chah-Jehan, who began to recover his health, would resume the Government as before, and all things would return into their first Channel: That, if he should stay for Soliman Chekouh, his Son, Chah-Jehan might take some design to his dis­advantage, or contrive something with Aureng-Zebe; that whatever he could do for gaining the Victory, the Reputation which Soliman Chekouh had purchased, would still give him all the honour of it. And after that, what would not he be capable to undertake, swelled with so much glory and success, and especially being supported, as he was, by the favour and affection of Chah-Jehan, and of the greatest part of the Omrahs? What did he know, whether he would keep any modesty, or any respect for him, and whither his Ambition might not carry him?

These Considerations made Dara resolve to stand out against the counsel of all, and to pursue his Point. And for that purpose, he commanded immediately the whole Army to take the Field, and thereupon came to take leave of Chah-Jehan, who was in the For­tress [Page 15] of Agra. This good old Man was ready to melt in tears, when he embraced him; but withal failed not to represent to him, with a very grave countenance: Well, Dara▪ since thou art resolved to follow thine own Will, Go, God bless thee, but remember well these few words: If thou losest the Battel, take beed of ever coming into my Presence. But this made no great impression upon him; he goeth forth briskly, taketh Horse, and seizeth on the Passage of the River T [...]hembel, which is about twenty miles from Agra; where he fortified himself, expecting his Enemy. But the subtile and crafty Fakire, who wanted no good Spies, and People that gave him intelligence of all, and who knew that the Passage was there very difficult, took good heed to attempt the foreing it. He came to encamp himself near it, so that from the Camp of Dara one might discover his Tents. But what doth he in the mean time? He inveigles a certain Rebel of Raja, called Chem­pet, presents him richly, and promiseth him a thousand fine things, if he would let him pass thorough his Territories, that so he might go with speed to gain a certain place, where he knew that the River might be passed on foot with ease. Chempet agreeth, and offers of his own accord, that he would himself attend him, and shew him the way through the Woods and Hills of his Countrey. Aureng-Zebe raised his Camp the same night, without any noise, leaving some of his Tents to amuse Dara, and marching night and day, made such haste, that he was almost as soon on the other side of the River, as Dara could have notice of it. Which obliged Dara to abandon the River there, and to leave all his Fortifications, and to follow his Enemy, who, he was told, did advance with great diligence towards Agra, to gain the River of Gemna, and there without trouble, and at his ease, to enjoy the water, to fortifie, and to fix himself well, and so to expect Dara. The place where he encamped is but five Leagues from Agra, it was formerly called Samonguer, and now Fateabad, which is to say, Place of Victory. A little while after, Dara also came to encamp there, nigh the Bank of the same River, between Agra, and the Army of Aureng-Zebe.

The two Armies were there between three and four days in sight of one another, without fighting. Mean time Chah-Jehan wrote several Letters to Dara, that Soliman Ch [...]kouh was not far off; that he should not precipitate; that he should come near Agra, and chuse an advantageous place to fortifie himself 'till he came. But Dara answered, that before three days were passed, he would bring to him Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche tyed hand and foot, to do with them what he should think fit. And without expecting any longer, he began at that very hour to put his Army in Battel-Array.

He placed in the Front all his Cannon, causing them to be tyed the one to the other with Chains, to shut the passage to the Cavalry. Behind these Peeces of Cannon, he placed also front-wise a great number of light Camels, on the forepart of the Bodies, whereof they fasten a small Peece, of the bigness of a double Musquet; a Man sitting on the hind-part of the Camel, being able to charge and discharge without lighting. Behind these Camels stood the greatest part of the Musqueteers. Of the rest of the Ar­my, which chiefly consisted in Cavalry, furnish'd with Bows and Arrows, (as ordinarily are the Mogols, that is, at present, White Men, Mahumetans, strangers, as Persians, Turks, Arabians, and Ʋsbecks;) or with a Sword, and a kind of Hal [...]-pike, as com­monly are the Ragipous: Of all these, I say, there were made three different Bodies. The right Wing was committed to Calil-ullah-Kan, with thirty thousand Mogols under his Command; for he was made Great Bakchis, that is, Great Master of the Cavalry, in the place of Danechmend-Kan, that was afterwards my Agah, who voluntarily resigned this Office, seeing that he was not well-beloved of Dara, for having always highly maintained against him the Interest and Authority of Chah Jehan. The left Wing was given to Rustam-Kan Dakny, a very renowned and very valiant Captain, together with the Raja Chatresale, and the Raja Ramseigne Routlé.

On the other side, Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche put also their Army almost into the same Order; except that in the midst of the Troops of some Omrahs, they had hid some small Field-Peeces, which was, as was said, after the Way and Art of Emir-Jem­la, and with no ill effect.

They hardly made use of any more Art, than what hath been now related; only they placed here and there some M [...]n casting Bannes, which is a kind of Granado fastened to a stick, that may be cast very far through the Cavalry, and which extremely terrifieth Horses, and even hurts and kills sometimes.

All this Cavalry turns about very easily, and they draw their Arrows with marvellous [Page 16] swiftness; one Man being able to draw six of them, before a Musqueteer can twice discharge his Musquet. The same Cavalry keeps also very close in several Troops un­der their respective Officers, especially when they are going to fight hand to hand. But after all, I see not, that this way of putting an Army in Array, is any great matter, in comparison of our Armies, when in good order.

All things being thus disposed, the Artillery began to play on both sides; for 'tis al­ways the Cannon that makes the prelude amongst them; and the Arrows were now seen to fly through the Air, when unexpectedly there hapned to fall a Storm of Rain, so violent, that it interrupted the Combat. The Rain ceasing, the Cannon began afresh to roar; and then it was that Dara appeared, who being mounted upon a proud Ele­phant of Ceilau, commanded that an Onset should be made on all sides; and himself ad­vanced into the midst of the Body of the Cavalry, directly towards the Enemies Ar­tillery, who received him warmly, kill'd store of Men about him, and put into disor­der, not only the main Body which he commanded, but also the other Bodies of the Cavalry that followed him. Yet notwithstanding, because he was seen to keep firm upon his Elephant, without any appearance of giving back, and was observed to look every where about him with an undaunted look, and to make signs with his hands to advance and follow him, this disorder soon ceased, every one resuming his Rank, and advancing in the same place with Dara. But he could not reach the Enemy, with­out receiving another Volley of Cannon-shot, which caused a second and great disorder in his Men, and made a good part of them r [...]coil; yet he, without any change in his Countenance, stood to it, encouraging his Troops, and gave still signs, that they should follow him, and advance with speed without any loss of time. Thus pressing vigo­rously forward, he forced the Enemies Artillery, broke the Chains, entred into their Camp, and made a Rout in their Camels and Infantry, and in every thing he met with on that side; opening also a good passage to the Cavalry that followed him. Then it was, that the Enemies Cavalry facing him, a sore Combat began. A showre of Arrows filled the Air from both sides, Dara himself putting his hand to that work: But, to say truth, these Arrows do but little Execution; more of them are lost in the Air, or bro­ken on the ground, than hit. The first discharges of Arrows being made, they fought hand to hand with their Sables, pesle mesle, and the Combat was stoutly maintained on both sides. Dara is still seen to continue firm on his Elephant, encouraging, making a noise, and giving signs on all sides; and at last advancing with so much resolution and force, against all that opposed him in his March, that he overthrew the Cavalry, and made them to retire and run away.

Aureng-Zebe, who was not far from thence, and mounted also on an Elephant, see­ing this great disorder, was in great trouble, and laboured with all his might to remedy it; but to no purpose. He made the main Body of his best Cavalry advance, to try whether he could make head against Dara; but it was not long before this Body also was forced to give back, and to retreat in great disorder, whatever Aureng-Zebe could say or do to hinder it. Mean time let us take notice of his courage and resolution: He saw that almost the whole Body of his Army was disordered, and in a flying posture, insomuch that he had not a thousand Men about him that kept their standing; (some told me, that there were scarce five hundred:) He saw, that Dara, notwithstanding the difficulty of the way, which was uneven, and full of holes in divers places, made as if he would rush in upon him: Yet, for all this, he lost no courage, and was so far from being struck with fear, or from retreating, that he stood firmly to it, and called by name most of his Captains that were about him, crying out to them, Delirane Kodahé, (these are his own words,) that is, Courage my old Friends, God is: What hope is there in flying? Know you not, where is our Decan? Kodahé, Kodahé, God is, God is. And that none might doubt of his being undaunted, and that he thought on nothing less than running away, he commanded before them all (oh strange extremity!) that forth­with Chains should be fastned to the feet of his Elephant; and was going to fasten them in good earnest, but that they all declared their courage and resolution, to live and dye with him.

Dara in the interim endeavoured to advance upon Aureng-Zebe, though he was yet at a good distance from him, and though the difficulty of the way embarassed and retarded him much; he meeting also with some resistance, even from those disordered Horse of the Enemy, that covered all high and low places where he was to march. And this Encounter with Aureng-Zebe was looked upon as the thing, that was to assure Dara of [Page 17] the Victory, and to decide the Battel. And doubtless, he would have overcome all these difficulties, and Aureng-Zebe, with the small number left him, would not have been able to bid head to this Victorious Army, if Dara had known how to profit of the prize he had in his hands. But here he failed; of which I shall now shew the occasion, and how thereby the Scale was turned to Aureng-Zebe's advantage.

Dara perceived that his left Wing was in great disorder, and he was informed, that Rustam-Kan and Chatresale were killed; that Ramseigne Routlé had too far advanced, that he had indeed forced the Enemy, and made way through the midst of them; but that now he was surrounded every way, and in very great danger. This it was, which made Dara desist from his design of making directly towards Aureng-Zebe, that he might go to succour his left Wing. There at first the Battel was also very sharp, but Dara at last carried it, forcing and routing all, yet so, as that there still remained something that resisted and stopped him. Mean time, Ramseigne Routlé fought with so much cou­rage and vigour as was possible. He wounded Morad-Bakche, and came so near him, that he began to cut the Girdles of his Elephant, to make him fall down; but the valour and good fortune of Morad-Bakche gave not time enough for it. In short, never any Man fought and defended himself more bravely, than Morad-Bakche did on this occasi­on: All wounded as he was, and pressed by the Ragipous of Ramseigne Routlé, who were round about him, he was not daunted, nor gave way in the least, but knew so well to take his time, that although he was, besides defending himself, to cover with his shield a Son of his, but of seven or eight years of Age, who was sitting on his side, he made an Arrow-shot so luckily at Ramseigne Routlé, that it made him fall dead to the ground.

Dara soon heard the sad News of this Accident; but at the same time he understood also, that Morad-Bakche was in very great danger; the Ragipous fighting furiously, and like Lions, to revenge the death of their Master. And though he saw, on that side the way was very difficult, and that he still found some small Body opposing and retarding him; yet he was determined to rush through to Morad-Backche: And doubt­less this was the best he could do, and that, which was capable to repair the fault he had committed in not doing his business thoroughly with Aureng-Zebe. But his bad fortune kept him from it, or rather, one of the blackest Treacheries that ever was ima­gined, and the greatest oversight that was ever committed, did cause the entire loss and ruin of Dara.

Calil-ullah-Kan (he that commanded the thirty thousand Mogols, which made the right Wing, and were alone able to defeat the whole Army of Aureng-Zebe) did, whilst Dara and his left Wing fought with so much courage and success, keep off, as idle as if he were not concerned in the fray, not permitting any one of his Horsemen to shoot an Arrow, with a pretence, that they were for a Reserve, and that he had ex­press Order not to fight but in the last extremity. But the true cause was, that he re­served in his breast the rancour of an old Affront, done him by Dara, when he com­manded him to be struck. But after all, this Treachery would have done no great mischief, if this infamous Man had contented himself with this first Effect of his Re­sentment: Behold, how far he carried his rage, and revengefulness! He cut himself off from his main Body, and taking only a few men with him, rid with all possible speed towards Dara, at the same time when he was turning to fall on Morad-Bakche, and being come so near as to make himself be heard, cryed out with all his force; Mohba­reck-bad, Hazaret, Salamet, Elhamdul- [...]lla; God save your Majesty, you have obtain­ed the Victory; what will you do any longer upon your Elephant? Is it not enough, that you have exposed your self so long? if the least of those shots, that have been made into your Dais, had reached your Person, what would have become of us? Are there Traitors wanting in this Army? In the Name of God come down quickly and take Horse. What remains more to be done, than to pursue those Run-aways. Let us do so, nor let us suffer that they shoulde escape our hands!

If Dara had had wit enough to discover the cheat, and to consider upon a sudden the consequences of his not appearing any more upon the Elephant, and being no more seen by the whole Army, always eying him, or rather, if he had presently com­manded to cut off the Head of this Parasitical Traitor, he had been Master of all. But the good Prince suffered himself to be blinded by these sweet words: He hearkned to this advice, as if it had been very true and very sincere; he descended from his Elephant, [Page 18] and took Horse. But I know not whether there passed one quarter of an hour, but he perceived the Treachery of Calil ullah-Kan, and repented himself extremely of the great fault he had committed. He looks about him, he seeketh, he asketh where he is; he saith, he is a Traitor, he will kill him. But the perfidious Villain is by this time at a good distance; the occasion is lost. Would it be believed, that as soon as the Army perceived Dara to be no more upon the Elephant, they imagined that there was Treason, that Dara was killed; and all were struck with such a terror, that every one thought on nothing, but how to escape the hands of Aureng-Zebe, and to save him­self? What shall I say? All the Army disbands and slyeth. A sudden and strange re­volution! He that saw himself just now Victorious, finds himself in a few moments vanquished, abandoned, and obliged to fly himself to save his life. Aureng-Zebe, by holding out firm a quarter of an hour upon his Elephant, seeth the Crown of Indostan upon his Head; and Dara for having come down a little too soon, seeth himself preci­pitated from the Throne, and the most unfortunate Prince of the World. Thus For­tune taketh pleasure, to make the gain or loss of a Battel, and the decision of a great Empire, depend upon a nothing.

These great and prodigious Armies, 'tis true, do sometimes great things; but when once terror seiseth, and disorder comes among them, what means of stopping the Com­motion? 'Tis like a great River broke through its Dams; it must overrun all, without a Remedy. Whence it is, that as often as I consider the condition of such Armies, desti­tute of good order, and marching like flocks of Sheep, I perswade my self, that, if in these parts one might see an Army of five and twenty thousand men, of those old Troops of Flanders, under the conduct of Monsieur le Prince, or Monsieur de Turenne, I doubt not at all, but they would trample under foot all those Armies, how numerous so­ever they were. And this it is, that now maketh me not find it any longer strange or in­credible, what we are told of ten thousand Greeks; and of fifty thousand Men of Alex­ander, overcoming six or seven hundred thousand Men of Darius; (if it be true, that there were so many, and that the Historian did not reckon the Servants, and all those numbers of Men, which were to follow the Army, to furnish it with Forrage, Cattle, Corn, and all other necessaries.) Bear only the first brunt, which would be no very difficult thing for us to do; and behold, they are all astonished: Or, do like Alexander, set vigorously upon one place, if that hold not out, (which will be very hard for them to do) you may be sure the work is done; all the rest presently take fright and flight together.

Aureng-Zebe, encouraged by such a wonderful success, is not wanting to turn every stone, to employ skill, dexterity, subtilty, craft, courage, to profit by all the Advan­tages, which so favourable an occasion puts into his hands. Calil-ullah-Kan is presently with him, offering him his Service, and all the Troops he could be Master of. He, on his side, wants not words of thanks and acknowledgments, nor a thousand fair Pro­mises: But he was very cautious to receive him in his own name; he carried him pre­sently and presented him to Morad-Bakche, who, as we may easily think, received him with open Arms; Aureng-Zebe in the mean time congratulating and praising Morad-Bak­che, for having fought so valiantly, and ascribing to him all the honour of the Victory; treating him with the title of King and Majesty before Calil-ullah-Kan, giving him un­common respect, and doing submissions to him becoming a Subject and Servant. In the interim, he labours night and day for himself, he writeth round about to all the Om­rahs, making sure to day of one, and next day of another. Chah-hest-Kan, his Uncle, the great and old Enemy of Dara, by reason of an Affront he had received from him, did the same for him on his part; and as he is the Person who writeth best and subtil­lest of the Empire o [...] Indostan, so he contributed not a little by his Cabals to the ad­vancement of the Affairs of Aureng-Zebe, making strong Parties every where against Dara.

In the mean time let us still observe the artifice and dissimulation of Aureng-Zebe, Nothing of what he doth, treateth, promiseth, is for himself, or in his own Name; he hath still (forsooth) the design of living as a Fakire: all is for Morad-Bakche, 'tis he that commands; Aureng-Zebe doth nothing; 'tis Morad-Bakche doth all, 'tis he that is designed to be King.

As for the unhappy Dara, he comes with all speed to Agra, in a desperate condition, and not daring to go see Chah-Jehan, remembring, doubtless, those severe words which he [Page 19] let fall, when he took leave of him before the Battel, viz. That he should remember not to come before him, if he were overcome. Yet, for all that, the good old Father sent secretly a trusty Eunuch to him, to comfort him, to assure him of the continuance of his affection, to declare to him his trouble for his misfortune, and to remonstrate to him, that the case was not yet desperate, considering that there was a good Army with Soliman Chekouh, his Son, that he should go to Dehli, where he should find a thousand Horse in the Royal Stables; and that the Governor of the Fortress had Order to fur­nish him with Money and Elephants; for the rest, that he should not go further than he needs must; that he would often write to him: And lastly, that he very well knew how to find out and chastise Aurenge-Zebe.

I have been informed, that Dara was then in such a confusion, and sunk so low, that he had not the power to answer a word to the Eunuch, nor the courage to send any one to Chah-Jehan; but that, after having sent several times to Begum-Saheb, his Sister, he went away at midnight, taking with him his Wife, his Daughters, and his Grand­child Sepe-Chekouh; and that (which is almost incredible) he was attended with not above three or four hundred persons. Let us leave him in his Voyage to Dehli, and stay at Agra, to consider the dexterity and craft, wherewith Aureng-Zebe proceeded to ma­nage Affairs.

He well knew, that Dara, and those of his Party, could yet place some hopes in the victorious Army of Soliman Chekouh, and therefore he resolved to take it from him, or to make it useless to him. To this end, he wrote Letters upon Letters to the Raja Jesseigne, and to Delil-Kan, who were the chief Heads of the Army of Soliman Chekouh, telling them, that there was no hope left for Dara and his Party; that he had lost the Battel; that his whole Army had submitted to him; that all had abandon'd him; that he was fled alone towards Dehli; that he could never escape him, and that Orders were distributed every where to seize on him. And as for Chah-Jehan, that he was in a con­dition hopeless of recovery; that they should take good care of what they had to do; and if they were Men of understanding, and would follow his fortune, and be his Friends, they should seize on Soliman Chekouh, and bring him to him.

Jesseigne found himself perplexed enough, what he should do, still much apprehend­ing Chah-Jehan and Dara, and more, to lay hands upon a Royal Person, well know­ing, that some mischief might therefore fall on him, sooner or later, even from Aureng-Zebe himself. Besides, he knew that Soliman Chekouh had too much courage to let himself be taken after that manner, and that he would rather die in defending of himself. Behold therefore, what he at last resolved! After having taken counsel with Delil-Kan, his great Friend, and after they had renewed to one another the Oath of mutual Fide­lity, he went directly to the Tent of Soliman Chekouh, who with great impatience ex­pected him, (for he also had heard the News of the Defeat of Dara his father) and had already divers times sent for him. To him he frankly discovered all things, shewed him the Letter of Aureng-Zebe, told him what course was best for him to take, represented to him the danger he was in; that there was no reason he should trust in De­lil-Kan, or in Daoud-Kan, or in the rest of his Army; but that, as soon as he could, he should gain the Mountains of Serenaguer; that that was the best Expedient he could take; that the Raja of that Countrey being in unaccessible places, and not apprehen­ding Aureng-Zebe, would doubtless receive him gladly; and; for the rest, he would soon see how things would go, and be always in a condition to come down from the Mountains, when he should think good.

The young Prince understood well enough by this kind of discourse, that there was no ground to trust henceforth in this Raja, and that there was no more safety for his Person; and that the rather, because he knew that Delil-Kan was altogether devoted to him, and he saw well enough, that there was a necessity to take this course suggest­ed. Whereupon he soon commanded, that his Baggage should be put up to march to­wards the Mountains. Some of his most affectionate Friends, as a good number of Manseb-Dars, of Sajeds, and others, put themselves in order to attend him; the rest of the Army, altogether astonished, remain'd with the Raja. But that, which was ve­ry mean for a great Raja, and a very sordid barbarousness, was, that he and Delil-Kan sent under hand some to fall upon his Baggage, who also took other things, and among them an Elephant laden with Rupies of Gold, which caused a great disorder among those small Troops that followed him; and which was an occasion, that many of them [Page 20] return'd and abandon'd him; and invited also the Country-people to set upon his Men, pillaging them, and even killing some of them: Yet he made a shift to gain the Moun­tains, with his Wife and Children, where the Raja of Serenaguer received him with all the honour and civilities he could desire, assuring him, that he was in safety, as much as if he were King of that Countrey, and that he would protect and assist him with all his Forces. In the mean time, behold what hapned on Agra's side.

Three or four days after the Battel of Samonguer, the Victorious Aureng-Zebe, toge­ther with Morad-Bakche, came directly to the Gate of the Town into a Garden, which may be a little League distant from the Fortress, and sent from thence an able Eunuch, and one of those whom he most confided in, to Chah-Jehan, to salute him with a thou­sand fair Protestations of his affection and submission; that he was exceedingly sorry for what had passed, and for having been obliged, by reason of the ambition and evil de­signs of Dara, to proceed to all those extremities; that, for the rest, he rejoyced ex­tremely to hear, that he began to find himself better, and that he was come thither for no other end than to receive his Commands. Chah-Jehan was not wanting to ex­press to the Eunuch much satisfaction, as to the proceedings of Aureng-Zebe, and to receive the Submissions of this Son with all possible appearances of joy; though he saw very well, that matters had been carried too far, and sufficiently knew the reserved and crafty humour of Aureng-Zebe, and his secret passion for Reigning; and that there­fore he was not much to be trusted, for all his fair words. And yet notwithstanding he suffers himself to be circumvented, and instead of playing the surest Chart, by using his utmost power, by stirring, by appearing, by causing himself to be carried through the Town, and by assembling all his Omrahs, (for it was yet time to do all this) he goes about to outwit Aureng-Zebe, him that was his Crafts-Master, and attempts to draw him into a snare, wherein he will be found taken himself. He then sends also an Eunuch to this Son, to let him know, that he well understood the ill conduct, and even the incapacity of Dara; that he could not but call to mind the particular inclina­tion he always had and expressed towards him, that he could not doubt of his affection; and lastly, that he should come to see him, and to advise with him what was fit to be done in these disorders; and that he passionately wished to embrace him.

Aureng-Zebe, on his side, saw also well enough, that he was not to trust too much to the words of Chah-Jehan, knowing especially, that Begum-Saheb, his Enemy as well as Sister, was night and day about him, and that 'twas very probable, he acted nothing but by her motion. And he apprehended, that if he should come into the Fortress, he might be seized on, and ill-treated; as it was said, that the resolution was indeed taken to do so, and several of those lusty Tartarian Women, which serve in the Seraglio, were armed to set upon him as soon as he should enter. Whatever it be, he would never hazard himself, and yet spread a rumour abroad, that the next day he would go to see his Father Chah-Jehan. But when the day was come, he put it off till another, and so he delayed it from day to day, without ever making the Visit. In the mean time he continued his secret Negotiations and Cabals, and sounded the mind of all the greatest Omrahs, so far, that at last, after he had well and closely laid his Design, and politickly disposed all things for the success thereof, all were amazed to see, that one day, when he had sent Sultan Mahmoud, his eldest Son, to the Fortress, under a pretence of seeing Chah-Jehan in his name; this young Prince, bold and undertaking, falls presently on the Guards that were at the Gate, and vigorously driveth all before him, whilst a great number of Men appointed, who were there all ready, did enter with fury, and made themselves Masters of the Walls.

If ever a man was astonished, Chah-Jehan was, seeing that he was fallen into the snare which he had prepared for others, that himself was imprisoned and Aurenge-Zebe Master of the Fortress. 'Tis said, that he presently sent to sound the mind of Sultan Mahmoud, promising him upon his Crown and upon the Alcoran, that if he would be faithful to him, and serve him in this conjuncture, he would make him King; that he should come presently to see him within, and not lose this occasion: Besides, that it would be an action that would accumulate on him the blessings of Heaven, and an im­mortal Glory; in regard it would be said for ever, that Sultan Mahmoud had delivered Chah-Jehan his Grandfather out of Prison.

And certainly, if Sultan Mahmoud had been resolute enough to give this stroke, and Chah-Jehan could have come abroad to shew himself to the Town, and to take the Field, [Page 21] no man doubts, but all his great Omrahs would have followed him; nor would Au­reng-Zebe himself have had the boldness nor the savageness to fight against his own Father in Person, especially since he must have apprehended, that all the world would have abandon'd him, and possibly Morad-Bakche himself. And 'tis indeed the great fault which Chah-Jehan is observed to have committed after the Battel, and the flight of Dara, not to have come out of the Fortress. But yet I have conversed with many, who maintained that Chah-Jehan did prudently in it. For this hath been a question much agitated among the Politicians, and there are no reasons wanting to countenance the Sentiment of the latter sort; who also add, that Men almost always judge of things by the Event; that often very foolish Enterprises have been obser­ved to succeed, and which therefore are approved by all; that if Chah-Jehan had prospered in his design, he would have been esteemed the most prudent and the most able Man in the World; but now being taken, he was nothing but a good old Man, that suffer'd himself to be led by a Woman, his Daughter Begum, which was blind­ed by her passion, and had the vanity to believe, that Aureng-Zebe would come to see her, that the Bird of it self would fly into the Cage, or at least, that he would never be so bold as to attempt the seisure of the Fortress, nor have the power to do so. These same Reasoners maintaining also stifly, that the greatest fault that Sultan Mahmoud could possibly commit, was, that he knew not how to take the occasion to assure himself of the Crown, by the rarest and the most generous Action that ever was, to put his Grandfather at liberty, and thus to do himself Right and Justice, as the So­veraign Umpire of Affairs; whereas, as things now stand, he must one day go and dye in Goualeor. But Sultan Mahmoud (whether it was that he feared his Grandfa­ther would not keep his word with him, or that he should be himself detained with­in, or that he durst not play tricks with his Father Aureng-Zebe) would never hearken to any thing, nor enter into the Apartment of Chah-Jehan, answering very closely, that he had no order from his Father to go and see him, but that he was by him com­manded not to return, without bringing him the Keys of all the Gates of the Fortress, that so he might come with all safety to kiss the Feet of his Majesty. There passed almost two whole days before he could resolve to surrender the Keys; during which time, Sultan Mahmoud staid there, unalterable in his resolutions, keeping himself up­on his Guard night and day, with all his Troops about him; till at length Chah-Jehan, seeing that all his people that were upon the Guard at the little Gate, little by little disbanded, and that there was no more safety on his side, gave him the Keys, with an order to tell Aureng-Zebe, that he should come presently if he were wise, and that he had most important things to discourse with him about. But Aureng-Zebe was too cunning to commit so gross a fault: On the contrary, he made his Eunuch Etbarkan Governor of the Fortress, who presently shut up Chah-Jehan, together with Begum-Saheb, and all his Women; causing divers Gates to be walled up, that so he might not be able to write or speak to any body, nor go forth out of his Apartment without permission.

Aureng-Zebe in the mean time writ to him a little Note, which he shewed to every body before he sealed it; in which, among other things, he told him with dry expres­sions, that he knew from good hands, that notwithstanding those great protestations of esteem and affection he made to him, and of contempt he made of Dara, he had, for all that, sent to Dara two Elephants charged with Rupies of Gold, to raise him again, and to re-commence the War; and that therefore, in truth, it was not he that imprisoned him, but Dara, and that he might thank him for it, as the cause of all these misfortunes; and if it had not been for him, he would have come the very first day to him, and paid him all the most dutiful respects he could have looked for from a good Son: That, for the rest, he begged his pardon, and a little patience; as soon as he should have disenabled Dara from executing his evil designs, he would come him­self and open the Gates to him.

I have heard it said concerning this Note, that Chah-Jehan in very deed, the same night that Dara departed, had sent to him these Elephants laden with Rupies of Gold, and that it was Rauchenara-Begum that found a way to discover it to Aureng-Zebe; as she also had detected to him that Plot, which was laid against him with those Tarta­rian Women; and that Aureng-Zebe himself had intercepted some Letters of Chah-Je­han to Dara▪

[Page 22] I have conversed with others, that maintain there is no such thing, and that this Writing, which Aureng-Zebe shewed to all, was only to cast Sand into the Eyes of the People, and to labour, in some degree, to justifie himself in so strange an action, and to devolve the Cause of it upon Chah-Jehan and Dara, as if he had been forced to such proceedings. They are things, which are difficult enough well to discover. However it be, as soon as Chah-Jehan was shut up, almost all the Omrahs were in a manner necessitated to go and make their Court to Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche; and (which is almost incredible) there was not one that had the Courage to stir, or to attempt the least in the behalf of his King, and for him that had made them what they were, and raised them from the dust, and perhaps from slavery it self (which is ordinary enough in that Court) to advance them to Riches and Honour. Yet some few there are, as Danechmend-Kan, and some others, that took no side; but all the [...]est declared for Aureng-Zebe.

'Tis notwithstanding to be noted what I said, that they were necessitated to do what they did. For 'tis not in the Indies, as in France, or other States of Christendom, where the Grandees and Nobles have large Possessions of Land, and great Revenues, which enables them for a while to subsist of themselves. There they have nothing but Pensions (as I have already touched above) which the King can take away from them at all hours, and thus ruin them in an instant; so that they shall be considered no more than if they never had been, nor have any credit to borrow a farthing.

Aureng-Zebe therefore having thus assured himself of Chah-Jehan, and of all the Omrahs, took what Sums of Money he thought fit out of the Treasury; and then ha­ving left Chah-hest-Kan, his Uncle, Governor of the Town, he went away with Mo­rad-Bakche to pursue Dara.

The day that the Army was to march out of Agra the particular Friends of Morad-Bak­che, especially his Eunuch Chah-Abas, who knew, that the excess of civility and respect is ordinarily a sign of imposture, counselled him, that since he was King, and every bo­dy treated him with the Title of Majesty, and Aureng-Zebe himself acknowledged him for such, he should let him go to pursue Dara, and stay himself with his Troops about Agra and Dehli. If he had followed this counsel, 'tis certain, that he would have em­barassed Aureng-Zebe not a little; but 'twas fatal, that he should neglect so good advice: Aureng-Zebe is too fortunate; Morad-Bakche entirely confideth in his promises, and in the Oaths of Fidelity they had sworn to one another upon the Alcoran. They went away together, and went with the same pace towards Dehli.

When they were come to Maturas, three or four small days Journey from Agra, the friends of Morad-Bakche, who perceived something, endeavoured again to perswade him, that he should beware; assuring him that Aureng-Zebe had evil designs, and that beyond all doubt some mischief was upon the Anvil; that they had notice of it from all parts, and that by no means, for that day at least, he should go to see him; that it would be much better to prevent this stroke the soonest it might be; that he was only to forbear going to visit him that day, excusing himself with some Indisposition. But whatsoever could be said to him he believed nothing of it, his Ears were stopped to all the good advice that was given him, and as if he had been enchanted by the friend­ship of Aureng-Zebe, he could not hold to go to him that very night, and to stay at Supper with him. As soon as he was come, Aureng-Zebe, who expected him, and had al­ready prepared all things with Mirkan, and three or four of his most intimate Cap­tains, was not wanting in embracements, and in redoubling his Courtship, Civilities and Submissions, insomuch as gently to pass his hankerchief over his face, and to wipe off his sweat and dust, treating him still with the title of King and Majesty. In the mean time the Table is served, they sup, the conversation grows warm, they discourse of various things as they use to do; and at last there is brought a huge Bottle of ex­cellent Chiras Wine, and some other Bottles of Caboul Wine, for a Debauch. Then Aureng-Zebe, as a grave serious Man, and one that would appear a great Mahumetan, and very regular, ni [...]bly riseth from Table, and having with much kindness invited Morad-Bakche, who loved a Glass of Wine very well, and who relished the Wine that was served, scrupled not to drink of it to excess. In a word, he made himself drunk, and fell asleep. This was the thing that was wished; for presently some Ser­vants of his that were there, were commanded away, under a pretence, to let him sleep without making any noise; and then his Zable and Ponyard were taken from [Page 23] about him: But Aureng-Zebe was not long, but came himself and wakened him. He entred into the Chamber, and roughly hit him with his foot, and when he began to open a little his Eyes, he made to him this short and surprising Reprimand: What means this, said he, What shame and what ignominy is this, that such a King as you are, should have so little temper, as thus to make himself drunk? What will be said both of you and me? Take this infamous Man, this Drunkard, tye him hand and foot, and throw him into that room to sleep out his Wine. No sooner said, but it was executed; notwithstanding all his appeal and out-cry, five or six persons fall up­on him, and fetter his hands and feet. The things could not be done, but some of his Men that were thereabout had news of it. They made some noise, and would enter forcibly; but Allah-Couly, one of his chief Officers, and the Master of his Ar­tillery, that had been gained long before, threatned them, and made them draw back. Without any delay, Men were sent through the whole Army to calm this first Commotion, which also might have proved dangerous; they made them believe it was nothing, they having been present, that Morad-Bakche was only drunk, that in that condition he had railed at every body, and Aureng-Zebe himself, insomuch that there had been a necessity, seeing him drunk and furious, to keep him apart; that the next day they would see him abroad, after he had digested his Wine. In the mean time, the Presents walked about all night amongst the chief Officers of the Army, their Pay was forthwith encreased, they had great Promises made them; and as there was none, that had not long since apprehended some such thing, there was no great won­der to see almost all things quieted the next morning; so that the very next night this poor Prince was shut up in a little close house, such an one as is wont to be placed on Elephants to carry Women, and he was carried directly to Dehli into Slimager, which is a little old Fortress in the midst of the River.

After that all was thus appeased, except the Eunuch Chah-Abas, who caused diffi­culty enough, Aureng-Zebe received the whole Army of Morad-Bakche into his Service, and went after Dara, who marched apace towards Lahor, with an intention well to fortifie himself in that place, and thither to draw his Friends. But Aureng-Zebe fol­lowed him with so much speed, that he had not time to do any great matter, finding himself necessitated to retreat, and to take the way of Multan, where also he could do nothing considerable, because that Aureng-Zebe, notwithstanding the great heat, marched night and day; insomuch, that to encourage all to make haste, he sometimes advanced almost all alone two or three Leagues before the whole Army, finding him­self often obliged to drink ill water like others, to be content with a crust of dry bread, and to sleep under a Tree, staying for his Army in the midst of the high-way, laying his head on his Shield like a common Souldier. So that Dara found himself constrain­ed to abandon Multan also, that he might avoid being near Aureng-Zebe, whom he was not able to encounter. Here 'tis that the Statesmen of this Countrey have rea­soned very diversly: For 'tis said, that if Dara, when he went out of Lahor, had cast him­self into the Kingdom of Caboul, as he was advised, he would there have found above ten thousand warlick Men, designed against the Augans, the Persians, and the Ʋsbecs, and for a Guard to that Countrey, the Governor whereof was Mohabet-Kan, one of the most potent and the most ancient of Indostan, and that had never been Aureng-Zebe's Friend; that, besides, he would have been there at the Gate of Persia and Ʋsbec; that he was likely, that there being no want of Money, all that Militia and Mohabet-Kan himself, would have embraced his Party; and that further, he might have drawn assistance, not only from Ʋsbec, but also from Persia, as well as from Hou­mayon, whom the Persians had restored to his Country against Zaber-Kan, King of the Patans, who had driven him thence. But Dara was too unfortunate to follow so good advice. Instead of that he went towards Scimdy, to cast himself into the For­tress of Tatabakar, that strong and famous place, seated in the midst of the River Indus.

Aureng-Zebe seeing him take this way, found it not fit to follow him further off, being extremely glad that he had not taken the way to Caboul. He contented him­self to send after him seven or eight thousand Men, under the Conduct of Mir-baba, his Foster-brother, and turned back with the same expedition to the place whence he was come, much apprehending lest any thing should fall out about Agra; lest some or other of those potent Rajah's as Jesseigne, or Jessomseigne, should make an attempt [Page 24] in his absence, to free Chah-Jehan out of Prison; or left Soliman Chekouh, together with the Raja of Serenaguer, should descend from the Hills; or lest also Sultan Sujah should approach too near Agra. Behold a little Accident, which one day betell him, for too great precipitation.

When he thus returned from Multan towards Lahor, and marched his ordinary swift pace, he saw the Raja Jesseigne come against him, accompanied with four or five thousand of his Ragipous, in a very good equipage; Aureng-Zebe, who had left his Army behind, and who also knew that this Raja was very affectionate to Chah-Jehan, was sufficiently surprised, as may easily be imagined, fearing left this Raja should make use of this occasion, and do a Master-piece of State, by seising on him, to draw Chah-Jehan out of Prison, which at that time was very easie to do. Neither is it known, whether this Raja had not some such design; for he had marched with ex­traordinary speed, insomuch that Aureng-Zebe had no news of it, believing him yet to be at Dehli. But what may not resolution and presence of mind do? Aureng-Zebe, without any alteration of his Countenance, marched directly towards the Raja, and as far off as he could see him, maketh signs to him with his hands, importing that he should make hast to a nearer approach, crying out to him with a loud voice, Sala­med Bached Rajagi, Salamed Bached Babagi, treating him with the Titles of Lord Raja, and Lord Father. When the Raja was come to him; I expected you, said he, with great impatience; the work is done, Dara is lost, he is all alone; I have sent Mir-baba after him, from whom he cannot escape: And for an excess of kindness to him, he took off his Neck-lace of Pearls, and put it about the Neck of this Raja: And the sooner to rid himself handsomely of him, (for he wished him far enough) Go, saith he, with all the expedition you can to Lahor, my Army is somewhat tyred; go quick­ly to attend me there; I apprehend that else something sinister might fall out there; I make you Governor of that place, and put all things into your hands. For the rest, I am exceedingly obliged to you for what you have done with Soliman Chekouh: Where have you left Delil-Kan? I shall find my revenge of him. Make all possible dispatch, Salamed Bached, Farewell.

Dara being arrived at Tata-baker, made Governor of that place a very understand­ing, gallant, and generous Eunuch, with a very good Garrison of Patans and Sayeds; and for Cannoneers, a good number of Franguis, Portugals, English, French, and Ger­mans, who had followed him out of great hopes he had given them, (for, if his Af­fairs had prospered and he were become King, we must all have resolved to be Omrahs, as many Franguis as we were.) He there left also the greatest part of his Treasure; he wanted as yet no Gold nor Silver; and staying there but a very few days, he marched away with two or three thousand Men only, descending along the River Indus towards Scindy, and from thence crossing with an incredible celerity all those Territories of the Raja Katche, he arrived in Guzaratte, and came to the Gates of Amadevat. The Father-in-law of Aureng-Zebe, called Chah-Navaze-Kan, was Governor there, with a very good Garrison, able to resist. Yet notwithstanding, whether it was that he was surprised, or that he wanted courage (for although he was of those ancient Princes of Machate, yet he was no great Souldier, though a Man of a very obliging and civil conversation) he did not oppose Dara, but rather received him very honourably, and even managed him afterwards with so much dexterity, that Dara was so simple as to trust himself with him, and to communicate to him his Designs; insomuch as that he shewed him the Letters which he received from the Raja Jessomseigne, and of many other of his Friends, which prepared themselves to come to him; although it proved too true, what every body told him, and his Friends confirmed by Letters, that certainly this Chah-Navaze-Kan would betray him.

Never was any man more surprized than Aureng-Zebe, when he heard that Dara was in Amadevat: For he well knew, that he wanted no Money, and that all his Friends, and all the discontented Party, which was numerous, would not fail to betake them­selves by little and little to him: And on the other side, he found it not safe to go and find him out himself in that place, by removing himself so far from Agra and Chah-Jehan, to go and embarase himself in all those Countries of the Rajah's, Jesseigne, Jes­somseigne, and others, that are in those Provinces. Besides, he apprehended, lest Sul­tan Sujah should advance with a strong Army, which was already about Elabas, and lest the Raja of Serenaguer should descend from the Hills with Soliman Chekouh: So that [Page 25] he was sufficiently perplexed and troubled, not knowing which way to turn. At last he believed it best to leave Dara for a time quiet where he was, and to go thither where his presence and Army was most necessary, which was towards Sultan Sujah; who had already passed the River Ganges at Elabas.

This Sultan Sujah was come to encamp in a little Village called Cadjoue, and had conveniently seized himself of a great Talab, or Reservatory of Water, which is there in the way; and Aureng-Zebe came to place himself on the side of a small Torrent, at the distance of a mile and an half from thence, on Agra's side. Between both was a very fair Campagne, very proper for a Battel. Aureng-Zebe was no sooner arrived, but be­ing impatient to end this War, at break of day he went to face Sujah, leaving his Baggage on the other side of the Torrent. He fell upon Sujah with an effort unima­ginable. Emir-Jemla, Prisoner of Decan, and who arrived just on the day of the Combat, fearing Dara no more, because his Family was more in safety, did there also lay out all his force, courage, and dexterity. But seeing that Sultan Sujah had well fortified himself, and was accompanied with a very good Artillery, advantageously placed, it was not possible for Aureng-Zebe to force him, nor to make him retreat from thence, so as to make him lose those Waters. On the contrary, he was obliged him­self to draw back several times, so vigorously was he repulsed, insomuch that he found himself in great perplexity. Sultan Sujah not being willing to advance too far into the Campagne, nor to remove from that advantagious place where he was, pretending only to defend himself; which was very prudently done. For he foresaw, that Aureng-Zebe could not stay there long, and that in that hot season he would be absolutely obli­ged to turn back towards the Torrent for the Water; and that, when he should do so he would fall upon his Rear, Aureng-Zebe also foresaw well enough the same thing, and that was the reason why he was so forward and pressing; but behold another more troublesome accident.

In this very time he receiveth intelligence, that the Raja Jessomseigne, who in ap­pearance had accommodated himself with him, was fallen upon his Rear, and plun­dred his Baggage and Treasure. This News astonished him much, and the more, be­cause he perceived that his Army which had heard of it was thereby frighted, and fal­len into disorder. Yet he loses not his judgment for all this; and being well aware, that to turn back was to hazard all, he resolved, as in the Battle of Dara, to bear up the best he could, and to expect with a steady foot all Events. In the mean time, the disorder grew worse and worse in his Army: Sujah, who was resolved to profit of the occasion, taketh his time, and presseth him vigorously. He that led Aureng-Zebe's Elephant is killed with the shot of an Arrow; he leads the Beast as well as he can himself, till another could be had in that Leaders place. Arrows rain upon him; he returns many himself, his Elephant begins to be frighted, and to go back. Behold him now in great extremity, and brought to that point, that one foot of his was out of the seat, as if he meant to cast himself to the ground; and no man knows what in that trouble he had not done, if Emir-Jemla, being nigh, and performing like a great Man as he was, beyond imagination, called to him, in holding up his hand Decan-kou, Decan-kou, where is Decan? This seems to have been the greatest extremi­ty, to which Aureng-Zebe could be reduced. One would have said, 'twas now and here that Fortune had abandon'd him, and there is almost no appearance of a possibi­lity to escape. But his good Fortune is stronger than all that: Sultan Sujah must be routed, and take slight, like Dara, to save his life: Aureng-Zebe must remain Victori­ous, carry away the Bell, and be King of the Indies.

We are to remember the Battle of Samenguer, and that, in appearance, slight ac­cident which ruined Dara: 'Tis the same over-sight, or rather the same Treason, which is now destroying Sultan Sujah. One of his chief Captains, Allah-verdi-Kan, who (as some say) had been gained, us [...]th the same Artifice that Calil-ullah-Kan had employed towards Dara; though there were some who believed, that there was no malice in the case, and that it was a meer piece of Flattery. For seeing that the whole Army of Aureng-Zebe was in disorder, he ran towards Sultan Sujah, telling him the same thing, that Calil-ullah Kan did to Dara, and begging of him with fol­ded hands, that he would stay no longer in so great danger upon his Elephant. Come down, said he, in the name of God, mount on Horse-back, God hath made you So­vereign of the Indies, let us pursue those Fugitives, let not Aureng-Zebe escape us.

[Page 26] But not to stay long from declaring the strange Fortune of Aureng-Zebe, and the in­credible conjuncture that recovers his desperate condition; Sultan Sujah, not more con­siderate than Dara, commits the same Fault; and he was no sooner come down from his Elephant, but his Army seeing him no more, was struck with a terror, believing there was Treason, and that he was either taken or slain. Whereupon they disbanded, with­out any more ado, as Dara's Army did in the Battel of Samonguer; and the Defeat was so great, that the Sultan was fortunate in that he could save himself.

Jessomseigne hearing this unexpected News, and perceiving it was not very safe for him to tarry there, contented himself with the Spoil he had got, and with all diligence marched streight to Agra, thence to pass to his Countrey. The noise was already in Agra, that Aureng-Zebe had lost the Battel; that he was taken, together with Emir-Jemla, and that Sultan-Sujah brought them both Prisoners. Insomuch, that Chah­hest-Kan, who was Governor of the Town, and Uncle to Aureng-Zebe, seeing Jessom­seigne, whose Treachery he had heard of, at the Gates, and despairing of his Life, had taken into his hand a Cup of Poyson to make himself away, and had, as they say, in very deed swallowed it, if his Women had not fallen upon him, and hindred him: So that 'tis thought, if Jessomseigne had had the wit and courage to stay longer in Agra, if he had threatned boldly, and promised and acted vigorously for the freedom of Chah-Jehan, he might have drawn him out of Prison; so much the more easily, be­cause all Agra was for two whole days in that belief, that Aureng-Zebe was overcome. But Jessomseigne, who knew how all things went, and who durst not long stay there, nor attempt any thing, did nothing but pass, returning with all speed homewards.

Aureng-Zebe, who apprehended mischief from Agra, and fear'd lest Jessomseigne should undertake something for Chah-Jehan, was not long in the pursuit after Sultan Sujah; he turn'd short for Agra with his whole Army, where he stay'd a good while, giving order for all things. Mean time he received intelligence, that Sultan Sujah had not lost many Men in his being routed, for want of farther pursuit; that also from the Lands of the Raja's, which are in those quarters, on the right and left of Ganges, he raised great Forces, upon the score of the reputation he had of being very rich, and very liberal, and that he fortified himself in Elabas, that important and famous Passage of Ganges, which, with its Fortress, is the first In-let into Bengale. And then he con­sidered also, that he had about him two Persons, which indeed were very capable to serve him, Sultan Mahmoud his eldest Son, and Emir-Jemla; but he well knew, that those who have done good service to their Prince, grow often insolent, in the belief, that all is due to them, and that they cannot be recompenced enough. He perceived already, that the former of them began very much to emancipate himself, and that every day he became more arrogant, for having seized on the Fortress of Agra, and by that means had broken all the Designs which Chah-Jehan could have formed. And as to the latter, he knew indeed the force of his Understanding, his Conduct, and Va­lour; but that was the very thing which made him apprehend him the more: For knowing that he was very rich, that his Reputation was great, that he passed for the First Mover in Affairs, and for the ablest Man in all the Indies, he doubted not, but that after the Example of Sultan Mahmoud, he entertain'd himself with big hopes. All this certainly would have been able to perplex an ordinary Spirit, but Aureng-Zebe found a Remedy to all. He knew to remove them both with so much prudence, and even with so much handsomness, that neither of them found any cause to complain of it. He sent them both against Sultan Sujah with a puissant Army, letting Emir secret­ly know, that the Government of Bengale, which is the best quarter of Indostan, was design'd for him, to hold it during his life, and for his Son after his decease; and that thereby he would begin to express to him his acknowledgments for the great Services he had done him; and that therefore it belonged only to him to defeat Sujah, and that as soon as he should have compassed it, he would make him Mir-ul Omrabs, which is the first and the most honourable place of Indostan, and no less than the Prince of the Omrahs.

To Sultan Mahmoud his Son, he said only these few words: Remember that thou art the Eldest of my Children, that 'tis for thy self thou goest forth to fight; that thou hast done much, but yet nothing, if thou overcomest not Sujah, who is our greatest and powerfullest Ene­my; I hope, God assisting me, to be soon Master of the rest.

With these words he dismissed them both, with ordinary Honours, that is, with [Page 27] rich Vests, some Horses and Elephants gallantly harnessed; making in the mean time Emir-Jemla to consent, that his only Son, Mabmet Emir-Kan, should stay with him for a good Education, or rather for a Pledge of his Fidelity; and Sultan Mahmoud, that his Wife should remain in Agra (which was the Daughter of the above-mention'd King of Golkonda) as too troublesom a thing in an Army, and in such an Expedition.

Sultan Sujah, who was always in the apprehension, lest the Raja's of the lower Bengale, which he had ill treated, should be raised against him, and who feared nothing more than to have to do with Emir-Jemla, had no sooner received this News, but ap­prehending that the passage to Bengale would be obstructed, and that Emir would pass in some other place the River Ganges, either lower or higher than Elabas, raised his Camp, and went down to Benares and Patna, whence he betook himself to Mogiere, a small Town seated upon the Ganges, a place commonly call'd the Key of the Kingdom of Bengale, being a kind of Streight between the Mountains and the Woods, which are not far from thence. He thought fit to stay in that place, and there to fortifie himself; and for greater safety, he caused a great Trench to be made, which I have seen, passing that way some years after, from the Town and River unto the Mountain, being well resolved there to attend Emir-Jemla, and to dispute that passage with him. But he was sufficiently astonish'd, when he was told, that the Troops of Emir, which slowly descended along the River Ganges, were certainly for nothing but to amuse him; that himself was not there; that he had gained the Raja's of those Mountains, which are on the right hand of the River; and that he and Sultan Mahmoud marched apace over their Lands with all the Flower of the Army, drawing straight to Rage-Mehalle, to in­tercept him: So that he was constrained to quit, as soon as he could, his Fortifications; yet notwithstanding he made so much haste, that though he was obliged to follow those windings, which the River Ganges on that side maketh towards the left hand, he prevented Emir by some days, and arrived first at Rage-Mehalle, where he had time to fortifie himself; because Emir having heard this News, took his March to the left hand towards Ganges, through very ill ways, there to expect his Troops, which came down with the Body of the Artillery and the Baggage along the River. As soon as all was come, he went to attaque Sultan Sujah, who defended himself very well for five or six days; but seeing that the Artillery of Emir, which played incessantly, ruined all his Fortifications, which were made but of sandy Earth and Fagots, and that he could not but with much difficulty make resistance in that place, besides that the Season of the Rain began, he retired himself, at the favour of the Night, leaving behind two great Peeces of Cannon. Emir durst not follow him in the night, for fear of some Ambush, putting off the pursuit 'till the next morning: But Sujah had the good luck, that at the break of day there began to fall a Rain, which lasted above three days; so that Emir could not only stir out of Rage-Mehalle, but saw himself obliged to pass the Winter there, by reason of the excessive Rains in that Countrey, which render the ways so troublesom for more than four Months, viz. July, August, September, and October, that the Armies cannot possibly march. And hereby Sultan Sujah had the means to retire himself, and to chuse what place he would, having time enough to fortifie his Army, and to send out of the inferiour Bengale for many Peeces of Cannon, and a good num­ber of Portugals, that were retired thither, because of the great fertility of the Coun­trey: For he much courted all those Portugal Fathers, Missionaries, that are in that Pro­vince, promising them no less than that he would make them all rich, and build Chur­ches for them wheresoever they would. And they were indeed capable to serve him, it being certain, that in the Kingdom of Bengale there are to be found no less than eight or nine Thousand Families of Franguis, Portugals, and these either Natives or Mesticks.

But Sultan Mahmoud, who, for the reason above-mentioned, was grown fierce, and aspired, perhaps, to greater things than at that time he ought, did pretend to command the Army absolutely, and that Emir-Jemla should follow his Orders, letting also from time to time fall insolent words in reference to his Father Aureng-Zebe, as if he were ob­liged to him for the Crown, and uttering Expressions of Contempt and Threat against Emir Jemla; which caused great coldness betwixt them two, which lasted a pretty while, until Sultan Mahmoud understood, that his Father was very much dissatisfied with his conduct: And apprehending, lest Emir had order to seize on his person, he went away to Sultan Sujah, accompanied with a very small number, and to him he [Page 28] made great promises, and swore Fidelity. But Sujah, who feared Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla's snares, could not trust him, having always an Eye upon his Actions, without giving him any considerable Command; which he so disgusted, that some months after, not knowing what would become of him, he left Sultan Sujah, and re­turned to Emir, who received him well enough, assuring him, that he would write in his behalf to Aureng-Zebe, and do his utmost to make him forget that fault.

I think fit here to take notice, on the by, of what many have told me, viz. That this Escape of Sultan Mahmoud was altogether made by the Artifices of Aureng-Zebe, who cared not much to hazard this Son of his to try to destroy Sujah, and who was glad enough, that whatever the Event were, he might have a specious pretence to put him in a place of surety. However it be, he afterwards shew'd himself much dissatis­fied with him, and wrote to him a severe Letter, in which he enjoin'd him to return to Dehli, but giving order in the mean time, that he should not come so far: For he no sooner had passed the River Ganges, but he met with Troops that stopt him, and put him up in a small Chair, (as was done to Morad-Bakche) and carried him to Goualeor, whence 'tis thought he will never be set at liberty: Aureng-Zebe by this means freeing himself from great perplexity; who then also let his second Son, Sultan Mazum, know, that the point of Reigning is so delicate a thing, that Kings must be jealous even of their own shadow; adding, that if he be not discreet, the like may befall him what had befallen his Brother, and that he ought to think Aureng-Zebe was not a Man, that would suffer that to be done to himself, what Chah-Jehan did to his Father Jehan-Guyre, and what he had also lately seen done to Chah-Jehan.

And indeed we may on this occasion say, that if this Son continue to behave him­self as he hath done hitherto, Aureng-Zebe will have no cause to suspect him, and to be dissatisfied with him: For no Slave can be more tractable, and Aureng-Zebe himself never appear'd more careless of Greatness, nor more given to Devotion than he: Yet I have known Men of Parts, who believed, that he is not so in good earnest, but by su­perlative policy and craft, like that of his Father, which we may have the proof of in time.

Whilst all these things were thus transacted in Bengale, and that Sultan Sujah resisted the best he could the Forces of Emir-Jemla, passing now on one side of the River Ganges, of a Channel, or some other River, (for that Countrey is full of them) then on the other; Aureng-Zebe kept himself about Agra, going to and fro; and at length, after he had also sent Morad-Bakche to Goualeor, he came to Dehli, where in good ear­nest he took upon him publickly to act the King, giving order for all Affairs of the Kingdom, and especially thinking on means to catch Dara, and to get him out of Gu­zaratte, which was a very hard thing, for the Reasons already mentioned. But the great good Fortune, and the singular dexterity of Aureng-Zebe soon drew him thence, which now follows next to be related.

Jessomseigne, who had retired himself to his Countrey, and made the best of what he had taken in the Battel of Kadjoue, raised a strong Army, and wrote to Dara, that he should come to Agra as soon as he could, and that he would join with his Forces. Dara, who had by this time set on foot a pretty numerous Army, (though it consisted, for the most part, but of gathered people) and who hoped, that approaching to A­gra, many of his old Friends, seeing him with Jessomseigne, would not fail to join with him also, immediately leaveth Amadevad, and marcheth with great speed to Asmire, seven or eight days journey from Agra. But Jessomseigne kept not his word with him: The Raja Jesseigne interposed to make his peace with Aureng-Zebe, and to fasten him to his Party; or, at least, to hinder his design, which was capable to ruine himself, and to make all the Raja's rise; and wrote to him several Letters, giving him to understand the great danger he went to expose himself to, by espousing a Party in that Extremi­ty, as that of Dara's was; that he should well consider what he was going to do; that he went about wholly to destroy himself, and all his whole Family; that Aureng-Zebe would never forgive him; that he was a Raja as himself; that he should think on spa­ring the blood of the Ragipous; that if he thought to draw the Raja's to his Party, he would find those that would hinder him from it. In a word, that it was a business which concern'd all the Gentry of Indostan, and exposed them to danger, if way were given to kindle a Fire, which would not be extinguish'd at pleasure. And lastly, if he would leave Dara to himself, Aureng-Zebe would forget all that had passed, and pre­sent [Page 29] him with all he had taken, and give him that very instant the Government of Guzaratte, which would be very convenient for him, that Countrey being near his Lands; that he could be there in full liberty and safety, and as long as he pleased, and that himself would be Caution for all. In a word, this Raja acted his part so well, that he made Jessomseigne return to his Land, whilst Aureng-Zebe approached with his whole Army to Asmire, and encamped in the sight of that of Dara.

And now what could this poor Prince Dara do? He seeth himself abandoned, and frustrated of his hopes. He considers, that to turn back safe to Amadevad was impos­sible, in regard that it was a March of Thirty and five days; that it was in the heat of Summer; that water would fail him; that they were all the Lands of Raja's, Friends or Allies of Jesseigne or Jessomseigne; that the Army of Aureng-Zebe, which was not harassed like his, would not fail to follow him. 'Tis as good, saith he, to perish here; and although the Match be altogether unequal, let us venture all, and give Bat­tel once more. But alas! what does he mean to do? He is not only abandoned by all, but he hath yet with him Chah-Navaze-Kan, whom he trusts, and who betrays him, and discovers all his Designs to Aureng-Zebe. 'Tis true, that Chah-Navaze-Kan was punish'd for his Perfidiousness, and kill'd in the Battel; whether it was by the hands of Dara himself, as many told me, or (which is more probable) by some of Au­reng-Zebe's Army, who being secret Partisans of Dara, found means to get to him, and to dispatch him, fearing lest he should discover them, and have some knowledge of the Letters they had written to Dara. But what did it benefit him at that time, that Chah-Navaze-Kan was dead? Dara should have sooner follow'd the advice of his Friends, and never have confided in him.

The Fight began between Nine and Ten of the Clock in the morning: Dara's Ar­tillery, which was very well placed on a little Eminency, was loud enough; but, as was said, most of the Peeces without Bullets; so was he betray'd by all! 'Tis needless to relate the other Particulars of this Battel; it was properly not a Battel, but a Rout. I shall only say, that hardly the Onset was begun, but Jesseigne was near and in sight of Dara, to whom he sent word, that he should flie presently, unless he would be ta­ken. So that this poor Prince, being altogether surprised, was constrained to run away instantly, and with so much disorder and precipitation, that he had not leisure to put up his Baggage. It was no small matter, that he was able to get away with his Wife, and the rest of his Family. And 'tis certain, that if the Raja-Jesseigne would have done what he could, he could never have escaped; but he always had a respect to the Royal Family; or rather, he was too crafty and politick, and had too great fore­cast, to venture to lay hands on a Prince of the Blood.

This unfortunate Prince, deserted by almost all, and finding himself accompanied but of Two thousand Men at most, was forced in the hottest of Summer to cross, without Tents or Baggage, all those Countries of the Raja's, that are almost from As­mire to Amadevad. Mean time the Koullis, which are the Countrey People, and the worst of all the Indies, and the greatest Robbers, follow him night and day, rifle and kill his Soldiers, with so much cruelty, that no Man could stay Two hundred Paces be­hind the Body, but he was presently stripp'd naked, or butcher'd upon the least resist­ance. Yet notwithstanding, Dara made shift to get near Amadevad, when he hoped, that the next day, or soon after, he should enter into the Town to refresh himself, and to try once more to gather again some Forces: But all things fall out contrary to van­quished and unfortunate Men.

The Governor, whom he had left in the Castle of Amadevad, had already received both menacing and promising Letters from Aureng-Zebe, which made him lose Cou­rage, and incline to that side; insomuch that he wrote to Dara, forbidding him to come nearer, if he did, he would find the Gates shut, and all in Arms.

Three days before I met this unhappy Prince, by a strange Accident, when he obli­ged me to follow him, having no Physician about him; and the Night before that he received this News from the Governor of Amadevad, he did me the favor to make me come into the Karavan-Serrak where he was, fearing lest the Koulis should assassinate me: And (what is hard enough to believe in Indestan, where the Grandees especially are so jeaous of their Wives) I was so near to the Wife of this Prince, that the Cords of the Kanates, or Wind screen, which enclosed them, (for they had not so much as a poor Tent) were fastned to the wheels of my Chariot. I relate this circumstance by the by only, to shew the extremity Dara was reduced to.

[Page 30] When these Women heard this sad News (which was at the break of day, as I well remember) they broke out upon a sudden into such strange cryes and lamentations, that they forced tears from ones Eyes. And now behold all was in an unexpressible confusion: Every one looks upon his Neighbor, and no body knows what to do, or what will become of him. Soon after we saw Dara come forth, half dead, now speak­ing to one, then another, even to the meanest Soldiers. He seeth all astonish'd, and ready to abandon him. What counsel? whither can he go? he must be gone instant­ly. You may judge of the extremity he must needs be in, by this small accident I am going to mention. Of three great Oxen of Guzaratte, which I had for my Chariot, one died the Night before, another was dying, and the third was tyred out, (for we had been forced to march for three days together, almost night and day, in an intole­rable heat and dust:) Whatever Dara could say or command, whether he alledged it was for himself, or for one of his Women that was hurt in her Leg, or for me; he could not possibly procure for me, whether Ox, or Camel, or Horse: So that he was obliged, to my good fortune, to leave me there. I saw him march away, and that with tears in his Eyes, accompanied with four or five hundred Cavaliers at most, and with two Elephants, that were said to be laden with Gold and Silver; and I heard them say, that they were to take their March towards Tatabakar; for he had no other Game to play, though even that seem'd in a manner impossible, considering the small number of People left him, and the great sandy Desarts to be waded through in the hottest season, most of them without water fit to drink. And indeed most of those that fol­low'd him, and even divers of his Women, did there perish, either of drought, or the unwholsom waters, or the tiresom ways and ill food; or lastly, because stripped by the Koullis above-mention'd. Yet notwithstanding all this, Dara made hard shift to get to the Raja Katche; unhappy even herein, that he perish'd not himself in this March.

This Raja at first gave him a very good Reception, even so far as to promise him assistance with all his Forces, provided he would give his Daughter in marriage to his Son. But Jesseigne soon wrought as much with this Raja, as he had done with Jes­somseigne; so that Dara one day seeing the kindness of this Barbarian, cooled upon a sudden, and that consequently his Person was in danger there, he betakes himself to the pursuit of his Expedition to Tatabakar.

To relate how I got away from those Robbers, the Koullis, in what manner I moved them to compassion, how I saved the best part of my small Treasure, how we became good Friends by the means of my Profession of Physick, my Servants (perplexed as well as my self) swearing that I was the greatest Physician of the World, and that the People of Dara, at their going away, had ill treated me, and taken from me all my best things: How, after having kept me with them seven or eight days, they had so much kindness and generosity, as to lend me an Ox, and to conduct me so far, that I was in sight of Amadevad: And lastly, how from thence after some days I returned to Dehli, having lighted on an occasion to go with a certain Omrah passing thither; in which Journey I met from time to time, on the way, with Carkasses of Men, Ele­phants, Oxen, Horses, and Camels, the remainder of that unfortunate Army of Dara. These are things, I say, I must not insist upon to describe them.

Whilst Dara advanced towards Tatabakar, the War continues in Bengale, and much longer than was believed, Sultan Sujah putting forth his utmost, and playing his last Game against Emir-Jemla: Yet this did not much trouble Aureng-Zebe, who knew 'twas a great way between Bengale and Agra, and was sufficiently convinced of the pru­dence and valor of Emir-Jemla. That which disquieted him much more was, that he saw Soliman Chekouh so near (for from Agra to the Mountains 'tis but eight days Journey) whom he could not master, and who perpetually alarm'd him by the rumors that went continually about, as if he were coming down the Mountains with the Ra­ja. 'Tis certainly very hard to draw him thence: But behold how he manages the matter to compass it.

He maketh the Raja Jesseigne write one Letter after another to the Raja of Serenaguer, promising him very great things, if he would surrender Soliman Chekouh to him, and menacing War at the same time, if he should obstinately keep him. The Raja an­swers, That he would rather lose his Estate, than do so unworthy an Action. And Aureng-Zebe, seeing his resolution, taketh the Field, and marcheth directly to the foot of the [Page 31] Hills, and with an infinite number of Pike-men causeth the Rocks to be cut, and the passage to be widen'd. But the Raja laughs at all that; neither hath he much cause to fear on that side. Aureng-Zebe may cut long enough, they are Mountains inaccessible to an Army, and stones would be sufficient to stop the Forces of four Indostans; so that he was constrained to turn back again.

Dara in the mean time approacheth to the Fortress of Tatabakar, and when he was but two or three days journey off, he received News, that Mir-baba, who had long held it besieged, had at length reduced it to extremity: As I afterwards learned of our French, and other Franguis that were there, a pound of Rice and Meat having cost there above a Crown, and so of other Victuals in proportion: Yet the Go­vernour held out; made Sallies, which extreamly incommoded the Enemy; and shew'd all possible prudence, courage and fidelity; deriding the endeavours of the General, Mir-baba, and all the menaces and promises of Aureng-Zebe.

And this also I learned afterwards of my Country-men, the French, and of all those other Franguis that were with him; who added, that when he heard Dara was not far off, he redoubled his liberalities, and knew so well to gain the hearts of all his Souldiers, and to encourage them to do bravely, that there was not one of them, that was not resolved to sally out upon the Enemy, and to hazard all to raise the Siege, and to make Dara enter; and that he also knew so well to cast fear and terrour into the Camp of Mir-baba, by sending Spies about very cunningly to assure, that they had seen Dara approach with great resolution, and very good Forces; that if he had come, as was believed he would do every moment, the Army of the Ene­my was for disbanding upon his appearance, and even in part to go over to him. But he is still too unfortunate, to undertake any thing prosperously. Believing there­fore, that to raise the Siege with such an handful of Men as he had, was impossible; he did deliberate to pass the River Indus, and to endeavour to get into Persia; al­though that also would have had mighty difficulties and inconveniencies, by reason of the Desarts, and the small quantity of good waters in those parts; besides, that upon those Frontiers there are but mean Rajas and Patans, who acknowledge neither the Persian nor the Mogol. But his Wife did very much disswade him from it, for this weak reason, that he must, if he did so, expect to see his Wife and Daughter Slaves of the King of Persia; that that was a thing altogether unworthy of the Grandeur of his Family, and 'twas better to die, than to undergo this Infamy.

Dara, being in great perplexity, remembred, that there was thereabout a certain Patan, powerful enough, called Gion-Kan, whose Life he had formerly saved twice, when Chah-Jehan had commanded he should be cast under the feet of an Elephant, for having rebelled divers times: He resolved to go to him, hoping that he could give him sufficient Succours to raise the Siege of Tatabakar; making account, that thence he would take his Treasure, and that going from thence, and gaining Kandabar, he could cast himself into the Kingdom of Caboul, having great hopes of Mohabet-Kan, who was Governour of it, because he was both potent and valiant, well beloved of his Country, and had obtained this Government by his (Dara's) favour. But his Grandchild, Sepe-Chekouh, yet but very young, seeing his design, cast himself at his Feet, intreating him for God's sake, not to enter into the Country of that Patan. His Wife and Daughter did the same, remonstrating to him, that he was a Robber, a revolted Governour, that he would infallibly betray him; that he ought not to stand upon the raising of the Siege, but rather endeavour to gain Caboul, that the thing was not impossible, forasmuch as Mir-baba was not like to quite the Siege to follow him, and to hinder him from getting thither.

Dara, being carried head-long by the force of his unhappy Destiny, rejected this counsel, and would hearken to nothing of what was proposed to him, saying, as was true, that the March would be very difficult, and very dangerous; and maintaining always, that Gion-Kan would not be so mean, as to betray him, after all the good he had done him. He departed, notwithstanding all that could be said to him; and went to prove, at the price of his Life, That no trust is to be given to a wicked Man.

This Robber, who at first believed that he had numerous Troops following him, gave him the fairest reception that could be, and entertained him with very great kindness and civility in appearance, placing his Souldiers here and there among his Subjects, with a strict order to treat them well, and to give them what refreshments [Page 32] the Country afforded: But when he found that he had not above two or three hun­dred Men in all, he quickly show'd what he was. It is not known, whether he had not received some Letters from Aureng-Zebe, or whether his avarice had not been tempted by some Mules said to be laden with Gold; which was all that could be saved hitherto, as well from the hands of Robbers, as of those that conveyed it. Whatever it be, on a certain morning, when no body looked for any such thing, all being taken up with the care of refreshing themselves, and believing all to be safe; behold this Traitor, who had bestir [...]'d himself all night to get armed Men from all parts, fell upon Dara and Sepe-Chekouh, killed some of their Men that stood up to de­fend themselves; forgot not to seize on the loads of the Mules, and of all the Jewels of the Women; made Dara to be tyed fast upon an Elephant, commanding the Exe­cutioner to fit behind, and to cut off his head upon the least sign given, in case he should be seen to resist, or that any one should attempt to deliver him. And in this strange posture he was carried to the Army before Taba-bakar, where he put him into the hands of Mir-baba, the General, who caused him to be conducted in the com­pany of this same Traitor to Lahor, and thence to Dehli.

When he was at the Gates of Dehli, it was deliberated by Aureng-Zebe, whether he should be made to pass through the midst of the City, or no, to carry him thence to Goualeor. Many did advise, that that was by no means to be done; that some disorder might arise; that some might come to save him; and besides, that it would be a great dishonour to the Family Royal. Others maintained the contrary▪ viz. That it was absolutely necessary he should pass through the Town, to astonish the World, and to shew the absolute Power of Aureng-Zebe, and to disabuse the People, that might still doubt, whether it were himself, as indeed many Omrahs did doubt; and to take away all hopes from those, who still preserved some affection for him. The Opi­nion of these last was followed; he was put on an Elephant, his Grand-child, Sepe-Chekouh, at his side; and behind them was placed Bhadur-Kan, as an Executioner. This was none of those brave Elephants of Ceilan or Pegu, which he was wont to ride on, with gilt Harness and embroidered Covers, and Seats with Canopies very hand­somely painted and gilt, to defend themselves from the Sun: It was an old Caitiff Animal, very dirty and nasty, with an old torn Cover, and a pitiful Seat, all open. There was no more seen about him, that Necklace of big Pearls, which these Princes are wont to wear, nor those rich Turbants and Vests embroider'd. All his Dress was a Vest of course Linnen, all dirty, and a Turbant of the same, with a wretched Scarf of Kachimere over his head, like a Varlet; his Grand-son, Sepe-Chekouh, being in the same equipage. In this miserable posture he was made enter into the Town, and to pass through the greatest Merchant-streets, to the end that all the People might see him, and entertain no doubt any more whether it was he.

As for me, I fancied we went to see some strange Massacre, and was astonish'd at the boldness of making him thus pass through the Town; and that the more, because I knew that he was very ill guarded, neither was I ignorant, that he was very much beloved by the lower sort of people, who at that time exclaimed highly against the cruelty and tyranny of Aureng-Zebe, as one that kept his Father in prison, as also his own Son Sultan Mahmoud, and his Brother Morad-Bakche. I was well prepar'd for it, and with a good Horse and two good Men I went, together with two others of my Friends, to place my self in the greatest street, where he was to pass. But not one Man had the boldness to draw his Sword, only there were some of the Fakires, and with them some poor people, who seeing that infamous Gion-Kan ride by his side, began to rail and throw stones at him, and to call him Traitor. All the Shops were ready to break for the crowd of Spectators, that wept bitterly; and there was heard nothing but loud Out-cryes and Lamentations, Invectives, and Curses, heaped on Gion-Kan. In a word, Men and Women, great and small (such is the tenderness of the hearts of the Indians) were ready to melt into tears for compassion; but not one there was that durst stir to rescue him. Now after he had thus passed through the Town, he was put into a Garden called Heider-Abad.

There were not wanting to tell Aureng-Zebe, how the People at this sight had la­mented Dara, and cursed the Patan, that had deliver'd him; and how the same was in danger to have been stoned to death, as also that there had been a great apprehen­sion of some sedition and mischief. Hereupon another Council was held, whether [Page 33] he should indeed be carried to Goualeor, as had been concluded before; or whether it were not more expedient to put him to death, without more ado? Some were of opinion, that he should go to Goualeor with a strong Guard, that that would be enough; Danechmend-Kan, though Dara's old Enemy, insisting much upon that. But Rauchenara-Begum, in pursuance of her hatred against this Brother of hers, pushed Aureng-Zebe to make him away, without running the danger there was in sending him to Goualeor; as also did all his old Enemies, Galilullah-Kan, and Chah-hest-Kan, and especially a certain Flatterer, a Physitian, who was fled out of Persia, first called Hakim-Daoud, and afterwards being become a great Omrah named Takarrub-Kan: This Villain boldly rose up in a full assembly, and cryed out, that it was expedient for the safety of the State to put him to death immediately, and that the rather, be­cause he was no Mussulman; that long since he was turn'd Kafire, Idolater, without Religion, and that he would charge the Sin of it upon his own head: Of which im­precation he soon after felt the smart; for within a short time he fell into disgrace, and was treated like an infamous Fellow, and dyed miserably. But Aureng-Zebe, carried away by these instances and motives, commanded that he should be put to death, and that Sepe-Chekouh, his Grand-child, should be sent to Goualeor.

The Charge of this Tragical Execution was given to a certain Slave, call'd Nazer, that had been bred by Chah-Jehan, and was known to have been formerly ill treated by Dara. This Executioner, accompanied with three or four Parricides more, went to Dara, who was then himself dressing some Lentils with Sepe-Chekouh his Grandchild. He no sooner saw Nazer, but cryed out to Sepe-Chekouh, My dear Son, behold those that come to kill us! laying hold at the same time of a small Knife, which was all the Arms that were left him. One of these Butchers immediately fell upon Sepe-Chekouh; the others, upon the arms and legs of Dara, throwing him to the ground, and holding him under, 'till Nazer cut his throat. His Head was forth­with carried to the Fortress of Aureng-Zebe, who presently commanded it to be put in a dish, and that water should be fetch'd; which when brought, he wiped it off with an Handkerchief, and after he had caused the Face to be washed clean, and the blood done away, and was fully satisfied that it was the very head of Dara, he fell a weeping, and said these words; Ah Bed-Bakt! Ah unfortunate Man! Take it away, and bury it in the Sepulchre of Houmayon.

At night, the Daughter of Dara was brought into the Seraglio, but afterwards sent to Chah-Jehan, and Begum-Saheb, who asked her of Aureng-Zebe. Concerning Dara's Wife, she had ended her days before at Lahor▪ She had poyson'd her self, foreseeing the extremities she was falling into, together with her Husband. Sepe-Chekouh was sent to Goualeor. And after a few days, Gion-kan was sent for, to come before Aureng-Zebe in the Assembly: To him were given some Presents, and so he was sent away; but being near his Lands, he was rewarded according to his desert, being killed in a Wood. This barbarous Man not knowing, or not considering, that if Kings do sometimes permit such Actions for their Interest, yet they abhor them, and sooner or later revenge them.

In the mean time, the Governour of Tatabakar, by the same Orders that had been required of Dara, was obliged to surrender the Fortress. It was indeed upon such a composition as he would have, but it was also with an intention not to keep word with him. For the poor Eunuch, arriving at Lahor, was cut in pieces, together with those few Men he had then with him, by Kalil-ullah-kan, who was Governour there­of. But the reason of the non-observance of the Capitulation was▪ that there was come intelligence, that he secretly prepar'd himself to go directly to Soliman-Chekouh, sparing no Gold, which under-hand he conveyed into the hands of our Franguis, and to all those that were come with him out of the Fortress to follow him, under pretext of accompanying him as far as Dehli to Aureng-Zebe, who had often said, that he should be very glad to see so gallant a Man, and who had so valiantly defended himself.

There remained therefore none of the Family of Dara, but Soliman-Chekouh, who could not easily be drawn away from Serenaguer, if the Raja had been steady to his first Declarations. But the secret practices of the Raja Jesseigne, the promises and threats of Aureng-Zebe, the death of Dara, and the other Rajas his Neighbours that had been gain'd, and were prepared by the Orders, and at the cost of Aureng-Zebe, to make War against him, did at last shake the Faith of this perfidious Protector, and [Page 34] made him consent to their demands. Sepe-Chekouh, who was advertised of it, fled through the midst of those horrid Countries and fearful Desarts, towards the great Tibet. But the Son of the Raja, soon pursuing and overtaking him, caused him to be assaulted with stones. The poor Prince was hurt, seized, and carried to Dehli, where he was imprison'd in Serenguer, that little Fortress, where at first they had put Morad-Bakche.

Aureng-Zebe, to observe what he had practised towards Dara, and that no body might doubt it was Soliman-Chekouh himself, commanded him to be brought before him in the presence of all the Grandees of the Court. At the entry of the Gate, the Chains were taken from his feet▪ leaving those he had about his hands, which seemed gilt. When this proper young Man, so handsome and gallant, was seen to enter, there was a good number of Omrahs that could not hold their tears; and, as I was in­formed, all the great Ladies of the Court, that had leave to see him come in, fell a weeping. Aureng-Zebe, who appear'd himself to be touched at his misfortunes, began to speak very kindly to him, and to comfort him; telling him amongst other things, that he should fear nothing, that no hurt should be done to him; on the contrary, that he should be well treated, and therefore be of good courage; that he had caused his Father to be put to death for no other reason, than that he was turn'd Kafer, and a Man without Religion. Whereupon this young Prince returned him the Salem, and blessed him, abasing his hands to the earth, and lifting them, as well as he could, up to his head, after the custom of the Country; and told him with resolution enough, That if he were to drink the Poust, he intreated him that he might dye presently, being very willing to submit to his Fate. But Aureng-Zebe promised him publickly, that he should drink none of it; that he should rest satisfied as to that, and not en­tertain any sad thoughts about it. This being said, he once more repeated the Salem: And after they had asked him several Questions, in the Name of Aureng-Zebe, touch­ing that Elephant which was charged with Roupies of Gold, taken from him when he went to Serenaguer, he was sent to Goualeor to the rest. This Poust is nothing else else but Poppy expressed, and infused a night in water. And 'tis that potion, which those that are kept at Goualeor, are commonly made to drink; I mean those Princes, whose heads they think not fit to cut off: This is the first thing that is brought them in the morning, and they have nothing given them to eat 'till they have drunk a great cup full of it; they would rather let them starve. This emaciates them exceedingly, and maketh them dye insensibly, they losing little by little their strength and under­standing, and growing torpid and senseless. And by this very means 'tis said, that Sepe-Chekouh, and the Grand-child of Morad-Bakche, and Soliman-Chekouh, were dispatch'd.

As to Morad-Bakche, he was made away by a more violent death. For Aureng-Zebe seeing, that though he was in prison, yet the generality had an inclination to him, and that many Verses were spread in the praise of his Valour and Courage, thought himself not safe enough by putting him to death in private, by giving him Poust like others; apprehending, that his Death would be still doubted of, and that that might one time or other occasion some commotion, and therefore devised the following Charge against him.

The Children of a certain Sayed, very rich, whom he had caused to be put to death in Amadevad, to get his Estate, when he there made his preparations for War, and borrowed or took by force great Sums of Money from all the rich Merchants, ap­peared in full Assembly, making their complaints, and demanding Justice, and the Head of Morad-Bakche, for the Blood of their Father. Not one of the Omrahs durst contradict it, both because he was a Sayed, that is, one of Mahomet's Kindred, to whom great Veneration was paid; and that every body sufficiently understood the de­sign of Aureng-Zebe, taking this for a pretence to rid himself openly of Morad-Bakche, under a shew of Justice. So that the Head of him, that had killed the Father of the Plaintiffs, was granted them without any other form of Process. Whereupon they went, with necessary Orders issued out for that purpose, to cut it off in Goualeor.

There remained no other Thorn in the Foot of Aureng-Zebe but Sultan Sujah, who kept himself still in Bengale; but he also was forced to yield at last to the power and fortune of Aureng-Zebe. There were sent so many Troops of all sorts to Emir-Jemla, that at last he was encompassed on all sides, both on this and that side of the River [Page 35] Ganges; so that he was necessitated to flye to Dake, which is the last Town of Ben­gale on the Sea side; and here comes the conclusion of this whole Tragedy.

This Prince being destitute of Ships to put to Sea, and not knowing whether to slye, sent his eldest Son, Sultan-Banque, to the King of Racan or May, a Heathen or Idolatrous King, to know whether he would give him leave to make his Country his place of refuge only for some time, and do him the favour, when the [...] or the Season-winds should come, to furnish him with a Vessel for M [...]ha, [...]om thence to pass into some part of Turky or Persia. That King sent answer▪ that he should be very welcome, and have all possible assistance. So Sultan Banque returned to Dake with some Galeasses, manned with Franguis (I mean, with those fugitive Portugals, and other straggling Christians, that had put themselves in service to that King, driving no other Trade than to ravage all this lower Bengale; upon which Sultan Sujah embarked, with his whole Family, viz. his Wife, his three Sons, and Daughters. They were well enough received; whatever was necessary for their subsistance, such as that Coun­trey would afford, was provided for them, in the name of that King. Some months pass, the Season of the favourable Winds come in, but not a word of the Vessel, though he demanded it no otherwise than for his Money; for as yet he wanted not Rupies of Gold, nor Silver, nor G [...]ms: He had too great a plenty of them; his Riches were, in all appearance, the cause of his ruin, or at least contributed much to it. Those barbarous Kings have no true generosity, and are not much refrained by the Faith they have given, regarding nothing but their present Interests, without so much as considering the mischiefs that may befall them for their perfidiousness and brutality. To get out of their hands, one must either be the stronger, or have nothing that may tempt their avarice. Sultan Sujah may long enough sollicit for a Vessel; all is in vain, he effects nothing: On the contrary, the King begins to shew much coldness, and to complain of his not coming to see him. I know not, whether Sultan Sujah thought it unworthy of himself, and too mean a thing to give him a Visit; or rather, whether he fear'd, that being in the Kings House he might not there be seized on, to take a­way all his Treasure, and then be delivered into the hands of Emir-Jemla, who for that purpose promised, in the name of Aureng-Zebe, great Sums of Mony, and many other considerable advantages. Whatever the matter was, he would not go thither himself, but sent his Son Sultan Banque, who being near the Kings House, began to shew liberality to the people, throwing out to them a good quantity of half Rupies, and whole Rupies, of Gold and Silver. And being come before the King, he presented him with store of Embroideries, and of rare pieces of Goldsmiths-work, set with pre­cious Stones of great value, excusing his Father, Sultan Sujah, as being indisposed, and beseeching him in his name, that he would remember the Vessel, and the promise made to him thereof. But all that did not advance his business; on the contrary, five or six days after, this King sent to Sultan Sujah, to ask of him one of his Daugh­ters in Marriage; which he could never resolve to grant him, whereat this barbarous Prince was highly offended. What then could he do in this case? The Season passeth away. What shall become of him? What other resolution can he take, but to do a desperate Action? Behold a strange undertaking, which may give a great Example of what Despair can do!

Although this King of Racan be an Heathen, yet there is in his Dominions store of Mahumetans mingled with the people, that are retired thither, or have been, for the most part, taken Slaves, here and there, by those Franguis above-mention'd. Sul­tan Sujah did und r-hand gain these Mahumetans; and with two or three hundred Men, whom he had yet remaining of those that follow'd him from Bengale, he resolved, one day to fall unpectedly upon the House of this Barbarian, to kill all, and to make himself proclaim'd King of Recan. This was a very bold Enterprise, and such a one, as had more of a Desperado in it, than of a prudent Man. Yet notwithstanding, as I was inform'd, and by what I could learn from many Mahumetans, and Portugals, and Hollanders, that then were there present, the thing was feasible enough. But the day before the stroke was to be given, the Design was discover'd; which did altogether overthrow the Affairs of Sultan Sujah, and was soon after the cause of his ruin. For not finding hereafter any way [...]o [...]e to recover himself, he attempted to slye towards P [...]gu; which was a thing in a manner impossible, by reason of the vast Mountains and Forrests to be passed. Besides, he was immediately pursued so close, that he was over­taken [Page 36] the same day he fled. It may well be thought, that he defended himself with as much courage as was possible. He killed so many of those Barbarians, that it will scarce be believed, but he was so overpow'red by the multitude of pursuers, that he was obliged to quit the Combat. Sultan Banque, who was not so far advanced as his Father, defended him also like a Lion; but at length, being all bloody of the wounds, by stones poured upon him from all sides, he was seized on, and carried away, with his two little Brothers, his Sisters, and Mother.

As to the Person of Sultan Sujah himself, all what could be learnt of it, is this: That he, with one Woman, one Eunuch, and two other persons, got up to the top of the Mountain; that he received a wound in his Head by a stone, which struck him down, but yet he rose again▪ the Eunuch having wound his Head about with his Turbant, and that they escaped through the midst of the Woods.

I have heard the Relation three or four other manner of ways, even by those per­sons that were upon the place. Some did assure, that he had been found among the dead, but was not well known: And I have seen a Letter of the Chief of the Dutch Factory, confirming this. So that 'tis difficult enough to know aright what is be­come him. And this it is, which hath administred ground to those so frequent Alarms, given us afterwards at Dehli: For at one time it was rumored, that he was arrived at Maslipatan, to joyn with the Kings of Golkonda and Visapour; another time it was related for certain, that he had passed in sight of Suratte with two Ships, bearing the Red Colours, which the King of Pegu, or the King of Siam had given him; by and by, that he was in Persia, and had been seen in Chiras, and soon after in Kandahar, ready to enter into the Kingdom of Caboul it self. Aureng-Zebe one day said smiling, that Sultan Sujah was at last become an Agy or Pilgrim. And at this very day there are abundance of persons who maintain that he is in Persia, returned from Constantinople, whence he is said to have brought with him much Money. But that which confirms more than enough, that there is no ground for any of these reports, is that Letter of the Hollanders; and that an Eunuch of his, with whom I travelled from Bengale to Ma­slipatan, as also the Great Master of his Artillery; whom I saw in the Service of the King of Golkonda, have assured me, that he is no more in being, though they made difficulty to say any more concerning him; as also, that our French Merchants, that lately came out of Persia and from Hispahan, when I was yet at Dehli, had in those parts heard no news at all of him; besides that, I have heard that a while after his Defeat, his Sword and Poynard had been found: So that 'tis credible, that if he was not killed upon the place, he soon dyed afterwards, and was the prey of some Robbers, or Tygers, or Elephants, of which the Forrests of that Country are full. However it be, after this last Action his whole Family was put in Prison, Wives, and Children, where they were treated rudely enough; yet some time after they were set at more liberty, and they received a milder entertainment: And then the King called for the eldest Daughter, whom he married.

Whilst this was doing, some Servants of Sultan Banque, joyned with divers of those Mahumetans which I have mentioned, went to plot another Conspiracy like the first. But the day appointed for it being come, one of the Conspirators, being half drunk, began too soon to break out. Concerning this also I have heard forty different rela­tions, so that 'tis very hard to know the truth of it. That which is undoubted is this, that the King was at length so exasperated against this unfortunate Family of Sujah, that he commanded it should be quite rooted out. Neither did there remain any one of it, that was not put to death, save that Daughter which the King had made his Wife. Sultan Banque, and his Brothers, had their Heads cut off with blunt Axes; and the Women were mured up, where they dyed of hunger and misery.

And thus endeth this War, which the lust of Reigning had kindled among those four Brothers, after it had lasted five or six years, from 1655, or thereabout, to 1660 or 1661; which left Aureng-Zebe in the peaceable possession of this puissant Empire.

The End of the FIRST TOME.

Particular Events:
OR, The most considerable Passages after the War for Five Years, or thereabout, in the Empire of the GREAT MOGOL.

THE War being ended, the Tartars of Ʋsbec entertained thoughts of send­ing Ambassadors to Aureng-Zebe. They had seen him fight in their Coun­trey, when he was yet a young Prince; Chah-Jehan having sent him to command the Succors, which the Kan of Samarkand had desired of him against the Kan of Balk. They had experienced his Conduct and Valor on many occasions, and they consider'd with themselves, that he could not but remem­ber the Affront they did him, when he was just taking Balk, the Capital Town of the Enemy: For the two Kans agreed together, and obliged him to retreat, alledging, That they apprehended he might render himself Master of their whole State, just as Ekbar had formerly done of the Kingdom of Kachimere. Besides, they had certain intelligence of all he had done in Indostan, of his Battels, Fortune, and Advantages; whence they might sufficiently estimate, that though Chah-Jehan was yet living, yet Aureng-Zebe was Master, and the only Person that was to be owned King of the Indies. Whether then they feared his just resentments, or whether it was, that their inbred Avarice and Sordidness made them hope for some considerable Present, the two Kans sent to him their Ambassadors to offer him their Service, and to Congratulate him up­on the happy beginning of his Reign. Aureng-Zebe saw very well, that the War being at an end, this offer was out of season, and that it was nothing but fear or hope, as we said, that had brought them. Yet for all this, he received them honourably; and, since I was present at their Audience, I can relate the Particulars of it with cer­tainty.

They made their Reverence at a considerable distance from him, after the Indian custom, putting thrice their hands upon their heads, and as often letting them down to the ground. Then they approached so near, that Aureng-Zebe himself might very well have taken their Letters immediately from their hands; but yet it was an Omrah that took and open'd them, and gave them to him. He forthwith read them with a very grave countenance; and afterwards commanded, there should be given to each of them an embroider'd Vest, a Turbant, and a Girdle of Silk in Embroidery, which is that which they call Ser-apah, that is, an Habit from head to foot. After this, their Presents were call'd for, which consisted in some Boxes of choice Lapis Lazulus, divers Camels with long hair, several gallant Horses, some Camel-loads of fresh Fruit, as Apples, Pears, Raisins and Melons, (for 'tis chiefly Ʋsbec that furnishes these sorts of Fruit, eaten at Dehli all the Winter-long;) and in many Loads of dry Fruit, as Prunes of Bokara, Aprecocks, Raisms without any stones that appeared, and two other sorts of Raisins, black and white, very large and very good.

Aureng-Zebe was not wanting to declare, how much he was satisfied with the Ge­nerosity of the Kans, and much commended the Beauty and Rarity of the Fruit, Hor­ses, and Camels; and after he had a little entertain'd them of the state of the Acade­my of Samarkand, and of the Fertility of their Countrey, abounding in so many rare and excellent things, he desired them to go and repose themselves, intimating with­all, that he should be very glad to see them often.

They came away from their Audience full of contentment and joy, not being much troubled, that they had been obliged to make their Reverence after the Indian custom, though it have something of slavish in it; nor much resenting it, that the King had [Page 38] not taken their Letters from their own hands. I believe if they had been required to kiss the ground, and even to do something of a lower nature, they would have com­plied with it. 'Tis true, it would have been in vain, if they had desired to make no other Salute, but that of their own Countrey, and to deliver to the King their Letters with their own hands; for that belongs only to the Ambassadors of Persia, nor have these this favour granted them, but with much difficulty.

They stay'd above four months at Dehli, what diligence soever they could use to be dispatch'd, which did incommode them very much; for they fell almost all sick, and even some of them dyed, because they were not accustomed to such heats as are in In­dostan, or rather because they were sordid, and kept a very ill Diet. I know not whe­ther there be a more avaricious and uncleanly Nation than they are. They laid up the Money which the King had appointed them for their mainten [...]nce, and lived a very mi­serable life, altogether unworthy of Ambassadors; yet they were dismissed with great honour: The King, in the presence of all the Omrahs, presented each of them with two rich Ser-apahs, and gave order that Eight thousand Rupies should be carried to their Lodgings, which amounted to near Two thousand Crowns each. He also gave them for Presents to the Kans their Masters, very handsom Ser-apahs, store of the richest and best wrought Embroideries, a good quantity of fine Cloth, and Silk-stuffs, wrought with Gold and Silver, and some Tapestries, and two Poynards set about with precious stones.

During their stay, I went thrice to see them, being presented to them as a Physician by one of my Friends, that was Son of an Ʋshec, that had made his Fortune in that Court. I had a design to have learned something in particular of their Countrey, but I found them so ignorant, that they knew not so much as the Confines of their State, much less could they inform me of any thing concerning the Tartars that have conquer'd China of late years: In short, they told me nothing that I knew not before. I had once the Curiosity to dine with them, which liberty I obtained easily enough. They are not Men of much Ceremony; it was a very extraordinary Meal for such a one as I, it being mee [...] Horse-flesh; yet for all this I got my Dinner with them; there was a certain Ragou, which I thought passable: And I was obliged to express a liking of so exquisite a Dish, which they so much lust after. During Dinner, there was a strange silence; they were very busie in carrying in with their whole hands, for they know not what a Spoon is; but after that this Horse-flesh had wrought in their stomachs, they began to talk, and then they would perswade me, they were the most dextrous at Bows and Arrows, and the strongest Men in the World. They call'd for Bows, which are much bigger than those of Indostan, and would lay a wager, to pierce an Ox or my Horse through and through. Then they proceeded to commend the strength and valor of their Women, which they described to me quite otherwise than the Amazons, telling me very wonderful stories of them, especially one, which would be admirable indeed, if I could relate it with a Tartarian Eloquence, as they did: They told me, that at the time when Aureng-Zebe made War in their Countrey, a Party of Twenty five or Thirty Indian Horsemen came to fall upon a small Village; whilst they plundred, and tyed all those whom they met with to make them Slaves, an old Woman said to them, Children, be not so mischievous, my Daughter is not far off, she will be here very shortly, re­treat if you be wise, you are undone if she light upon you. They laughed at the old Wo­man, and her Advice; and continued to load, to tye, and to carry away her self; but they were not gone half a Mile, but this old Woman, looking often backward, made a great out-cry of Joy, perceiving her Daughter coming after her on Horse-back; and presently this generous She Tartar, mounted on a furious Horse, her Bow and Arrows hanging at her side, called to them at a distance, that she was yet willing to give them their Lives, if they would carry back to the Village all they had taken, and then with­draw without any noise. The Advice of this young Woman affected them as little as that of her old Mother; but they were soon astonish'd, when they found her let flie at them in a moment three or four great Arrows, which struck as many of their Men to the ground, which forced them to fall to their Quivers also. But she kept her self at that distance from them, that none of them could reach her. She laughed at all their Effort, and at all their Arrows, knowing how to attack them at the length of her Bow, and to take her measure from the strength of her Arm, which was of another temper than theirs: So that after she had killed half of them with her Arrows, and [Page 39] put them into disorder, she came and fell upon the rest with the Zable in her hand, and cut them all in pieces.

The Ambassadors of Tartary were not yet gone away from Dehli, when Aureng-Zebe fell exceeding sick; a violent and continued Fever made him sometimes lose his un­derstanding: His Tongue was seized with such a Palsie, that he lost almost his speech, and the Physicians despaired of his Recovery; nothing was heard for the time, than that he was gone, and that his Sister Rauchenara-Begum concealed his death out of de­sign. It was already bruited, that the Raja Jessomseigne, Governor of Guzaratte, was on the way to deliver Chah-Jehan; that Mohabet-Kan (who had at length obeyed the Orders of Aureng-Zebe) quitting the Government of Caboul, and being already on this side Lahor to come back, made haste also with Three or four thousand Horse for the same end; and that the Eunuch Etbar-kan, who kept Chah-Jehan in the Fortress of Agra, would have the honour of his delivery. On one side we see Sultan Mazum bestir himself exceedingly with Bribes, endeavouring by Promises to assure himself of the Omrahs, so far, as that one Night he went disguised to the Raja Jesseigne, entreat­ing him with expressions of deep respect, that he would engage himself for his in­terest.

We knew from other hands, that Rauchenara-Begum, together with Today-kan, the great Master of Artillery, and many Omrahs, declared for the young Prince Sultan Ek­bar, the third Son of Aureng-Zebe, though he was but seven or eight years old; both Parties in the mean time pretending, they had no other design than to deliver Chah-Jehan: so that the People believed, that now he was going to be set at liberty, though none of the Grandees had any such thing in their thoughts, spreading this Rumor, on­ly to gain Credit and Concourse, and because they feared, lest by the means of Etbar-kan, or some other secret Intrigue, he should one day appear in the Field. And indeed of all the Parties, there was not one that had reason to wish for his liberty and restora­tion to the Throne, except Jessomseigne, Mohabet-kan, and some others, that as yet had done no great matter to his disadvantage. The rest had been all against him, at least they had vilely abandon'd him. They knew very well he would be like an un­chain'd Lyon, if he came abroad: Who then could trust him? And what could Etbar-kan hope for, who had kept him up so close? I know not, if by some Adventure or other, he should have come cut of Prison, whether he would not have stood single, and been alone of his Party.

But though Aureng-Zebe was very sick, yet for all this he gave order for all things, and particularly for the sure custody of Chah-Jehan his Father; and though he had advised Sultan Mazum to go and open the Gates to Chah-Jehan, in case he should die, yet he omitted not to have Etbar-kan incessantly writ to. And the fifth day, in the height of his sickness, he caused himself to be carried into the Assembly of the Om­rahs to shew himself, and to disabuse those who might believe him to be dead, and to obviate popular Tumults, or such Accidents as might have caused Chah-Jehan to be set at liberty. The seventh, ninth, and tenth day, he made himself to be carried again into the said Assembly for the same reason; and, what is almost incredible, the thir­teenth, after he had recollected himself from a Fit of Swooning, which occasioned a rumor through the whole Town of his being dead, he called for two or three of the greatest Omrahs, and the Raja Jesseigne, to let them see that he was alive, made him­self to be raised in his Bed, called for Ink and Paper to write to Etbar-kan, and sent for the Great Seal, which he had trusted with Rauchenara-Bagum, and commonly en­closed in a small Bag, sealed with a Seal he always wore about his Arm, fearing lest she had already made use of it for her designs. I was nigh my Agah, when all this News was told him, and I understood, that lifting up his hands to Heaven, he said, What a Soul is this? A matchless Fortitude and Courage of Spirit! God preserve thee Aureng-Zebe, for greater things, certainly he will not that thou shouldest yet die. And indeed af­ter this Fit, he recover'd by little and little.

He had no sooner recover'd his health, but he sought to get out of the hands of Chah-Jehan, and Begum-Saheb, the Daughter of Dara, to secure the Marriage of Sul­tan-Ekhar, his third Son, with this Princess, on purpose thereby to gain him Authori­ty, and to give him the greater right to the Empire: For he it is, who is thought to be by him designed for it. He is yet very young, but he hath many near and powerful Relations at the Court, and is born of the Daughter of Chah-Navaze-kan, and conse­quently [Page 40] of the Blood of the Ancient Sovereigns of Machate; whereas Sultan Mah­moud and Sultan Mazum are only Sons of Ragipontnis, or Daughters of Raja's. These Kings, though Mahumetans, do, for all that, marry of the Daughters of the Heathen, either for State-interest, or for extraordinary Beauty. But Aureng-Zebe, was disap­pointed in this design: It will hardly be believed, with what height and fierceness of spirit Chah-Jehan and Begum rejected the Proposition, and the young Princess her self, who, in the fear of being carried away, was for some days desperate, and protested she would rather kill her self an hundred times over, if it were possible, than to mar­ry the Son of him that had murthered her Father.

He had no better satisfaction from Chah-Jehan about certain Jewels which he asked of him, in order to finish a piece of work which he caused to be added to a famous Throne, which is so highly esteemed. For he fiercely answer'd, That Aureng-Zebe should take no other Care, but to rule better than he did; that he should let his Throne alone; that he was weary to hear of these Jewels; and that the Hammers were ready to beat them to dust, the first time he should be importun'd again about them.

The Hollanders would not be the last in doing Reverence to Aureng-Zebe: they had thoughts of sending an Ambassador to him. They pitched upon Monsieur Adrican, the Commander of their Factory at Suratte; and being a right honest man, and of good sense and judgment, not neglecting to take the counsel of his Friends, he well acquit­ted himself of this Employment. Aureng-Zebe, though he carries it very high, and affects to appear a zealous Mahumetan, and consequently to despise the Franguis, or Christians, yet thought fit to receive them with much Respect and Civility. He even was desirous, that this Ambassador should complement him in the mode of the Fran­guis, after he had been made to do it the Indian way. 'Tis true, he received his Letters by the hand of an Omrah; but that was not to be taken for any Contempt, he having shew'd no more Honour to the Ambassadors of Ʋsbec. After this, he intimated to him, that he might produce his Present; and at the same time he caused him, and some of his Train, to be dressed with a Ser-Apah embroider'd. The Present consisted of store of very fine Scarlet, some large Looking-glasses, and divers excellent pieces of Chi­nese and Japonese work, among which there was a Paleky, and a Tack [...]avan, or a Field-Throne of admirable workmanship.

This Ambassador was not so soon dispatch'd as he wish'd, it being the Custom of the Kings of Mogol to detain Ambassadors as long as they well can, from a belief they have, that 'tis the interest of their Greatness, to oblige Strangers to give long At­tendance at their Court; yet he was not kept so long as the Ambassadors of Ʋsbec. Mean time he had the misfortune, that his Secretary died there, and the rest of his Re­tinue began to grow sick. When the King dismissed him, he gave him such another Ser-Apah embroider'd, as the first was for himself; and another, a very rich one, for the General of Batavia, together with a Poynard, set about with Jewels, all accompa­nied with a very obliging Letter.

The chief Aim of the Hollanders in this Embassy was, to make themselves imme­diately known to the King, thereby to gain Credit, and to intimidate the Governors of the Sea-Ports, and other places, where they have their Factories; that so they may not attempt, when they please, to insult over them, or to trouble them in their Trade; thereby letting them know, that they had to do with a potent Nation, and that hath a door open to address themselves, and to complain immediately to the King. Their End also was, to make it appear, what interest the King had in their Commerce; and therefore they shew'd long Rolls of Commodities, bought up by them through the whole Kingdom, and Lists of considerable Sums of Gold and Silver▪ every year brought thither by them; but saying not a word of those which they draw thence, from the Copper, Lead, Cinamon, Cloves, Muscadin, Pepper, Wood of Aloes, Elephants, and other Commodities which they vend there.

About this time, one of the most considerable Omrahs of Aureng-Zebe addressed him­self to him, and represented, that this multitude and variety of perplexing Affairs, and this perpetual Attention of mind in him, might soon cause a great Alteration in his Temper, and a dangerous Inconvenience in his Health. But Aureng-Zebe, seeming to take almost no notice of what that Omrah said, turn'd himself another way, and approaching to another of the prime Omrahs of the Court, a person of great know­ledge and judgment, spoke to him in this purpose (as I was informed by the Son of this Lord, who was my Friend.)

[Page 41] You other Sages, are you not all of the mind, that there are times and conjunctions so urgent, that a King ought to hazard his life for his Subjects, and sacrifice himself for their defence with Arms in his hands? And yet this effeminate Man would disswade me from ta­king pains, and dehort me from watching and sollicitude for the Publick; and carry me by pretences of Health, to the thoughts of an easie life, by abandoning the Government of my People, and the management of Affairs, to some Visir or other. Doth he not know, that Providence having given me a Royal Extraction, and raised me to the Crown of Indostan, hath not made me for my self alone, but for the good and safety of the Publick, and for the procurement of Tranquility and Happiness to my Subjects, as far as that may be obtained by Justice and Power? He seeth not the consequence of his Counsels, and what mischiefs do at­tend Visirships. Doth he think it to be without reason, what our Grand Sady hath so generously pronounced, O Kings, cease, cease to be Kings, or govern your Kingdoms your selves? Go tell thy Countrey-man, that I shall well like of the care he is constantly to take of the faith­ful discharge of his Place; but advise him also, not any more to run out himself so far as he hath done. We have natural inclination enough to a long, easie, and careless life, and there need no Counsellors to shake off business and trouble. Our Wives, that lie in our bosom, do too often, besides our own genius, incline us that way.

At the same time there happen'd an Accident, that made a great noise at Dehli, es­pecially in the Seraglio, and disabused a great many, that could as hardly believe as my self, that Eunuchs, though they had their Genitals quite cut away, could become amorous as other men. Didar-kan, one of the chief Eunuchs of the Seraglio, who had built an house, where he came often to divert himself, fell in love with a very beautiful Woman, the Sister of a Neighbor of his, that was an Heathen Scri­vener.

These Amours lasted a good while, before any Body blamed them, since it was but an Eunuch that made them, which sort of men have the priviledge to go where they please; but the familiarity grew so great, and so extraordinary betwixt the two Lo­vers, that the Neighbors began to suspect something, and to rally the Scrivener, which did so touch him, that he threatned both his Sisters and the Eunuch to kill them, if they should continue their Commerce. And soon after, finding them in the Night lying together, he stabbed the Eunuch out-right, and left his Sister for dead. The whole Seraglio, Women and Eunuchs, made a League together against him to make him away; but Aureng-Zebe dissipated all these machinations, and was content to have him turn Mahumetan. Mean time 'tis thought, he cannot long avoid the malice and power of the Eunuchs; for 'tis not, as is the common saying, with Men as with Brutes; these latter become gentler and more tractable when they are castrated; but men more vi­cious, and commonly very insolent, though sometimes it turneth to an admirable Fi­delity and Gallantry.

It was also about the same time, that Aureng-Zebe was somewhat discontented with Rauchenara-Begum, because she was suspected to have given Access to two young Gallants into the Seraglio, who were discover'd, and brought before Aureng-Zebe. Yet this being but a suspicion, he expressed to her no great resentment of it; nor did he make use of so great rigor and cruelty against those poor men, as Chah-Jehan had done against the person above spoken of. The matter was related to me by an old Portuguese Woman (that had a long while been Slave to the Seraglio, and went out and in at pleasure) as followeth: She told me that Rauchenara-Begum, after she had drawn from a young man, hidden by her, all his Ability, deliver'd him to some Wo­men, to convey him away in the Night thorough some Gardens, and so to save him: But whether they were discover'd, or whether they feared they should be so, or what else might be the cause, they fled, and left him there wandring in the midst of those Gardens, not knowing which way to get out: And being at last met with, and brought before Aureng-Zebe, who examined him strictly, but could draw nothing else from him, than that he was come in over the walls, he was commanded to get out the same way by which he entred: But it seems, the Eunuchs did more than Aureng-Zebe had given order for, for they cast him down from the top of the walls to the bot­tom. As for the other young Gallant, this same Woman assured me, that he was found wandring in the Garden like the first; and having confessed that he was come in by the Gate, Aureng-Zebe commanded likewise, that he also should pass away again by the same Gate; yet reserving to himself a severe chastisement for the Eunuchs, [Page 42] since not only the honour of the Royal House, but also the safety of the King's per­son is herein concerned.

Some months after, there arrived at Dehli several Ambassadors, almost at the same time. The first was Xerif of Meccha, whose Present did consist in some Arabian Hor­ses: The second and third Ambassadors were, he of the King of Hyeman, or Happy Arabia, and he of the Prince of Bassora, who likewise presented Arabian Horses. The two remaining Ambassadors were sent from the King of Ethiopia. To the three first no great regard was given; they appear'd in so miserable and confused an Equipage, that it was perceived they came only to get some money by the means of their Present, and of the many Horses, and other Merchandize, which under the pretence of Ambas­sadors, entred without paying any Duty into the Kingdom, there to be sold, and to buy for the money a quantity of Indian Stuffs, and so to return, without paying likewise any Impost at all.

But as to the Ethiopian Embassy, that deserves to be otherwise taken notice of; the King of Ethiopia having received the News of the Revolution of the Indies, had a design to spread his Name in those Parts, and there to make known his Grandeur and Magnificence, by a splendid Embassy: Or, as Malice will have it, or rather as the very truth is, to reap some Advantage by a Present as well as the rest. Behold therefore this great Embassy! He chose for his Ambassadors two persons, that one would think were the most considerable in his Court, and the most capable to make such a Design prosper. And who were they? The one was a Mahumetan Merchant, whom I had seen some years ago at Moka, when I passed there coming out of Egypt over the Red-Sea, where he was to sell some Slaves for that Prince, and to buy of the money, raised thence, some In­dian Commodities. And this is the fine Trade of that great Christian King of Africa. The other was a Christian Merchant of Armenia, born and married in Aleppo, known in Aethiopia by the name of Murat. I had seen him also at Moka, where he had ac­commodated me with the half of his Chamber, and assisted me with very good Ad­vice, whereof I have spoken in the beginning of this History, as a thing taking me off from passing into Ethiopia, according to my first design. He also came every year to that place, in that King's Name, for the same end that the Mahumetan did, and brought the Present which the King made every year, to the Gentlemen of the English and Dutch Company of the East-Indies, and carried away theirs. Now the King of Ethiopia, sutably to his design, and the desire he had of making his Ambassadors ap­pear with great Splendor, put himself to great Expences for this Embassie: He gave them Thirty two young Slaves, of both Sexes, to sell them at Moka, and thence to make a Sum of Money to bear their Charges. A wonderful Largess! Slaves are com­monly sold there for Twenty five or thirty Crowns apiece, one with another. A con­siderable Sum. Besides, he gave them for a Present to the Great Mogol Five and twen­ty choice Slaves, among which there were nine or ten very young, proper to make Eunuchs of. A very worthy Present for a King, and he a Christian, to a Mahumetan Prince! It seems the Christianity of the Ethiopians is very different from ours. He added to that Present, twelve Horses, esteem'd as much as those of Arabia, and a kind of little Mule, of which I saw the Skin, which was a very great Rarity, there being no Tyger so handsomly speckled, nor Silken Stuff of India so finely, so variously, and so orderly streaked, as that was. Moreover, there were for a part of the Present, two Elephants teeth, so prodigious, that they assured it was all that a very able bodied man could do, to lift up one of them from the ground. Lastly, an Horn of an Ox full of Civett, and so big, that the Aperture of it being measur'd by me, when it came to Dehli, it had a Diameter of Half a Foot, and somewhat better. All things being thus prepared, the Ambassadors depart from Gondez, the Capital of Ethiopia, situated in the Province of Dambea, and came through a very troublesom Countrey to Beiloul, which is a dispeopled Sea-Port over against Moka, nigh to Babel-mandel, not daring to come (for Reasons elsewhere to be alledged) the ordinary way of the Caravans, which is made with ease in Forty days to Arkiko, and thence to pass to the Isle of Masoua. Du­ring their stay at Beiloul, and expecting a Bark of Moka, to wast over the Red-Sea, there died some of their Slaves, because the Vessel tarried, and they found not in that place those refreshments that were necessary for them. When they came to Moka, they soon sold their Merchandize, to raise a Stock of Money according to order. But they had this ill luck, that that year the Slaves were very cheap, because the Market was [Page 43] glutted by many other Merchants, yet they raised a Sum to pursue their Voyage: They Embark'd upon an Indian Vessel to pass to Suratte; their Passage was pretty good; they were not above Five and twenty days at Sea; but whether it was that they had made no good provision for want of stock, or what else the cause might be, many of their Slaves and Horses, as also the Mule, whereof they saved the Skin, died. They were no sooner arrived at Suratte, but a certain Rebel of Visapour, called▪ Seva-Gi, came and ransacked and burned the Town, and in it their House, so that they could save nothing but their Letters, some Slaves that were sick, or which Seva-Gi could not light on, their Ethiopian Habits which he cared not for, and the Mule's Skin, and the Ox's Horn, which was already emptied of the Civett. They did very much exagge­rate their misfortune; but those malicious Indians that had seen them arrive in such a wretched condition, without Provisions, without Habits, without Money, or Bills of Exchange, said, that they were very happy, and should reckon the Plunder of Suratte for a piece of their best Fortune, forasmuch as Seva-Gi had saved them the labour of bringing their miserable Present to Dehli, and had furnisht them with a very specious pretence for their beggarly condition, and for the sale they had made of their Civett, and of some of their Slaves, and for demanding of the Governor of Suratte Provisi­ons for their subsistence, as also some Money and Chariots to continue their Voyage to Dehli. Monsieur Adrican, chief of the Dutch Factory, my Friend, had given to the Armenian Murat a Letter of Recommendation to me, which he deliver'd himself at Dehli, not remembring that I had been his Host at Moka. It was a very pleasant meet­ing when we came to know one another, after the space of five or six years. I em­braced him affectionately, and promised him that I would serve him in whatever I could; but that, though I had Acquaintance at the Court, it was impossible for me to do them any considerable good Office there: For since they had not brought with them any valuable Present, but only the Mule's Skin, and the empty Ox's Horn, and that they were seen going upon the streets without any Paleky or Horses, save that of our Father Missionary, and mine (which they had almost killed) cloathed like Beg­gars, and followed with seven or eight Slaves, bare-headed and bare-foot, having no­thing but an ugly Sharse tyed between their Legs, with a ragged Cloth over their Left Shoulder, passing under their Left Arm like a Summer-Cloak; since, I said, they were in such a posture, whatever I could say for them was insignificant; they were taken for Beggars, and no body took other notice of them. Yet notwithstanding I said so much of the Grandeur of their King to my Agah Danechmendkan, who had cause to hearken to me, as managing all Foreign Affairs there, that Aureng-Zebe gave them Audience, received their Letters, presented them each with an Embroider'd Vest, a Silken Embroider'd Girdle, and a Turbant of the same, gave order for their Enter­tainment, and dispatched them in a little time, and that with more honour than there was ground to expect: For in dismissing them, he presented them each with another such Vest, and with 6000 Rupies for them all, which amounteth to about 3000 Crowns, of which the Mahumetan had four thousand, and Murat, because a Christian, but two thousand. He also gave them for a Present to their Master a very rich Ser-apah or Vest, two great silver and gilt Trumpets, two silver Tymbals, a Poynard cover'd with Jewels, and the value of about twenty thousand Francs in golden and silver Rupies, to let their King see Money coined, as a Rarity he had not in his Countrey: But Aureng-Zebe knew very well, that these Rupies would not go out of the Kingdom, and that they were like to buy Commodities for them: And it fell out so; for they laid them out, partly in fine Cotton Cloth, to make shirts of for their King, Queen, and their only lawful Son that is to be the Successor; partly in silken Stuffs streaked with Gold or Silver, to make Vests and Summer-Drawers of; partly in English Scarlet, to make two Arabian Vests of for their King also; and lastly, in Spices, and in store of coarser Cloth, for divers Ladies of his Seraglio, and for the Children he had by them, all with­out paying any Duty.

For all my friendship with Murat, there were three things that made me almost re­pent to have served them. The first, because Murat having promised me to leave with me for 50 Rupies, a little Son of his, that was very pretty, of a delicate black, and without such a swelled Nose, or such thick Lips as commonly the Ethiopians have, broke his word with me, and let me know, that he should take no less for him than 300 Rupies. For all this, I had thoughts of buying him, for Rarity's sake, and that I [Page 44] might say, a Father had sold me his Son. The second, because I found that Murat, as well as the Mahumetan, had obliged themselves to Aureng-Zebe, that they would em­ploy their interest with their King, that he might permit in Ethiopia to rebuild an old Mosquee ruined in the time of the Portugals, and which had been built for a Tomb of a great Dervich, which went from Mecha into Ethiopia, for the propagation of Mahumeta­nism, and there made great progress. They receiv'd of Aureng-Zebe two thousand Ru­pies for this Engagement. This Mosquee had been pulled down by the Portugals, when they came with their Succors into Ethiopia, which the then King, who turn'd Catho­lick, had asked of them against a Mahumetan Prince, invading his Kingdom. The third, because they desired Aureng-Zebe, in the name of their King, to give them an Alcoran, and eight other Books, which I well remember, were of the most reputed in the Mahumetan Religion: Which proceeding seemed to me very unworthy of a Christian Embassador, and Christian King, and confirmed to me what I had been told at Mo­ka, that the Christianity of Ethiopia must needs be some odd thing; that it savors much of Mahumetanism, and that the Mahumetans increase exceedingly in that Empire, espe­cially since the Portugals, that came in there for the Reason lately expressed, were either killed, upon the death of the King, by the Cabal of the Queen-Mother, or expell'd to­gether, with the Patriarch Jesuite, whom they had brought along from Goa.

During the time that the Ambassadors were at Dehli, my Agah, who is more than ordinary curious, made them often come to him, when I was present, to inform him­self of the State and Government of their Countrey, and principally to learn something of the source of the Nile, which they call Ababile, of which they discoursed to us as a thing so well known, that no body doubted of it. Murat himself, and a Mogol, who was returned out of Ethiopia with him, had been there, and told us very near the same Particulars with those I had received of it at Moka, viz. That the Nile had its Origine in the Countrey of Agam; that it issued out of the Earth by two Springs bubling up, near to one another, which did form a little Lake of about thirty or forty paces long; that coming out of this Lake, it did make a considerable River: and that from space to space, it receiv'd small Rivers increasing it. They added, that it went on circling, and making as 'twere a great Isle; and that afterwards it tumbled down from steep Rocks into a great Lake, in which there were divers fruitful Isles, store of Crocodiles, and (which would be remarkable enough, if true) abundance of Sea-Calves, that have no other vent for their Excrements than that, by which they take in their food; this Lake being in the Countrey of Dambea, three small days journey from Gondar, and four or five days journey from the source of the Nile. And lastly, that this River did break out of this Lake, being augmented with many River-waters, and with several Torrents falling into it, especially in the rainy Season, (which do regularly begin there, as in the Indies about July, which is very considerable and convincing for the inunda­tion of the Nile) and so runs away through Sonnar, the capital City of the King of Fungi, Tributary to the King of Ethiopia, and from thence passeth to the Plains of Mesre, which is Egypt.

The Ambassadors were not wanting to say more than was liked on the subject of their King's Greatness, and of the strength of his Army, but the Mogolian did not over-much agree with them in it; and in their absence represented to us this Army, which he had seen twice in the Field, with the Ethiopian King on the head of it, as the most wretched thing in the world.

They also related to us divers Particulars of that Countrey, which I have put in my Journal, one day perhaps to be digested and copied: In the mean time I shall insert here three or four things which Murat told me, because I esteem them very extrava­gant for a Christian Kingdom. He said then, that there were few men in Ethiopia, who besides their lawful Wife, had not many others, and himself owned that he had two, without reckoning her which he had left at Aleppo: That the Ethiopian Women did not so hide themselves, as they do in the Indies among the Mahumetans, nor even as among the Gentiles: That those of the meaner sort of People, Maids, or married Women, Slaves or Free, were often together pell-mell, night and day, in the same Chamber, without those jealousies so common in other Countries: That the Women of Lords did not stick much to go into the house of a simple Cavalier, whom they knew to be a Man of Execution: That if I had gone into Ethiopia, they would soon have obliged me to marry, as they had done, a few years since, to a certain European, who [Page 45] named himself a Greek Physician: That an ancient man, of about fourscore years of age, did one day present to the King fourscore Sons, all of age, and able to bear Arms; and that the King asked him, Whether he had no more but them? To whom having answer'd, No, but only some Daughters, the King sent him away with this reproach; Be gone, thou Calf, and be ashamed for having no more Children at that age, as if Women were wanting in my Dominions! That the King himself had at least fourscore Sons and Daughters running about pell-mell in the Seraglio, for whom he had caused to be made a number of round vernished sticks, made like a little maze; those Chil­dren being fond of having that in their hand like a Scepter, distinguishing them from those that were Children of Slaves, or from others living in that place.

Aureng-Zebe sent also twice for these Ambassadors, for the same reason that my Agah did, and especially to enquire after the state of Mahumetanism in that Country. He had also the curiosity of Viewing the skin of the Mule, which remained, I know not how, in the Fortress amongst the Officers; which was to me a great mortifica­tion, because they had designed it for me for the good services I had done them. I made account to have one day presented it to some very curious person in Europe. I urged often, that together with the Mules skin, they should carry the great Horn to Aureng-Zebe, to shew it him; but they fear'd, least he should make a question, which would have perplexed them; viz. how it came to pass, that they had saved the Horn from the plunder of Suratte, and lost the Civet?

Whilst these Ambassadors of Ethiopia were at Dehli, it came to pass that Aureng-Zebe called together his Privy Councel, and the most learn'd persons of his Court, to chuse a new Master for his third Son, Sultan Eckbar, whom he design'd for his Suc­cessor. In this Councel he shew'd the passion he hath to have this young Prince well Educated, and to make him a great Man. Aurenge-Zebe is not ignorant of what im­portance it is, and how much 'tis to be wished, that as much as Kings surmount o­thers in Greatness, they may also exceed them in Virtue and Knowledge. He also well knows, that one of the principal sources of the Misery, of the mis-Government, of the un-Peopling, and the decay of the Empires of Asia proceeds from thence, that the chil­dren of the Kings thereof are brought up only by Women and Eunuchs, which often are no other than wretched Slaves of Russia, Circassia, Mingrelia, Gurgistan and Ethio­pia; mean and servile, ignorant and insolent souls. These Princes become Kings, when they are of Age, without being instructed, and without knowing what 'tis to be a King; amazed when they begin to come abroad out of the Seraglio, as per­sons coming out of another World, or let out of some subterraneous Cave, where they had lived all their life time; wondring at every thing they meet, like so many Innocents; believing all, and fearing all, like Children, or nothing at all, as if they were stupid: And all this, according to their Nature, and sutable to the first Images imprinted upon them; commonly high and proud, and seemingly grave, but of that kind of pride and gravity, which is so flat and distasteful, and so unbecoming them, than one may plainly see, 'tis nothing but brutality or barbarousness, and the effect of some ill-studied, and ill-digested Documents; or else they fall into some childish civi­lities, yet more unsavoury; or into such cruelties, as are blind and brutal; or into that mean and gross vice of drunkenness, or into an excessive and altogether unreason­able Luxury, either ruining their bodies and understandings with their Concubines, or altogether abandoning themselves to the pleasures of Hunting, like some carnive­rous Animals, preferring a pack of Dogs before the life of so many poor people, whom they force to follow them in the pursuit of their Game, and suffer to perish of hunger, heat, cold, and misery. In a word, they always run into some extreme or other, being altogether irrational and extravagant, according as they are carried by their na­tural temper, or by the first impressions that are given them; thus remaining, almost all, in a strange ignorance of what concerns the state of the Kingdom; the reins of the Government being abandoned to some Visir, who entertains them in their ignorance and in their passions, which are the two strongest supports he can have to rule always according to his own mind, with most assurance, and the least contradiction; and given over also to those Slaves their Mothers, and to their Eunuchs, who often know nothing but to continue plots of cruelty, whereby they strangle and banish one ano­ther, and sometimes the Visirs, and even the Grand Signors themselves; so that no man whatsoever, that hath any Estate, can be in safety of his life.

[Page 46] But to return; after all these Ambassadors, which we have spoken of, there came at last news, that the Ambassador of Persia was upon the Frontiers. The Persian Omrahs, that are at the service of the Mogol, spred a rumor that he came for affairs of great importance; though intelligent persons much doubted of a Commission of that nature, considering that the time of great conjunctures was passed, and that those Omrahs, and the other Persians did what they did, rather to make a show, than for any thing else. Mean time, on the day of the Entry, this Ambassador was received with all possible respect: The Bazars, through which he passed, were all new-paint­ed, and the Cavalry attending on the way for above the length of a whole League. Many Omrah's accompanied him with Musick, Tymbals and Trumpets, and when he entred into the Fortress, or the Palace of the King, the Guns went off. Aureng-Zebe received him with much civility, and was content he should make his Address to him after the Persian mode, receiving also, without any scruple, immediately from his hands the Letters of his King; which, out of respect, he lifted up even to his head, and after­wards read them with a grave and serious countenance: Which done, he caused an embroider'd Vest to be brought, together with a rich Turbant and Girdle, command­ing it to be put on him in his presence. A little after, it was intimated to him, that he might order his Present to be brought in, which consisted of five and twenty as hand­some Horses as ever I saw, led, and cover'd with embroider'd trapings; and of twenty very stately and lusty Camels, as big as Elephants: Moreover, of a good number of Boxes, said to be full of most excellent Rose-water; and of a certain distilled water, very precious, and esteemed highly cordial; besides, there were displayed five or six very rich and very large Tapisseries, and some embroider'd pieces exceeding noble, wrought in small flowers, so fine and delicate, that I know not whether in all Europe any such can be met with. To all this were added four Damaskin'd Swords, with as many Poynards, all cover'd with Jewels; as also five or six Harnasses of Horses, which were much esteem'd, being also very fine and rich, the stuff being raised with rich Embroidery set with small Pearls, and very fair Turcoises of the old Rock.

It was observ'd, that Aureng-Zebe beheld this Present very attentively; that he ad­mired the beauty and rarity of every piece, and that several times he extolled the Ge­nerosity of the King of Persia; assigning to the Ambassador a place among his chief Omrahs. And after he had entertained him a while with a discourse about the incon­veniencies and hardships of his Voyage, he dismist him, and made instance, that he should come every day to see him.

During the four or five Months that the Ambassador staid at Dehli, he was always splendidly treated at Aureng-Zebe's charge; and the greatest Omrahs presented him one after another; and at last he was very honourably dismissed: For Aureng-Zebe had him apparelled with another rich Serapah or Vest, to which he added considerable presents for himself, reserving those he intended for his King, 'till he should send an Ambassador expresly; which some time after he did.

Notwithstanding all these testimonies of honour and respect which Aureng-Zebe had shew'd to this Ambassador, the same Persians, above spoken of, gave out, that their King had sensibly reproached him in his Letters, with the Death of Dara, and the Imprisonment of Chah-Jehan, as actions unworthy of a Brother, and a Son, and a Musulman; and that he had also hit him with the word Alem-Guire, or Conquerour of the World, which Aureng-Zebe had caused to be engraven on his Coyn. But 'tis hard to believe, that the King of Persia should do any such thing to provoke such a Vi­ctorious Prince, since Persia is not in a condition to enter into a War with Indostan; I am rather apt to believe, that Persia hath work enough to keep Kandahar on the side of Indostan, and the Frontiers on the side of Turky: Its Forces and Riches are known; it produceth not always such great Kings as the Chah-Abbas, Valiant, Intelligent, and Politick, knowing to make use of every thing, and to do much with small expences. If it were in a condition of undertaking any thing against Indostan, or really sensible of Piety and the Musal-Man Faith, why was it that in these last troubles and Civil Wars, which continued so long in Indostan, the Persians sat still and looked on, when Dara, Chan-Jehan, Sultan Sujah, and perhaps the Governour of Caboul desired their assistance; and they might with no very great Army, nor great expences have seized on the fairest part of India, beginning from the Kingdom of Caboul, unto the River Indus, and beyond it, and so made themselves Umpires of all things? yet notwith­standing [Page 47] there must needs have been some offensive Expressions in those Persian Let­ters, or else the Ambassador must have done or said something that displeased Aureng-Zebe; because two or three days after he had dismissed him, he made a rumor to be spread abroad, that the Ambassador had caused the Ham-strings of the presented Hor­ses to be Cut; And the Ambassador being yet upon the Frontiers, he made him return all the Indian Slaves which he carried along with him, of which he had a prodigious number.

Mean while, Aureng-Zebe was not so much concern'd, nor troubled himself so much with this Ambassador, as Chah-Jehan, upon a like occasion, did with him, that was sent to him from the great Chah-Abbas. When the Persians are in the humor of Rallying against the Indians, they relate these three or four little Stories of them: They say, That Chah-Jehan seeing that the Courtship and Promises made to their Am­bassador were not able to prevail with him, so as to make him perform his Salute after the Indian Mode, he devised this Artifice; he commanded to shut the great Gate of the Court of the Amkas, where he was to receive him, and to leave only open the Wicket, through which one man could not pass but very difficultly, by stooping and holding down his Head, as the fashion is, when one maketh an Indian Reverence, to the end that it might be said, he had made the Ambassador put himself in a posture, which was something lower than the Indian Salam, or Salute; but that that Ambassa­dor being aware of this trick, came in with his Back foremost: And that Chah-Jehan, out of indignation to see himself catch'd, told him, Eh Bed-bakt, Thou Wretch, dost thou think thou comest into a Stable of Asses, such as thou art? And that the Ambassador, without any alteration, answer'd, Who would not think so, seeing such a little Door?

Another story is this; That at a certain time Chah-Jehan taking ill some coarse and fierce Answers return'd to him by the Persian Ambassador, could not hold to tell him, What, hath Chah-Abbas no other men at his Court, that he must send to me such a Fool as thy self? And that the Ambassador answer'd, He hath many better and wiser than me, but to such a King, such an Ambassador. They add, That on a certain day Chah-Jehan, who had made the Ambassador to dine in his Presence, and sought some occa­sion to affront him, seeing that he was busie in picking and gnawing of Bones, asked him smiling, Eh Eltchy-Gi, My Lord Ambassador, What shall the Dogs eat? And that he answer'd readily, Kichery, that is, a Dish of Pulse, which is the food of the meaner sort of People, and which he saw Chah-Jehan eat, because he loved it.

They say also, That Chah-Jehan once asked him, What he thought of his new Dehli (which he was building) in comparison of Hispahan? And that he answer'd aloud, and with an Oath, Billah, Billah, Hispahan doth not come near the dust of Dehli; which Chah-Jehan took for a high Commendation, though the Ambassador mocked him, be­cause the dust is so troublesom at Dehli.

Lastly, They relate that Chah-Jehan one day pressing him to tell him, What he thought of the Grandeur of the Kings of Indostan, compared to that of the Kings of Persia? He answer'd, That, in his opinion, one could not better compare the Kings of In­dia than to a large Moon of 15 or 16 days old, and those of Persia, to a small Moon of two or three days. And that this Answer did at first please Chah-Jehan, but that soon af­ter he perceived, that that Comparison did him but little honour, the Ambassador's sence being, that the Kings of Indostan were decreasing, and those of Persia in­creasing.

Whether these Points are so commendable, and such marks of Wit, every one is free to judge, as he seeth cause. My opinion is, That a discreet and respectful Gra­vity is much more becoming Ambassadors, than Rallery and Roughness, especially, when they have to do with Kings, who will not be rallied with, witness an Accident that befell this very Ambassador; for Chah-Jehan was at length so weary of him, and his freedom, that he called him no otherwise than Fool; and one day gave secret or­der, that when he should enter into a pretty long and narrow Street, that is near the Fortress, to come to the Hall of the Assembly, they should let loose upon him an ill-conditioned and fierce Elephant; and certainly, if the Ambassador had not nimbly leapt out of his Paleky, and, together with his dextrous Attendants, shot some Arrows in­to the Trunk of the Elephant, which forced him to turn back, he had been utterly spoiled.

[Page 48] It was at this time, upon the departure of the Persian Ambassador, that Aureng-Zebe received with that admirable wisdom his Tutor Mallah-Sale, the History of which is rare and considerable. This old man, who long since had retired himself towards Caboul, and setled himself on some Lands, which Chah-Jehan had given him, had no sooner heard of the great fortune of Aureng-Zebe his Discipline, who had overcome Dara and all his other Brothers, and was now King of Indostan, but he came in haste to the Court, swelled with hopes of being presently advanced to no less than the digni­ty of an Omrah. He maketh his Court, and endeavors to engage all his Friends, and Rauchenara-Begum, the King's Sister, employs her self for him. But yet there pass three whole Months, that Aureng-Zebe does not so much as seem to look upon him; till at length wearied to have him always at his Elbow, and before his Face, he sent for him to a place apart, where there was no body but Hakim-lul-Mouluk, Danech­mend-kan, and three or four of those Omrahs, that pretend to Science, and then spoke to him to this effect (as I was informed by my Agah.)

What is it you would have of me Doctor? Can you reasonably desire I should make you one of the chief Omrahs of my Court? Let me tell you, if you had instructed me as you should have done, nothing would be more just: For I am of this perswasion, that a Child well educated and instructed, is as much, at least, obliged to his Master as to his Father: But where are those good Documents you have given me? In the first place you have taught me, that all that Frangistan (so it seems they call Europe) was nothing, but I know not what little Island, of which the greatest King was he of Portugal, and next to him he of Holland, and after him he of England; and as to the other Kings, as those of France and Andalusia, you have represented them to me as our petty Raja's; telling me, that the Kings of Indostan were far above them all together, and that they were the true and only Houma­jons, the Ekbars, the Jehan-Guyres, the Chah-Jehans, the Fortunate ones, the Great ones, the Conquerors and Kings of the World; and that Persia and Usbec, Kach­guer, Tartar and Catay, Pegu, China, and Matchina did tremble at the name of the Kings of Indostan: Admirable Geography▪ You should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all th [...]s;e different States of the world, and well to understand their strength, their way of fighting, their Customs, Religions, Governments and Interests; and by the per­usal of solid History, to observe their Rise, Progress, Decay, and whence, how, and by what accidents and errors, those great Changes and Revolutions of Empires and Kingdoms have happened. I have searee learnt of you the name of my Grandsires, the famous Founders of this Empire; so far were you from having taught me the History of their Life, and what course they took to make such great Conquests. You had a mind to teach me the Arabian Tongue, to read and to write, I am much obliged to you (forsooth) for having made me lose so much time upon a Language, that requires ten or twelve years to attain to its perfection; as if the Son of a King should think it to be an honour to him, to be a Grammarian, or some Doctor of the Law, and to learn other Languages than those of his Neighbors, when he can­not well be without them; he, to whom Time is so precious for so many weighty things, which he ought by times to learn. As if there were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy, and even with a kind of debasement, employ it self in so sad and dry an exercise, so long som and tedious, as is that of learning words.

Thus did Aureng-Zebe resent the pedantick Instructions of his Tutor; to which 'tis affirmed in that Court, that after some Entertainment which he had with others, he further added the following Reproof.

‘Know you not, that Childhood well govern'd, being a state which is ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands of good Precepts and Instructions, which remain deeply impressed the whole remainder of a man's life, and keep the mind always raised for great Actions? The Law, Prayers, and Sciences, may they not as well be learned in our Mother-Tongue, as in Arabick? You told my Fa­ther Ghah-Jehan, that you would teach me Philosophy. 'Tis true, I remember very well, that you have entertain'd me for many years with airy questions, of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind, and are of no use in humane Society, empty Notions, and meer Phancies, that have only this in them, that they are very hard to understand, and very easie to forget, which are only capable to tire and spoil a good understanding, and to breed an Opinion that is insupportable. I still remember, that after you had thus amused me, I know not how long, with your fine Philosophy, all I retained of it, was a multitude of barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, [Page 49] perplex, and tire out the best Wits, and only invented, the better to cover the vani­ty and ignorance of men like your self, that would make us believe, that they know all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words, are hid great mysteries, which they alone are capable to understand: If you had season'd me with that Philosophy, which formeth the mind to ratiocination, and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but solid Reasons; if you had given me those excellent Precepts and Doctrines, which raise the Soul above the Assaults of Fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper, and permit her not to be lifted up by Prosperi­ty, nor debased by Adversity; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are, and what are the first principles of things; and had assisted me in form­ing in my mind a fit Idea of the greatness of the Universe, and of the admirable order and motion of the parts thereof; if, I say, you had instilled into me this kind of Philosophy, I should think my self incomparably more obliged to you, than Alex­ander was to his Aristotle; and believe it my duty to recompence you otherwise, than he did him. Should not you, instead of your flattery, have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a King, which is, what the reciprocal duties are of a So­vereign to his Subjects, and those of Subjects to their Sovereign? And ought not you to have consider'd, that one day I should be obliged with the Sword to dispute my Life and the Crown with my Brothers? Is not that the destiny almost of all the Sons of Indostan? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn, what 'tis to besiege a Town, or to set an Army in Array? For these things I am obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the Village whence you are come, and let no body know who you are, or what is become of you.’

At that time there arose a kind of Tempest against Astrologers, which did not dis­please me. Most people of Asia are so infatuated by Judiciary Astrology, that they believe there is nothing done here below, but 'tis written above ▪for so they speak.) In all their Undertakings therefore they consult Astrologers. When two Armies are ready to give Battel, they beware of falling on, till the Astrologer hath taken and de­termined the moment he fancies propitious for the beginning of the Combat. And so, when the matter is about electing a Captain-General of an Army, of dispatching an Ambassador, of concluding a Marriage, of beginning a Voyage, and of doing any other thing, as buying a Slave, putting on new Apparel, &c. nothing of all that is done, without the sentence of Mr. Star-Gazer; which is an incredible vexation, and a custom drawing after it such important consequences, that I know not how it can sub­sist so long: For the Astrologer must needs have knowledge of all that passeth, and of all that is undertaken, from the greatest Affairs to the least.

But behold, it happen'd, that the prime Astrologer of the King was drown'd, which occasioned a great noise at Court, and was a great discredit to Astrology: For he be­ing the person that determined the moments of all Enterprizes and Actions for the King, and the Omrahs, every one wondred, how a man so experienced, and that for so long time had dispensed good Adventures to others, could not foresee his own mis­fortune▪ There were not wanting those, who pretended to be wiser than others, and said, that in Frangistan, where Sciences did flourish, the Grandees do suspect all such kind of people, and that some hold them even no better than Mountebanks, that 'tis much doubted, whether this knowledge is grounded upon good and solid reasons, and that it may very well be some fancy of Astrologers, or rather an Artifice to make them­selves necessary to the great ones, and to make them in some measure to depend on them.

All these Discourses very much displeased the Astrologers; but nothing angred them so much as this Story, become very famous, viz. That the great Chah-Abas King of Per­sia, commanded to be digged and prepared a little place in his Seraglio to make a Gar­den; that the young Trees were all ready, and that the Gardener made account to plant them the next day. Mean time the Astrologer taking upon him, said, That a good nick of time was to be observed for planting them, to make them prosper. Chah-Abas being content it should be so, the Star Gazer took his Instruments, turned over his Books, made his Calculation, and concluded, That by reason of such and such a Conjunction and Aspect of the Planets, it was necessary they should be set presently. The Master-Gardener, who minded nothing less than this Astrologer, was not then at hand; yet for all that, they fell to work immediately, making holes, and planting the Trees, Chah-Abas him­self setting them, that it might be said, that they were Trees set with Chah-Abas's own hands. The Gardener returning at Night, was sufficiently amazed when he saw [Page 50] the work done; and finding that the right place and order designed by him, was not taken; that, for Example, an Apricock-Tree stood where an Apple-Tree should stand, and a Pear-Tree where an Almond-Tree; being heartily angry with the Astrologer, caused all the Trees to be plucked up again, and laid them down, with some Earth about them, for next morning, the time chosen by himself. The News hereof came soon to the Ears of the Astrologer, who presently told Chah-Abas of it: He forthwith sent for the Gardner and with some indignation asked him, What had made him so bold, as to pull up those Young Trees he had planted with his own hand? That the time had been so exactly taken for them, that so good an one would never be had again; aud that so be had marred all. The rude Gardener, who had a Cup of Chiras-Wine in his head, look'd aside upon the Astrologer, and grumbling and swearing, said to him these words, Billah, Billah, that must needs be an admirable point of time which thou hast taken for these Trees, Ʋnhappy Astrologer! They were planted this day Noon, and this Evening they have been plucked up again. When Chah-Abas heard this, he fell a laughing, turned his back upon the Astrologer, and went away.

I shall here add two Particulars, though hapned in the time of Chah-Jehan, because such things fall out often enough, and do withall give occasion to observe that ancient and barbarous custom, which makes the Kings of India Heirs of the Goods of those that die in their Service. The first was of Neiknam-kan, one of the most ancient Om­rahs of the Court, and who for the space of 40 or 50 years, wherein he had always been employ'd in considerable Offices, had heaped up great store of Gold and Silver. This Lord seeing himself near his End, and thinking upon this unreasonable custom, which often renders the Wife of a great Man, upon his decease, poor and miserable in an instant, and necessitates her to present a Petition, begging some small Pension for her subsistence, and for that of her Children, who are constrained to list themselves for common Soldiers under some Omrah, who, I say, considering this with himself, secretly distributed all his Treasure to indigent Knights, and poor Widows, filled his Trunks with old pieces of Iron, old Shoes, Rags and Bones, and locked and sealed them, telling every body that they were Goods belonging to Chah-Jehan the King. These Trunks, after his death, were brought before Chah-Jehan, when he was in the Assembly, and by his command instantly opened in the presence of all the Omrahs, that saw all this fine Stuff, which so provoked and discomposed Chah-Jehan, that he rose in great fury, and went away.

The other is only a piece of Gallantry. A rich Banean, or Heathen Merchant, being a great Usurer, (as most of them are) who had always been in Employment, and in the Pay of the King, came to dye. Some years after his death, his Son did extremely importune the Widow, his Mother, to let him have some Money: She finding him to be a prodigal and debauched Youth, gave him as little as she could. This young Fool, by the perswasion of others like himself, made his Complaints to Chah-Jehan, and was so silly, as to discover to him all the Goods his Father had left, which amounted to Two hundred thousand Rupies, or Hundred thousand Crowns. Chah-Jehan, who soon got an itch for this Treasure, sent for the Widow, and commanded her in the open Assembly to send him an Hundred thousand Rupies, and to give Fifty thousand to her Son, giving order at the same time to put her away. The old Woman, though surprized at this Command, and perplext enough, that she was so suddenly thrust out, without the liberty of speaking, yet lost not her judgment, but with a loud voice gave out, That she had something of moment to discover to his Majesty: Whereupon be­ing brought in again, she said, God save your Majesty; I find that my Son bath some rea­son to demand of me the Goods of his Father, as being of his and my flesh and blood, and therefore our Heir; but I would gladly know, what Kindred your Majesty is to my deceased Husband, to be his Heir. When Chah-Jehan heard so plain a piece of Rallery, and a discourse of Parentage of the King of the Indies, with a She-Banian, or Idolatrous She-Merchant, he could not hold laughing, and commanded she should be gone, and that nothing should be asked of her.

But to return, I shall not relate all the other considerable things that have happened since the end of the War, that is, since 1660. unto my departure, which was above six years after; though doubtless that would tend much to the design I had in relating the other Particulars, which is, to make known the Genius and Temper of the Mogols and Indians. This I may do in another place: Here I shall only give an Account of five or six Particulars, which those that shall have read this Relation, will doubtless be curious of.

[Page 51] The first, that though Aureng-Zebe made Chah-Jehan his Father, to be kept in the Fortress of Agra with all imaginable care and caution; yet notwithstanding he still left him in his old Apartment with Begum-Saheb, his eldest Daughter, his other Women, Singers, Dancers, Cooks, and others, nothing of that kind was wanting to him. There were also certain Mullahs, that were permitted to come and to read the Alcoran to him (for he was become very devout.) And when he thought fit, there were brought before him brave Horses, and tamed Gazelles (which is a kind of Goat) to make them fight with one another; as also divers sorts of Birds of Prey, and several other rare Animals, to divert him as formerly. Aureng-Zebe himself used an Art to over­come at last his fierceness and obstinacy, which he had hitherto kept, though a Pri­soner. And this was the effect of the obliging Letters, full of respect and submission, which he often wrote to his Father, consulting him often as his Oracle, and expressing a thousand cares for him; sending him also uncessantly some pretty Present or other, whereby Chah-Jehan was so much gained, that he also wrote very often to Aureng-Zebe touching the Government and State Affairs, and of his own Accord sent him some of those Jewels, which before he had told him of, that Hammers were ready to beat them to Powder the first time he should again ask for them. Besides, he consented that the Daughter of Dara, which he had so peremptorily denied, should be deliver'd to him; and granted him at length that pardon and paternal blessing which he had so often desired without obtaining it. Yet, under all this, Aureng-Zebe did not always flat­ter him; on the contrary, he sometimes return'd sharp Answers, when he met with strains in his Fathers Letters that were pregnant, or expressed something of his former height and authority. Of this we may judge by the Letter, which I know from a very good hand was once written to him by Aureng-Zebe, to this effect:

Sir, You would have me indispensably follow those ancient Customs, and make my self Heir to all those that are in my Pay with the wonted rigor: An Omrah, and even a Merchant can no sooner dye, and sometimes even before his death, but we seal up his Trunks, and seize on his Goods, and make a strict enquiry into his Estate, imprisoning and ill-treating the Officers of the House to discover to us all he hath, even to the least Jewels. I will believe that there is some policy in doing so, but it cannot be denied, that 'tis very rigorous, and sometimes very unjust, and to speak the very truth, we may deserve well enough, that the same should befall us every day, what hapned to you from your Neikman-kan, and from the Widow of your rich Indian Merchant. Moreover (said he) it seems, I am by you reputed proud and haughty now I am King: As if you knew not by the experience of more than Forty years of your Reign, how heavy an Ornament a Crown is, and how many sad and restless Nights it passeth through: as if I could forget that excellent passage of Mir-Timur, (commonly called Tamberlan) which is so seriously delivered to us by that great Grandfather of ours, Ekbar, to the end that we might the more weigh the importance and value of it, and consider, whether we have cause to pride our selves so much in a Crown. You well know, that he said, that the same day when Timur took Bajazet, he made him come before him, and having fixed his eyes on him, fell a laughing; at which Bajazet being highly offended, fiercely said to him, Laugh not at my Fortune, Timur; know that 'tis God that is the Dispenser of Kingdoms and Empires; and that the same can befall you to morrow, that hath befallen me to day. Whereupon Timur made this serious and brave Answer, I know as well as you, Bajazet, that 'tis God that distributeth Kingdoms and Empires; I laugh not at your ill Fortune, God forbid I should do so: But beholding your face, I smiled, and had this thought, That certainly these Kingdoms and Empires must in themselves be very little and contemptible things in the eyes of God, since he giveth them to persons so ill made as you and I both are; a deformed one-ey'd man, as you; and a lame wretch, as my self. You require also, that abandoning all my other Employments, which I believe very necessary for the establishment and happiness of this State, I should think on nothing but Conquests, and the enlargement of the Empire. I must confess that this is indeed the business of a great Monarch, and of a Soul truly Royal, and that I should not deserve to be of the Blood of the Great Timur, if I were not of that mind, and had not such inclinations. Mean time, I think I sit not idle, and my Ar­mies are not useless in the Kingdoms of Decan and Bengale: But we must also aver, that the greatest Conquerors are not always the greatest Kings; that we too often see a Barbarian ma­king Conquests, and that those great Bodies of Conquests do ordinarily fall of themselves, and by their own weight. He is a great King, that knows to acquit himself worthily of that Great and August Employment and Charge of Kings, which is to dispense Justice to their Sub­jects, &c. The rest is not come to my hands.

[Page 52] The second is in regard of the Emir-Jemla. It were to injure this great Man, to pass by with silence his deportment to Aureng-Zebe after the War, and the manner of end­ing his days. This eminent person after he had dispatched the Affair of Bengale, with Sultan Sujah (the second of these four Brothers) not like Gionkan, that infamous Patan with Dara; nor like the Raja of Serenaguer with Soliman-Chekouh; but like a Great Captain and dextrous Polititian, pursuing him as far as the Sea-side, and ne­cessitating him to fly and to escape out of his hands; after, I say, he had done these things, he sent an Eunuch to Aureng-Zebe, intreating him, that he would give him leave to transport his Family to Bengale; that now that the War was at an end, and he broken with Age, he hoped he would grant him the advantage of ending his life in the company of his Wife and Children.

But Aureng-Zebe is too sharp-sighted, not to pierce into the designs of Emir. He seeth him triumphing over Sujah; he knows his great credit and reputation, and that he hath the esteem of a very wise, undertaking, valiant and rich man; and that the Kingdom of Bengale is not only the best of all Indostan, but strong of it self, and fur­ther, that this Emir is in the head of a well disciplin'd Army, which both honours and fears him. Besides, he is not ignorant of his ambition, and foreseeth well enough, that if he should have with him his Son Mahmet-Emirkan, he would aspire to the Crown, and at least take full possession of Bengale, if he should not be able to ad­vance things further. At the same time he is also well aware, that there is danger in refusing him, and that he may possibly prove such a man, as in case of denial, may run into some dangerous extream, as he had done in Golkonda. How then, think ye, did he carry himself in this conjuncture? He sends to him his Wife and Daughter, and all the Children of his Son: He maketh the Emir a Mir-Ʋl Omrah, which is in that Empire the greatest degree of honour that a Favourite can be raised to: And as to Mahmet-Emirkan, he maketh him the Great-Bakchis, which is a dignity and charge like that of our Great Master of the Horse, the second or third Office in the State, but such an one as absolutely obligeth the possessor of it to be always at the Court, not suffering him, but very difficultly, to be absent from the person of the King.

The Emir soon perceived, that Aureng-Zebe had skilfully put by the stroke, that it would be in vain the second time to ask of him his Son; that he could not do it with­out offending him; and that therefore the safest way would be to rest contented with all the testimonies of Friendship, and with all the Honours, together with the Go­vernment of Bengale; being in the mean time always upon his guard, and in such a posture, that since he could attempt nothing against Aureng-Zebe, Aureng-Zebe should not be able to attempt any thing against him.

Thus have we seen these two Great Men carry themselves to one another: And in this condition did affairs remain for almost a year; till Aureng-Zebe, too well know­ing that a great Captain cannot be long at rest, and that, if he be not employed in a Foreign War, he will at length raise a Domestick one; proposed to him to make War upon that rich and potent Raja of Acham, whose Territories are on the North of Dake, upon the Gulf of Bengale. The Emir, who in all appearance had already de­signed this same thing of himself, and who believed, that the Conquest of this Coun­try, would make way for his Immortal Honour, and be an occasion of carrying his Arms as far as China, declared himself ready for this Enterprize. He embarked at Dake with a puissant Army, upon a River which comes from those parts; upon which having gone about an hundred Leagues North-Eastward, he arrived at a Castle cal­led Azo, which the Raja of Acham had usurped from the Kingdom of Bengale, and possessed for many years. He attacked this place, and took it by force in less than fifteen days; thence marching over Land towards Chamdara, which is the Inlet into the Country of that Raja; he entred into it after 26 days journey, still Northward: There a Battel was fought, in which the Raja of Acham was worsted, and obliged to retreat to Guerguon, the Metropolis of his Kingdom, four miles distant from Chamdara. The Emir pursued him so close, that he gave him no time to fortifie himself in Guer­guon: For he arrived in sight of that Town in five days, which constrained the Raja, seeing the Emir's Army, to fly towards the Mountains of the Kingdom of Lassa, and to abandon Guerguon, which was pillaged, as had been Chamdara. They found there vast riches, it being a great, very fair and Merchant-like Town, and where the Wo­men are extraordinarily beautiful. Mean time, the season of the Rains came in [Page 53] sooner than usually; and they being excessive in those parts, and overflowing all the Countrey, except such Villages as stand on raised ground, the Emir was much em­barassed. For the Raja made his people of the Mountains come down from all parts thereabout, and to carry away all the provisions of the Field; whereby the Emir's Ar­my (as rich as 'twas) before the end of the rains fell into great streights, without being able to go forward or backward. It could not advance, by reason of the Moun­tains very difficult to pass, and continually pester'd with great Rains; nor retreat, be­cause of the like Rains and deep wayes; the Raja also having caused the way to be digged up as far as to Chamdara: So that the Emir was forced to remain in that wretched condition during the whole time of the Rain; after which, when he found his Army distasted, tired out, and half starved, he was necessitated to give over the Design he had of advancing, and to return the same way he was come. But this Re­treat was made with so much pains, and so great inconveniencies, by reason of the dirt, the want of Victuals, and the pursuit of the Raja falling on the [...]ear, that every body (but he) that had not known how to remedy the disorder of such a March, nor had the patience to be sometimes five or six hours at one passage to make the Soul­diery get over it without confusion, would have utterly perish'd, himself, Army, and all; yet he, notwithstanding all these difficulties and obstacles, made a shift to come back with great honour and vast riches. He design'd to return thither again the next year, and to pursue his undertaking, supposing that Azo, which he had fortified, and where he left a strong Garrison, would be able to hold out the rest of the year against the Raja. But he was no sooner arrived there, but Fluxes began to rage in his Army: Neither had himself a body of Steel more than the rest; he fell sick and died, whereby Fortune ended the just apprehensions of Aureng-Zebe. I say, the Just appre­hensions; for there was none of those that knew this great man, and the state of the affairs of Indostan, who did not say, 'Tis this day that Aureng-Zebe is King of Bengale. And himself could not forbear to express some such thing; for he publickly said to Mahmet-Emir-kan; You have lost your Father, and I the greatest and the most dan­gerous Friend I had; yet notwithstanding he comforted this Son, and withal assured him, that he would ever be a Father to him. And whereas 'twas thought, that he would at least cut off his Salary, and make Inquisition into his Treasury, he confirmed him in his Office of Bakchis, augmented his Pension to a thousand Rupies a month, and left him Heir of all the Estate of his Father, although the Custom of the Country empower'd him to seize on all.

The third is concerning Chah-best-kan, whom Aureng-Zebe made first Governour of Agra, when he went out to the Battel of Kadjoue against Sultan Sujah; and after­ward, Governour and General of the Army in Decan; and at last, after the death of Emir-Jemla, Governour and General of the Army in Bengale, together with the charge of Mirul Omrah which Emir-Jemla had possessed. This Chah-hest-kan is he, whom in our History we have mention'd as Uncle to Aureng-Zebe, and one that hath so much contributed to his happiness by his eloquent and skilful pen, as well as by his intrigues and counsels. It would be injurious to his Renown also, to be silent of the important enterprise, which he undertook presently when he entred upon his Government; and that the rather, because Emir-Jemla, whether out of Policy, or for another cause, had no mind to tempt him; as also, because the particularities, which I am going to relate, will shew not only the passed and present state of the Kingdoms of Bengale and Rakan, which hitherto hath not been well described to us by any; but also some other things that are worth knowing.

To the end therefore that the importance of Chah-hest-kan's attempt may be well understood, and a good Idea be had of what passeth about the Gulf of Bengale, we are to know, that these many years there have always been in the Kingdom of Rakan or Moy, some Portugueses, and with them a great number of their Christian Slaves, and other Franguis, gather'd from all parts. That was the refuge of the Run-aways from Goa, Ceilan, Cochin, Malague, and all those other places, which the Portugueses formerly held in the Indies; and they were such as had abandoned their Monasteries, men that had been twice or thrice Married, Murtherers: In a word, such as had de­served the Rope, were most welcome and most esteem'd there, leading in that Coun­try a life that was very detestable, and altogether unworthy of Christians, inso­much that they impunely butchered and poisoned one another, and assassinated their [Page 54] own Priests, who sometimes were not better than themselves. The King of Rakan in the apprehension he hath ever had of the Mogol, kept them for a guard of his Fron­tiers, in a Port-Town called Chategon, giving them Land, and liberty to live as they pleased. Their ordinary Trade was Robbery and Piracy. With some small and light Gallies they did nothing but coast about that Sea, and entring into all Rivers there­about, and into the Channels and Arms of Ganges, and between all those Isles of the lower Bengale, and often penetrating even so far as fourty or fifty leagues up into the Country, surprized and carried away whole Towns, Assemblies, Markets, Feasts and Weddings of the poor Gentiles, and others of that Country, making Women Slaves, great and small, with strange cruelty; and burning all they could not carry away. And thence it is, that at present there are seen in the mouth of Ganges so many fine Isles quite deserted, which were formerly well peopled, and where no other Inhabi­tants are found but wild Beasts, and especially Tygers.

This great number of Slaves, which thus they took from all quarters, behold what use they made of. They had boldness and impudence enough, to come and fell to that very Country the old people, which they knew not what to do with; where it so fell out, that those who had escaped the danger by flight, and by hiding themselves in the Woods, labour'd to redeem to day their Fathers and Mothers, that had been taken yesterday. The rest they kept for their service to make Rowers of them; and such Christians as they were themselves, bringing them up to robbing and killing; or else they sold them to the Portugueses of Goa, Ceilan, St. Thomas, and others, and even to those that were remaining in Bengale at Ogouli, who were come thither to settle them­selves there by the favour of Jehan-Guyre, the Grandfather of Aureng-Zebe, who suffered them there upon the account of Traffick, and of his having no aversion to Christians, as also because they promised him to keep the Bay of Bengale clear from all Pyrates. And it was towards the Isle of Galles, near the Cape of Palmes, where this fine Trade was. These Pyrates lay there in wait at the passage for the Portugueses, who filled their Ships with them at a very easie rate; this infamous Rabble impu­dently bragging, that they made more Christians in one year, than all the Missio­naries of the Indies in ten; which would be a strange way of enlarging Christianity.

These were the Pyrates that made Chah-Jehan, who was a more zealous Mahume­tan than his Father Jehan-Guyre, to express at last his passion, not only against the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits, Missionaries of Agra, in that he caused to be pulled down the best part of a very fair and large Church that had been built, as well as that of Lahor, by the favour of Jehan-Guyre, who as I said, did not hate Christiani­ty; and upon which there stood a great Steeple with a great Bell in it, whose sound might be heard over all the Town, not only, I say, against those Jesuits, but also against the Christians of Ogouli: For being impatient to see them connive at the Pyrates, to make the name of the Franguis formidable, and to fill their houses with Slaves that were his own Subjects, he wasted and utterly ruined them, after he had both with fair words and menaces drawn from them as much money as he could: And because they were indiscreetly obstinate, in refusing what he demanded of them, he besieged them, and caused them all to be brought to Agra, even their very Chil­dren, their Priests and Friers. This was a misery and a desolation not to be paral­lell'd; a kind of Babilonian transmigration. There they were all made Slaves: The handsom Women were shut up in the Seraglio; the old Women and others were distributed among divers Omrahs. The young Lads were circumcised, and made Pages; and men of age renounced for the most part their Faith, either terrified by the threatnings they heard daily, that they should be trampled upon by Elephants, or drawn away by fair Promises. 'Tis true, that there were some of those Friers, who persisted, and that the Missionaries of Agra, who notwithstanding all this un­happiness, remained in their houses, found means afterwards, partly by Friends, part­ly by Money, to get many of them away, and to have them conveyed to Goa, and to other places belonging to the Portugueses.

They were also the same Pyrates, who some time before the desolation of Ogouli, offered to the Vice-Roy of Goa to put the whole Kingdom of Rakan into their hands for the King of Portugal; but he refused, they say, this offer, out of arrogance and jealousie, and would not send the succours, which for that end was demanded of him by a certain Bastian Consalve, who had made himself head of those people, and was [Page 55] become so potent and considerable, that he married one of the Kings Daughters; be­ing unwilling that it should be said, that a man of so mean Extraction as this Bastian was, had done such a Master-piece. But it may be said on this occasion, that this is not much to be wondred at, considering that the Portugueses in the Indies by such a conduct have divers times been faulty on the like occasions, in Japan, in Pegu, in Ethiopia, and other places; not to mention, that by this way, and that perhaps by a [...] Divine chastisement (as they all frankly confess themselves) they are become a prey to their Enemies, and fallen so low in the Indies, that I know not whether they will ever recover there; whereas formerly, before they were corrupted by vice, and degenerated through pleasure, they made all others tremble in those parts; foras­ [...]ch as then they were brave and generous men, zealous for the Christian Religion, considerable for gallant exploits and for riches; all the Indian Kings seeking their friendship.

Besides this, the same Pyrates seized at that time on the Isle of Sondiva, an advan­tageous Post to command a part of the Mouth of Ganges: In which Isle a certain Augustin Frier, a very famous man, acted the King for many years, having taken a course, God knows how, to rid himself of the Commander of that place.

Moreover, the same Robbers took Sultan-Sujah at Daka, to carry him away in their Galeasses to Rakan, as we related above, and found means to open his Cossers, and to rob him of good store of Jewels, which afterwards were secretly, and at a very cheap rate, sold in Rakan, most of them being fallen into the hands of people that had no skill in them, and afterwards into the hands of the Hollanders, and others, who knew how to buy them up quickly, making those fellows believe, that they were soft Diamonds, and that they would pay them according to the degrees of their hardness.

Lastly, They are they that for many years have given exercise to the Great Mogol in Bengale; having obliged him there to keep always Garrisons every where upon the Passes, and a great Militia, and a Fleet also of Galeasses to oppose their courses, and who, notwithstanding all this, have made shift to make strange devastations, and often to enter far into the Country, and to laugh at all the Souldiery of the Mogols; in regard they were become so bold, and so dextrous at their Weapons, and so skilful in piloting their Galeasses, that four or five of them stuck not to set upon fourteen or fifteen Mogolians, which they also actually worsted, and took or run aground. And upon these Pyrates Chah hest-kan cast his eyes as soon as he came into Bengale, taking a resolution to deliver the Country of this plague of people, that had so long wasted it; and designing afterwards to pass on, and to attack the King of Rak [...], ac­cording to the order of Aurenge-Zebe, who at any price had a mind to revenge the blood of Sultan-Sujah, and all his Family, that had been so cruelly handled, and to teach that Barbarian, how the Blood Royal was to be regarded and esteemed on any occasion whatsoever: Behold now with what dexterity Chah hest-kan carrieth on this design!

Knowing that 'tis impossible to pass any Cavalry by Land, no not so much as any Infantry, from Bengale into Rakan, because of the many channels and rivers upon the Frontiers; and also that on the other side, those Pyrates of Chatigon, whom we just now were speaking of, would be powerful enough to hinder him from transporting them by Sea; he thought upon this experiment, viz. to engage the Hollanders in his design. He therefore sent a kind of Ambassador to Batavia, empowering him to treat upon certain Conditions, with the General of that Company, joyntly to sub­due the whole Kingdom of Rakan; as formerly Chah-Abbas subdued that of Ormus, in conjunction with the English. The General of Batavia seeing the thing to be possible, and that it was a means more and more to break the Portugueses in the Indies, and that it would turn to a very good account to the Company, dispatch'd away two Men of War for Bengale, to favour the transportation of the Mogolian Troops in spight of those Pyrates. But observe what Chah-hest-kan did before these Men of War arrived: He equipped a great number of Galeasses, and many large Vessels to transport the Army; threatned the Pyrates, utterly to spoil and ruin them; acquainted them with the design of Aureng-Zebe upon Rakan; that a potent Army of the Dutch was near; that they should think on themselves and their families, if they were wise; and in a word, if they would abandon the service of the King of Rakan, and take that of [Page 56] Aureng-Zebe, he would procure very good conditions for them, distribute amongst them as much Land in Bengale as they desired, and pay them the double of what they had now.

'Tis doubtful, whether these Menaces and Promises made impression upon them, or whether it was not an Accident that moved them, they having about that time assas­sassinated one of the chief Officers of the King of Rakan, and apprehending a punish­ment for that Crime: However it be, they were caught, and they were one day struck with such a panick terror, that they shipp'd themselves all at once in forty or fifty of their Galeasses, and wafted over to Bengale to Chah-hest-kan, and that with so much precipitation, that they hardly took time to embark their Wives and Children, and what else was most precious to them. Chah-hest-kan receiv'd them with open Arms, courted them exceedingly, gave them very considerable Pay, and without letting them cool, made them, jointly with his whole Army, to attack and take the Isle of Sondiva, which was fallen into the hands of the King of Rakan, and thence to pass with all his Horse and Foot to Chatigon. About this time the two Holland Vessels arrived, but Chah-hest-kan, who thought that henceforth it would be easie for him to compass his design, thanked them. I saw these Ships in Bengale, and their Commanders, who were but little contented with such thanks and liberalities of Chah-hest-kan. As to the Pyrates, since now he holds them fast, and hopeless of ever returning to Chatigon, and hath no more need of them, he makes nothing of all those large Promises he made them, and treats them not as he should, but as they deserve, leaving them whole months without Pay, and not looking upon them otherwise than Traytors, and infa­mous men, unfit to be trusted, after they have so vilely deserted him, whose Salt they had eaten so many years. After this manner did Chah-hest-kan put an end to this Rabble, which, as I said, have ruined and dispoiled all the lower Bengale. Time will shew whether he will be as happy in the remainder of his Enterprize against the King of Rakan.

The fourth Particular is concerning the two Sons of Aureng-Zebe, viz. Sultan Mah­moud, and Sultan Mazum. He still keeps the first of them in Goualeor, but (if one may believe the common report) without making him take the Poust, which is the ordinary Drink of those that are put into that place. As to the other, though he hath always been a pattern of reservedness and moderation, yet one knows not whether he was not too forward in making a Party, when his Father was so extremely sick; or whether Aureng-Zebe have not upon other occasions perceiv'd something that might give him cause of jealousie; or whether he had not a mind to make an authentick proof of both his Obedience and Courage. However it be, one day he commanded him in an unconcerned manner, in a full Assembly of the Omrahs, to go and kill a Lyon that was come down to the Mountains, and had made great havock and waste in the Countrey; and this he did, without giving order to furnish him with those strong and large Nets, which they are wont to employ in this dangerous kind of hunting in a real mood; telling the great Hunting-Master, who presently call'd for those Nets, that when he was Prince, he did not look for such Formalities. It was the good fortune of Sultan Mazum, that he prosper'd in this Attempt, not losing any more than two or three men, and some Horses that were wounded, although, on the other hand, the matter went not off so pleasantly, the wounded Lyon having leapt up to the head of the Sultan's Elephant. Since that time, Aureng-Zebe hath not been backward to ex­press much Affection to him; he hath given him even the Government of Decan, though with so little power and treasure, that there is no great cause to apprehend any thing upon that Account.

The fifth thing toucheth Mohabet-kan, the Governor of Kaboul, whom Aureng-Zebe took from his Government, and generously pardon'd; not willing, as he said, to lose so brave a Captain, and that had stuck so close to his Benefactor Chah-Jehan. He made him even Governor of Guzuratte, in the place of Jessomseigne, whom he sent to make War in Decan. It may very well be, that some considerable Presents he made to Rauchenara-Begum, and a good number of excellent Persian Horse and Camels, where­with he presented Aureng-Zebe, together with fifteen or sixteen thousand Rupies of Gold, did contribute to make his peace.

On this occasion of mentioning the Government of Kaboul, which borders upon the Kingdom of Kandahar, which is now in the hands of the Persians, I shall here [Page 57] briefly add some particulars, that serve to this History, and will still more discover that Country, and declare the Interests between Indostan and Persia, which no body, that I know of, hath explained hitherto.

Kandahar, that strong and important place, which is the Capital and the swaying Ci­ty of this Noble and Rich Kingdom of the same Name, hath in these latter Ages been the subject of grievous Wars between the Mogols and Persians, each of them pretend­ing a Right thereto. Ekbar, that great King of the Indies, took it by force from the Persians, and kept it during his life. And Chah-Abbas, that famous King of Persia, retook it from Jehan-Guyre, the Son of Ekbar. Afterwards it return'd to Chah-Jehan, Son of Jehan-Guyre, not by the Sword, but by the means of the Governor Aly-Mer­dan-kan, who surrendred it to him, and went over to live at his Court, apprehending the Artifices of his Enemies, who had brought him into disfavour with the King of Persia, that sent for him to make him give an accompt, and to deliver up his Govern­ment. The same City was besieged, and retaken afterwards by the Son of Chah-Ab­bas, and since that besieged twice again, yet without being taken by Chah-Jehan. The first time it was saved from being taken by the ill understanding and jealousie between the Persian Omrahs, that are Pensioners of the Great Mogol, and the most powerful of his Court, as also by the respect they bear to their Natural King: For they all behaved themselves very effeminately in the Siege, and would not follow the Raja Roup, who had already planted his Standards upon the Wall on the side of the Mountain. The second time it was saved by the jealousie of Aureng-Zebe, who would not fall into the breach of the Wall, that our Franguis, the English, Portugueses, Germans and French had made by their Canon, though it was a large one; being unwilling to have it said, that in the time of Dara, who was, in a manner, the first mover of that Enterprise, and was then in the City of Caboul, with his Father Chah-Jehan, the Fortress of Kanda­har was taken. Chah-Jehan, some years before the late trouble, was also ready to be­siege it the third time, had not Emir-Jemla diverted him from it, advising him to turn his Forces towards Decan, (as hath been said;) with whom Aly-Merdan-kan himself concurred, who was so earnest in his disswading him from it, as to say to him these words, which I shall punctually relate, as having something extravagant in them:

Your Majesty will never take Kandahar, unless you had such a Traytor there as my self, except you were resolved never to bring a Persian into it, and to make the Bazars or Markets wholly free, that is, to lay no Impost on those that furnish the Army with pro­vision.

At length, Aureng-Zebe, like the others, had prepared himself in these latter years to besiege it also; whether it was that he was offended at the tart Letters, written to him by the King of Persia, or by reason of the affronts and ill treatment which he had offer'd to Tarbiet-kan his Ambassador; that hearing of the King of Persia's death, he turned back, saying, (which yet is not very credible) that he would not meddle with a Child, a new King; although Chah-Soliman, who hath succeeded his Father, is, in my opinion, about 25 years of age.

The sixth particular we purposed to speak of, concerns those that have faithfully ser­ved Aureng-Zebe. Those he hath almost all raised to great places. For first, as we have already related, he made Chah-hest-kan, his Uncle, Governor and General of the Army of Decan, and afterwards, Governor of Bengale. Next, he made Mir-kan Governor of Kaboul; Then Kalil-ullah-kan, of Lahor; and Mirbaba, of Elabas; and Lasker-kan, of Patna. The Son of that Allah-Verdi-kan of Sultan Sujah, he appointed Governor of Scimdy; and Fazel-kan, who had considerably serv'd him both by his counsels and dexterity, he made Kane-saman, that is, Great Steward of the House Royal: And Da­nechmend-kan, Governor of Dehli, with this particular grace and priviledge, that since he is perpetually employed in studies and foreign Affairs, he so dispenseth with him for not coming twice a day (after the ancient custom) to wait on the King in the Assem­bly, as not to retrench any thing of his pension for his absence, as he doth to the other Omrahs, if they fail. He hath given to Dianet-kan the Government of Kacihmer (alias Cassimere) that little, and in a manner inaccessible Kingdom, which Ekbar sei­zed on by craft, that earthly Paradise of the Indies; which hath its Histories written in its peculiar Language, whereof I have an abridgment in the Persian Tongue, made by the command of Jehan-Guyre, containing a large Catalogue of many very ancient [Page 58] Kings, that often were so powerful, that they subdued the Indies as far as China.

'Tis true, that Aureng-Zebe dismissed Nejabat-kan, who did very well in the two Battels of Samonguer and Kadjoue, but then 'tis not fit at all, that a Subject should ever reproach his King, as he did, with the services done him.

As to those infamous men, Gion-kan and Nazer, 'tis known, that the former hath been recompenced as he deserved; but the other no man knows what is become of him.

What concerns Jessomseigne and Jesseigne, there is something as to them that is intri­cate, which I shall endeavour to unfold. There is a certain Heathen revolted from the King of Visapour, who knew how to possess himself of many important Fortresses, and of some Sea-ports of that King. His name is Seva-Gi, that is, Lord Seva. He is a stout man, vigilant, bold, and undertaking in the highest degree, who gave Chah-hest-kan more work and trouble in Decan, than the King of Visapour with all his Forces, and all his Raja's joined with him for their common defence: Insomuch that having designed to take away Chah-hest-kan and his Treasures out of the midst of his Army, and of the Town Aurenge-Abad, he carried on his design so far, that he had effected it, if he had not been discover'd a little too soon; for one night, accompanied with a number of resolute Fellows he hath about him, he was got into the very apartment of Chah-hest-kan, where his Son, who was forward in the defence, was killed, and himself grievously wounded; Seva-Gi in the mean time getting away as well as he came: Who for all this was so far from being daunted, that he undertook another very bold and very dangerous Enterprise, which succeeded much better. He took two or three Thou­sand chosen men of his Army, with whom he took the Field without noise, spreading a report by the way, that it was a Raja going to the Court. When he was near Su­ratte, that famous and rich Port of the Indies, instead of marching further, (as he made the great Provost of that Country, whom he met, believe) he fell into that Town, where he staid about three days, cutting off the Arms and Legs of the Inha­bitants, to make them confess where were the Treasures; searching, digging, and load­ing away, or burning what he could not carry with him. Which done, he returned, none opposing his return, loaden with millions of Gold, Silver, Pearls, Silken Stuffs, Fine Linnen, and other rich Merchandise. Jessomseigne was suspected to have had since intelligence with this Seva-Gi, which was the cause that Aureng-Zebe called him away from Decan; but he, instead of going to Dehli, went to his own Territory.

I forgot to mention, that in the plunder of Suratte, that Ringleader Seva-Gi, like a Saint, had so much respect to the House of the Reverend Father Ambrose, a Missionary Capucian, that he gave order it should not be plundered; because, said he, I know that the Fathers Franguis are good men. He had also regard to the House of the deceased de Lale, because he understood that he had been great Almoner. He also consider'd the Houses of the English and Dutch, not from Devotion, as he did the former, but be­cause they were in a good posture of defence; especially the English, who having had time to send for assistance from some of their ships that lay near the Town, behaved themselves gallantly, and saved, besides their own, several other houses near them. But a certain Jew of Constantinople, who had brought Rubies of a very great value, to sell them to Aureng-Zebe, carried away the Bell from all, by saving himself from the hands of Seva-Gi; for, rather than to confess that he had any Jewels, he was brought thrice upon his Knees, and the Knife held up to cut his Throat: But it became none save a Jew, hardly in Avarice, to escape in such a manner.

Touching Jesseigne, King Aureng-Zebe made him content to go General of the Army in Decan, sending Sultan-Mazum with him, without any power. He presently and vigorously besieged the principal Fortress of Seva-Gi, and knowing more than all the rest in matter of Negotiation and Treaty, he so order'd the business, that Seva-Gi sur­rendred before it came to extremity; and then he drew him to Aureng-Zebe's party against Visapour, King Aureng-Zebe declaring him a Raja, taking him under his pro­tection, and giving the Pension of a very considerable Omrah to his Son. Some time after, Aureng-Zebe designing to make War against Persia, wrote to Seva-Gi such obli­ging Letters touching his Generosity, Ability and Conduct, that he made him resolve, upon the faith of Jesseigne, to come to him to Debli. There a Kinswoman of Aureng-Zebe, the Wife of Chah-hest-kan, (who was then at Court) by the influence she had upon the spirit of Aureng-Zebe, persuaded him to arrest him that had murder'd her [Page 59] Son, wounded her Husband, and sacked Suratte: So that one evening Seva-Gi saw his Pavilions beset with three or four Omrahs; but he made shift to get away in the night. This escape made a great noise at Court, every one accusing the eldest Son of the Raja Jesseigne to have assisted him in it. Jesseigne, who presently had news that Aureng-Zebe was very angry with him and his Son, and was advised no more to go to the Court, was day and night upon his guard, apprehending lest Aureng-Zebe should take this for a pre­tence to fall upon his Lands, and possess himself of them. Whereupon he also soon left Decan to secure his Estate; but when he was at Brampour, he died. Yet notwith­standing Aureng-Zebe was so far from expressing any coldness or resentment to the Son of Jesseigne, that he sent to condole with him for the death of his Father, and con­tinued to him his Pension; which confirms what many say, that it was by the consent of Aureng-Zebe himself, that Seva-Gi escaped, forasmuch as he could retain him no longer at Court, because all the Women there had too great a spleen against him, and looked upon him as a man that had embroiled his hands in the blood of his Kinsmen.

But to return to Decan, we are to consider, that that is a Kingdom, which these For­ty years hath constantly been the Theater of War, and upon the score whereof the Mo­gol hath much to do with the Kings of Golkonda, and of Visapour, and divers little So­veraigns, which is not to be understood, unless it be known, what considerable things have passed in those Parts, and the condition of the Princes that govern them.

All this great Peninsule of Indestan, cutting it from the Bay of Cambaja unto that of Bengale, near Jaganrate, and passing thence to Cape Comori, was scarce two hundred years since entirely (some mountainous Parts excepted) under the Dominion of one only Prince, who consequently was a very great and very potent Monarch: But now it is divided among many different Soveraigns, that are also of different Religions. The cause of this division was, that the King Ramras, the last of those that have possessed this mighty State entirely, did imprudently raise three Slaves, gurgis, he had about him too high, so as to make them all three Governors of places: The first, of the greatest part of those Countries, which at present are possessed by the Mogol in Decan, about Daulet-Abad, from Bider, Paranda, Suratte, unto Narbadar: The second, of all the other Lands, now comprehended under the Kingdom of Visapour: And the third, of all that is contained under the Kingdom of Golkonda. These three Slaves grew very rich, and found themselves supported by a good number of the Mogols, that were in the service of Ramras, because they were all three Mahumetans, of the Sect Chyas, like the Persians. And at length they all revolted together with one accord, kil­led King Ramras, and return'd to their Government, each taking upon him the Title of Chah or King. The Issue of Ramras, not finding themselves strong enough for them, were content to keep themselves in a corner, viz. in that Country which is com­monly call'd Karnatek in our Maps, Bisnaguer, where they are still Raja's to this very day. All the rest of the State was also at the same time divided into all those Raja's Naiques, and petty Kings, such as we see there. These three Slaves and their Posteri­ty have always defended themselves very well in their Kingdoms, whil'st they kept a good mutual Correspondence, and assisted one another in their grievous Wars against the Mogols. But when they once came to think every one to defend their Lands apart, they soon found the effects of their division. For the Mogol so well knew to take his time upon that occasion, (which is now about Thirty five, or Forty years since) that he possess'd himself within a little time of all the Country of Nejam-Chah, or King Nejam, the fifth or sixth of the Family of the first Slave, and at last took him Prisoner in Daulet-Abad, the Capital, where he died.

After that time, the Kings of Golkonda have maintain'd themselves well enough; not as if they could compare with the power of the Mogol, but because the Mogol hath always been employ'd against the two others; from whom he was to take Amber, Pa­randa, Bider, and some other places, before he could conveniently march towards Gol­konda. And because they have always been so politick, being very opulent, as to fur­nish under-hand the King of Visapour with Money, and thereby to help him to main­tain a War against the Mogol: Besides that, they ever have a considerable Army on foot, which is always ready, and never fails to take the Field, and to approach to the Fron­tiers, at the time when there is News that that of the Mogol marches against Visapour; to let the Mogol see, not only that they are always ready to defend themselves, but also that they could easily assist the King of Visapour, in case he should be reduced to any ex­tremity. [Page 60] Next, which is very considerable, they know also how to convey Mony un­derhand to the Chieftains of the Mogolian Army; who thereupon advise the Court, that it is more to purpose to attack Visapour, as being nearer to Daulet-Abad. Fur­ther, They send every year very considerable Presents to the Great Mogol, by way of Tribute, which consist partly in some rare Manufactures of the Country; partly in Elephants, which they send for from Pegu, Siam, and Ceilan, partly in fair ready mo­ny. Lastly, The Mogol considers that Kingdom as his own, not only because he looks upon the King thereof as his Tributary, but chiefly since that Agreement heretofore spoken of, which the present King made with Aureng-Zebe, when he besieg'd Golkonda; and there being also no place able to resist, even from Daulet-Abad unto Golkonda, he judgeth, that when he shall think fit to push for it, he may take in the whole Kingdom in one Campagne; which, in my opinion, he would certainly have done, if he did not apprehend, lest sending his Forces towaids Golkonda, the King of Visapour should en­ter into Decon; as, no doubt, he would do, knowing it to be very important to his Conservation, that that Kingdom may always subsist as now it is.

From all which, something may be understood of the Interests and Government of the King of Golkonda with the Mogol, and what way he taketh to support himself against him. Yet notwithstanding all this, I find this State much shaken, in regard that the King that now is, since that unhappy Affair of Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla, seems to have lost heart, and as 'twere abandon'd the reins of the Kingdom, not daring any more to go forth of this Fortress of Golkonda, nor so much as appear in publick to give Audience to his People, and to render Justice, according to the custom of the Coun­try: Which discomposeth things very much, and occasions the Grandees to tyrannize over the meaner sort of People, and to lose even their respect to the King, often slight­ing his Commands, and considering him no more than a Woman; and the People, weary of the injustice and ill treatment, breathing after nothing but Aureng-Zebe. 'Tis easie to judge of the streights this poor King is in, by four or five Particulars I am about to relate.

The first, that Anno 1667. when I was at Golkonda, King Aureng-Zebe having sent an Ambassador Extraordinary to declare War to that King, unless he would furnish him with Ten thousand Horse against Visapour, he did extraordinary honour, and give excessive Presents to that Ambassador, as well for him in particular, as for Aureng-Zebe, and made an agreement with him, to send him, not Ten thousand Horse, but as much Mony as is necessary to maintain so many; which was all that Aureng-Zebe look­ed for.

The second is, That Aureng-Zebe's Ambassador in Ordinary, that is constantly at Golkonda, commands, threatens, striketh, gives Pass-ports, and saith and doth what­soever he will, no man daring with the least word to cross him.

The third is, That Mahmet-Emir-kan, the Son of Emir-Jemla, though he be no more than a simple Omrab of Aureng-Zebe, is yet so much respected through that whole Kingdom, and especially in Maslipatan, that the Taptata, his Commissioner, is, as 'twere, Master thereof, buying and selling, bringing in and sending abroad his Mer­chants Ships, no Body daring to contradict him in any thing, nor to demand any Customs. So great was once the power of Emir-Jemla his Father in this Kingdom, which time hath not yet been able to root out.

The fourth is, That the Hollanders scruple not to threaten him sometimes, to lay an Embargo upon all the Merchants Ships of the Country that are in that Port, and not to let them go out, until their demands be granted; as also to put in Protestations against him: which I have seen actually done, upon the account of an English Vessel, which they had a mind to take by force in the Port of Maslipatan it self, the Gover­nor having hindred it, by arming the whole Town against them, and threatning to put Fire to their Factory, and to put them all to death.

A fifth is, That the Portugueses, as poor, and miserable, and decayed, as they are in the Indies, yet stick not to threaten that King also with War; and that they will come and sack Maslipatan, and all that Coast, if he will not render them that place of St. Thomas, which some years ago they chose to put into his hands, rather than to be constrained to yield it up to the Dutch.

Yet for all this, I have been informed in Golkonda, by very intelligent persons, that this King is a Prince of very great judgment, and that whatever he so does and suf­fers, is only in policy, to the end to provoke no body, and principally to remove all [Page 61] suspition from Aureng-Zebe, and to give him to understand, that he hath in a manner no share any more in the Kingdom: But that in the mean time a Son of his, that is kept hid, grows up, the Father watching for a fit time to declare him King, and so to laugh at the Agreement made with Aureng-Zebe. Of this, time will shew us more; in the mean time, let us consider somewhat of the Interests of Visapour.

The Kingdom of Visapour hath also not been wanting to support it self, though the Mogol do almost continually make War against it; not so much as if he of Visapour were able to bid head to the Mogolian Forces, but because there is never any great effort used against him. For it is not very frequent there, no more than 'tis elsewhere, for Generals of Armies to desire the end of a War; there being nothing so charming, as to be in the head of an Army, commanding like little Kings, remote from the Court. It is also grown to a Proverb, That Decan is the Bread and Life of the Soldiers of In­dostan. Besides, the Country of Visapour is on the side of the Mogol's Dominions of a very difficult access, upon the account of the scarcity of good Waters, Forage, and Victuals; and because Visapour, the Capital City, is very strong, and situate in a dry and steril Country, there being almost no good Water but in the Town. And last­ly, because there are many Fortresses in that Country, seated on Hills hard to climb.

Yet notwithstanding all this, that State is much shaken, if considering that the Mo­gol hath taken Paranda, the Key, as 'twere, of that Kingdom; as also that fair and strong Town Bider, and some other very important places: But principally, because the last King of Visapour died without Heirs Males, and he that now calls himself King, is a Youth, whom the Queen, Sister of the King of Golkonda, hath raised, and taken for her Son (a favour for which he hath made an ill return, having shew'd no esteem for this Queen after her return from Mecca, under the pretext of some ill demeanor in her on a Dutch Vessel that carried her to Moka:) Lastly, because that in the disorders of that Kingdom, the Heathen-Rebel, Seva-Gi, above discoursed of, found means to seize on many strong Holds, mostly seated on steep Mountains, where he now acteth the King, laughing at the Visapour, and the Mogol, and ravaging the Country every where, from Suratte, even to the Gates of Goa. This notwithstanding, if he wrongs Visa­pour one way, he helps to support it another, forasmuch as he is resolutely bent against the Mogol, preparing always some Ambush, and cutting so much work for his Army, that there is no discourse, no apprehension but of Seva-Gi; insomuch that he hath come and sacked Suratte, and pillaged the Isle of Burdes, which belongs to the Portu­guese, and is near the Gates of Goa.

The seventh Particular, which I learn'd at Golkonda, when I was come away from Dehli, is the death of Chah-Jehan; and that Aureng-Zebe had been exceedingly affect­ed therewith, having discover'd all the marks of grief, that a Son can express for the loss of his Father: That at the very hour of receiving that News, he went towards Agra; that Begum-Saheb caused the Mosquee, and a certain place, where he was at first to stop, before he entred the Fortress, to be hung with richly embroider'd Tapisteries: That at his entring into the Seraglio, she presented him with a great Golden Bason, wherein were all her Jewels, and all those of Chah-Jehan; and in short, that she knew to receive him with so much Magnificence, and to entertain him with that dexterity and craft, that she obtain'd his pardon, gain'd his favour, and grew very confident with him.

To conclude, I doubt not, but most of those, who shall have read my History, will judge the ways taken by Aureng-Zebe, for getting the Empire, very violent and horrid. I pretend not at all to plead for him, but desire only, that before he be altogether con­demned, reflection be made on that unhappy custom of this State, which leaving the succession of the Crown undecided, for want of good Laws, setling it, as amongst us, upon the eldest Son, exposeth it to the Conquest of the strongest, and the most fortu­nate, subjecting at the same time all the Princes born in the Royal Family, by the con­dition of their Birth, to the cruel necessity either to overcome, or to reign, by destroy­ing all the rest, for the assurance of their power and life, or to perish themselves, for the security of that of others: For I am apt to believe, that upon this Consideration, the Reader will not find Aureng-Zebe's Conduct so strange as at first it appear'd. How­ever I am persuaded, that those who shall a little weigh this whole History, will not take Aureng-Zebe for a Barbarian, but for a great and rare Genius, a Great States-man, and a Great King.

A Letter to the Lord COLBERT, of the Extent of INDOSTAN; the Circulation of Gold and Silver, coming at length to be swallowed up, there, as in an Abyss; the Riches, Forces, Justice, and the principal Cause of the Decay of the States of ASIA.

My Lord,

SInce it is the Custom of Asia, never to approach Great Persons with Empty Hands, when I had the Honour to kiss the Vest of the Great Mogol Aureng Zebe, I presented him with eight Roupies, \[A Roupy is about Half a Crown\] as an expression of respect; and the illustrious Fazel-kan, the prime Minister of State, and he that was to establish my Pension as Physitian, with a Case of Knives garnished with Amber. My Lord, though I intend not to introduce new Customs in France, yet I cannot forget this upon my Return from those Parts; being persuaded, that I ought not to appear before the King, for whom I have a far deeper Veneration, than for Au­reng-Zebe; nor before You, my Lord, for whom I have a much higher Esteem, than for Fazel-kan, without some little Present to both, which is rare, at least, for its Novelty, though it be not so upon the account of the presenting hand. The Revolution of In­dostan, by reason of its extraordinary Occurrences and Events, hath to me seemed worthy of the Greatness of our Monarch, and this Discourse, for the quality of the matters therein contained, sutable to the rank you hold in his Counsels; to that Con­duct, which at my Return appear'd to me so admirable in the Order, which I found set­led in so many things, that I thought incapable of it; and to the passion you entertain to make it known to the Ends of the Earth, what a Monarch we have, and that the French are fit to undertake, and with Honour to atchieve, whatsoever you shall have design'd for their Honour and Advantage.

'Tis in the Indies, my Lord (whence I am lately return'd, after twelve years absence) where I learn'd the felicity of France, and how much this Kingdom is oblig'd to your cares; and where your Name is so diffused, and so well known. This were a fair Theme for me to enlarge upon; but my Design being no other than to discourse of things New, I must forbear to speak of those that are already so notorious to all the World. I shall doubtless please you better, by endeavouring to give you some Idea of the state of the Indies, which I have engaged my self to give you an account of.

My Lord, You may have seen before this, by the Maps of Asia, how great every way is the Extent of the Empire of the Great Mogol, which is commonly call'd India, or Indostan. I have not measur'd it Mathematically; but to speak of it according to the ordinary Journeys of the Country, after the rate of three whole months march, tra­versing from the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Golkonda, as far as beyond Kazni near Kandahar, which is the first Town of Persia, I cannot persuade my self otherwise, but that it is at least five times as far as from Paris to Lyons, that is, about Five hundred common Leagues.

Next, You may please to take notice, that of that vast Extent of Land, there are large Countries that are very fertil, and some of them to that degree, (for Example, that whole great Kingdom of Bengale) that they exceed those of Egypt, not only up­on the account of the abundance of Rice, Corn, and all other things necessary for life, but also upon the score of all those Commodities so considerable, which Egypt is desti­tute of, as Silks, Cottons, Indigo, and so many others, sufficiently related by Au­thors.

Moreover, That of these same Countries there are many that are well enough peopled and cultivated, and where Tradesmen, though naturally very lazy there, are not want­ing, either from Necessity, or other Causes, to apply themselves to work, as to Ta­pisseries, Embroideries, Cloth of Gold and Silver, and to all those kinds of [Page 63] Silk and Cotton Manufactures, that are used in the Country, or transported to other Parts.

You may further observe; how that Gold and Silver circulating as it were upon the Earth, comes at last, in part, to be swallow'd up in this Indostan. For of that which comes out of America, and is dispersed through the several Kingdoms of our Europe, we know, that one part is carried into Turky many ways, for the Commodities drawn thence; and that another part is conveyed into Persia, by the way of Smyrna, for the Silks afforded there: That all Turky generally needs Coffee, which comes out of Hye­man, or Happy Arabia, and is the common Drink of the Turks: That the same Turky as well as Hyeman and Persia cannot be without the Commodities of India; and that thus all those Countries are obliged to carry to Moka over the Red-Sea, near Babel-mandel; and to Bassora the utmost part of the Persian-Gulf; and to Bandar-Abbasi, or Gomoron near to Ormus, a part of that Gold and Silver, that had been brought into their Coun­try, to be thence transported into Indostan, in Vessels, that yearly, in the season of the Mounsons, come purposely to those three famous Parts: That on the other hand, all those Ships of India, whether they be Indian ones, or Dutch, or English, or Portuguese, that every year transport Merchandise out of Indostan to Pegu, Tanasseri, Siam, Ceilan, Achem, Macasser, the Maldives, Mosambic, and other places, bring back also much Gold and Silver from all those Countries, which meets with the same Destiny, that the other-doth: That of that quantity of Gold and Silver which the Hollanders draw from Japan, (which is stored with Mines) a part also comes to be at length discharged in this Indostan: And that lastly, what is carried thither directly by Sea, whether from Portugal, England, or France, seldom comes back from thence but in Merchandise, the rest remaining there, as the former.

I very well know, that it may be said, that this Indostan needs Copper, Cloves, Nut­megs, Cinamon, Elephants, and sundry other things, which the Hollanders carry thi­ther from Japan, the Molueques, Ceilan, and Europe; as also that it hath occasion for Lead, which in part, it is furnish'd with out of England; likewise for Scarlet, which it hath from France: Moreover, that it stands in need of a good number of Horses, it being certain, that from the side of Ʋsbec it receives yearly more than 2500. That out of Persia also it is furnished with abundance of the same; as also out of Ethiopia, Arabia, the Ports of Moka, Bassora, and Bander-abbasy: Besides, that it needs that store of fresh Fruit, which comes thither from Samarkand, Ball-bocara, and Persia, as Melons, Apples, Pears, and Grapes, that are spent at Dehli, and bought at great Rates, almost all the Winter long; as well as dry Fruit, which are had there all the year long, and come from the same Countries, as Almonds, Pistaches, Nuts, Prunes, Abricots, Raisins, and the like. And that lastly, it wants those little Sea-cockles of the Maldives, which serve for common Coyn in Bengale, and in some other places, as also Amber­griece, carried thither from the said Maldives and Mosambic, Rhinoceros-horns, Ele­phants-teeth, Musk, China-dishes, Pearls of Babaren, and Tutucoury near Ceilan; and, I know not of how many other things of this kind.

But all this makes not the Gold and Silver to go out of that Empire, because the Mer­chants at their return freight their Ships with the Commodities of the Country, finding a better account by so doing, than if they should bring back Mony, so that that hin­ders not, but that Indostan proves, as we have said, a kind of Abyss for a great part of the Gold and Silver of the World, which finds many ways to enter there, and almost none to issue thence.

In a word, you may take notice, that this Great Mogol makes himself Heir of the Omrahs or Lords, and of the Manseb-dars, or petty Lords, that are in his Pay; and (which is of very great consequence) that all the Lands of that Empire are his Pro­priety, excepting some Houses and Gardens, which he giveth leave to his Subjects to sell, divide, or buy amongst them, as they shall think fit.

These are the things, which sufficiently show, both that there must needs be a very great store of Gold and Silver in Indostan, though there be no Mines; and also that the Great Mogol, the Soveraign of the fame, at least, of the best part of it, hath immense Revenues and Riches.

But on the other hand, there are also many things to be observed, which are a poise to these Riches. The first, that among those vast tracts of Land there is much, which is nothing but sand and steril Mountains, little Tilled or Peopled: That even of those that would be fertile, there is much, that is not used for want of Workmen, some of [Page 64] which have perish'd by the too evil treatment of the Governors, who often take from them their necessary livelihood, and sometimes their very Children whom they make Slaves when they are not able, or are unwilling to pay: Others have abandon'd the Field for the same reason, and desponding out of the consideration that they labour'd only for others, have cast themselves into Towns, or into Armies, to serve there for Porters, or waiting men, and many have fled to the lands of the Rajas, because there they found less tyranny, and more kindness.

The second is, That in this same Extent of Country there are sundry Nations, which the Mogol is not full Master of, most of them retaining yet their particular Soveraigns and Lords, that obey him not, nor pay him Tribute but from constraint; many, that do little; some, that do nothing at all; and some also, that receive Tribute from him, as we shall see anon. Such are those petty Soveraigns, that are seated on the Frontiers of Persia, who almost never pay him any thing, no more than they do to the King of Persia: As also the Balouches and Augans, and other Mountineers, of whom also the greatest part pay him but a small matter, and even care but very little for him: wit­ness the Affront they did him, when they stopp'd his whole Army by cutting off the Water, which they kept back within the Mountains, when he passed from Atek on the River Indus to Caboul, to lay siege to Kandahar; not suffering the Water to run down into the Fields, where was the Highway, 'till they had receiv'd Presents, although they ask'd them by way of Alms. Such are also the Patans, a Mahumetan People, issued from the side of the River Ganges towards Bengale; who before the Invasion of the Mogols in India, had taken their time to make themselves potent in many places, and chiefly at Dehli, and to render many Rajas thereabout their Tributaries. These Patans are fierce and warlike, and even the meanest of them, though they be waiting Men and Porters, are still of a very high spirit, being often heard to say by way of swearing, Let me never be King of Dehli, if it be not so: A People that despife the Indians, Hea­then, and Mogols, and mortally hate the last, still remembring what they were formerly, before they were by them driven away from their large Principalities, and constrained to retire hither and thither, far from Dehli, and Agra, into the Mountains, where now they are setled, and where some of them have made themselves petty Soveraigns, like Rajas, but of small strength.

Such an one also is the King of Visapour, who pays to the Mogol nothing, and is al­ways in War with him; maintaining himself in his Country, partly by his own For­ces, partly because he is very remote from Agra and Dehli, the ordinary places of Re­sidence of the Great Mogol; partly also, because his Capital City Visapour is strong, and of difficult access to an Army, by reason of the ill Waters, and the want of Forage on the way; and partly because many Rajas join with him for their common defence, as did the famous Seva-Gi, who, not long since, came pillaging and burning that rich Sea-port, Suratte, and who sometimes will pay little or no Tribute.

Such is likewise that potent and rich King of Golkonda, who underhand gives Mony to the King of Visapour, and hath always an Army ready on the Frontiers for his own defence, and for the assistance of Visapour, in case he find him too much pressed.

Of the like sort are more than an hundred Rajas, or considerable Heathen Soveraigns, dispersed through the whole Empire, some near to, others remote from Agra and Dehli: amongst whom there are about fifteen or sixteen that are very rich and puissant; such as is Rana (who formerly was, as 'twere, Emperor of the Rajas; and who is said to be of the Progeny of King Porus;) Jesseignae and Jessomseignae, which are so great and powerful, that if they three alone should combine, they would hold him tack; each of them being able, in a very short time, to raise and bring into the Field Twenty five thousand Horse, better Troops than the Mogols. These Gavaliers are call'd Ragi­pouts, or the Children of Rajas. They are men, who, as I have elsewhere said, carry Swords from Father to Son, and to whom the Rajas allot Land, on condition to be al­ways ready to appear on Horseback, when the Raja commands. They can endure much hardship, and they want nothing to make them good Soldiers, but good Order and Discipline.

The third thing to be noted is, That the Mogol is a Mahumetan, not of the Sect cal­led Chias, who follow Aly and his Off-spring, (such as the Persians are, and consequent­ly the greatest part of his Court;) but of that, which follows Osman, and thence are call'd Osmanlys, such as the Turks are. Besides, that he is a stranger, being of the Race of Tamerlan, who was the Head of those Mogols, that about the year 1401, over-ran [Page 65] India, where they made themselves Masters: so that he is in a Country, almost all hostile; and that the more, because not only for one Mogol, but in general, for one Mahumetan, there are hundreds of Gentiles or Heathen; which obligeth him, constant­ly to entertain (for his defence amongst so many domestick and potent Enemies, and against the Persians and Ʋsbecks, his Neighbours) very great Armies, whether in time of Peace or War, as well about his Person, as in the Field; as well of the People of the Country, (Rajas and Patans,) as chiefly Mogolians, or at least esteemed such, be­cause they are White, and Mahumetans; which sufficeth at present; his Court being no more now as 'twas at first, consisting altogether of true Mogols; but a mixture of all sorts of strangers, Ʋsbecks, Persians, Arabians, and Turks, or their Children; but with this distinction, that the Children of the third or fourth Generation, and that have taken the Brown colour, and the soft humor of the Country, are not so much esteem'd as the new comers; being also seldom rais'd to publick Offices, but counting themselves happy, if they may serve as simple Horsemen or Foot.

Of these Armies I am now going to give you some description, that thereby know­ing the great Expences, which the Grand Mogol is oblig'd to be at, you may the better judge of his true Riches; let us first take a view of the Field Militia, he is necessitated to maintain.

The chief thereof are the Rajas, such as Jesseignae, Jessomseignae, and many others to whom he allows very great Persions, to have them always ready with a certain number of Ragipouts, esteeming them like Omrahs, that is, like other Strangers, and Mahumetan Lords; both in the Army, that is always about his person, and in those also, that are in the Field. These Rajas are generally oblig'd to the same things, that the Omrahs are, even to the point of keeping Guard; yet with this distinction, that they keep not the Guard within the Fortress, as those, but without, under their Tents; they not liking to be shut up Twenty four hours in a Fortress, nor so much as ever to go thither, but well attended with Men, resolute to be cut in pieces for their service; as hath appear'd, when they have been ill dealt withal.

The Mogol is oblig'd to keep these Rajas in his service for sundry reasons.

The first, because the Militia of the Rajas is very good (as was said above) and because there are Rajas, (as was intimated also) one of whom can bring into the Field above 25000 men.

The second, the better to bridle the other Rajas, and to reduce them to reason when they cantonize, or when they refuse to pay Tribute, or when out of fear or other cause, they will not go out of their Country to the Army, when the Mogol requi­reth it.

The third, the better to nourish jealousies and keenness amongst them, by favouring and caressing the one more than the other, which is done to that degree, that they proceed to fight with one another very frequently.

The fourth, to employ them against the Patans, or against his own Omrahs and Go­vernors, in case any of them should rise.

The fifth, to employ them against the King of Golkonda, when he refuseth to pay his Tribute, or when he will defend the King of Visapour, or some Rajas his Neighbours, which the Mogol hath a mind to rifle, or to make his Tributaries; the Mogol in those cases not daring to trust his Omrahs overmuch, who most are Persians, and not of the same Religion with him, but Chias, like the Kings of Persia and Golkonda.

The sixth, and the most considerable of all, is, to employ them against the Persians upon occasion; not daring then also to confide in his Omrahs, who, for the greatest part, as was just now said, are Persians, and consequently have no stomach to fight against their natural King; and the less, because they believe him to be their Imam, their Caliph or High Priest, descended from Aly, and against whom therefore they be­lieve they cannot make War without a Crime, or a great Sin.

The Mogol is farther oblig'd to entertain some Patans for the same, or somewhat like reasons, that he doth the Rajas.

At last he must entertain that stranger Militia of the Mogols, that we have taken no­tice of: And as this is the main strength of his State, and which obliges him to incre­dible charges, methinks it will not be amiss to describe to you, of what nature it is, though I should be somewhat long in doing it.

Let us therefore consider, if you please, this stranger Militia, both Cavalry and In­fantry, as divided into two; the one, being always near the Mogol's Person; the other, [Page 66] dispersed up and down in the several Provinces. And in the Cavalry that is about his Person, let us first take notice of the Omrahs; then, of the Mansebdars; next, of the Rousindars; last of all, of the simple Horsemen. From thence let us proceed to the Infantry, in which we shall consider the Musquetiers, and all those men on foot that at­tend the Ordnance, where something will occur to be said of their Artillery.

It is not to be thought, that the Omrahs or Lords of the Mogol's Court are Sons of great Families, as in France; All the Lands of that Empire being the Mogol's Propriety, it follows, that there are neither Dutchies, nor Marquisats, nor any Family rich in Land, and subsisting of its own Income and Patrimony. And often enough they are not so much as Omrah's Sons, because the King being Heir of all their Estates, it is consequent that the Houses cannot subsist long in their greatness; on the contrary, they often fall, and that on a sudden, insomuch that the Sons, or at least the Grandsons of a potent Omrah are frequently, after the death of their Father, reduced, in a manner, to Beggary, and oblig'd to list themselves under some Omrah for simple Horsemen. 'Tis true, that ordinarily the Mogol leaves some small Pension to the Widow, and often al­so to the Children; or, if the Father liveth too long, he may by particular favour ad­vance them sooner, especially if they be proper men, white of Face, having as yet not too much of the Indian Complexion and temper, and so passing yet for true Mogols: Though this advancement by favour do always proceed in a slow pace; it being almost a general custom, that a man must pass from small Pays and small Places, to great ones. These Omrahs then are commonly but Adventurers and Strangers of all sorts of Nations, such as I have said; which draw one another to this Court; men of a mean descent, some of them slaves; most of them without instruction, which the Mogol thus raiseth to Dignities as he thinks good, and degrades them again, as he pleaseth.

Amongst these Omrahs, some are Hazary, others Dou Hazary, others Penge, Hecht, and Deh Hazary, and even (such was the King's eldest Son) Dovazdeh Hazary, that is to say, Lord of a thousand Horse, of two thousand, five thousand, seven, ten, and twelve thousand; their Pay being less or more in proportion to the number of Horses; I say, of Horses, because they are not paid in respect of the Horsemen, but of the Horse; the Omrahs having power to entertain Horsemen of two Horses a man, to be the better able to serve in the hot Countries, where 'tis a common saying, That the Horseman that hath but one Horse, is more than half a Footman. Yet we must not think, that they are oblig'd to entertain, or that the King effectively pays so many Horse, as these great names of Dovazdeh or Hecht Hazary do impart, that is, 12000, or 8000 Horse. These are specious Names, to amuse and attract Strangers; the King determines the number of Horses in actual service, which they are bound to entertain, pays them according to this number; and besides that, he pays them a certain number which they are not bound to entertain; and this is that which ordinarily makes the principal part of their Pen­sions; not to speak of what they finger out of the Pay of every Horseman, and of the number of the Horses; which certainly amounts to very considerable Pensions; espe­cially if they can obtain good Jah-ghirs, that is, good Lands for their Pension. For I saw, that the Lord, under whom I was, that was a Penge-hazary, or one of five thou­sand Horse, and who was only obliged to entertain five hundred in effect, had, after all his Cavalry was paid, remaining for his Pension near Five thousand Crowns a month; though he was Nagdy, that is, paid in Mony drawn out of the Treasury, as all those are, that have not Lands. Yet notwithstanding all these great Pensions, I see none but very few that are rich, but many that are uneasie and indebted: Not that they are ruin'd by keeping too plentiful Tables, as elsewhere great Lords frequently are; but that which exhausteth them, are the great Presents which they are oblig'd to make to the King at certain Festivals of the year, every one after the rate of his Pay; next, the vast Expences they must be at for entertaining their Wives, Servants, Camels, and ma­ny Horses of great value, which they keep in their particular Stables.

The number of the Omrahs, as well of those, that are in the Field in the Provinces and Armies, as of those that are at the Court, is very great. I never could precisely learn it; nor is it determined: But I have never seen less of them at Court, than twen­ty five or thirty, that are thus Pensionaries according to a greater or lesser number of Horses to be entertain'd by them, from 12000 downward to 1000. These are the Omrahs, that arrive to the Governments and principal Offices of the Court and Armies; that are, as they speak, the Pillars of the Empire, and that keep up the splendor of the Court; never going abroad, but richly deck'd, sometimes riding on Elephants, [Page 67] sometimes on Horseback, sometimes carried in a Paleky or Chair, commonly attended by a good number of Horsemen, to wit, of those that have the Guard at that time, as also by many Footmen marching before, and on his sides, to make way, to drive away the Flies, to take off the dust with Peacocks tails, to carry water for drink, and some­times Books of Accompts, or other Papers.

All those that are at Court, are oblig'd, under a considerable Penalty, to come twice every day to salute the King in the Assembly, once about Ten or eleven a clock in the morning, when he renders Justice; and the second time, about six hours at night. They are also oblig'd by turns to keep the Guard in the Castle once a week, during twenty four hours. Thither they carry at that time their Beds, Tapisseries and other Moveables, the King furnishing them with nothing but Provisions of Meat and Drink, which they receive with great reverence, making a treble obeisance, with their face turn'd to his Apartment, their hands down to the ground, and then lifted up upon their heads. Besides, they are oblig'd on Horseback to follow the King whithersoever he marcheth in any weather, rainy or dusty, whether he be carried in his Chair, or on an Elephant, or a Field-Throne, which last is done by eight men carrying him on their shoulders, eight others marching on his side, to relieve the others; himself being in all Marches well cover'd from the inconveniencies of the Weather, whether he go to War, or to Hunt, or to exercise his Soldiery. And this attendance those Omrahs are to give, except some of them be exempted by the Mogol, because of their peculiar Of­fices, or upon the account of sickness or old age, or to avoid embarasment, as com­monly 'tis practised, when he goeth only to some neighbouring Town to hunt, or to some house of Pleasure, or to the Mosquee, there being then seldom any about him but those that keep the Guard that day.

Mansebdars are Cavaliers Manseb, which is particular and honourable Pay; not so great indeed as that of the Omrahs, but much greater than that of the others; they being esteemed as little Omrahs, and of the rank of those, that are raised to that dig­nity.

These acknowledge also none for their Head but the King, and they are generally ob­liged to whatever we have said the Omrahs are. In a word, they would be true Om­rahs, if they had, as divers heretofore have had, some Horsemen under them; whereas they have ordinarily but two, four, or six Horses, having the King's mark, and their Pay goes no higher than from 200, to 600 or 700 Roupies a month. Their number al­so is not fixed, but much exceeds that of the Omrahs, there being of them at the Court always two or three hundred, besides those that are in the Provinces and Ar­mies.

Rouzindars are also a sort of Cavaliers, but such as have their Pay by the day, (as the word it self imports) which yet sometimes is greater than that of many Manseb­dars, but not so honourable; but then they are not bound, as the Mansebdars, to take at a set price (which sometimes is not too reasonable) of those Tapisseries and other Houshold-stuff, that hath serv'd for the King's Palace. Their number is very great; they enter into the meaner Offices, many of them being Clerks, Under-Clerks, Signet-Men, and the like.

Simple Cavaliers, are those, that are under the Omrahs; amongst whom the most considerable, and having most Pay, are those that have two Horses marked on the Leg with the mark of their Omrah. Their Pay is not absolutely fixed, but depends chiefly from the generosity of the Omrah, who may favour whom he pleaseth. Yet the Mogol's intention is, that the Pay of a simple Cavalier or Horseman be no less than twenty five Roupies, or thereabout a Month, stating his account with the Omrahs upon that Foot.

The Pay of the Foot is the least; and their Musquetiers are pitiful men, unless they discharge when their Musquet leans on that small wooden Fork hanging to it; yet even then they are afraid of singeing their great Beards, and of burning their Eyes, but most of all, least some Dgen or evil Spirit burst their Musquet. Some of these have 20 Roupies a Month, some 15, some 10. But yet there are some Gunners that have great Pay, especially those of the Franguis or Christians, as Portugueses, English, Dutch, Ger­mans, French, that retire thither from Goa, flying from English and Dutch Companies. Heretofore when the Mogols did not yet know how to manage Artillery, their Pay was very great. And there are yet some of that time, who have 200 Roupies a Month; but now they will receive none for more than thirty two.

[Page 68] Their Artillery is of two sorts; the one is the great and heavy Artillery, the other the light. As for the former, I remember, that when the King after his Sickness went with his whole Army abroad into the Country, diverting himself every day in Hunt­ing, sometimes of Cranes, sometimes of the gray Oxen, (a kind of Elks) sometimes of Gazels, Leopards and Lions, and making his progress towards Lahor and Kach­mire (that little Paradise of India) there to pass the Summer, the Army had Seventy pieces of Cannon, most of them cast, not counting the two or three hundred Camels, carrying each a small Field-piece of the bigness of a good double Musquet, fastned to those Animals. The other light Artillery is very brave and well order'd, consisting of fifty or sixty small Field-pieces all of Brass, each mounted on a little Chariot, drawn by two very fair Horses, driven by a Coachman like a Caleche, adorned with a number of small red Streamers, each having a third Horse led by the Chariot for relief.

The great Artillery could not always follow the King, who often l [...]t the Highway, and turn'd sometimes to the right, sometimes to the left hand, crossing the fields, to find the true places for Game, and to follow the course of the Rivers. That therefore was to keep the Highway to go the more easily, and to avoid the embarasments, which it would have met with in the ill passages, especially in those Boat-Bridges made to pass Rivers. The light Artillery is inseparable from the person of the King, it marcheth away in the morning, when the King comes out of his Tent; and whereas he com­monly goes a little aside into the places for Game, this Artillery passeth on straight with all possible speed, to be in time at the Rendezvous, and there to appear before the King's Tent, which is there made ready the day before; as are also the Tents of the great Omrahs: And this whole Artillery giveth a Volley just when the King enters into his Tent, thereby to give notice to the Army of his arrival.

The Militia of the Field is not different from that which is about the King: There are everywhere Omrahs, Mansebdars, Rousindars, simple Horsemen, and Foot and Ar­tillery where-ever any War is made. The difference is only in the number, which is much greater in the Field-Army, than in the other. For that Army alone, which the Mogol is constrain'd perpetually to maintain in Decan, to bridle the potent King of Golkonda, and to make War upon the King of Visapour, and upon all the Raja's that join with him, must consist at least of twenty, or twenty five thousand Horse sometimes of thirty.

The Kingdom of Kaboul, for its ordinary Guard against the Persians, Augans, Ba­louches, and I know not how many Mounteniers, requireth at least Fifteen thousand. The Kingdom of Kachmire, more than Four thousand; and the Kingdom of Bengale, much more; not counting those that are employ'd in the War, which must almost al­ways be maintain'd on that side; nor those which the Governors of the several Provin­ces do need for their defence, according to the particular extent and situation of their Governments, which maketh an incredible number.

Not to mention the Infantry, (which is inconsiderable) I am apt to believe with many others, well inform'd of these matters, that the number of the Horse in actual ser­vice about the King's Person, comprehending the Cavalry of the Raja's and Patans, mounteth to Thirty five or forty thousand; and that this number, joined to those that is abroad in the Field, may make Two hundred thousand, and better.

I say, that the Infantry is inconsiderable; for I can hardly believe, that in the Army which is about the King, comprising the Musquetiers, and all the Gunners and their Mates, and whatever serves in this Artillery, can amount to much more than Fifteen thousand; whence you may make a near guess, what the number of the Foot must be in the Field. So that I know not whence to take that prodigious number of Foot, which some do reckon in the Armies of the Great Mogol, unless it be, that with this true Soldiery they confound all the Serving-men and Victuallers that follow the Army; for in that sense I should easily believe, that they had reason to reckon two or three hun­dred thousand men in that Army alone which is with the King, and sometimes more; especially when 'tis certain, that he is to be long absent from the Capital City: which will not seem so strange to him, that considers the multitude and confusion of [...] Kit­chens, Baggage, Women, Elephants, Camels, Oxen, Horses, Waiting-men, Porters, Fora­gers, Victuallers, Merchants of all sorts, that must follow the Army; nor to him, that knows the State and particular Government of that Country, wherein the King is the sole Proprietor of all the Lands of the Kingdom; whence it necessarily follows, that a whole Metropolitan City, such as Dehly and Agra, liveth of almost nothing but of the [Page 69] Soldiery, and is consequently oblig'd to follow the King when he taketh the Field; those Towns being nothing less than Paris, but indeed no otherwise govern'd than a Camp of Armies a little better and more conveniently lodg'd than in the open Field.

Besides all these things, you may also consider, if you please, that generally all this Militia, which I have been representing to you, from the greatest Omrah, to the meanest Soldier, is indispensibly paid every two months, the King's Pay being its sole refuge and relief; nor can its Pay be deferred there, as 'tis sometimes with us; where, when there are pressing occasions of the State, a Gentleman, an Officer, and even a simple Cavalier, can stay awhile, and maintain himself of his own Stock, Rents, and the In­comes of his Land. But in the Mogol's Country, all must be paid at the time prefix'd, or all disbands and starves, after they have sold that little they have; as I saw in this last War, that many were going to do, if it had not soon ceased. And this the more, because that in all this Militia, there is almost no Soldier that hath not Wife and Chil­dren, Servants and Slaves, that look for this Pay, and have no other hope of relief. And hence it is▪ that many wonder, considering the huge number of persons living of Pay (which amounts to millions) whence such vast Revenues can be had for such ex­cessive Charges: Although this need not to be so much wondred at, considering the Riches of the Empire, the peculiar Government of the State, and the said universal Propriety of the Sovereign.

You may add to all this, That the Grand Mogol keeps nigh him at Dehly and Agra, and thereabout, two or three thousand brave Horses, to be always ready upon occasion, as also eight or nine hundred Elephants, and a vast number of Mules, Horses, and Por­ters, to carry all the great Tents and their Cabinets, to carry his Wives, Kitchens, Hou­shold-stuff, Ganges-Water, and all the other Necessaries for the Field, which he hath always about him as if he were at home; things not absolutely necessary in our King­doms.

To this may be added those incredible Expences upon the Seraglio, more indispen­sible than will be easily believ'd; that vast store of fine Linnen, Cloth of Gold, Em­broideries, Silks, Musk, Amber, Pearls, sweet Essences, &c. consumed there.

All these Charges being put together, and compar'd with the Revenues the Mogol may be thought to have, it will be easie to judge, whether he be indeed so very rich, as he is made to be. As for me, I very well know, that it cannot be denied, that he hath very great Revenues; I believe, he hath more alone than the Grand Seignior, and the King of Persia, both together: But then, to believe all those extravagant Stories made of the vastness of his Revenues, is a thing I could never do: And if I should believe the best part of them, yet should I not believe him in effect and [...] so rich, as the World rings of him; unless a man would say, that a Treasurer, who receiveth great Sums of mony from one hand at the same time when he is oblig'd to disburse them to another, were therefore truly rich. For my part, I should count that King rich indeed, who, without oppressing and impoverishing his People too much, should have a Re­venue sufficient to keep a great and gallant Court, (after the manner of that of ours, or otherwise) and a Militia sufficient both to guard his Kingdom, and to make an impor­tant War for divers years against his Neighbours; as also to shew Liberality, to build some Royal Edifices, and to make those other Expences which Kings are wont to make according to their particular Inclinations; and who, besides all this, should be able to put up in his Treasury, for a Reserve, Sums big enough to undertake and maintain a good War for some years. Now I am apt enough to believe, that the Great Mogol enjoyeth very near these Advantages, but I cannot perswade my self, that he hath them in that excess, as is thought and pretended. Those vast and inevitable Expences, that I have taken notice of, will certainly incline you to my Opinion without any other con­sideration; but you will, doubtless, be altogether of my mind, when I shall have repre­sented to you these two things, which I am very well informed of.

The one is, that the Great Mogol, now reigning, about the end of this last Revolu­tion, though the Kingdom was everywhere in peace (except in Bengale, where Sultan-Sujah yet [...]eld out) was much perplexed where to find means for the subsistence of his Armies, though they were not so well paid as at other times, and the War lasted no longer than five years, or threabout, and though also he had laid hold of a good part of the Treasury of his Father Chah-Jehan.

The other is, That all this Treasure of Chah-Jehan, who was very frugal, and had Reigned above Forty years without considerable Wars, never mounted to six Kourours [Page 70] of Roupies. A Roupy is about twenty nine pence. An hundred thousand of them make a Lecque, and an hundred Lecques make one Kourour. [So that the six Kourours would make about seven Millions and an half English Money.] 'Tis true, I do not compre­hend in this great Treasure that great abundance of Goldsmiths work, so variously wrought in Gold and Silver; nor that vast store of precious Stones and Pearls of a very high value. I doubt, whether there be any King in the World that hath more. The Throne alone, cover'd with them, is valu'd at least three Kourors, if I remember aright: But then, it is to be consider'd also, that they are the spoils of those ancient Princes, the Patans and Rajas, gather'd and piled up from immemorial times, and still increasing from one King to another, by the Presents which the Omrahs are obliged year­ly at certain Festival-days to make him; and which are esteemed to be the Jewels of the Crown, which it would be criminal to touch, and upon which a King of Mogol in case of necessity would find it very hard to procure the least Sum.

But before I conclude, I shall take notice, whence it may proceed, that though this Empire of Mogol be thus an Abyss of Gold and Silver, (as hath been said,) yet not­withstanding there appears no more of it among the people, than elsewhere; yea, ra­ther that the People is there less Monied than in other places.

The first reason is, that much of it is consumed in melting over and over all those Nose and Ear-rings, Chains, Finger-rings, Bracelets of Hands and Feet, which the Women wear, but chiefly in that incredible quantity of Manufactures, wherein so much is spent, which is lost, as in all those Embroideries, Silk-stuffs, enterwoven with Gold and Sil­ver, Cloth, Scarf, Turbants, &c. of the same. For generally all that Militia loveth to be guided from the Omrahs to the meanest Soldiers with their Wives and Children, though they should starve at home.

The second, That all the Lands of the Kingdom being the Kings propriety, they are given either as Benefices, which they call Jah-ghirs, or, as in Turky, Timars, to men of the Militia for their Pay or Pension (as the word Jah-ghir imports:) Or else they are given to the Governours for their Pension, and the entertainment of their Troops, on condition that of the surplus of those Land-revenues they give yearly a certain sum to the King, as Farmers; Or lastly, the King reserveth them for himself as a particu­lar Domaine of his House, which never or very seldom are given as Jah-ghirs, and upon which he keeps Farmers, who also must give him a yearly sum; which is to say, that the Timariots, Governours and Farmers have an absolute Authority over the Country-men, and even a very great one over the Tradesmen and Merchants of the Towns, Boroughs, and Villages, depending from them: so that in those Parts there are neither great Lords nor Parliaments, nor Presidial Courts, as amongst us, to keep these People in awe: nor Kadis or Judges, powerful enough to hinder and repress their violence; Nor, in a word, any person, to whom a Country-man, Trades-man, or Merchant, can make his complaints to, in cases of extortion and tyranny, often practi­sed upon them, by the Soldiery and Governors, who every where do impunely abuse the Authority Royal, which they have in hand, unless it be perhaps a little in those pla­ces that are near to Capital Cities, as Dehli and Agra, and in great Towns and consi­derable Sea-ports of the Provinces, whence they know that the complaints can be more easily conveyed to the Court. Whence it is, that all and every one stand in con­tinual fear of these people, especially of the Governors more than any Slave doth of his Master: that ordinarily they affect to appear poor and money-less, very mean in their Apparel, Lodging, Houshold-stuff, and yet more in meat and drink; that often they apprehend even to meddle with Trade, lest they should be thought Rich, and so fall into the danger of being ruined: So that at last they find no other remedy to se­cure their Wealth, than to hide and dig their money deep under Ground, thus getting out of the ordinary commerce of men, and so Dying, neither the King nor the State having any benefit by it. Which is a thing not only happens among the Pea­sants and Artizans, but (which is far more considerable) amongst all sorts of Mer­chants, whether Mabumetans or Heathens, except some that are in the Kings, or some Omrahs Pay, or that have some particular Patron and support in power: But principally among the Heathen, which are almost the only Masters of the Trade and Money, infatuated with the belief, that the Gold and Silver, which they hide in their life-time, shall serve them after death. And this, in my opinion, is the true reason, why there appears so little money in Trade among the People.

But thence ariseth a Question very considerable, viz. Whether it were not more expe­dient, [Page 71] not only for the Subjects, but for the State it self, and for the Sovereign, not to have the Prince such a Proprietor of the Lands of the Kingdom, as to take away the Meum and Tuum amongst private persons; as 'tis with us; For my part, after a strict comparing the State of our Kingdoms, where that Meum and Tuum holds, with that of those other Kingdoms, where it is not, I am thoroughly perswaded, that it is much better and more beneficial for the Sovereign himself, to have it so as 'tis in our parts. Because that in those parts where 'tis otherwise, the Gold and Silver is lost, as I was just now observing: There is almost no person secure from the violences of those Timariors, Governours, and Farmers: The Kings, how well soever they be dis­posed toward their people, are never almost in a condition (as I lately noted) to get Justice administred to them, and to hinder tyrannies; especially in those great Domini­ons, and in the Provinces remote from the Capital Towns; Which yet ought to be, as doubtless it is, one of the chief employments and considerations of a King. Besides, this tyranny often grows to that excess, that it takes away what is necessary to the life of a Peasant or Tradesman, who is starved for hunger and misery; who gets no Chil­dren, or if he does, sees them die young for want of food; or that abandons his Land, and turns some Cavalier's man, or flies whither he may to his Neighbours, in hopes of finding a better condition. In a word, the Land is not tilled but almost by force, and consequently very ill, and much of it is quite spoiled and ruined, there being none to be found, that can or will be at the charge of entertaining the ditches and channels for the course of waters to be convey'd to necessary places; nor any body that care to build Houses, or to repair those that are ruinous; the Peasant reasoning thus with him­self: Why should I toil so much for a Tyrant that may come to morrow to take all away from me, or at least all the best of what I have, and not leave, if the fancy taketh him, so much as to sustain my life even very poorly? And the Timariot, the Governor and the Farmer, will reason thus with himself; Why should I bestow mony, and take pains of bettering or maintaining this Land, since I must every hour expect to have it taken from me, or exchanged for another? I labour neither for my self, nor for my Chil­dren; and that place which I have this year, I may, perhaps, have no more the next. Let us draw from it what we can, whilst we possess it, though the Peasant should break or starve, though the Land should become a Desart, when I am gone!

And for this very reason it is, that we see those vast Estates in Asia go so wretchedly and palpably to ruine. Thence it is, that throughout those Parts we see almost no other Towns but made up of earth and dirt; nothing but ruin'd and deserted Towns and Villages, or such as are going to ruine. Even thence it is, that we see (for Ex­ample) those Mesopotamia's, Anatolia's, Palestina's, those admirable Plains of Antioch, and so many other Lands, anciently so well tilled, so fertile, and so well peopled, at the present half deserted, untill'd and bandon'd, or become pestilent and uninhabitable Bogs. Thence it is also, that of those incomparable Lands of Egypt it is observ'd, that within less than fourscore years, more than the tenth part of it is lost, no people being to be found, that will expend what is necessary to maintain all the Channels, and to restrain the River Nile from violently overflowing on one hand, and so drowning too much the low Lands, or from covering them with Sand, which cannot be remov'd from thence but with great pains and charges. From the same root it comes, that Arts are languishing in those Countries, or at least flourish much less than else they would do, or do with Us. For what heart and spirit can an Artizan have to study well, and to apply his mind to his work, when he sees, that among the people, which is for the most part beggarly, or will appear so, there is none that considers the goodness and neatness of his Work, every body looking for what is cheap, and that the Grandees pay them but very ill, and when they please. The poor Tradesman often thinking himself happy, that he can get clear from them without the Korrah, which is that terrible Whip that hangs nigh the Gate of the Omrahs. Further, when he seeth that there is no help at all ever to come to any thing, as to buy an Office, or some Land for himself and Chil­dren, and that even he dares not appear to have a Penny in Cash, or to wear good Cloaths, or to eat a good Meal, for fear he should be thought rich. And indeed the beauty and exactness of Arts had been quite lost in those Parts long ago, if it were not that the Kings and Grandees there did give Wages to certain Workmen, that work in their Houses, and there teach their Children, and endeavour to make themselves able in order to be a little more consider'd, and to escape the Korrah; and if also it were not, that those great and rich Merchants of Towns, who are protected by good and [Page 72] powerful Patrons, pay'd those Workmen a little better; I say, a little Better; for, what fine stuffs soever we see come from those Countries, we must not imagine, that the Workman is there in any honour, or comes to any thing; 'tis nothing but meer Necessity, or the Cudgel, that makes him work, he never grows rich; it is no small matter, when he hath wherewith to live, and to cloath himself narrowly. If there be any mony to gain of the Work, that is not for him, but for those great Merchants of Towns, I was just now speaking of; and even these themselves find it often difficult enough to maintain themselves, and to prevent Extortion.

'Tis from the same cause also, that a gross and profound Ignorance reigns in those States. For, how is it possible, there should be Academies and Colleges well founded, where are such Founders to be met with? And if there were any, Whence were the Scholars to be had? Where are those that have means sufficient to maintain their Chil­dren in Colleges? And if there were, who would appear to be so rich? And if they would, Where are those Benefices, Preferments, and Dignities, that require Knowledg and Abilities, and that may animate young men to study?

Thence it is likewise, that Traffick languishes in all that Country, in comparison of ours. For how many are there, that care to take pains, to run up and down, to write much, and to run danger for another, for a Governor, that shall extort, if he be not in league with some considerable Sword-man, whose Slave he in a manner is, and that makes his own Conditions with him?

It is not there, that the Kings find for their service, Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, Sons of rich and good Families, Officers, Citizens, Merchants, and even Tradesmen, well born, well educated, and well instructed; men of Courage, that have a true affection and respect for their King, that often live a great while at the Court, and in the Army, at their own Expences, entertaining themselves with good hopes, and content with the favourable aspect of the Prince; and who, upon occasion, fight manfully, covetous to uphold the honour of their Ancestors and Families. Those Kings, I say, never see about them, but men of nothing, Slaves, Ignorants, Brutes, and such Courtizans as are raised from the Dust to Dignities; and that for want of good Education and Instru­ction, almost always retain somewhat of their Offspring, of the temper of Beggars, en­riched, proud, unsufferable, heartless, insensible of honour, disingenuous, and void of affection and regard for the honour of their King and Country. Here it is, where those Kings must ruine all, to find means to defray all those prodigious Charges, which they cannot avoid for entertaining their great Court, which hath no other source to subsist but their Coffers and Treasure, and for maintaining constantly the vast number of Sol­diers, necessary for them to keep the People in subjection, to prevent their running away, to make them work, and to get what is exacted from them, they being so many Desperado's, for being perpetually under hatches, and for labouring only for others.

Thence it is also, that in an important War that may happen (which may be almost at all times) they must almost of necessity sell the Government for ready Mony, and immense Sums, whence chiefly that ruine and defolation comes to pass which we see. For the Governor, which is the Buyer, must not he be re-imbursed of all those great Sums of mony, which he hath taken up, perhaps the third or fourth part, at high in­terest? Must not a Governor also, whether he have bought the Government or not, find means as well as a Timariot and a Farmer, to make every year great Presents to a Visir, an Eunuch, a Lady of the Seraglio, and to those other persons that support him at Court? Must he not pay to the King his usual Tributes, and withal enrich himself, that wretched Slave, half famish'd, and deeply indebted when he first appear'd, without Goods, Lands, and Revenues of his House, such as they all are. Do not they ruine all, and lay all waste? I mean▪those, that in the Provinces are like so many small Tyrants with a boundless and unmeasur'd Authority, there being no body there, as hath been already said, that can restrain them, or to whom a Subject can have refuge, to save him­self from their Tyranny, and to obtain Justice?

'Tis true, that in the Empire of the Mogol, the Vakea-nevis, that is, those Persons, whom he sends into the Provinces to write to him whatever passeth there, do a little keep the Officers in awe, provided they do not collude together (as it almost always happens) to devour all; as also that the Governments are not there so often sold, nor so openly as in Turky; I say, not so openly (for those great Presents, they are from time to time obliged to make, are almost equivalent to Sales) and that the Governors ordi­narily remain longer in their Governments; which maketh them not so hungry, so beg­garly, [Page 73] and so deep in debt, as those new Comers, and that consequently they do not always tyrannize over the people with so much cruelty; even apprehending, lest they should run away to the Raja's; which yet falls out very often.

'Tis also true, that in Persia the Governments are not so frequently nor so publickly sold as in Turky; the Sons of the Governors also succeeding often enough to their Fa­thers; which is also the cause, that the people there is often not so ill treated as in Turky, and occasions withal, that there is more politeness, and that even some there are that addict themselves to study. But all that is really but a slight matter; those three States of Turky, Persia and Indostan, forasmuch as they have all three taken away the Meum and Tuum as to Land, and propriety of Possessions (which is the foundation of whatever is good and regular in the World) cannot but very near resemble one ano­ther: they have the same defect, they must at last, sooner or later, needs fall into the same inconveniencies, which are the necessary consequences of it, viz. Tyranny, Ruine, and Desolation.

Far be it therefore, that our Monarchs of Europe should thus be Proprietors of all the Lands which their Subjects possess. Their Kingdoms would be very far from be­ing so well cultivated and peopled, so well built, so rich, so polite and flourishing as we see them. Our Kings are otherwise rich and powerful; and we must avow that we are much better and more royally served. There would be Kings of Desarts and Solitudes, of Beggars and Barbarians, such as those are whom I have been represent­ing; who, because they will have all, at last lose all; and who, because they will make themselves too rich, at length find themselves without riches, or, at least, very far from that which they covet after, out of their blind Ambition and Passion, of be­ing more absolute than the Laws of God and Nature do permit. For, where would be those Princes, those Prelates, those Nobles, those rich Citizens, and great Merchants, and those famous Artizans, those Towns of Paris, Lyons, Thoulouse, Rouen, London, and so many others? Where would be that infinite number of Burroughs and Villages, all those fair Country-houses and Fields, and Hillocks, tilled and maintained with so much Industry, Care and Labour? And where would consequently be all those vast Revenues drawn thence, which at last enrich the Subjects and the Sovereign both? We should find the great Cities, and the great Boroughs rendred inhabitable, because of the ill Air, and to fall to ruine without any bodies taking care of repairing them; the Hil­locks abandoned, and the Fields overspread with the Bushes, or filled with pestilential Marishes, as hath been already intimated.

A word to our dear and experienc'd Travellers: They would not find those fair con­veniencies of Travelling; they would be obliged to carry all things with them, like the Bohemians; and all those good Inns, for example, that are found between Paris and Lyons, would be like ten or twelve wretched Caravans-serrahs, that is, great Barns, rai­sed and paved, such as our Pont-neuf is, where hundreds of men are found pel-mel to­gether with their Horses, Mules and Camels, where one is stifled with heat in Summer, and starved of cold in Winter, if it were not for the breathing of those Animals, that warm the place a little.

But it will be said, we see some States, where the Meum and Tuum is not, (as for example, that of the Grand Seignior, vvhich vve knovv better than any, vvithout go­ing so far as the Indies) that do not only subsist, but are also very povverful, and en­crease daily.

'Tis true, that that State of the Gr. Seignior, of such a prodigious Extent as it is, having so vast a quantity of Lands, the Soil of which is so excellent, that it cannot be destroyed but very difficultly, and in a long time, is yet rich and populous; but it is certain also, that if it were cultivated and peopled proportionably to ours▪ (which it would be, if there were propriety among the Subjects throughout) it would be a quite different thing; it would have people enough to raise such prodigious Armies as in old times, and rich enough to maintain them. We have travelled through almost all the parts of it; we have seen how strangely it is ruined and unpeopled; and how in the Capital City there now need three whole months to raise five or six thousand men. We know also, what it would have come to ere this, if it had not been for the great number of Christian Slaves that are brought into it from all Parts. And no doubt but that, if the same Government were continued there for a number of years, that State would de­stroy it self, and at last, fall it by its ovvn Weakness, as it seems that already it is hard­ly maintained but only by that means, I mean, by the frequent change of Governors; [Page 74] there being not one Governor, nor any one man in the vvhole Empire, that hath a penny to enable him to maintain the least thing, or that can almost find any men, if he had money. A strange manner to make States to subsist! There vvould need no more for making an end of the Seditions, than a Brama of Pegu, who killed the half of the Kingdom with hunger, and turned it into Forests, hindring for some years the Lands from being tilled, though yet he hath not succeeded in his Design, and the State have afterwards been divided, and that even lately Ava, the Capital Town, was upon the point of being taken by an handful of China Fugitives. Mean time we must confess, that we are not like to see in our days that total ruine and destruction of this Empire we are speaking of, (if so be we see not something worse) because it hath Neighbors, that are so far from being able to undertake any thing against him, that they are not so much as in a condition to resist him, unless it be by those succours of strangers, which the remoteness and jealousie would make slow, small, and suspect.

But it might be yet further objected, that it appears not, why such States as these might not have good Laws, and why the People in the Provinces might not be enabled to come and make their Complaints to a Grand Visir, or to the King himself. 'Tis true, that they are not altogether destitute of good Laws, and that, if those which are amongst them were observed, there would be as good living there, as in any part of the World. But what are those Laws good for, if they be not observed, and if there be no means to make them to be executed? Is it not the Grand Visir, or the King that appoints for the People such beggarly Tyrants, and that hath no others to set over them? Is it not He that sells those Governments? Hath a poor Peasant or Tradesman means to make great Journies, and to come and seek for Justice in the Capital City, re­mote, perhaps, 150 or 200 Leagues from the place of his Abode? Will not the Go­vernor cause him to be made away in his journy (as it hath often hapned) or catch him sooner or later? And will he not provide his Friends at Court, to support him there, and to represent things quite otherwise than they are? In a word, this Governor, hungry as well as the Timariots and Farmers (that are all men for drawing Oyl out of Sand, as the Persian speaks, and for ruining a World, with their heap of Women-har­pies, Children and Slaves) this Governor, I say, is he not the absolute Master, the Superintendant of Justice, the Parliament, the Receiver, and all?

It may perhaps be added, That the Lands, which our Kings hold in Domaine, are no less well tilled and peopled, than other Land. But there is a great difference between the having in propriety some Lands here and there in a great Kingdom (which changes not the Constitution of the State and Government) and the having them all in pro­priety, which would alter it altogether. And then we in these Parts have Laws so ra­tional, which our Kings are willing to be the first to observe, and according to which they will that their particular Lands shall be governed as those of their Subjects are, so as to give way, that Actions of Law may be laid against their own Farmers and Offi­cers, so that a Peasant or Tradesman may have means to obtain Justice, and to find remedy against the unjust violence of those that would oppress him: Whereas in those Parts of Asia, I see almost not any refuge for those poor People; the Cudgel and the Hammer of the Governor being in a manner the only Law that rules, and decides all Controversies there.

Lastly, It may be said, that 'tis at least certain, that in such States there is not such a multitude of long-lasting Suits of Law, as in these Parts, nor so many Lawyers of all sorts, as amongst us. It is in my opinion, very true, that one cannot too much applaud that old Persian Saying, Na-hac Kouta Beter-Ez hac Deraz, that is, Short In­justice is better than long Justice; and that the length of Law-Suits is unsufferable in a State, and that it is the indispensable duty of the Sovereign, by all good means, to en­deavor a remedy against them. And 'tis certain, that by taking away this Meum and Tuum, the Root would be cut of an infinite number of Law-Processes, and especially of almost all those that are of importance, and long and perplexed; and consequently there would not need so great a number of Magistrates, which our Sovereigns do em­ploy to administer Justice to their Subjects, nor that swarm of men, which subsist only by that way. But 'tis also manifest, that the Remedy would be an hundred times worse than the Disease, considering those great inconveniences that would follow there­upon, and that in all probability the Magistrates would become such as those of the Asi­atick States, who deserve not that Name; for, in a word, our Kings have yet cause to glory upon the account of good Magistracy under them. In those Parts, some Mer­chants [Page 75] excepted, Justice is only among the meanest sort of People, that are poor, and of an unequal condition, who have not the means of corrupting the Judges, and to buy false Witnesses, that are there in great numbers, and very cheap, and never punished. And this I have learn'd every where by the experience of many years, and by my solici­tous Enquiries made among the People of the Country, and our old Merchants that are in those Parts, as also of Ambassadors, Consuls and Interpreters; whatever our com­mon Travellers may say, who, upon their having seen by chance, when they passed by, two or three Porters, or others of the like Gang, about a Kady, quickly dispatching one or other of the Parties, and sometimes both, with some lashes under the sole of their Feet, or with a Maybalé Baba, some mild words, when there is no Wool to sheer; who, I say, upon sight of this, come hither and cry out, O the good and short Ju­stice! O what honest Judges are those in respect of ours! Not considering in the mean time, that if one of those Wretches, that is in the wrong; had a couple of Crowns to corrupt the Kady, or his Clerks, and as much to buy two false Witnesses, he might ei­ther win his Process, or prolong it as long as he pleased.

In conclusion, to be short, I say, That the taking away this Propriety of Lands among private men, would be infallibly to introduce at the same time Tyranny, Slavery, Injustice, Beggary, Barbarism, Desolation, and to open a Highway for the ruine and de­struction of Mankind, and even of Kings and States: And that on the contrary, this Meum and Tuum, accompanied with the hopes that every one shall keep, what he works and labours for, for himself and his Children, as his own, is the main foundation of whatever is regular and good in the World: Insomuch that whosoever shall cast his eyes upon the different Countries and Kingdoms, and taketh good notice of what fol­lows upon this Propriety of Sovereigns, or that of the People, will soon find the true source and chief cause of that great difference we see in the several States and Empires of the World, and avow, that this is in a manner that which changes and diversifieth the Face of the whole Earth.

The End of the SECOND TOME.

A LETTER TO Monsieur de la MOTHE le VAYER, WRITTEN At DEHLI, JƲLY 1. 1663.
CONTAINING The Description of DEHLI and AGRA, and divers Particu­lars discovering the Court and Genius of the Mogols and Indians.

SIR,

I Know that one of the first Questions you are like to ask me, at my return in France, will be, Whether Dehli and Agra are Cities as fair and large, and as well peopled as Paris. Concerning its Beauty, I shall tell you by way of Preface, that I have sometimes wonder'd to hear our Europeans, that are here, despising the Towns of the Indies, as not coming near ours, in respect of the Edifices. Certainly they ought not to resemble them; and if Paris, London, and Amsterdam, stood in the place where Dehli is, the greatest part of them must be thrown down, to build them after another manner. Our Cities indeed have great Beauties and Embellishments, but they are such that are proper to them, and accommodated to a cold Climat. Dehli also may have its Beauties peculiar to it, and sutable to a very hot Climat: For you are to know, that the heat here obligeth all People, even the great Lords, and the King him­self, to go without Stockings, in a kind of Slippers only, a fine and slight Turbant on their Heads, and the other Garments accordingly; that there are months in the Sum­mer so excessively hot, that in the Chambers one can hardly hold ones hands against a Wall, nor ones head on a Cushion: And that People are oblig'd for the space of more than six months to lie without covering, at the door of their Chamber, as the Rabble doth in the open Streets, or as the Merchants, and other People of some Quality do, in some airy Hall or Garden, or upon some Terrass well watered at Night: thence you may judge, whether if there were such streets as that of St. Jacques, or St. Denis, with their Houses shut, and of so many Stories high, they would be habitable? And whether in the Night, especially when the heats are without wind and stuffing, it would be pos­sible to sleep there? And who is there (I pray) that would have a mind in Summer, when he returns on Horseback from the City half dead, and in a manner stifled of the heat and dust, and all in a Sweat, (for so it is) to go climbing up an high pair of Stairs, which often is narrow and dark, to a fourth or fifth Story, and to abide in this hot and suffocating Air? On such occasions they desire nothing, but to throw down into the Sto­mack a Pint of fresh Water, or Lemonade, to undress, to wash the Face, Hands and Feet, to lie down in some cool and shady place all along, having a Servant or two to fan one by turns, with their great Panhas, or Fans. But, to leave this, we shall now endeavour to entertain you with the representation of Dehli as it is, that so you may judge, whether it be truly said, that it is a fair City.

[Page 77] It is now about forty years that Chah-Jehan, Father of the Grand-Mogol Aureng-Zebe now reigning, to eternize his memory, caused to be built a Town contiguous to old Dehli, which he called after his Name Chah-Jean-Abad, and by way of abbreviation Jean-Abad; that is to say, a Colony of Chah-Jehan, designing to make it the Capital of the Empire, instead of Agra, where he said, that the Summer heats were too vio­lent. This nearness hath occasioned, that the ruines of old Dehli have served to build a new City; and in the Indies they scarce speak any more of Dehli, but only of Jehan-Abad. Yet notwithstanding, since the City of Jehan-Abad is not yet known amongst us, I intend to speak of it under the old name of Dehli, which is familiar to us.

Dehli then is a Town altogether new, seated in a plain Campagne, upon a River like our [...]oire, called Gemna, and built along one side of the River only; there being but one Boat-bridge to pass over into the Plain. This Town is surrounded with Walls, except the River side: these Walls are of Bricks, and without a considerable defence, they be­ing without a Ditch, and having nothing to flank them but round Towers after the old way, distant from each other an hundred common paces, and a rampart behind them, four or five foot thick. The compass of these Walls, comprizing the Fortress, is not so big as is commonly believed: I have gone it round with ease in three hours; and I be­lieve not, though I was on Horseback, that I dispatched more than one league in an hour: 'tis true, that if you will take into the Town a very long Suburb, which goeth towards Lahor, as also what remains inhabited of old Dehli, which is likewise a great and very long Suburb, and besides, three or four small Suburbs more, all that would make in a direct line above a league and a half, and such a compass which I cannot well determine, because that between the Suburbs are great Gardens, and large spaces not built; but I may say, that thus taken it would be of a prodigious bigness.

The Fortress, in which is the Mehalle, or Seraglio, and the other Royal Apartments, which I shall hereafter speak of, is built round upon the River; yet there is between the Water and the Walls a pretty large and long sandy space, where commonly Elephants are exercised, and where frequently the Militia of the Omrahs and Rajas is mustered in the King's presence, who looks out of the Windows of one of his Apartments. The Walls of the Fortress, as to their round antick Towers, are very near like those of the Town, but they are partly of Bricks, and partly of a certain red Stone resembling Mar­ble, which maketh them look fairer than those of the Town; besides that, they are much higher, stronger and thicker, being able to bear some Field-pieces that are there planted towards the Town; and incompassed also, excepting that side which respects the River, with a fair Ditch, walled up with Free-stone, full of Water and Fish. But yet whether they are considerable for strength; a battery of some middle sized Canons would, in my opinion, soon cast them down.

Round about the Ditch there is a pretty large Garden, at all times full of Flowers and green Apricocks, which together with those great Walls all red, maketh a very fine sight.

About this Garden is the great Street, or rather the great Place Royal, to which the two great and principal Gates of the Fortress do answer, and to these Gates the two chief Streets of the Town.

In this great Place it is, where the Tents of the Rajas are, that are in the King's Pay, to keep there every one in his turn their weekly Guard; whereas the Omrahs and the Mansebdars, or small Omrahs, keep it within the Fortress. These little Soveraigns are not pleased to see themselves thus and so long shut up in a Fort.

In this very Place it is, where at the break of day are exercised the Horses of a long Royal Stable, near it. And here 'tis also, that the Kobat-kan, or great Commissioner of the Cavalry, carefully vieweth the Horses of those Cavaliers, that have been received into Service, to the end that if these Horses are of Turkistan, or Tartary, and large and strong enough for Service, the King's Mark, and that of the Omrahs, under whom such Cavaliers are to be listed, may be branded upon them: A thing not ill devised, to pre­vent the mutual Loan of Horses in the Musters.

This same Place is also a kind of Bazar, or Market, of an hundred things sold there, and a Rendezvous of Players, and Juglers of all sorts, as the Pont-neuf at Paris. It is no less the Meeting-place of the poor Astrologers, as well Mahumetan as Heathen. These Doctors (forsooth) sit there in the Sun upon a piece of Tapestry, all covered with dust, having about them some old Mathematical Instruments, which they make shew of to draw Passengers, and a great open Book representing the Animals of the Zodiack. These [Page 78] men are the Oracles, but rather the Affronters of the Vulgar, to whom they pretend to give, for one Payssa, that is, a penny, good Luck; and they are they, that looking up­on the Hands and the Face, turning over their Books, and making a shew of Calculati­on, determine the fortunate moment when a Business is to be begun to make it success­ful. The mean Women, wrapt up in a white Sheet from Head to Foot, come to find them out, telling them in their Ear their most secret Concerns, as if they were their Confessors, and (which smells very strongly of Stupidity and Folly) entreat them to render the Stars propitious to them suitable to their Designs; as if they could absolutely dispose of their Influences.

The most ridiculous of all these Astrologers, in my opinion, was that mongrel Portu­guese, fugitive from Goa, who sate in that Place with much Gravity upon his piece of Ta­pestry, like the rest, and had a great deal of Custom, though he could neither write nor read, and as for Instruments and Books, was furnished with nothing else but an old Sea-Compass, and an old Romish Prayer-Book in the Portuguese Language, of which he shewed the Pictures for Figures of the Zodiack: A tal Bestias, tal Astrologuo: For such Beasts, such Astrologer, said he to the Reverend Father Buze, a Jesuit, who met him in that Place.

I here speak only of the pitiful Astrologers of the Bazar; for there are others in these Parts, that are in the Courts of the Grandees, and are considered as great Clerks, and are very rich; whole Asia being overspread with this Superstition. The Kings and the great Lords, who would not undertake the least things without consulting them, allow them great Salaries, that they may read to them what is written in the Heavens, (for so they speak here) and take out for them that fortunate moment, I was lately speaking of; or find out, at the opening of the Alcoran, the decision of all their Doubts.

To return; these two principal Streets, which I said do answer to the two Gates of the Fortress, and to the Place, may have twenty five or thirty common paces in breadth, and they run in a streight line as far as you are able to see: Yet that which leads to the Gate of Labor, is much longer than the other; but they are both alike as to the Houses. There is on both sides nothing but Arches, as in our Place Royal; yet with this diffe­rence, that they are but of Bricks, and that there is not any Building upon them, but only the Terrass. There is also this difference, that they are not continued Galleries. These Arches are generally severed by Rails that make Shops which are not to be shut, where Trades-men work in the day, where Bankers sit for their Business, and where Merchants set out their Wares, which at night they lock up in a Magazin, the little Door of which, to be shut, is in the bottom of every Arch.

It is upon this Magazin, which is in the back-part of the Arches, that the Houses of Merchants are built and raised, which make a Shew good enough towards the Street, and are also pretty convenient, being well aired, out of the way of the dust, and ha­ving for their Floor the terrasses of the Arches, upon which they can walk to look out upon the Street, and to sleep at night in fresco. But excepting these Houses of the chief Streets, and a few others, there are not many of these fair Houses, that are thus raised upon Terrasses; nor are even these two Streets universally furnisht with them, there be­ing mostly upon the Magazin, or on the side, nothing but a small Building, not seen from the Street, the great Merchants having their Houses somewhere else, whither they retire at night.

Besides these two principal Streets, there are yet five others, which indeed are not so long nor so streight, but for the rest are altogether like them. There are also a great many other Streets crossing those on all sides, whereof there are also some furnisht with Arches; but because they have been built piece-meal by such particular persons, as have not observed the Symmetry that was requisite, they are, for the most part, neither so large nor so streight, nor so well built as the others.

Amongst all these Streets are spread every where the Houses of the Mansebdars, or little Omrahs, and those of the men of the Law, as also of many great Merchants, and other private men; of which there is a good number that are passable. It is true, there are but few that are all of Brick or Stone, and there is even a good number of these, that are made all of Earth only, and thatched; but for all that, they are convenient, because they are generally airy, being furnished with Courts and Gardens. Nor are they disa­greeable within, forasmuch as besides the fine moveables, these thatched Coverings are supported by a layer of certain long Canes, that are hard and strong, and very pretty, and because also these earthen Walls are plastered over with very fine and very white Chalk.

[Page 79] Amongst these Houses I have been speaking of, that are tolerable, there is also a pro­digious number of other small ones, that are only made up of Earth and Straw, where all the simple Cavaliers, and their Servants, and all those little people of the Market, that follow the Court and the Army are lodged.

It is from these thatched Houses that Dehli is so subject to Fires. This last year there were burnt above sixty thousand such, at two or three times that they took Fire, when there blew certain impetuous Winds, that rise chiefly in Summer. The Fire was so quick and so violent, that it surprised the Houses, and many Horses also that could not be time enough loosened; and there were even some of these poor Women burnt, that never had been out of the Seraglio, and that are so weak and shamefaced when they see people, that they know nothing else but to hide their Faces.

And it is upon the account of these pitiful Houses of Earth and Straw, that I look upon Dehli almost no otherwise than as many Villages joyned together, and (which I have already said in another place) as a Camp of an Army, a little better and more commo­diously placed, than in the Field.

As to the Houses of the Omrahs, that are also up and down in this City, and princi­pally upon the River, and even in the Suburbs: You are to know that in these hot Countries, to entitle an House to the name of Good and Fair, it is required it should be commodious, seated in a Place well aired, and capable to receive the Wind from all sides, and principally from the North; having Courts, Gardens, Trees, Conservatories, and little jets of Waters in the Halls, or at least at the Entry; furnished also with good Cellars with great Flaps to stir the Air, for reposing in the fresh Air from twelve till four or five of the Clock, when the Air of these Cellars begins to be hot and stuffing: or having in lieu of Cellarage certain Kas-kanays, that is, little Houses of Straw, or rather of odoriferous Roots, that are very neatly made, and commonly placed in the midst of a Parterre near some Conservatory, that so the Servants may easily, with their Pompion­bottles, water them from without. Moreover it is required for the beauty of an House, that it be seated in the midst of some great Parterre, that it have four great Divans or Ways raised from the ground to the height of a man, or thereabout, and exposed to the four Parts of the World, to receive the Wind and the Cold from all the Parts it may come from. Lastly, it is requisite for a good House to have raised Terrasses, to sleep up­on in the night, such as are of the same Floor with some great Chamber, to draw in ones Bed-stead upon occasion; that is to say, when there comes some Tempest of Rain or Dust, or when that rousing freshness of the break of day awakens you, and obliges you to look for a Covering: or else when you apprehend that small and light Dew of the morning, which pierceth, and causeth sometimes benumming and paralitical Symptoms in the Limbs.

As to the interior part of an House, it is requisite that the whole Floor be covered with a matteress of Cotton four inches thick, covered with a white fine linnen Sheet during Summer, and with a piece of silk Tapestry in Winter: That in the most conspi­cuous part of the Chamber, near the Wall, there be one or two cotton Quilts, with fine flowered Coverings, and set about with small and fine embroidery of Silk, wrought with Gold and Silver, for the Master of the House, or Persons of Quality coming in, to sit upon; and that every Quilt have its cross Board, purfled with God, to lean upon: that round about the Chamber, along the Walls, there be several of these cross Boards, as I just now mentioned, handsomly covered with Velvet or flowred Sattin, for By­standers also to lean upon. The Walls five or six foot from the Floor, must be almost all with Niches, or little Windows, cut in an hundred different manners, or shapes, ve­ry fine, well measured and proportioned to one another, with some porcelain Vessels and Flower-pots in them; and the Ground must be painted and guilded, yet without any figure of Man or Beast, their Religion not allowing thereof.

This is as near as I know, the Idea of a handsom and convenient House in these Parts: And as there is a good number of them in Dehli, that have all these Qualities mentioned, or at least in part, according to which they are more or less fair and gal­lant: I believe one may say, without any injury to our Towns, that Dehli is not with­out Houses that are truly handsom, although they be not like ours in Europe.

Concerning the Appearance and Riches of the Shops, (which is the thing that con­tributeth most to the beauty of our Towns in Europe) although Dehli be the Seat of a ve­ry potent and magnificent Court, and consequently the resort of infinite quantities and varieties of rich Wares; yet we are not to imagine, that you shall find there our Streets [Page 80] of St. Denis; I know not whether there be any such in all Asia. And even as to the most fine and the most rich Stuffs, they are commonly but in the Magazins, their Shops are not furnisht with them: So that for one Shop that maketh any shew, that is, where there are sold those fine sorts of Linnen, those Stuffs of Silk streaked with Gold and Sil­ver, Cloth of Gold, Turbands embroidered with Gold, and other Commodities of great price; you shall always find five and twenty and more, that are filled with nothing but Pots of Oyl and Butter, and Panniers one upon another full of Rice, Barley, Pease, Corn, and many other sorts of Grain and Legume; which are the ordinary Food not only of all the Gentiles, that never eat any meat, but also of the meaner sort of the Ma­humetans, and of a good part of those of the Souldiery.

It is true that there is a Fruit-market that maketh some shew. One may there see in Summer abundance of Shops full of dry Fruit, that come out of Persia, Balk, Bokara, and Samarkand, as Almonds, Pistaches, small Nuts, Raisins, Prunes, Apricocks, and the like. And in Winter there are found excellent Raisins fresh, black and white, brought from the same Countries, well wrapt up in Cotton; also Apples and Pears of three or four sorts, and of these admirable Melons that last all Winter. But all this Fruit is very dear; I have seen Melons sold even for a Crown and an half a piece. And they are in­deed the great delicacy and expence of the Omrahs. I have often seen in the House of my Aga, that there was eaten in Melons in one morning for more than twenty Crowns. There are none but the Melons of the Country that are cheap in Summer, but those are not so good. The Grandees only, that take care to send for Seed out of Persia, and to get the Ground well fitted for them, may eat good ones; yet that but rarely neither, the Ground being not so proper but that the Seed degenerateth the very first year.

It is true, there is yet another Fruit called Amba, or Mangue, which in its season, during two Summer months, is found in great plenty and very cheap; but those of Dehli are none of the best, being very loose and flashly: those of Bengala, Golkonda, and Goa, are admirable. It hath a certain sweetness so peculiar, that I doubt whether there be any Comsit in the World so pleasant. There are also Pateques, or Water-Melons in abundance, and almost all the year long; but they also do not thrive well at Dehli; they never have their meat so ruddy, firm and suggary; and if there be any good, they are not to be found but amongst the Great ones, who take the pains of making them grow as Melons, with extraordinary care and cost.

There be also up and down in Dehli Shops of Comfit-makers; but all their Comfits are very ill done, being full of Dust and Flyes.

There are besides many Shops of Bread every where, but because they have no Ovens like ours, it is never well baked: yet in the Fortress there is sold some that is reasona­bly good; and the Omrahs cause such to be made in their Houses that is very delicate, sparing no new Butter, Milk, nor Eggs: yet though they leaven it, it is always much inferior in goodness to our Bread of Gonesse, and to those other sorts of excellent Bread of Paris, it savouring always of the Cake or Simnel.

In these Bazars there are also some Tents, where they trade in Rost-meat, and in dressing I know not how many sorts of Dishes; but all that is but beggarly, nasty, and ill meat. I fear you sometimes meet with the flesh of Camels, Horses, or Oxen, dead of sickness: I do not much trust them; so that if you will eat any thing worth eating, you must have it dressed at home.

There are also many Shops every where where they sell Flesh; but you must take heed, lest they give you Mutton for Kid; the Mutton and Beef, but especially Mutton, though well enough tasted, being here very hot, windy, and of ill digestion. The best meat here is young Kid, but it is very rarely sold in the Market by Quarters; so that if you have a mind to eat any, you must buy a whole and a live one; which is inconcenient enough, because the meat is spoiled between one morning and evening, and is common­ly so lean, that it is tasteless. Ordinarily you find in the Shambles nothing but the quarters of great Kids, which often also are very lean and hard. It is true, that since I have learned something of the manner of the Country, I find both Meat and Bread good enough, because I send my Servant to the Fortress to the King's Caterers, who are ve­ry ready to let him have what is good for good payment, though it cost them nothing. And it was in reference to this, that one day I made my Agah smile, when I told him that I had I know not how many years lived by artifice and stealing, and that for all the 150 Crowns pay he monthly allowed me, I was ready to be starved; whereas in France for half a Roupy, I could every day eat as good a bit of meat as the King.

[Page 81] They have no Capons, all that People b [...]ing too tender-hearted towards all Animals but Men, whom they need for their Seraglios. But the Markets are full of Hens, that are very good and cheap: Among the rest there is one sort of little ones, that I called Aethiopian Hens, because they have their skin black like the Aethiopians, which are very tender and very delicate.

Pidgeons there are, but no young ones, because they will not kill them young; they would be (say they) too small, and it were ill done to kill such poor little Animals.

There are also Partridges, but smaller than ours, and generally (seeing they bring them afar off alive, knowing how to take them with Nets) they are worse than our Pullets. The like may be said of their Ducks and Hares, of which they also bring whole Cages full alive.

Concerning Fish, the People here are no great Fish-mongers; yet at times one meets with very good Fish, especially of two sorts, the one resembleth our Pike, and the o­ther our Carp; but that is only when it is not cold, for the Indians fear that much more than we Europeans apprehend heat. And if at any time you meet accidentally with any, the Eunuchs, who love them excessively, (I know not why) carry them presently a­way. None but the Omrahs have power to make men fish when they please, which they do with the Korrah, that great common Whip always hanging at their Gates.

From all that I have said, you may by the By see, whether a man ought to leave Pa­ris to come to Dehli to make good cheer. Certainly the Grandees have all things, but that is upon the account of their many Servants, of the Korrah, and of the plenty of Money. And thence it was I once said, that at Dehli there is no mean; there you must either be a great Lord, or live miserably: for I have experienced it my self, in a man­ner dying of Hunger this good while though I have had considerable Pay, and was re­solved to spare nothing that way, because commonly there is found nothing in the Mar­kets but the refuse of the Grandees. Besides that, the soul of a Feast which is good Wine, is not there; not that no Grapes do grow there to make Wine, (for I have drunk some at Amadevad and Golkonda, in the Houses of English men and Hollanders, that was not ill) but because it is prohibited to make Wine, in regard that not only by the Law of Mahomet, but also by that of the Heathen, it is not permitted to drink any: So that it is very rare to find Wine, and that which we find comes out of Persia from Chiras by Land to Banderabasy, from thence by Sea to Suratte, and from Suratte hither by Land in forty six days: or it comes from the Canaries, brought also over Sea to Suratte by the Dutch. And both are so dear, that the cost (as the saying is) maketh it lose the taste; for a Bottle holding about three Parisian pints cometh often to six or seven Crowns, and more. That which is of this Countreys growth is called Arac, a strong Water made of Sugar not refined, and even this is expresly prohibited to be sold, and there are none but Christians that dare drink of it, except others do it by stealth. This is a Drink very hot and penetrant, like the Brandy made of Corn in Poland. It so falls upon the Nerves, that it often causeth shaking Hands in those that drink a little too much of it, and casts them into incurable Maladies. Here we must accustom our selves to fair and good Water, and to Lemonade, which is excellent, and may be made with small charges, and doth not spoil the Stomach. But to say all, a man hath no great in­clination, in such hot Countries as these to drink Wine; and I am willing notice should be here taken together with me, that the abstinence from Wine in these Parts, joyned to the general sobriety of the Natives, and to the sweats and perpetual transpiration made by the pores, are the cause (in my opinion) that we almost know not what is the Gout, the Stone, Aches of the Kidneys, Rheumatisms, Quartans; and that those that bring any of these Sicknesses hither, as I did, are at length totally freed from them: and further, that the Pox it self, though very frequent, is not so cruel nor so pernicious here as in Europe: so that People generally live here more healthily than with us. But then on the other hand, there is not so much vigour here in People, as in our cold Cli­mat; and this feebleness and languor of body is a kind of perpetual malady, very troublesom to all, especially in the great heats of Summer, and especially to the Europe­ans, whose bodies are not yet inured to heat.

As for Shops of excellent Handy-craftsmen, that is also a thing we must not look for here: all we find is but very little; not that the Indians have not wit enough to make them successful in Arts, they doing very well (as to some of them) in many Parts of India, and it being found that they have inclination enough for them, and that some of them make (even without a Master) very pretty workmanship, and imitate so well [Page 82] our Work of Europe, that the difference thereof will hardly be discerned. I have seen amongst them even of our kind of Guns, very fine and very good; and pieces of Gold­smiths Work so well done, that I doubt whether in Europe they could be made better. I have also seen in Picture and Miniature such curious and delicate pieces, that I admi­red them. Amongst others, I have seen the Combats of Eckbar, represented upon a Buckler by a famous Painter, who was said to have been seven years working at it, which seemed to me an admirable piece of Work. It is manifest, that they want no­thing but good Masters, and the precepts of Art to give them just proportions; and above all, that life of the Face, to which they have not yet been able to attain. The Reason therefore why in the Shops of Dehli there are rarely found good Handy-crafts­men, is not want of Wit, but contempt of the Workmen, who are ill treated, and whose Work is debased to too low a price. If some Omrah, or Mansebdar, will have any thing made by a Workman of the Bazar, he will send for him, and make him work in a manner by force, and afterwards pay him as he pleaseth; and the man will think himself happy too, if in part of payment he receive not the Korrah. What heart then can a poor Workman have to take pains to succeed in his Workmanship? He considers nothing but to dispatch his Work, thereby to earn something to put Bread into his Mouth. So that if there be any of them that succeed, they are of those whom the great Lords entertain in their Service, and that work only for them.

Touching the things within the Fortress, where are the Seraglio, and some other Royal Edifices, you must not look for a Louvre, or an Eseurial; those Buildings do not resemble ours, nor by what I have said, ought they to resemble them: it is enough that they have that stateliness, which is proper to the Climat.

I find nothing remarkable at the entry, but two great Elephants of stone, which are on the two sides of one of the Gates. Upon one of them is the Statue of Jamel, that famous Raja of Chitar, and upon the other, that of Polta his Brother. These are those two gallant Men, that together with their Mother, who was yet braver than they, cut so much Work for Eckbar; and who in the Sieges of Towns, which they maintained against him, gave such extraordinary proofs of their Generosity, that at length they would rather be killed in the out-falls with their Mother, than submit: and for this Gallantry it is, that even their Enemies thought them worthy to have these Statues erected for them. These two great Elephants, together with the two resolute Men sitting on them, do at the first entry into this Fortress make an impression of I know not what greatness and awful terror.

After you have passed this Gate, you find a long and large Street, divided into two by a Channel of running Water, and having on both sides, as our Pont-neuf, a long raised Wall five or six foot high, and four broad; and further off some Arches shut, that follow one another all along in the form of Gates. It is upon this long raised Place that those Clerks, Controllers, and other small Officers sit to do their Office, without being incommoded by the Horses and People that pass along beneath. And it is there also where the Manseb-dars, or little Omrahs, are at night to keep the Guard. The Water of the Channel runneth dividing it self through the whole Seraglio, and at length falleth into the Ditches to fill them. It is drawn out of the River by a Channel opened five or six leagues above Dehli, and conveyed cross the Field, and that through some Rocks that have cost great pains to be cut in divers places. And this is very near what may be seen at the entry into one of the two principal Gates, that answer to the great Piazza.

If you enter at the other Gate, you also find presently a pretty long and large Street, having its risings on the sides as the other, together with Shops upon them in lieu of the Arches. This Street is properly a Bazar, which is very commodious during the season of the Rains and Summer, because it is covered by a long and large Vault, which hath on the top great openings to let in light.

Besides these two Streets, there are many other small ones on the right and left hand, that lead to the Apartments, where the Omrahs keep their Guard, each in his turn, once a week, for twenty four hours. These Places are stately ones for Corps de Gardes, the Omrahs striving to beautifie them at their own charges. These are ordinarily great raised Places respecting a Parterne, that hath its little Channels of running Water, small Conservatories and Jets of Water. The Omrahs during the twenty four hours of Guard, take no care for their Table, the King sending them all their Meat ready dres­sed, and they being but to receive it, as they do, with very much Ceremony and Re­spect, [Page 83] making three obeysances of thanks, by elevating their Hand upon their Head, and bowing down to the ground, their Face turned toward the King.

There are also found many raised Walks and Tents in sundry Places, that are the Offices of several Officers. Besides, there are many great Halls that are the Kar-kanays, or Places where Handy-craftsmen do work. In one of these Halls you shall find Em­broiderers at work, together with their Chief that inspects them; in another you shall see Gold-smiths; in a third Picture-drawers; in a fourth Workmen in Lacca; in o­thers, Joyners, Turners, Taylors, Shoo-makers; in others, Workmen in Silk and pur­fled Gold, and in all those sorts of fine Cloth, of which they make Turbands, Girdles with golden flowers, and those Drawers of Ladies, that are so fine and delicate, as that sometimes they last them but one night, though they often cost them ten or twelve Crowns, when they are of that fashion, as I have mentioned; I mean, enriched with those fine Embroideries of Needle-work.

All these Handy-craftsmen come in the morning to those Kar-kanays, and work there all day long, and at night return to their several homes, every one passing his Life qui­etly, without aspiring above his condition: for the Embroiderer maketh his Son an Em­broiderer, the Gold-smith maketh his Son a Gold smith, and a Physician in a Town maketh his Son a Physician; and no body marrieth but with those that are of his Trade: which is religiously observed, not only among the Heathen, that are obliged to it by their Law, but almost always among the Mahometans themselves: Whence it is that you may often see very handsom young Women, that remain unmarried, passing their time as well as they can, though they might meet with good Matches, if their Parents would or could marry them into another Family, esteemed less noble than their own.

After all these Apartments, we come at length to the Am-kas, which is something very Royal. This is a great square Court with Arches, as may be our Place Royal: with this difference, that there are no Buildings atop, and that the Arches are severed from one another by a Wall, yet so that there is a small Gate to pass from one to the other. Over the great Gate, which is in the middle of one of the sides of this Square, there is a large raised Place, all open on the side of the Court, which is called Nagar­kanay, because that is the Place where the Trumpets are, or rather the Hoboys and Tim­bals, that play together in consort at certain hours of the day and night: but this is a very odd consort in the Ears of an European that is a new comer, not yet accustomed to it: for sometimes there are ten or twelve of those Hoboys, and as many Timbals, that sound altogether at once; and there is an Hoboy which is called Karna, a fathom and an half long, and of half a foot aperture below; as there are Timbals of Brass or Iron, that have no less than a fathom in diameter: whence it is easie to judge, what a noise they must needs make. Indeed this Musick in the beginning did so pierce and stun me, that it was unsufferable for me; yet I know not what strange power custom hath, for I now find it very pleasing, especially in the night, when I hear it afar off in my bed upon my Terrass; then it seemeth to me to carry with it something that is grave, ma­jestical and very melodious. And there is some Reason for this melody; for seeing it hath its Rules and Measures, and that there are excellent Masters taught from their youth to manage it, and perfectly know how to qualifie and temper those strong sounds of the Hoboys and Timbals, it cannot be otherwise, but they must thence obtain some sympathy that cannot be displeasing to the Ear, provided (as I said) that it be heard at a distance. And even for this Reason it is, that they have placed the Nagar-kanay, very high, and remote from the Ears of the King, as you will hear by and by.

Over against the great Gate of the Court, upon which is the Nagar-kanay, beyond the whole Court, there is a great and stately Hall, with many ranks of Pillars high rais­ed, very airy, open on three sides, looking to the Court, and having its Pillars and Ground painted and guilded. In the midst of the Wall, which separateth this Hall from the Seraglio, there is an opening, or a kind of great Window high and large, and so high that a Man cannot reach to it from below with his hand: There it is where the King appears seated upon his Throne, having his Sons on his sides, and some Eunuchs standing, some of which drive away the Flyes with Peacocks-tails, others fan him with great Fans, others stand there ready with great respect and humility for several Servi­ces. Thence he seeth beneath him all the Omrahs, Rajas, and Ambassadors, who are al­so all of them standing upon a raised Ground encompassed with silver Rails, with their Eyes downwards, and their Hands crossing their Stomachs: somewhat further off he [Page 84] seeth the Mansebdars, or lesser Omrahs, which are also all standing in the same posture and respect as the Omrahs do: and somewhat further off, in the remaining part of the Hall, and in the Court, he seeth a great crowd of all sorts of People. For there it is where the King every day about noon giveth a general Audience to all; which is the Reason that this great Hall is called Am-kas, that is, Place of Audience, or a Place of Meeting common to great and small.

During an hour and an half, or thereabouts, whilst this Assembly lasteth, the King is diverted by seeing pass before him a certain number of the handsomest Horses of his Stables, to see whether they be well dressed, and in good plight. So he doth see a good number of Elephants passing also before him, whose dirty bodies are then well washed and cleansed, and painted black like Ink, except that they have two great streaks painted red, which from the top of their Head come down to their Trunk, where they meet. These Elephants have then also certain deckings embroidred with a couple of silver Bells hanging down on the sides, fastened to the two ends of a great silver Chain, passing over their Shoulders; as also certain Cow-tails of the great Tibet, white and very dear, hanging at their Ears like great Mustachoes: and two little Elephants well accoutred going by their sides, as if they were their Slaves and appointed to serve them. These great Colosses, as if they were proud to see themselves so bravely adorned and at­tended, march with much gravity; and when they are come before the King, the Con­ductor that sits upon their Shoulders, with a pointed Iron in his Hand pricketh them, and speaketh to them, and maketh them bow with one Knee, and lift up the Trunk into the Air and make a noise, which the People take for a Taslim, or deep Salute.

After these Elephants there are brought divers tamed Gazelles, which are made to fight with one another; as also some Nilgaux, or grey Oxen, which in my opinion are a kind of Elands and Rhinoceross, and those great Buffalos of Bengala with their prodigi­ous Horns to combat with a Lion or Tiger; likewise Leopards, or Panthers tamed, which he useth in the hunting of Gazelles: further, some of those handsom hunting Dogs of Ʋsbeck of all sorts, every one with his little red Cover; store of Birds of prey of all kinds, some of which are for Partridges, others for Cranes, others to fall upon Hares, and, as they say, upon the very Gazelles, beating their Heads and blinding them with their Wings and Claws.

Often also one or two of the Omrahs cause at that time to pass their Cavalry for a review before the King: the Omrahs coveting that their Horsemen should appear gallant, advantagiously decked with extraordinary Garments, and their Horses trapped with Iron, and harnessed with I know not how many different and odd fashions.

The King taketh sometimes pleasure himself to cause Cutlases, or short Swords, to be tryed upon dead Sheep, brought to him without the bowels, and very neatly packed up, where the young Omrahs, Manseb-dars and Gourze-berdars, or Mace-bearers, strive to shew their force and dexterity by cutting asunder the four Legs joyned together, and the Body of the Sheep all in one stroke.

Mean time all these Divertisements are nothing but an Interlude of serious Affairs: for as I have said, the King omits not to make a Muster of his Cavalry, and well to view them himself. We have seen, that the War being ended, there is not one Cava­lier, nor any other Souldier, but He hath seen him and examined him, either to increase his Pay, or to lessen it, or quite to cashier him. Besides it is seen every day, that he commands the Petitions, which are shewed him afar off in the crowd of the People, to be brought to him and to be read: ordering the Parties concerned to approach, and examining them, and often causing Justice to be done them immediately, although he hath the Adalet-kanay, the Chamber of Justice, where he ordinarily is present once a week, attended by his two first Kadys, or Chief Justices: and though also at one other time in the week he hath the patience to hear in private, for the space of two hours, ten Persons of the common People, whom a good and rich old Man presents to him. Whence it appears (to note that by the By) that those Kings, how barbarous soever esteemed by us, do yet constantly remember, that they owe Justice to their Sub­jects.

All what I have been relating to you of what is transacted in this Assembly of the Am­kas, seems to me great and royal; but that which hath extreamly offended me there, is a kind of Adulation too mean and flat, commonly heard in that Place. For the King cannot say a word to any purpose, but he is presently exalted, and some of the first Om­rahs lifting up their Hands, as if they were to receive some Benediction from Heaven, [Page 85] cry out, Karamat! Karamat! Wonder! Wonder! Neither is there any Mogolian but he knoweth and glorieth in reciting this Proverb in Persian Verse:

Aguer chach ronzra Gouyed cheh est in
Bubayed Goust inck mah ou peruin.

If the King saith at Noon-day, it is Night, you are to say, behold the Moon and the Stars. This Vice passeth even unto the People. I have seen an hundred times People of Mo­gol, who having need of me in some Business, made no scruple to come and tell me to my Face for a Preamble, that I was Aristotalis, Bocrate, and Abouysina Ʋlzaman; the Aristotle, the Hippocrates, and the Avicenna of the Time. At first I endeavoured to fence my self against it by this ordinary Complement, that I was none such, and was far infe­rior to the merit of those Men: but that made them worse; so that I thought it better to accustom my Ears to their Flattery, as I have done to their Musick. I cannot forbear imparting to you this little piece of Flattery, because that will let you see the more how far they carry it. A Pendet Brachman, or Heathen Doctor, whom I had put to serve my Agah, at the entring into his Service would needs make his Panegyrick, and after he had compared him to the greatest Conquerors that ever were, and told him an hundred gross and impertinent Flatteries, at last concluded seriously with this; When you put your Foot into the Stirrup, my Lord, and when you march on Horse-back in the front of the Cavalry, the Earth trembleth under your feet, the eight Elephants, that hold it up upon their Heads, not being able to support it. I could not hold laughing, and I strove seri­ously to tell my Agah, who could not hold neither, that then he would do well not to go on Horse-back but very seldom, to prevent Earthquakes, which often cause so great Mischiefs. Who quickly made this Reparty with a constrained Countenance between serious and smiling: And it is therefore that I cause my self ordinarily to be carried in a Pale­key.

But no more of this: from the great Hall of the Am-kas one enters into a more retired Place, called the Goselkane, that is, the Place to wash in. But few are suffered to enter there; neither is the Court of it so great as that of the Am-kas: but the Hall is very handsom, spacious, painted and guilded, and its Floor raised four or five foot high. There it is where the King is seated in a Chair, his Omrahs standing round about him, and giveth a more particular Audience to his Officers, receiveth their Accompts, and treateth of the most important Affairs of State. All the Omrahs are obliged to be with­out fail every evening at this Assembly, as in the morning at the Am-kas; else some­thing is retrenched of their Pay. There is only my Agah Danechmend-kan, that because he is a Person of Learning, and perpetually busie in studying, or in foreign Affairs, is dispensed with, except Wednesday, which is his day of being upon the Guard. These are indispensible Customs, and it is very just they should be so in respect of the Omrahs, because they are in a manner so in respect of the King: for he almost never faileth to be at these two Assemblies, unless some urgent Affair do supervene, or he be exceeding sick. And we did see, that Aureng-Zebe, even in his last Sickness, which was very dangerous, failed not to make himself to be carried thither once a day at least. It is true, he being sick to extremity, that if he had not been seen there, the whole King­dom would presently have been in disorder, and the Shops shut up in the City.

Whilst the King in this Hall of Gosle-kanay is busie, as I was saying, they omit not to let pass before him most of the things that are made to pass at the Am-kas. There is only this difference, that this Assembly being held in the evening, and the Court being then less, the review of the Cavalry of the Omrahs is not made, as in the morning at the Am-kas: but then there is this of particular, that all the Manseb-dars that are upon the Guard do salute the King, and pass before him with Ceremony enough: before them marcheth with sufficient Pomp that which is called the Kours, which are many Figures of Silver carried at the end of some great silver Sticks, that are very fine and ve­ry artificially made; of which there are two that represent two great Fishes, two o­thers that exhibit a phantastick Animal of an horrid figure, by them called Eiedeha; o­thers that represent two Lions, others two Hands, others Scales, and many more where­of they make Mysteries. Amongst these Kours and Manseb-dars, are mixt many Gour­ze-berdars, or Mace-bearers, who are chosen Men, tall of Stature, and of a good Mean, (spoken of elsewhere) and appointed to prevent Disorders in Assemblies, and to run about with speed to carry the Orders, and to execute the Commands of the King.

[Page 86] I now wish I could lead you about in the Seraglio, as I have done in the rest of the Fortress: but who is the Traveller that can speak of that as an Eye-witness? I have sometimes entred into it when the King was not at Dehli, and I think pretty far, upon the occasion of a great Lady, that was so sick that she could not be carried to the Gate, according to custom; but I had always a Covering of Kachemire over my Head, which like a great Scarf hung down to my Feet, and an Eunuch conducted me by the Hand, like a blind Man, so that I cannot particularly describe to you what it is. Only in gene­ral I can tell you, according to what I have learnt from some Eunuchs, that in it there are very handsom Apartments severed one from another, more or less great and stately, according to the Quality and the Pensions of the Women; that there is almost no Chamber but it hath at its Door a Store-house of running Water; that 'tis full of Par­terres, pleasant Walks, shady Places, Rivolets, Fountains, Jets of Water, Grotta's, great Caves against the heat of the day, and great Terrasses raised high, and very airy, to sleep upon in the cool: in a word, you know not there what 'tis to be hot. They prin­cipally boast of a little Tower respecting the River, being, say they, covered with Plates of Gold, as those two that are at Agra, and within all Gold and Azure, very handsom and rich Pictures and Looking-glasses.

This is very near what I can tell you of the Fortress, yet before we leave it, let us return once more to the Am-kas. I am now going to represent it to you after the man­ner I saw it at certain Festivals of the Year, especially at that which was kept after the War for an extraordinary rejoycing; for this is one of the most remarkable things I have seen.

The King appeared sitting upon his Throne, in the bottom of the great Hall of the Am-kas, splendidly apparelled. His Vest was of white Sattin flowred, and raised with a very fine Embroidery of Gold and Silk. His Turban was of Cloth of Gold, having a Fowl wrought upon it like an Heron, whose foot was covered with Diamonds of an extraordinary bigness and price, with a great Oriental Topas, which may be said to be matchless, shining like a little Sun. A Collar of big Pearls hung about his Neck down to his Stomach, after the manner that some Heathens wear here their great Beads. His Throne was supported by six high Pillars, or Feet, said to be of massie Gold, and set with Rubies, Emeralds and Diamonds. I am not able to tell you aright, neither the number nor the price of this heap of precious Stones, because it is not permitted to come near enough to count them, and to judge of their water and purity. Only this I can say, that the big Diamonds are there in confusion, and that the Throne is estimated to be worth four Kouroures of Roupies, if I remember well. I have said elsewhere, that a Roupie is almost equivalent to half a Crown, a Lecque to an hundred thousand Rou­pies, and a Kourour, to an hundred Lecques: so that the Throne is valued forty millions of Roupies, which are worth about sixty millions of French Livers. Chah-Jehan, the Father of Aureng-Zebe, is he that caused it to be made, to shew so many precious Stones as successively had been amassed in the Treasury, of the Spoyls of those ancient Patans and Rajas, and of the Presents which the Omrahs are obliged to make yearly upon cer­tain Festival days. The Art and Workmanship of this Throne is not answerable to the Matter: that which I find upon it best devised, are two Peacocks covered with precious Stones and Pearls, which are the work of a French-man, called—that was an admirable Workman, and that after having circumvented many Princes with his Doub­lets, which he knew how to make admirably well, fled unto this Court, where he made his Fortune. Beneath this Throne there appeared all the Omrahs in splendid Apparel, upon a raised Ground covered with a great Canopy of purfled Gold with great golden Fringes, and inclosed by a silver Balistre. The Pillars of the Hall were hung with Ta­pestries of purfled Gold, having the ground of Gold; and for the roof of the Hall, there was nothing but great Canopies of flowred Sattin, fastened with red silken Cords, that had big tufts of Silk mixt with threads of Gold hanging on them. Below there was nothing to be seen but great silken Tapestries very rich, of an extraordinary length and breadth. In the Court there was set abroad a certain Tent they call the Aspex, as long and large as the Hall and more. It was joyned to the Hall by the upper part, and reached almost as far as to the middle of the Court; mean time it was all inclosed by a great Balistre covered with Plates of Silver. It was supported by three Pillars, being of the thickness and height of a Barge-mast, and by some lesser ones, and they all were co­vered with Plates of Silver. It was red from without, and lined within with those fine Chittes, or Cloth painted by a Pencil of Maslipatan, purposely wrought and contrived [Page 87] with such vivid Colours, and Flowers so natural drawn of an hundred several fashions and shapes, that one would have said, it were an hanging Parterre. Thus was the great Hall of the Am-kas adorned and set out.

As to those arched Galleries, which I have spoken of, that are round about the Court, each Omrah had received order to dress one of them at his own charges. And they now striving who should make his own most stately, there was seen nothing but pur­fled Gold above and beneath, and rich Tapestries under foot.

The third day of the Feast, the King caused himself to be weighed with great Cere­mony, and after him divers Omrahs, in great Scales, and with Weights said to be of massie Gold. I remember that all the Omrahs expressed a great joy, that the King weighed two pounds more now than the year preceding.

Every year there are held such kind of Festivals, but never any was seen done with so much splendor and charge. It is said, that that which induced Aureng-Zebe to celebrate this splendid Feast, was nothing else but to make the Merchants of purfled Gold reco­ver themselves, who had whole Magazins full of it, much spoiled in those four or five years of War, wherein they could not sell them. These Expences of the Omrahs were great; but the simple Cavaliers paid their share of it, because that the Omrahs after the Feast made them take off that Commodity to make Vests thereof.

There is an ancient Custom accompanying these Feasts, which little pleaseth the Om­rahs: And it is this, that then they are by respect obliged to make some fair Presents to the King in proportion of their Pay. There are some, that to appear brave, or for fear of being searched for the Rapines by them committed in their Offices and Govern­ments; or to purchase the Favour of the King, in the hopes of having their Pensions augmented, make him Presents that are extraordinary. Some (which is ordinary enough) do present fine Vessels of Gold set with precious Stones; others present fair Pearls, Diamonds, Emeralds, or Rubies; others (which also is very common) give him, without other Ceremony, a quantity of those pieces of Gold, that are worth a­bout a Pistol and an half. I remember, that Aureng-Zebe, being gone to visit (during this great Festival) his Visir Jafer-kan, not as Visir, but as a Kinsman, and under the pretence of desiring to see a piece of Building, which he had caused to be raised anew, Jafer-kan presented him in these pieces of Gold, with the value of an hundred thousand Crowns, some good Pearls, and one Ruby valued forty thousand Crowns; but which Chah-Jehan, who was admirably well skill'd in Jewels, discovered not to be worth five hundred Crowns; the which perplexed the first Jewellers exceedingly, that had been deceived therein.

There is another thing sometimes attending these Feasts, which is odd enough: And that is a kind of Fair, then held in the Mehale, or the King's Seraglio. The Women of the Omrahs and of the great Manseb-dars, or little Omrahs (I mean those that are the handsomest and the most gallant) are the She-Merchants that keep the Fair, and sell Commodities; the King is the Merchant that buyeth, as also all those Begums or Prin­cesses▪ and other great Ladies of the Seraglio. The Wares are fine purfled Gold, or rich Embroideries of the new fashion, some rich Ribbons well wrought upon Cloth of Gold, or some pieces of that fine Cloth which is worn by the great Ladies, and other such Merchandize of great price. If they have ever a handsom Daughter, they forget not to bring her along with them to let the King see her, and so make her known to those Begums. The jest of this Fair is, that the King comes to bargain with those She-Merchants, like a petty Merchant, penny by penny, contesting that they are not in ear­nest, that it is too dear, that he will give no more than so much; that the Merchandize of such an one is far better, and the like. The Women, on the other hand, do their best to make good their part, and without considering that 'tis the King, (which is the best of the sport) they contend and stand upon their price, till sometimes they come to high words, as that that is to be a Merchant of Snow, (one of their phrases) that he understands nothing in the matter of Wares, that he may go to another Place, that that Commodity is not for him, &c. The Begums do the like, or worse, for they sometimes fall to downright railing, so that there is such a cry and noise, and boufonnery, that it cannot be parallel'd. But when any price is agreed on, who ever buyeth on this or that side, the King payeth, and the Begums pay, all with ready money: and it also falls out often enough, that the King and the Begums, instead of Silver Roupies, let slide (in favour of the handsom She-Merchant, or her Daughter) some Roupies of Gold, as if 'twere by mistake, and without taking notice of any thing. The She-Merchants also [Page 88] take it in like manner, all passeth with expressions of rallery and gallantry. Chah-Jehan, who did not hate the Sex, would still multiply this Fair, and have it at all Fe­stival days, though he knew it did not very well please some Omrahs. But there is one thing, which to me seems to be a little too extravagant; which is, that the publick Women, I mean not those of the Bazar, but those more retired and considerable ones, that go to the great marriages in the houses of the Omrahs and Manseb-dars to sing and dance, those that are called Kenchen, as if you should say, the guilded, the blossoming ones; that those, I say, did also enter in the time of Chah-Jehan into the Seraglio at such Fairs, and there passed even the whole night in singing and dancing. These are not of that sort which prostitute themselves promiscuously to all; and they are most of them handsome and well apparelled, and excellent singers and dancers, after the mode of the Country, surprising in the suppleness of their body, and the nimbleness of their motions, yet in the upshot of the rank of Publick Women. Chah-Jehan was not content only to have them come to the Seraglio at those Feasts, but when they came to salute him, according to that antient custom that obligeth them to come every Wed­nesday to do obeysance to the King in the Amkas, he often made them to enter there, and to pass all night with him in such sports and boufonries, Aureng-Zebe is more serious, he suffers them not to come into the Seraglio: he permits only (not to abrogate the cust­om) that they may ordinarily come every Wednesday to give him the Salam, or Salute, in the Am-kas, at a distance, but they must presently return home again.

But since we are upon these Feasts and Fairs, and speak of these Kenchens, what hurt were it if I should tell you a story to make you merry, of one of our French Men; since Plutarch is of opinion, that little things are not always to be passed by, and that they often mind us more of the genius and temper of men than the greatest. This French Man called Bernard, was at this Court about the latter years of King Jehan-Guire. He must needs have been some good Physitian, and withal Excellent in Chirurgery, accord­ing to the relations that are made of him. He was welcome to Jehan-Guire, and be­came very familiar with him, to that degree that they drank▪and debauched together. Nor did this Jehan-Guire ever think on any thing, but a good cup and merriment, leav­ing the management of the State to his Wife, the renowned Nour-Mehale, or Nour-Jehan-Begum, which he used to say, had wit enough to govern the Empire without his giv­ing himself any trouble about it. Besides that this our Country-man had of the King ten Crowns daily pay, he gained yet more by treating those great Ladies of the Seraglio, and the grand Omrahs, that all made use of him, and presented him who could best, because he was both successful in his Cures, and extraordinarily favoured by the King: But he was a man that could keep nothing, what he received with one hand, he at the same time gave away with the other, so that he was known and loved by all, especially by those Kenchens, upon whom he made great expences, having always a set of them that passed the night at his house in singing and dancing. Mean time he chanced to fall in love with one of these Women that was young and beautiful, and danced exceeding well; but the Mother apprehending least the Daughter, by prostituting her self, should lose her strength and vigor (as it will fall out) would not let her go out of her sight: so that Bernard could never find any other way to compass his ends but this. One day when the King made him a Present in the Am [...]kas, before all the Omrahs, for a consi­derable Cure he had done in the Seraglio, he very submissively gave his Majesty thanks, waving the Present, but instead of it, begged this favour of him, that he would vouchsafe to give him this young Kencheny, which he was amorous of, and which stood behind him, ready to make the usual obeysance to the King. The whole Assembly brake out out into laughter to see him wave the Present, and to hear him make so ridiculous a de­mand, he being a Christian, and the Woman a Mahometan and a Kencheny. But Jehan-Guire, who never troubled his head much with Mahometanism, and could not hold laughing aloud, presently commanded that this young Woman should be given him, saying, Lay her on his shoulders, and let him carry her away. So said, so done; and in the presence of the whole Assembly this Kenchen was put on Bernard's back, who went away thus charged, and carried her to his house.

I cannot forbear giving you here [...]an account of a divertisement, which usually these Feasts end with, and which is unknown to us in Europe: and that is the combat of the Elephants, which the King, the Ladies of the Court, and the Omrahs do behold from several apartments of the Fortress, and which is shewn before all the people in this great sandy place which looks to the River.

[Page 89] They raise a wall of earth three or four foot broad, and five or six foot high. The two Elephants that are to fight, meet one another face to face, one on the one side of the wall, the other on the other, each having two Riders upon him, that so, if the first, who sits on his shoulders (having a great pointed iron in his hand, to turn the Beast on the right or left hand) should fall, the other, who sits backward, may cast himself into his place. These four Riders or Guides, do animate their Elephants to the Combat, and vigorously to fall upon their enemy, now flattering them, and by and by chiding them as cowards, and very rudely kicking them with their heels. After they have been a good while thus chafed and pusht on, then you shall see these two bulky masses come to the wall, and bluntly assault one another, and give such cruel blows with their teeth, head and trunk, that you would think they would soon strike one another dead. This fight continues a while, then ceaseth, and begins afresh several times, until the mud­wall being overthrown, the stoutest of the two passeth upon the other, maketh him turn his back, pursueth him with blows of his teeth and trunk, and gets such an hold­fast upon him, that there is no means of seperating them, except it be with the Cher­kys, that is, certain artificial fires cast betwixt them, this Animal being very fearful of fire: whence it comes, that since Fire-arms have been used in Armies, Elephants do almost no good at all. It is true indeed, that some of those brave ones that come out of Ceilan, are not so timerous; but that is not till they have been whole years accustomed to it, by discharging every day Muskets before them, and by casting squibs between their legs. Mean time, this conflict of the Elephants would be no such displeasing fight, if it were not so cruel, it often happening, that some of those poor Guides are trod under foot and perish: for the Elephants in the combat have this malice, that they strive above all things to strike with their trunk, and to pull down the conductor of their ad­versary; and thence it is, that on the day when these poor Riders know they are to make the Elephants fight, they bid farewel to their Wives and Children, as if they were con­demned to death. That which encourages and comforts them, is, that if they escape and quit themselves well of their duty, the King increases their pay, and commands a sack of Peyssas, which amounts to about fifty French Livres, to be forthwith given them, or if they be killed upon the spot, he orders that pay to be made to the Widow, and the Office to be given to his Son, if he have any. There is another mischief, which of­ten accompanieth this combat; which is, that in this great throng there are always some persons overthrown by the Elephant, or trod under foot by the Horses and People, that on a sudden run away all at once, and fall one upon another, when the Elephants are enraged, and the one pursueth the other, so that then one cannot at any nearness look on but with danger. For my part, the second time I saw it, I did sufficiently repent for having approached so nigh, and if I had not had a good Horse, and two good Servants, I believe I should have paid for my curiosity as dear as others.

But 'tis time we should leave the Fortress, and return into the City, there to observe to you two things I had forgot. The first is the great Mosquee, seen afar off in the midst of the Town, standing upon a rock, flatted to build upon, and to make round a­bout a large place for four long and fair Streets to end upon, and answering to the four sides of the Mosquee, viz. one to the principal Gate, or Frontispiece, another behind that, and the two others to the two Gates that are in the middle of the two remaining sides. To come to the Gates, there are twenty five or thirty steps of fair and large Stones going round about, except the back-part, which is covered with other great Quarry-stones to cover the uneveness of the cut Rock: which contributes much to make this Fabrick make a shew. The three Entries are stately, there is nothing but Marble, and their large Gates are covered with Copper Plates exceedingly well wrought. Above the principal Gate, which is much statelier than the two others, there are many small Turrets of white Marble as well without as within; that in the middle is much big­ger and higher than the two others. All the rest of the Mosquee, I mean from these three Domes unto the great Gate, is without covering, because of the heat of the Coun­try; and the whole Pavement is of large squares of Marble. I grant willingly, that this structure is not according to the rules and orders of Architecture, which we esteem is indispensably to be followed; yet I observe nothing in it that offends the eye; but rather find all to be well contrived, and well proportioned: And I do even believe, that if in Paris we had a Church of this way of Architecture, it would not be disliked, if there were nothing else in it but that'tis of an extraordinary and surprising aspect, and because that, excepting the three great Domes and all the Turrets, which are of [Page 90] white Marble it appears all red, as if all were nothing else but great Tables of red Marble, though it be nothing else but a stone very easie to cut, and which even flaketh off in time. I shall add by the by, that if it be true what is said of the quarries of this stone, 'tis remarkable, that it grows again every year; whether it be by a petrescent water yearly filling it, or otherwise, I decide not.

This Mosquee it is to which the King repaireth every Friday (which is the Sunday of the Mahumetans) to pay his devotion. Before he goes out of the Fortress, the Streets he is to pass, are constantly watered because of the heat and dust. Two or three hundred Musquetiers are to stand and make a lane about the Gate of the Fortress, and as many more on the sides of a great Street that ends at the Mosquee. Their Mus­quets are small, but well wrought, and they have a kind of Scarlet-case with a little streamer upon them. Besides there must be five or fix Cavaliers well mounted ready at the Gate, and ride at a good distance before the King, for fear of raising dust; and their office is to keep off the people. Things being thus prepared, the King is seen to come out of the Fortress seated upon an Elephant richly harnassed, under a Canopy with Pillars painted and guilded; or else on a Throne shining of Gold and Azure, upon two beams, covered with Scarlet or purfled Gold, carried by eight chosen and well accou­tred men. The King is followed by a body of Omrahs, some of which are on horse-back, some in a Palekey. Among these Omrahs there are many Manseb-dars, and Mace-Bearers, such as I have before spoken of. And though this be not that solendid and magnificent Procession, or rather Mascarade of the Grand Seignior, (I have no pro­perer name for it) nor the warlike order of our Kings, it being altogether of another fashion, yet for all that there is something great and royal in it.

The other thing I had forgot to acquaint you with, is an Edifice in the City, called the Karvansarab of the Princess; the renowned Begum-Saheb, eldest Daughter of Chah-Jehan, having caused it to be built at her charges, and willing to contribute something to the decoration of the Town, as all the Omrahs strove to do to please Chah-Jehan. This is another great Square, arched like our Palace-Royal, but still with this difference, that one Arch is separate from the other by a wall, and that in the bottom of every Arch there is a little Chamber; and besides that, above the Arches there is a Gallery which rangeth round about the building, to enter into as many high Chambers, as there are below. This Place is the Rendezvous of all the great Merchants, Persians, Ʋsbecks, and other Strangers that ordinarily do there find empty Chambers convenient enough, to stay in for some time in great safety, the Gate being shut every night. If there were a score of such Structures in divers parts of Paris, Strangers newly arri­ving would not be in that trouble, as often they are to find safe Lodgings; for there they might be until they had seen their Acquaintance, and looked for good Accomoda­tion: besides that they would serve for Magazins of all sorts of Commodities, and for the Rendezvous of all Merchants Strangers.

Before we leave Dehli, I shall add a few lines in reference to this question, which doubtless you'l make, viz. Whether in Dehli there be as much People and Gallantry as at Paris? Certainly when I consider those three or four Cities of Paris that are one a­bove another, all those Chambers and other Rooms full from top to bottom; when I farther consider that incredible throng and confusion of Men and Women, of Horse-men and Passengers on foot, of Chariots, Sedans and Coaches, and that there are but few great Piazzas and Gardens in Paris; this City seems to me a Nursery of the World, and I can hardly believe, that there are as many People in Dehli. Yet notwithstanding when I reflect upon that multitude of Shops on one side of Dehli, and on the other, upon the vast extent of that City, and that there are never less in it then 35000 Cavaliers, not to speak of the Houses of the Omrahs; that of all these Cavaliers, there are very few but have Wives and Children, and a great number of Servants having their Houses apart as their Masters; and that all these Houses swarm with Women and Children: that in many places of Dehli, though the Streets be broad, and there be but few Chariots and no Coaches, yet at the hours when the heat suffers People to come abroad for their business, there is great confusion: When (I say) I consider all this on the other hand, I do not well know what to determine about the question, and I imagine, that if there be not altogether so much People in Dehli as in Paris, at least there wants not much of it.

Concerning the number of gallant People, it must be acknowledged, that there is this difference between those of Paris and Dehli, that of ten Persons met with upon the Streets of Paris, you shall see seven or eight well cloathed and of some fashion, which [Page 91] no Man will count rascally or beggerly People; whereas in Dehli, for two or three Persons that are pretty well covered, you shall always find seven or eight poor and rag­ged People; the Army which is there drawing after it all that crew of Beggers and Rascals. Yet this is to be acknowledged for a truth, that in Dehli, as well as in Paris, one meets with a very great quantity of Persons well made, gallant, well mounted, well dressed, and well attended: And indeed, to be upon the great Place before the Fortress at the hours when all those Omrahs, Rajas, and Manseb-dars go to the Assembly and to the Guard, that hath something, great and splendid in it: when you shall see there every where arrive those Manseb-dars well accoutred, shining with Gold, and well mounted, a couple of Men going before them to make place, and as many behind; when you shall also see many of those great Omrahs and Rajas riding upon proud Elephants, and some of them on Horse-back like the Manseb-dars, and most of them sitting in their rich Palekys, carried upon the shoulders of six men, their back leaning against some thick Cushion of purfled Gold, chewing their Betele, to have a good breath and vermilion lips, with a Servant on the side carrying a Tooth-pick, and a Porcelain or silver Spit­ting-Veslel; and two more, fanning him and keeping off the flies and dust from him with Peacocks-tails; and three or four others marching before to put by the People; to which is to be added part of their Cavalry (I mean the bravest and best mounted of them) following after: When, I say, all this is seen together marching, as hath been said, with the crowd made there as well as at Paris, it will not be denied to be some­thing great and very gallant.

As to the Country about Dehli, it is considerable for its fertility; for it beareth Rice, Millet, and three or four other sorts of Legumes, (which is the ordinary food of the common People) Corn, Sugar, Indigo, and all that in abundance. At two leagues off the City on Agra's side, in a place by the Mahumetans called Koja Kotubeddine, there is a very antient Edifice which hath been a Temple of Idols, where are Inscriptions that must also be very antient, the Characters of them being such that no body knows what they are, and different from those of all the Languages of the Indies,

On another side, at two or three leagues distance from the Town, you see an House of pleasure of the Kings, which indeed is a stately and Royal House, but yet you must not think it approach to Fontain-bleau, or to St. Germain, or to Versaille. Neither must you imagine that in this Campagne of Dehli there are any St. Cloux, Chantilly's, Meudons, Liancours, Vaux, Ruelles, and many such others; or that you see there any of those o­ther inferior Houses of pleasure belonging to simple Gentlemen, Citizens and Merchants. The Maxime, That the Subjects of a Kingdom have no propriety in any thing, hinders all that.

Lastly, to make you pass quickly those fifty or sixty leagues, which are betwixt Dehli and Agra, you are not to think, that upon this road you shall see any such large and rich burroughs as there upon our roads. Set aside Maturas, where you see still an antient and stately Temple of Idols, and excepting some Karavan-sarrahs, that are well enough, found on the high-way to serve for night-lodgings, I find nothing considerable there, but that Royal Alley of Trees planted by the command of Jehan-Guire, and continued by the same order for an hundred and fifty leagues, with little Pyramids or Turrets erected every half league, to mark the ways, and with frequent wells to afford drink to Passengers, and to water the young Trees.

Of AGRA.

TO pass to the description of Agra, you have the Idea of it, if you have well taken that of Dehli; at least in respect of its seituation, which is also upon the Gemma, and in regard of the Fortress, or Royal House, and of most of the Buildings. It is true, that Agra hath this advantage over Dehli, that being a City where the Kings have already resided a long while, viz. since Akber, who caused it to be built, and called it after his name Akber-abad, it is of greater extent then Dehli, and hath more of those fine Houses of the Omrahs and Rajas, and more of the fair Karvansarrahs, as also more of those pretty Houses of Stone and Brick belonging to particular Persons; besides that it hath two famous Tombs, of which I shall speak hereafter: But then it hath these disadvantages, that it wants Walls; that having been built altogether by one design, it hath not those fair and large Streets of uniform buildings as Dehli; and that excepting four or five of those principal Streets of Merchants, which are very long and well [Page 92] enough built, all the rest for the most part, is nothing but a number of little Streets, streight without proportion, and nothing but windings and turnings; which causes strange confusions when the Court is there. I see no other difference between Agra and Dehli, then that I have been just now speaking of; except it be that Agra hath more of a Country Town then Dehli, especially when we look upon it from an higher place: But 'its not such a Country-aspect as disgraceth it, but a very agreeable and divertising one; for, there being betwixt the Houses of Omrahs, Rajas and others, store of big green Trees mixt, every one having been curious to plant of them in his Garden and in his Court for shade; and besides, those high Houses of the Banians, or Heathen Merch­ants, appearing here and there between those Trees, as Reliques of old Castles of For­rests; all that causeth within the Town very pleasing sights and perspectives, especially in a dry and hot Country, where Peoples eyes seem to desire nothing but verdure and shade.

Mean time you need not go out of Paris, to find the most pleasing and the most gal­lant sight in the World. Take onely a walk upon the Pontneuf, attentively beholding in the day-time all things surrounding you, together with that incredible and strange con­fusion of People: and at night the infinite number of lights in the windows, of those high buildings that are round about you; and the same confusion which continues till after mid-night; the good Citizen, and (which you shall not see in any part of Asia) the fair She-Citizen walking without fear of Robbers, and without the inconvenience of dirt: and then the long files of Stars that brave the wind, the rain and darkness. Take only, I say, such a walk upon that Bridge, observing all those things together, and then (upon my word) you may boldly maintain it, that you are upon the spot of the fairest, bravest and most magnificent artificial view of the Earth, unless it be some part of China or Japan, where I have not been. What will it be then when the Louvre, that work which was once thought would never be seen but in desigu and upon paper, shall be finisht? I have purposely added the word Artificial, because speak­ing of the best Perspectives that are, we must always except Constantinople, when one is in a Boat in the midst of that great Channel, over against the point of the Seraglio: For there you shall find your self altogether surprized, as 'twere in the midst of some great and vast inchanted Amphitheater; but in this Perspective the Workmanship of Nature is most considerable, whereas in that of Paris; Art and Dexterity is most conspicuous, which doubtless renders it more eminent, forasmuch as thereby it looks more like the Seat of a great King, the Capital of a great Empire, and is really, without flattering our selves, and all those beauties of Debli, Agra, and Constantinople, well considered and compared, the sairest, the richest, and the chiefest City of the World.

In Agra the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits have a Church and a Colledge, where in pri­vate they teach the Children of some twenty five or thirty Christian families, that have (I know not how) gathered and settled themselves there by the charity of those Fathers the Christian Doctrine. It was Ekbar who (in the time of the great power of the Per­tuguezes in the Indies) called them, and gave them a pension for their subsistence, per­mitting them to build Churches in the capital Cities of Agra and Lahor. And his Son Jehan-Guire favoured them yet more. But Chah-Jehan, Son of Jehan-Guire, and Fa­ther of Aureng-Zebe now reigning, took from them their pension, caused their Church at Lahor to be pulled down, and the greatest part of that in Agra, overthrowing also the Steeple of the Church, wherein that Bell was that could be heard over all the Town.

These Fathers the Jesuits entertained great hopes of the progress of Christianity in the time of King Jehan-Guire, because of his contempt of the Mahumetan Law, and the esteem he professed to the Christian, even giving way to two of his Nephews to em­brace the Christian Religion, and to a certain Mirza-Zul-Karmin (that had been bred in the Seraglio, and was circumcised) to turn Christian too, under the pretence that he born of Christian Parents, and Son of the Wife of a rich Armenian, which Jehan-Guire had caused to be brought to him into the Seraglio.

The same Fathers say, that this King, to begin in good earnest to countenance the Christian Religion, designed to put the whole Court into the habit of the Franqui, and that after he had prepared all things for it, and even dressed himself in that fashion, he called to him one of the chief Omrahs, asking his opinion of this dress; but that this Omrah altogether surprized at it, having answered him very seriously, that it was a very dangerous thing, he thought himself obliged to change his mind, and turned all into raillery.

[Page 93] These Fathers affirm further, that he being upon the point of death, comm anded that they should be called to make him a Christian, but that then they were not made acquainted with it. Many say, that this is not so, and that he died as he had lived, without any Religion, and in the design he had, as well as his Father Ekbar, to set himself up for a Prophet, and to become the Head of a particular Religion of his own composure. However it be, there is another thing I have learned of a Mahumetan, that was Son to an Officer of Jehan-Guire, namely, that this King being one day in a debauche, called to him a certain Religious man of Florence, whom he called Fa­ther Atech, as being a little fiery man; and after he had commanded him to say all he could against the Law of Mahumet, and for the Law of Christ, in the presence of ma­ny knowing Mullahs, he would have made this terrible tryal of both those Laws, viz That a great Pit should be made, and a good Fire in it, and that Father Atech with the Gospel under his arm, and one of those Mullahs with the Alcoran under his, should cast themselves both together into that fire, and that he would embrace the Law of him that should not burn. But that the sad countenance of the Mullahs, altogether astonisht, and the compassion he had of the Florentine Father, who accepted the condition, divert­ed him from it. Whatever the truth be of this story, 'tis certain, that whilst Jehan-Guire lived, these Fathers were respected and honoured in this Court, and that they conceived great hopes of the advancement of Christianity in those parts; but that since that time they have had no great cause to hope much of it, except perhaps what they received by that familiarity, which our Father Buzé had with Dara. But I shall say no more of this matter of our Missions, intending to give you a particular long Letter of it another time.

Certainly I cannot but exceedingly approve of Missions, and the good Missionaries, especially our Capucins and Jesuits, and some others of our neighborhood, because they give meek instructions, without that indiscreet zeal and transport which is expressed by some others, and they charitably entertain the Christians of the Country in their Reli­gion, whether they be Catholicks, or Greeks, or Armenians, Nestorians, Jacobites, or others; and forasmuch also as they are the refuge and comfort of poor Strangers and Travellers, and by their knowledge, sober and exemplary life, they confound the igno­rance and licentious life of the Infidels: which some others do not always practise; who therefore would do better to keep themselves close in their Convents, and not come hi­ther and give us a masquarade of our Religion, and by doing so, and by their ignorance, jealousie, loosness, and the abuse of their authority and character, become a stumbling­block to the Law of Jesus Christ. But a particular thing infers no general; and notwith­standing those miscarriages, I very much applaud the Missions, and pious and learned Missionaries, they are absolutely necessary: it is the honour and prerogative of Christi­anity, to have every where thorow the World Substitutes of the Apostles. But after all that I have seen, and after all the converse and discourse I have so often had with those obstinate Infidels, I may take leave to say, that I almost despair to see struck such great stroaks, as the Apostles did, who converted two or three thousand People in one Sermon: finding by experience, and knowing very well upon other accounts, after I have travelled through all the places of the Missions in the East, that all the Missionaries together, not only in the Indies, but in all the Mahumetan Dominions, do indeed by their Instructions, accompanied with Charity and Alms, made some progress among the Gentils, but do in ten years not make one Christian of a Mahumetan. Truly these In­fidels have high thoughts of our Religion, they never speak of Jesus Christ but with great veneration; and they never pronounce the word Aysa, that is to say, Jesus, without adding that of Azeret, which is Majesty. They even agree with us, that he was mira­culously born of a Virgin-Mother, and that he is the Kelum-Allah, and the Rouh-Allah, the Word of God, and the Spirit of God: but 'tis not to be hoped, that they will approve the rest of our Religion, so as to abandon theirs in which they were born, and their false Prophet, to embrace ours, what reasons soever be given them. Our Christians of Europe ought to wish, and even to employ their Power, Care and Charity, that Missi­onaries may be sent over all, such as may be no charge to the People of the Country, and whom want may not induce to do mean things, as well for the reasons already al­ledged, as for this cause, that they may be ever ready to lay hold on all occasions, always to bear witness to the Truth, and to labour in the Vineyard when it shall please God to give them an overture. But for the rest we ought to be disabused, and not to suffer our selves to be so easily perswaded of so many stories, and not to believe the thing to [Page 94] be so facit as some make it. The Sect is too much libertine, and too attractive to quit it; it is a pernitious Law, which hath been introduced by Arms and Force, and still gets ground by those means: and I hardly know any other way capable to shake and root it out. If therefore there intervene not some of those grand and extraordinary stroaks of Heaven, and God by his powerful and particular Providence interpose not, (as we ought always to hope, according to the great appearance there have been in China, in Japan, and in the Person of King Jehan-Guire) considering the irreverence of the Christians in their Churches, so dissonant from our belief of the particular presence of God upon our Altars, and so different from that deep and astonishing respect which those Infidels bear to their Mosquees, where they would not so much as turn their heads, or speak the least word to one another; there will alwayes be great obstacles to their Conversion.

In Agra the Hollanders have also an House, where ordinarily they keep four or five persons. Formerly they had a good trade there in selling Scarlet, great and small Looking-glasses, plain Lace, and Gold and Silver Lace, and some small Wares; and in buying Indigo, which is gathered round about Agra, but especially at Bianes, but two leagues distant from it, and whither they go once a year, having an house there for that purpose; as also in buying those cloths of Jelapour and Laknau, at seven or eight days journey from Agra, where they also keep an house, and whither they send some Factors once a year. But now they say, that there is little profit for them in that trade, whether it be that the Armenians drive the same traffick, or that 'tis so far from Agra to Suratte, or that commonly some mischief or other befalls their Caravanes, which must pass by Amada­vad over all the Countries of the Rajas to avoid the ill ways, and the mountains that are on the side of Gonleor and Brampour, which is the nearer way. Yet notwithstanding these discouragements, they will never (I believe) abandon this Factory, as the Eng­lish have done theirs in that place, if it were for nothing else but their Spices, which there they sell very well, and for having some of their People near the Court taking care of their concerns: since it cannot be otherwise, but that frequently some trouble will befal their Factories by the tyranny of the Governors and other Officers, now from the side of Bengala and Patna, another time from Suratte and Amadavad.

We will conclude this part with those two wonderful Mausolees, or Tombs, that give to Agra so much advantage over Dehli. It was Jehan-Guire that caused the first to be erected to honour the memory of his Father Eckbar; and Chah-Jehan raised the other in honour of Taje-Mehale his Wife, that extraordinary and celebrated Beauty of the In­dies, whom he loved so passionately, that 'tis said, he never enjoyed any other Woman but her whilst she lived, and that when she died, he was in danger to die himself.

I shall not stay to discourse of the Monument of Eckbar, because whatever beauty is there, is found in a far higher degree in that of Taje-Mehale, which I am now going to describe unto you. You may theresore represent to your self, that at the going out of the City of Agra East-ward, you enter into a long and broad paved street, which riseth gently, and hath on one side an high and long wall, making the side of a square Garden that is much bigger then our Palace-Royal; and on the other side a row of new houses arched, such as are those of the principal Streets of Dehli above spoken of. Having gone the length of half the Wall, you shall find on the right hand of the side of the Houses a great Gate well made, by which one enters into a Carvan-serah, and over against it on the walls side, a stately Gate of a great square Pavilion, by which you enter into the Garden between two Conservatories built up with Freestone. This Pavilion is longer then 'tis large, built of a Stone like red Marble, but not so hard. The Fron­tispiece seems to me very magnificent after their way, and as high as that of St. Louys in the Street of St. Antony. It is true, you do not there see Columns, Archi-traves, and Cornishes cut out after the proportion of those Five Orders of Architecture so re­ligiously observed in our Palaces: it is a different and particular kind of structure, but such an one as wants no agreeableness even in the unusualness of its contrivance, and which in my opinion, would very well deserve a place in our Books of Architecture. 'Tis almost nothing but Arches upon Arches, and Galleries over Galleries, disposed and or­dered an hundred different ways; and yet all appears stately, well enough contrived and managed. There is nothing that offends the eye; on the contrary all is pleasing, and a man cannot be weary in beholding it. The last time I saw it, I was there with one of our French Merchants, who also could not behold it enough. I durst not tell him my thoughts of it, apprehending I might have spoiled my gust, and framed it accord­ing [Page 95] to that of Indostan: but he being lately come from France, I was very glad to hear him say, he had never seen any thing so august and bold in Europe.

After you are somewhat entred into the Pavilion to pass into the Garden, you find your self under an high Vault made like a Cap, which hath Galleries above round about and below, on the right and left side two Divans or Causeys, made up of earth of eight or ten foot high. Opposite to the Gate there is a great Arch quite open, by which you enter into an Alley, which cuts almost the whole Garden into two equal parts. This Alley is by way of terrasse so large, as that six Coaches can pass on it abrest, paved with great squares of hard Stone, raised some eight foot high above the Garden­plots, and divided in the middle by a Channel walled up with Free-stone, having jets of water at certain distances. After you have gone twenty five or thirty paces upon this Alley, turning your eye to behold the Entry, you see the other face of the Pavilion, which though it be not comparable to that which looks to the Street, yet wants not its stateliness, being high and of a structure approaching the other. And on both sides of the Pavilion, along the wall of the Garden, you see a long and profound gallery by way of terrasse, supported by many low columns near one another. And in this Gal­lery 'tis, that during the season of the rains, the Poor are permitted to enter, who come there thrice a week, receiving Alms from a foundation made there by Chah-Jehan for ever.

Advancing further in this Alley, you discover at a distance before you a great Dome, where is the Sepulchre, and below on the right and left hand you see divers Alleys of a Garden set with Trees, and several Parterres covered with Flowers. At the end of this Alley, besides the Dome before you, you discover on the right and left two great Pavilions, built of the same Stone, and consequently looking all red as the first. These are great and spacious square Edifices, made by way of Terrasse, opening by three Ar­ches, and having at the bottom the wall of the Garden, so that you march under them as if they were high and large Galleries.

I shall not stay to describe unto you the Ornaments within these Pavilions, because in respect of their Walls, Ground-plot, and Pavement, they are not much unlike the Dome, which I am going to delineate unto you, after I shall have observed, that be­tween the end of the Alley (which we have spoken of) and the Dome, there is a pret­ty large space of a floor, which I call a Water-Parterre, because that the diversly cut and figured Stones you march upon, are there instead of the Box-Wood of our Parterres. And 'tis from the midst of this Parterre, that you may conveniently see a part of this Edifice, where the Sepulchre is, which remains now to be considered.

It is a great and vast Dome of white Marble, which is near the height of that of our Val de Grace in Paris, surrounded with many Turrets of the same matter with Stairs in them. Four great Arches support the whole Fabrick, three of which are visible, the fourth is closed in by the wall of an Hall, accompanied with a Gallery, where certain Mullahs (entertained for that end) do continually read the Alcoran, with a profound respect to the honour of Taje-Mehalle. The mould of the Arches is inriched with Tables of white Marble, wherein are seen engraven large Arabian Chara­cters of black Marble, which is very agreeable to behold. The interior or concave part of this Dome, and the whole wall from top to bottom is covered with white Marble; and there is no place which is not wrought with Art, and hath not its peculiar Beauty. You see store of Agat, and such sorts of Stones, as are employed to inrich the Chappel of the great Duke of Florence; much Jasper, and many other kinds of rare and pretious Stones, set a hundred several ways, mixt and enchased in the Marble that covers the body of the Wall. The Quarries of white and black Marble, that make the floor, are likewise set out with all imaginable beauty and stateliness.

Under this Dome is a little Chamber inclosing the Sepulchre, which I have not seen within, it not being opened but once a year, and that with great Ceremony, not suf­fering any Christian to enter, for fear (as they say) of Prophaning the Sanctity of the place: but really by what I could learn, because it hath nothing rich or magnificent in it.

There remains nothing else, then to give you occasion to take notice of an Alley in the fashion of a Terrasse, twenty or twenty five ordinary paces large, and as many or more high; which is betwixt the Dome and the extremity of the Garden, whence you see below you, at the foot of it, the River of Gemna running along, a great campagne of Gardens, a part of the Town of Agra, the Fortress, and all those fair Houses of the Omrahs that are built along the water. There remains no more, I say, then to cause you to observe this Terrasse, which taketh up almost the whole length of one side of the [Page 96] Garden, and then to desire you to judge, whether I had reason to say, that the Mausole­um, or Tomb of Taje-Mehale, is something worthy to be admired. For my part, I do not yet well know, whether I am not somewhat infected still with Indianisme; but I must needs say, that I believe it ought to be reckoned amongst the wonders of the World, rather then those unshapen masses of the Aegyptian Pyramids, which I was weary to see after I had seen them twice, and in which I find nothing without, but pieces of great Stones ranged in the form of steps one upon another, and within nothing but very little Art and Invention.

A Letter written to Mr. Chapelain, sent from Chiras in Persia, Octob. 4. 1667. concerning the Super­stitions, strange Fashions, and Doctrin of the Na­tive Indies, or Gentiles of Indostan. Whence may be seen, that there are no Opinions so ridiculous, and so extravagant, which the spirit of Man is not capable of.

SIR,

IF I should live whole ages, I know not whether I could ever forget those two Eclipses of the Sun, of which I saw one in France in the Year 1654. and the o­ther in the Indies at Delhi in the Year 1666. if I remember aright. The former seemed very remarkable to me upon the account of the childish credulity of our common people; and of that pannick terror which had so seized the heart, that some bought Drugs against the Eclipse; others kept themselves close in the dark in their Caves, and their well-closed Chambers; others cast themselves in great multi­tudes into the Churches: Those apprehending some malign and dangerous influence, and these believing that they were come to their last day, and that the Eclipse would shake the foundations of Nature, and overturn it, notwithstanding any thing that the Gassendi's, Robervals, and many other famous Philosophers could say or write against this perswasion, when they demonstrate, that this Eclipse was of the same nature with so many others that had preceded without any mischief, and that it was a known acci­dent, foreseen and ordinary, which had nothing peculiar, but what some cheating Astrological Mountebanks might have devised.

That which I saw at Dehli seemed also very considerable to me, by reason of the ri­diculous Errors and Superstitions of the Indians. At the time when the said Eclipse was to appear, I went up to the Terrasse of my house, which was scituate on the side of the River Gemna, thence I saw both sides of the River, for near a league in length, covered with the Heathen Idolaters, that stood in the water up to their girdle, demure­ly looking up into the sky, to the end that they might plunge and wash themselves at the moment when the Eclipse should begin. The little Boys and Girls were stark naked; the men were almost so too, but that they had a kind of scarf round about their thighs to cover their nakedness: and the married Women, together with the young Maids that were not above six or seven years old, were covered with a single cloth. Persons of condition, as the Rajas, or soveraign Princes of those Gentils, (who commonly are about the Person, and in the pay of the King) and the Serrahs or Exchangers, the Banckers, Jewellers, and other great Merchants, were most of them gone to the other side of the water with all their family, and had there put up their Tents, and fastned in the River certain Kanates, which are a kind of skreens, to perform their Ceremonies, and conve­niently to wash themselves with there Wives, so as not to be seen by others. These Ido­laters no sooner saw the Eclipse begin, but they raised a great cry, and all at once plunged themselves wholly into the water, I know not how many times one after another; stand­gin [Page 97] up afterwards in the water, and lifting up their eyes and hands to Heaven, muttering and praying with great devotion, and from time to time taking water with their hands, which they threw up towards the Sun, bowing down their heads very low, moving and turning their arms and hands sometimes one way, sometimes another, and thus continuing their plunging, praying and apishness unto the end of this Eclipse; at which time every one retired, casting some pieces of Silver a good way off into the wa­ter, and giving alms to the Brachmans or men of the Law, who failed not to be at that Ceremony. I took notice, that at their going out of the water, they all took new cloathes that were laid ready for them folded up on the sand, and that many of the de­vouter sort left there their old garments for the Brachmans. And in this manner did I see from my Terrasse this great solemnity of the Eclipse; which was celebrated after the same manner in the River Indus and Ganges, and in all the other Rivers, as also in the Receivers of water in the Indies, but especially in that of the Tanaiser, where were met together above an hundred and fifty thousand persons, come together from all parts of the Indies, because the water of it is on that day reputed more holy and effi­cacious than on any other.

The great Mogol, though he be a Mahumetan, suffers these Heathens to go on in these old superstitions, because he will not, or dareth not cross them in the exercise of their Religion, and besides it is not performed without presenting him, by the hands of the Brachmansas Commissioners, a Lecque or an hundred thousand Roupies, which are worth above fifty thousand Crowns, for which he returns nothing but a few Vests and an old Elephant. Now you shall see those solid reasons (forsooth) which they alledge for this Feast, and for the Ceremonies by them observed in it.

We have (say they) our four Beths, that is, Books of the Law, Sacred and Divine Writings, given us by God through the hands of Brahma. These Books do teach us that a certain Deuta, which is a kind of corporeal Divinity, very malign and mis­chievous, very black and very filthy (these are their own expressions in their language) seizeth on the Sun, blackens it as 'twere with ink, and so darkens it: That this Sun, which is also a Deuta, but of the best and the most beneficent and perfect Divinities, is at that time in very great pains and terrible anguish, to see himself thus seized on and misused by that black villain: That 'tis a general duty to endeavour to deliver him from this miserable condition; which cannot [...]e effected but by the force of prayers, washings and alms, and that these actions are of a very extraordinary merit to such a degree, that an alms given at that time is worth an hundred given at another. Who is there, say they, that would not give cent pour cent?

Sir, these are the two Eclipses I spoke of which I shall hardly ever forget, and which minister occasion to me to proceed to some other extravagancies of these Gentils, whence you may draw what consequences you shall please.

In the Town of Jagannat, which is seated upon the Gulf of Bengala, and where is that famous Temple of the Idol of the same name, there is yearly celebrated a certain Feast, which lasts eight or nine days, if I remember well. There is found an incredible number of people, as there was antiently in the Temple of Hammon, and as 'tis at this day at Mecca. This number, 'tis said, amounts sometimes to above an hundred and fifty thousand persons. They make a stately Engin of wood, as I have seen of them in many other places of the Indies, with I know not how many extravagant figures, almost such as we are wont to paint Monsters with two heads or bodies, half man and half beast, or gigantick and terrible heads, Satyrs, Apes or Devils; which Engin is put up­on fourteen or sixteen wheels, such as the Carriages of Cannons may be, which fifty or sixty persons more or less do draw, or thrust forwards: Upon the middle of it appears most conspicuously the Idol Jagannat, richly dressed and adorned, which is thus trans­ported from one place to another.

The first day that they shew this Idol with Ceremony in the Temple, the crowd is usually so great to see it, that there is not a year, but some of those poor Pilgrims, that come afar off, tired, and harassed, are suffocated there; all the people blessing them for having been so happy, as to die on so holy an occasion. And when this Hellish Triumphant Chariot marcheth, there are found (which is no Fable) persons so foolish­ly credulous and superstitious as to throw themselves with their bellies under those large and heavy wheels, which bruise them to death, having suffered themselves to be per­swaded, that there is no action so heroick nor so meritorious as that, and that Jagennat will at the same time receive them as his Children, and cause them to be born again in a state of felicity and glory.

[Page 98] The Brachmans for their particular advantage and interest, I mean that of Alms and Respect given to them as Persons devoted to these Mysteries, do entertain the People in these errors and superstitions, and they proceed even to such infamous cheats and Villanies, that I could never have believed them, if I had not fully informed my self of it. These Impostors take a young Maid, of the fairest they can meet with, to be the Bride (as they speak, and bear the besotted people in hand) of Jagannat, and they leave her all night in the Temple (whither they have carried her) with the Idol, making her believe that Jagannat himself will come and embrace her, and appointing her to ask him, Whether it will be a fruitful Year, what kind of Processions, Feasts, Prayers and Alms he demands to be made for it. In the mean time one of these lustful Priests enters at night by a little back-door into the Temple, deflowreth this young Maid, and maketh her believe any thing he pleaseth; and the next day, being trans­ported from this Temple into another with the same magnificence, she was carried be­fore upon the Chariot of Triumph on the side of Jagannat her Bridegroom; these Brachmans make her say aloud before all the people, whatsoever she had been taught of these Cheats, as if she had learnt it from the very mouth of Jagannat. But let us go on (if you please) to follies of another kind.

Before this Chariot, and often in the very Temples of the Idols, on Festival days, you shall see publick Women dance, making an hundred indecent and extravagant po­stures; and yet the Brachmans find a way to accord all that with their Religion. I have seen some Women, that are not only famous for their beauty, but also for great reser­vedness, which refused very considerable presents of certain Mahumetans and Christi­ans, and even of Heathen strangers, as if they were only dedicated to the Ministery and the Ministers of Deura, or the Idol Temple to the Brachmans and these Fakires, which are there seated most of them upon ashes round about, altogether naked with their fearful hair of Megera, and in the posture I shall speak of hereafter. But let us stay no longer upon these follies.

There are so many Writers of voyages relating the custom of the Indian Women, burning themselves with their Husbands, that I think something will at last be believed of it. For my part, I am going to take my turn also, and to write to you of it like others; yet in the mean time observing withall, that 'tis not all true what is said of it, and that now they do not burn themselves in so great a number as formerly, because the Mahumetans, that bear sway at present in Indostan, are enemies to that barbarous custom; and hinder it as much as they can; not opposing it absolutely, because they are willing to leave their idolatrous people, who are far more numerous then themselves, in the free exercise of their Religion, for fear of some revolt: but by indirectly prevent­ing it, in that they oblige the Women, ready to burn themselves, to go and ask per­mission of the respective Governors, who send for them, make converse with their own Women, remonstrate things to them with annexed promises, and never give them this permission, but after they have tryed all these gentle ways, and till they find them fixt in their sottish resolution. Which yet hinders not but that many burn themselves, especially of those that live upon the Lands of the Rajas, where no Mahumetan Gover­nors are. I shall not stay to give you the history of all those, which I have seen burn themselves; that would too be long, and too tedious: I shall only relate unto you two or three Examples of them, whence you may judge of the rest; but first you shall have the relation of a Woman, which I was sent unto to divert her from such a mischievous design.

A friend of mine, called Bendidas, the first Clerk of my Agah Danechmend-kan, died of an Hectick, having been treated by me above two years. His Wife immediately re­solv'd to burn her self, together with the Body of her Husband; but her Parents, by the order of my Agah, whose servants they were, endeavour'd to disswade her from it, representing to her, that though it were indeed a generous and laudable resolution, and would be a great honour and happiness in the Family, yet she ought to consider, that her Children were yet little, that she could not abandon them, and that she was to prefer their good, and the affection she had for them, to the love she had for her Hus­band, and to her own satisfaction. These Parents not having been able to prevail with her by all these representments, bethought themselves to desire me to go to her, as sent from my Agah, and as an antient friend to the Family. I went and when I came, I did, as soon as I came in, see a cluster of seven or eight fearful old Women, together with four or 5 infatuated and brain-sick Brachmans, who all cried by turns, beating their hands [Page 99] about the dead Corps, and the Widow in her loose hair, looking pale, yet with dry and sparkling Eyes, sitting and crying also aloud, and beating her Hands, as the rest with a kind of Cadency, upon the Feet of her Husband. The out-cry and noise being ended, I approach'd to this Company of people, and addressing my self to the Widow, I gave her softly to understand, that I came from Danechmend-kan; that he had appointed a monthly Pension of two Crowns, to each of her two Sons, but on condition that she should not burn her self, to the end, that she might take care of them, and breed them up as was fit; that else we knew ways enow to hinder her from burning her self, if she were obstinate for it, and to make those repent, that should allure and incite her to such an unreasonable resolution, especially since none of her Kindred was satisfied with it, and that she would not be counted infamous, as those are that want the resolution to burn themselves after the death of their Husbands, when they have no Children. I often inculcated to her all these considerations, without hearing a word of answer from her; though at last she said, looking fiercely upon me: Well, if I am hindred to burn my self, I am resolved to break my head against the Wall. Then said I by my self; What Di­abolical fury doth possess thee? And to her I answer'd, full of indignation: Then take thy Children, thou unhappy Creature, and cut their Throats, and burn them with thee; for they will be starved, I being now ready to return to Danechmend-kan, and to annull their Pension. These words being spoken by me, with the loudest and most menacing tone I could, made impression upon the spirit of this Woman, and upon that of all the as­sistants: She presently, without any reparty, let her Head sink down upon her knees, and most of the old Women and Brachmans went away. Whereupon her Relations, that were come with me, entred and parlied with her. And I, thinking I had done enough, took Horse, and came away to my Lodgings, supposing they would do the rest well enough. In short, about evening, when I was going to give an account to my Agah of what I had done, I met with her Parents, who thank'd me, and said, that the dead Corps had been burnt, and the Widow perswaded to remain alive.

Concerning the Women that have actually burn'd themselves, I have so often been present at such dreadful spectacles, that at length I could endure no more to see it, and I retain still some horrour when I think on't. Yet I shall represent to you some of them, but pretend not to express to the life, with what courage and resolution these poor Women atchieved such a direful Tragedy; for there is nothing but the Eye it self that can exhibit a right idea thereof.

When I was passing from Amadevad to Agra, over the Lands of the Rajas, that are in those parts, there came news to us in a Burrough, where the Caravane rested under the shade (staying for the cool of the evening, to march on in their journey) that a certain Woman was then upon the point of burning her self with the Body of her Hus­band. I presently rose and ran to the place where it was to be done, which was a great Pit, with a Pile of wood raised in it, whereon I saw laid a dead Corps, and a Woman, which at a distance seem'd to me pretty fair, sitting near it on the same Pile; besides four or five Brachmans, putting the Fire to it from all sides; five Women of a middle age, and well enough dressed, holding one another by the Hand, and dan­cing about the Pit, and a great Crowd of People, Men and Women, looking on. The Pile of Wood was presently all on fire, because store of Oyl and Butter had been thrown upon it, and I saw at the same time through the flames, that the Fire took hold of the Cloaths of the Woman, that were imbued with well-sented Oyls mingled with Powder of Santal and Saffron. All this I saw, but observed not, that the Woman was at all disturbed; yea, it was said, that she had been heard to pronounce with great force these two words, Five, Two, to signifie, according to the Opinion of those that hold the Souls Transmigration, that this was the 5th. time she had burnt her self with the same Husband, and that there remain'd but two times for perfection; as if she had at that time this Remembrance, or some Prophetical Spirit. But here ended not this Infernal Tragedy: I thought it was only by way of ceremony, that these five Women sung and danced about the Pit; but I was altogether surprised, when I saw, that the flame having taken hold of the cloaths of one of them, she cast her self with her Head foremost into the Pit, and that, after her, another, being overcome by the flame and smoak did the like: And my astonishment redoubled afterwards, when I saw, that the remaining three took one another again by the Hand, continued their dance without any apparent fear, and that at length they precipitated themselves, one after another into the fire, as their companions had done. It troubled me sufficiently, that I knew not what that [Page 100] meant; but I learnt shortly after, that these had been five Slaves, who, having seen their Mistress extreamly afflicted at the sickness of her Husband, and heard her promise him, that she would not survive him, but burn her self with him, were so touch'd with compassion and tenderness towards this their Mistress, that they engaged themselves in a promise to follow her in her resolution, and to burn themselves with her. Many per­sons, whom I then consulted about this custome of Women burning themselves with the Bodies of their Husbands, would perswade me, that what they did was from an excess of affection they had for them: But I understood afterwards, that it was only an effect of Opinion, prepossession and custome; and that the Mothers, from their youth besot­ted with this superstition, as of a most vertuous and most laudable action, such as was unavoidable to a Woman of honour, did also infatuate the spirit of their Daughters from their very infancy: Although, at the bottom, it was nothing else but an Art of the Men, the more to enslave their Wives, thereby to make them have the more care of their health, and to prevent poisoning of them.

But let us proceed to another Tragedy, which I shall rather represent to you than many others, at which I have been present, because it hath something uncommon in it. 'Tis true, I was not there my self; but you may do as I, who do not stand out a­gainst crediting these things, because I have seen so many of them which seem'd incredi­ble to me. This action is grown so famous in the Indies, that no body doubts of it, and it may be, that even your self have already heard of it in Europe.

'Tis of a Woman, that was engaged in some Love-intrigues with a young Mahume­tan her Neighbour, that was a Tailor, and could play finely upon the Tabor. This Woman in the hopes she had of marrying this young man, poison'd her Husband, and presently came away to tell her Tailor, that it was time to be gone together as they had projected, or else that she should be obliged to burn her self. The young Man fearing, lest he might be entangled in a mischievous business, flatly refused her. The Woman, not at all surprized at it, went to her Relations, and advertised them of the sudden death of her Husband, and openly protested that she would not survive him, but burn her self with him. Her Kindred well satisfied with so generous a resolution, and the great honour she did to the whole Family, presently had a Pit made, and filled with Wood, exposing the Corps upon it, and kindling the Fire. All being prepar'd, the Woman goes to embrace and bid farewell to all her Kindred that were there about the Pit, among whom was also the Tailor, who had been invited to play upon the Tabor that day, with many others of that sort of Men, according to the custome of the Coun­try. This fury of a Woman being also come to this young Man, made as if she would bid him farewell with the rest; but in stead of gently embracing him, she taketh him with all her force about his Collar, pulls him to the Pit, and tumbleth him together with her self into the Ditch, where they both were soon dispatch't.

She which I saw burn her self, when I parted from Suratte to travel into Persia, in the presence of Monsieur Chardin and Paris, and of many English and Dutch, was of a middle age and not unhandsome. To represent unto you the undaunted chearfulness, that appear'd in her countenance, the resolution with which she marched, wash'd her self, spoke to the people; the confidence with which she look'd upon us, view'd her little Cabin, made up of very dry Millet-straw and small Wood, went into this Cabin, and sate down upon the Pile, and took her Husband's Head into her Lap, and a Torch into her own Hand, and kindled the Cabin, whilst I know not how many Brochmans were busie in kindling the fire round about: To represent unto you, I say, all this, as it ought, is not possible for me; I can at present scarce believe it my self, though it be but a few days since I saw it.

'Tis true, that I have seen some of them, which at the sight of the Pile and Fire, appear'd to have some apprehension, and that perhaps would have gone back, but 'tis often too late: Those Demons, the Brachmans, that are there with their great Sticks, astonish them, and hearten them up, or even thrust them in; as I have seen it done to a young Woman that retreated five or six paces from the Pile, and to another that was much disturbed when she saw the Fire take hold of her Cloaths, these Executioners thursting her in with their long Poles. Yet I have often seen one, that is still a hand­some Woman, and had saved her self out of their Hands, falling into the Hands of the Gadous, that sometimes meet there in great numbers, when they know that 'tis some fair and young Woman that is to be burnt, and that hath no great Kindred, nor much Company with her: For the Women that are afraid of the Pile, and fly away from it, [Page 101] knowing that they cannot be received again amongst the Gentiles, nor live with them, because they repute them infamous, after they have committed such a fault, and brought such a disgrace upon their Religion, such Women, I say, are ordinarily the prey of this kind of Men, who are also counted infamous in the Indies, and that have nothing to loose. A Mogolian durst not save, nor receive any, for fear of bringing himself into great trouble. Some P [...]rtugueses living in Sea-ports, where they were strongest, have sometimes carried away some of them. For my part, I have often been so enraged a­gainst those Brahmans, that if I durst, I had strangled them. I remember, among o­thers, that at Lahor, I saw a very handsome and a very young Woman burn'd: I be­lieve she was not above twelve years of age. This poor unhappy Creature appear'd rather dead then alive, when she came near the Pile; she shook, and wept bitterly: Mean time three or four of these Executioners, the Brahmans, together with an old Hag, that held her under the Arm, thrust her on, and made her sit down upon the Wood, and least she should run away, they tied her Legs and Hands, and so burn'd her alive. I had enough to do to contain my self for indignation; but I was forced to content my self with detesting this horrid Religion, and to say by my self, what the Poet once said of such another, upon the occasion, of Iphigenia, whom her own Father Aga­memnon sacrificed to Diana, for the interest of the Grecians, amongst whom he was one of the principal Leaders.

—Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum!

These are certainly very barbarous and very cruel Customes, but that which the Brah­mans do in some other places of the Indies is yet more so: For instead of burning those Women that will dye upon the death of their Husbands, they bury them in the ground alive up to the very Throat, and then two or three of them fall at once upon them, and wring their Neck round, and so choak them, covering them quickly with some earth, and then marching over their Heads. But let us pass to some other Customes of those Countries.

Most of the Gentiles burn their dead; but some there are, that do no more than with some Straw broil them on a Rivers side, casting them thereupon from the height of a steep Bank into the Water: Which I have often seen upon the River Ganges.

Some of these Gentiles there are, who, when they perceive a sick person near death carry him to the side of a River (at which barbarous action I have been once present) and then first put his Feet into the Water, and afterwards let him slide down as far as to his Throat, and then when they think he is now expiring, they sink him quite un­der Water, and there leave him, after they have made a great clamour, and clapping with their Hands: And this, say they, to the end that the Soul leaving the body may be wash'd from all the impurities, she may have contracted in the Body. And this is not only a reason given by the Vulgar; for I have spoken with the most Learned of them, who deliver'd the same with great seriousness. But let us go on to other extravagan­cies.

Amongst that vast number and great variety of Fakires, Derviches, or Religous Hea­thens of the Indies, there is abundance of them that have Convents, in which there are Superiours, and wherein they make certain vows of Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience, leading so odd a life, that I doubt whether you can give credit to it. These are com­monly called Jauguis, as if you should say, Ʋnited to God. You shall see many of them sit stark naked, or lie days and nights upon Ashes, and commonly enough, under some of those large trees, that are on the sides of the Talabs or Ponds, or else in those Gal­leries that are about their Deuras or Idol-temples. Some of them have their Hair hang­ing down to the middle of their Legs, and that wreathed into several parcels, as the large Main of our Barbes, or rather as the Hair of those that have the sickness of Poland cal­led the Plica. Of these I have seen some in divers places, who held one Arm, and sometimes both, lifted up perpetually above their Heads, and that had at the end of their Fingers wreathed Nails, that were longer by measure than half my little finger. Their Arms were small and lean as of hectical persons, because they took not sufficient nou­rishment in that forced posture, and they could not let them down to take any thing with them, either meat or drink, because the Nerves were retired, and the Joints were filled and dried up: wherefore also they have young Novices, that serve them as Holy men with very great respect. There is no Megera in Hell so terrible to look on, as those Men are, all [Page 102] naked, with their black skin, long Hair, dried Arms, and in the posture mention'd, and with crooked Nails.

I have often met in the Field, especially upon the Lands of the Rajas, whole squa­drons of these Faquires, altogether naked, dreadful to behold. Some held their Arms lifted up in the posture mention'd; others had their terrible Hair hanging about them, or else they had wreathed them about their Head; some had a kind of Hercules's Club in their Hand; others had dry and stiff Tiger-skins over their Shoulders. I saw them pass thus quite naked, without any shame, through the midst of a great Burrough, I admired how Men, Women, and Children could look upon them so indifferently, with­out being moved no more than if we should see pass some Eremite through our streets; and how the Women brought them almes with much devotion, taking them for very holy Men, much wiser and better than others.

I have seen for a long while a very famous one in Dehli, called Sarmet, who went thus stark naked along the streets, and who at length would rather suffer his Neck to be cut off, than to put on any cloaths, what promises or menaces soever Aureng-Zebe might send to him.

I have seen many of them, who out of devotion went long Pilgrimages, not only al­together naked, but charged with Iron-chains, like those that are put about the Legs of Elephants. Others, who, out of a particular vow, stood for seven or eight days up­right upon their Legs, which thereupon swell'd as big as their Thighs, without sitting or lying down, or without reposing themselves otherwise than by leaning some hours of the night upon a stretched Cord: Others, who stood for whole hours upon their Hands without wavering, the Head down, and the Feet upward: And so of many others sorts of postures so constrain'd, and so difficult, that we have no Tumbler able to immitate them; and all this it seems upon the account of Religion, of which yet their appears not the least shadow in it.

All these so extraordinary things did (to tell you the truth) exceedingly surprize me at first, I knew not what to say or think of it. Sometimes I look'd upon them as a re­mainder, or rather as the Authors of that antient and infamous Sect of the Cynicks, but only that I found nothing in them, but brutality and ignorance, and that they seem'd to me a kind of Trees, somewhat moving from one place to another, rather than rati­onal Animals. Another time I consider'd them as Men altogether Enthusiastical; though as I lately said, I could not find any shadow of true Piety in all they did. Some­times I thought, that this lazy, idle, and independent Life of Beggars might have something attractive in it. Sometimes I imagin'd that the vanity, which creeps in every where, and which is as often found under the patched Mantle of Diogenes, as under the comely Garment of Plato, there might lurk that Spring, which might set a going so many Engins; and then reflecting withal upon the miserable and austere life they led, I knew not what Judgment to make of them.

'Tis true, that many say, that they do not exercise these strange austerities but in the hopes they entertain of becoming Rajas in their renascence, or of returning again in a more happy life. But, as I have often told them to their Faces, how is't possible for any Man to resolve upon such a miserable life from the hope of another, that is to be no longer, and hath also, in the upshot, but very little happiness in it, though one should return a Raja, and even a Jesseingue or a Jessomseingue, which are the two most puissant Rajas of the Indies? There must needs, said I, lie something else under it, which you have no mind to discover to us, or you must be arrant Fools.

Amongst those I have been speaking of, there are such that are believed to be true Saints, illuminated and perfect Jauguis, entirely united to God. These are people that have altogether abandon'd the World, and sequester'd themselves into some very re­mote corner or Garden, like Eremites, without ever coming to Town. If you carry them any meat, they receive it; if they do not, 'tis believed that they can live without it, and subsist by the sole favour of God in perpetual fasting, prayer, and profound meditations: For they sink themselves so deep into these raptures, that they spend many hours together in being insensible, and beholding in that time, as they give out, God himself, like a very bright and ineffable Light, with an unexpressible joy and satisfacti­on, attended with an entire contempt and forsaking of the World: For thus much one of them, that pretended he could enter into this rapture when he pleased, and had been often in it, told me; and others that are about them, affirm the thing with so much seriousness, that they seem to believe in earnest, as if there were no imposture in it. [Page 103] God alone knows whether there be any truth in it, and whether in this solitude and fasting the imagination debilitated, may not suffer it self to be carried away into these illusions: Or whether they be not of that kind of natural Raptures, into which Cardan said he fell when he listed; and this the rather, because I see, there is used some Art in what they do, forasmuch as they prescribe to themselves certain Rules, by little and little to bind up their Senses: For they say, for Example, that after they have fasted many days, using nothing but Bread and Water, 'tis requisite first to keep themselves alone retired from all company, directing the Eyes steadily towards Heaven for a while, then gently casting them down again, and then fixing them both so as to look at one and the same time upon the tip of their Nose equally, and as much on one side as the other (which is troublesome enough) and remaining firm and intent in that posture, until such a Light do come. Whatever the matter be, I know, that these Raptures, and these ways of falling into them, make the great Mystery of the Cabala of Jauguis, as the Soufys do also. I call it Mystery, because they keep it very secret amongst them; and if it had not been for this Pendet or Indian Doctor, to whom Danechmend-kan gave a Pension, and who durst hide nothing from him; and if also Danechmend-kan had not known the Mysteries of the Cabala of the Soufys, I should not have discover'd so much of it. I know besides, that as for the extremity of Poverty, of Fastings and Austeri­ties, that also can do much to it. We must not think (or I am much deceived) that any of our Religious Fryars or Eremites go in this point beyond those Men, nor gene­rally beyond all the Asiatick Monks; witness the Life and Fastings of the Armenians; Copththes, Greeks, Nestorians, Jacobites, and Maronites. We must rather avow, that we are but Novices, when compared with those Religious Men: But then we must also acknowledge, according to what I have experimented, in respect of those of the Indies, that they can much more easily bear hunger than we can in our colder Climates.

There are others very differing from those, but very strange Men likewise; they are almost perpetually travelling up and down, they deride all, take care of nothing, Men that brag of secrets, and who, as the people say, know no less than to make Gold, and so admirably to pepare Mercury, that a grain or two of it taken every morning re­storeth the body to perfect health, and so strengthens the Stomach, that it feeds gree­dily and digests with ease. This is not all: When two of these Jauguis, that are emi­nent, do meet, and you stir them up in the point and power of their knowledge or Jauguisme, you shall see them do such tricks out of spight to one onother, that I know not whether Simon Magus could have out-done them. For they divine what one think­eth, make the Branch of a Tree blossome and bear fruit in less than an hour, hatch Eggs in their bosome in less than half a quarter of an hour, and bring forth such Birds as you demand, which they make fly about the Chamber, and many such other prodigies. I mean, if what is said of them be true; for I remember, that one day my Agah sent for one of these famous Diviners, and when he was come, agreed with him to give him the next day 300 Roupies, which is about 150 Crowns, if he should tell him, as he said he would, his present thought, which he was to write before him upon a paper: As also, that I my self made a bargain with the same, to give him 25 Roupies, if he should divine mine; but the Prophet failed us, as also did at another time one of those pretended producers of Birds, to whom I had also promised 20 Roupies. I am still to be under­stood, if it be true what is said of them. For, as for me, I am with all my curiosity none of those happy Men, that are present at, and see those great feats; and if I should chance to see any of such things as are thought strange, I am always considering and seeking, whether the thing may not be done by some Juggle, Art, or Trick of Leger­demain: and I am sometimes even so unhappy, or, if you will, so fortunate, as to find out the cheat, as I did him, that made a Cup run, to discover who it was, that had stolen money from my Agah.

Lastly, there are some in many places, that are quite of another way than all those I have discoursed of. Their Life and their Devotion is more meek and more polisht; they go over the streets bare-foot and bare-headed, girt about with a Scarfe hanging down to their Knees, and having a white Sheet which passeth under their right Arm, and comes out over their left Shoulder like a Cloak, without other Cloaths under it. They are always very clean and neat in all things, and commonly go two and two together with great modesty, holding in their Hand a small Earthen Travet with two handles, very neat. They do not go gossiping from Shop to Shop, as many of the other Fakires do. They go freely every where into the Houses of the Gentiles, where they are wel­come, [Page 104] and much made of; they being esteem'd a Blessing to the House. They are by no means to be accused of any thing, though it be well enough known, what in such vi­sits among the Women passeth. But 'tis the custom, they are in possession of being Saints for all that, and any House thinks it self honour'd with their visit. But it is not only there so; many other places there be in the World, where things are not so strictly look'd to. But that which I find most ridiculous in those people is, That they are im­pertinent enough, to compare themselves with our Religious Men, they meet with in the Indies. I have often taken pleasure to catch them, using much ceremony with them, and giving them great respect; but I soon heard them say to one another, This Fran­guis knows who we are, he hath been a great while in the Indies, he knows that we are the Padrys of the Indians. A fine comparison, said I within my self, made by an impertinent and idolatrous rabble of Men!

But we stay too long upon these Heathen-Beggers: Let us go on to their Books of Law and Sciences: you may afterwards judge, whether most of what I am going to say of it, may be put, as I think it may, in the number of Extravagancies.

Do not wonder, if, though I know not the Hanscrit, the language of the Learn'd (of which somewhat may be said hereafter, and which is perhaps the same with that of the old Brahmans) do notwithstanding tell you many things taken out of Books written in that Tongue. For you must know, that my Agah Danechmend-kan, partly upon my solicitation, partly out of his own curiosity, took into his service one of the famousest Pendets that was in all the Indies, and that formerly had had a Pension of Dara, the Eldest Son of King Chah-jehan; and that this Pendet, besides that he drew to our House all the most Learned Pendets, was for three years constantly of my conversation. When I was weary of explaining to my Agah those late discoveries of Harvey and Pecquet in Anatomy, and of discoursing with him of the Philosophy of Gassendi and Des-cartes, which I translated to him into Persian (for that was my chief employment for five or six years) that Pendet was our refuge, and then he was obliged to discourse, and to re­late unto us his stories, which he deliver'd seriously and without ever smiling. 'Tis true, that at last we were so much disgusted with his tales and uncouth reasonings, that we scarce had patience left to hear them.

They say then, that God, whom they call Achar, that is to say, Immoveable or Im­mutable, hath sent them four Books, which they call Beths, a word signifying Science, because they pretend that in these Books all Sciences are comprehended. The first of these Books is call'd Athen-habed, the second Zager-bed, the third Rek-bed, the fourth Sama-bed. Conform to the doctrine of these Books, this people ought to be distinguish't, as really they are, into four Tribes: The first is of Brachmans, Men of the Law; the se­cond of Quetterys, Men of Arms; the third, Men of Bescue or Trafick, commonly called Eanians; and the fourth, Men of Seydra, that is, Handy-crafts Men and Labourers. And these are so discriminated, that those of one Tribe cannot marry into another, that is, a Brahman cannot marry with a Woman Quettery, and so of the rest.

They all agree in one Doctrine, which is that of Pythagoras concerning the Metem­psychosis or Transmigration of Souls, and in this, that they must not kill or eat of any Animal. However there are some of the second Tribe that may eat of them, provided it be neither Cows nor Peacocks-flesh, they all having a great veneration for these two creatures, especially the Cow, because they fancy I know not what River lying between this Life and that to come, which they are to pass by holding themselves fast on a Cows­tail. Possibly their ancient Legislators had seen those Shepherds of Egypt, crossing the Nile, by holding with their left-hand the Tail of an Oxe, and in their right-hand a Stick to guide him with; or rather they have imprinted in them this respect for Cows, because they draw from them Milk and Butter, which is a great part of their subsistance; and because also they are so serviceable for the Plough, and consequently for the Life of Man; and that the rather because it is not so in the Indies as in our Parts, for maintaining so great a number of Cattle as we do: if but half as many of them should be killed in the Indies, as there are in England or France, the Country will quickly be destitute of them, and the Land remain Untilled. The heat is there so violent for eight months of the year, that all is dry, and that Oxen and Cows are often starved, or dye of eating trash in the Fields like Hogs. And 'tis upon the account of the scarcity of Cat­tle, that in the time of Jehan-Guire, the Brahmans obtain'd an Edict, that no Cattle should be kill'd for a certain number of years, and that of late they presented a Petition to Aureng-Zebe, and offered him a considerable sum, if he would make the like Pro­hibition. [Page 105] They remonstrated, that for 50 or 60 years past much Land had remained Unploughed, because the Oxen and Cows were become too scarce and too dear. It may be also, that these Law-givers considered, that Cows and Ox-flesh in the Indies is not very savoury, nor wholesome, unless it be for a little time in Winter, during the cooler season: Or lastly, that they would take the People off from mutual cruelty, (to which they were too much inclined) by obliging them, as by a Maxime of Religion, to exercise humanity to the very Beasts, and by making them believe, that killing or eat­ing an Animal, it might happen that they did kill or eat one of their Grand-sires; which would be an horrid crime.

According to the Doctrine of these Beths, they are obliged to say their Prayers at least thrice every day, in the morning, at noon, and at night, with their face turned to the East. They are also bound to wash their whole body thrice, or at least before they eat; and they believe, that 'tis more meritorious to wash themselves in running water then in any other. And it may be, that the Legislators in this point also have had a respect to what is proper and convenient for this Countrey, where nothing is more de­sirable then washing and bathing. And they find it troublesome enough to observe this Law, when they are in cold Countries: I have seen some of them that were like to die, because they would there also observe their Law of washing their Body by plunging themselves into Rivers or Ponds, when they found any near; or by throwing whole buckets of water over their heads, when they were remote from them. When I told them upon occasion, that in cold Countries it would not be possible to observe that Law of theirs in Winter (which was a sign of its being a meer human invention) they gave this pleasant answer: That they pretended not their Law was universal; that God had only made it for them, and it was therefore that they could not receive a Stranger into their Religion: that they thought not our Religion was therefore false, but that it might be it was good for us, and that God might have appointed several differing ways to go to Heaven; but they will not hear that our Religion should be the general Re­ligion for the whole earth, and theirs a fable and pure device.

These same Books do teach them, that God having determined to create the World, would not execute it immediately, but made first three Perfect Beings: the first was Brahma, which signifieth Penetrating into all things; the second Beschen, that is Exist­ing in all things; and the third Mehahden, that is, great Lord. That by the means of Brahma he created the World, by the means of Beschen he preserveth it, and by the means of Mehahden he will destroy it. That it is Brahma, who by the command of God did publish the four Beths, and that therefore he is in some of their Churches represented with four Heads.

As to those three Beings, I have seen some European Missionaries that were of opinion, that these Gentils had some Idea of the Mystery of the Trinity; and said, it was expres­ly contained in their Books that there are three Persons, and one only God. For my part, I have made the Pendets sufficiently discourse upon this point; but they declare themselves so poorly, that I could not clearly understand their sense. I have even heard some of them, who said, that these are three Creatures very perfect, which they called Deütas, y [...] without explaining well what they understood by this word Deütas; as our antient Idolaters never explained what they meant by these words Genius and Numina, which is (I think) the same with Deüta among the Indians. 'Tis true, that I have spoken with others of the most knowing amongst them, who said, that these three Beings were indeed nothing but one and the same God, considered three manner of way, viz. as he is the Producer, Conservator, and Destroyer of things; but they said no­thing of three distinct Persons in one onely Deity.

Moreover I have seen the Reverend Father Roa, a German Jesuit and Missionary at Agra, who being well versed in their Hanscrit, maintained that their Books did not onely import, there was one God in three Persons, but that even the second Person of their Trinity was incarnated nine times. And that I may not be thought to ascribe to my self the writings of others, I shall relate unto you word for word, what a certain Carmelite of Chiras hath lighted upon, which he related when the above-mentioned Fa­that Roa passed that way to come back to Rome. The Gentils (saith he) do hold, that the second Person of the Trinity was incarnated nine times, and that because of divers necessities of the World, from which he hath delivered it: But the eighth Incarnation is the most notable; for they hold, that the World being inslaved under the power of Giants, it was redeemed by the second Person, incarnated and born of a Virgin at [Page 106] midnight, the Angels singing in the Air, and the Heavens pouring down a shower of flowers all that night. This savours much of Christianity: But then there follows a Fable again, which is, That this God incamate killed first of all a Giant that flew in the Air, and was so big as to obscure the Sun, and by his fall to make the Earth to shake, and that by his great weight he sunk as deep as Hell▪ that this God incarnate being wounded in the side, in the first conflict with this Giant, fell, but by his fall put his Enemies to flight; that after he had raised himself again, and redeemed the World, he ascended into Heaven; and that by reason of his wound, he is commonly called the Wounded in his Side. In the tenth Incarnation, which shall then be, when according to our supputation Antichrist shall come, the World shall be delivered from the slavery of the Mahumetans: But this is only a vulgar Tradition, which is not found in their Books.

They say also, that the Third Person of the Trinity hath manifested himself to the World; concerning which they relate, That the Daughter of a certain King, being fit [...]o be married, and asked by her Father, whom she would marry, answered, that she would not be united but to a Divine Person; and that at the same time, the Third Per­son of the Trinity appeared to the King in the form of Fire; that that King forthwith gave notice of it to his Daughter, who presently consented to the Marriage; That this Person of the Trinity, though altogether in a firy appearance, was called before the King's Council, and seeing that the Counsellors opposed this Marriage, took hold of their Beards and burned them, together with the whole Royal Palace, and then married the Daughter. Ridiculous!

They add, that the first Incarnation of the second Person, was in the nature of a Lion; the second, in that of a Swine; the third, in that of a Tortoise; the fourth, in that of a Serpent; the fifth in that of a Brahma She-Dwarf, onely a foot and a half high; the sixth, in that of a Monster, a Man-Lion; the seventh, in that of a Dragon; the eighth, as hath been said already; the ninth, in an Ape; the tenth, in that of a great Cavalier.

Concerning this I shall acquaint you, that I doubt not but that the Reverend Father Roa, hath taken all he saith of this matter out of the Books of the Gentiles, and that is the main ground of their Mythology. I had written many things of it at large in my Papers, and had also taken the Figures of their Gods or Idols, which I had seen in their Temples, having also got of them the Characters of their Language Hanscrit; but find­ing at my return all those things, or at least the best part of it Printed in the China Illust­rata of Father Kircher, who had obtained it at Rome from the same Father Roa; I shall content my self to have named the Book to you. 'Tis true, that the word Incarnation, which the Reverend Father useth, was new to me, having never seen it so expresly used; I had only heard some Pendets thus explaining the thing, viz. That God had formerly appeared in those Figures when he did all those wonders they relate. Others explained it to me after this manner, to wit, That it was the Soul of certain Great Men, such as we might call Hero's, that had passed into these Bodies, and that these Hero's were thus become Deütas, or to speak in the phrase of our old Idolaters, some powerful and considerable Divinities, Numens, Genio's, Demons, Spirits; for I see not that this word Deüta can signifie any other thing: But this second Explication of the Pendets, cometh in effect to the first, for as much as most of them believe, that our Souls are Portions of God.

Others there were that gave me a much sublimer Explication, saying, That all those Incarnations or Apparitions, which their Books speak of are not to be understood accord­ing to the Letter, but Mystically, forasmuch as thereby are explained the several Attributes of God. Some there were, and those of the most learned, acknowledging to me can­didly, that there was nothing more fabulous then those Incarnations, and that they were only the Inventions of Legislators, to retain People in some Religion: And though this were so, if there were nothing else but this, (which is common to them all) that our Souls were Portions of the Deity, it were to be exploded in sound Phylosophy, without making any Mysteries in Religion of it, seeing that in respect of our Souls we should be God, and that in effect it should be our selves that had imposed upon us a Religious Worship, Metempsychoses, Paradice and Hell, which would be ridiculous.

I shall here add a few words, to declare that I am not less obliged to Monsieur Hen­ry Lor, and to Monsieur Abraham Roger, then to the Reverend Fathers Kircher and Roa. I had compil'd an hundred things relating to the Gentiles, which I found in the Books of those Gentlemen, and which would have been a great trouble to me to range them as [Page 107] they have done. I shall therefore content my self to say something in General to you of their Studies and Sciences, not indeed in that good order which possibly you might expect, but just as I have learnt it, and as 'tis probably found in their Books; I mean by fragments, and without coherence.

The Town of Benares, which is seated upon the Ganges in a very fine and rich Coun­try and place, is the General School, and as 'twere the Athens of the Gentry of the Indies; where the Brachmans and the Religious (those that addict themselves to study) come together. They have no Colledges nor Classes ordered as with us, me thinks, 'tis more after the way of the School of the Antients; the Masters being dispersed over the Town in their Houses, and especially in the Gardens of the Suburbs, where the great Merchants do suffer them. Of these Masters some have four Disciples; o­thers six or seven; and the most famous, twelve or fifteen at most, who spend ten or a do [...]zen years with them. All this study goeth on very cooly, because most In­dians are of a slow and lazy humour, to which the heat and diet of the Country contri­butes much; and because they are not animated to industry as we, by that great emu­lation, and by the great hopes we have of coming thereby to great preferment. They study leasurely, and without much tormenting themselves; eating their Kichery or mix­ture of Legums, which the rich Merchants cause to be dressed for them.

Their first study is of the Hanscrit, which is a Language altogether different from the common Indian, and not known but by the Pendets. And this is that Tongue, of which Father Kircher hath publisht the Alphabet received from Father Roa. It is called Hanscrit, that is, a pure Language; and because they believe this is to be the Tongue, in which God, by the means of Bra [...]a, gave them the four Beths, which they esteem Sacred Books, they call it an Holy and Divine Language. They pretend also, that it is as antient as Brahma, whose Age they do not reckon but by Lecques, or hundred thousands of years. But I would gladly have a warrant for such an extraordinary Antiquity. However, it cannot be denied that 'tis very old, in regard that the Books of their Re­ligion, which certainly is very antient, are written in this Tongue, and besides that, it hath it's Authors in Philosophy and Physick in Verses, and some other Poems, and ma­ny other Books, of which I have seen a great Hall quite full in Benares.

After they have learned the Hanscrit (which is very difficult to them, because they have no Grammar worth any thing) they commonly apply themselves to read the Pu­rane, which is as it were the interpretation and sum of the Beths, which are very large, at least if those be they which were shewed me at Benares: and besides they are so very rare, that my Agah could never find them to be sold, what industry soever he used in it. And they keep them very secret, for fear least the Mahumetans should lay their hands on them and burn them, as they have already done several times.

After the Purane some fall upon Philosophy, wherein certainly they go not far. I have already intimated, that they are of a slow and lazy temper, and are not excited by the hopes to obtain some good place by their study.

Among their Philosophers there have principally been six very famous, who make so many different Sects; which causeth also a difference and an emulation among the Pendets or Doctors: For they know, that such an one is of this Sect, another of ano­ther, and every one of them pretends his Doctrine to be better than that of others, and more conform to the Beths. There is indeed another, a seventh Sect, which is called Bauté whence do proceed twelve other different Sects; but this is not so common as the others, the Votaries of it being hated and despised as a company of irreligious and atheistical people, nor do they live like the rest.

All these Books speak of the first principles of things, but very differently. Some say, that all is composed of little Bodies that are indivisible, not by reason of their solidity, hardness, and resistance, but smalness; adding divers things which approach to the opinions of Democritus and Epicurus, but with so much confusion that one knows not where to fasten, all seeming like a rope of sand: which yet may be as much or more the fault of the Pendets, which seem to me very ignorant, then of the Authors.

Others say, that all is made up of matter and form; but not one of them explains himself clearly about the matter, and less about the form. Yet so much I have found, that they understand them not at all as they are wont to be explained in our Schools, by educing the Form out of the power of the Matter: For they always alledge Exam­ples of things Artificial, and among them that of a Vessel of soft Clay, which a Pot­ter turns and shapes divers ways.

[Page 108] Others hold, that all is composed of four Elements and a nothing; but they do not at all explain themselves concerning Mixtion and Transmutation. And as for their nothing, which comes near to our privation, they admit I know not how many sorts of them, which (I believe) they understand not at all, nor are able to make out to others.

There are also some, that maintain light and darkness to be the first Principles, and say a thousand impertinent and confused things upon it, making long-winded discour­ses, which savour nothing at all of Philosophy, but are like the talk of the vulgar.

Others there are that admit privation for the Principle, or rather privations, which they distinguish from nothing, and of which they make long enumerations, so useless and little philosophical, that I can scarce imagine them to be in their Books, or that their Authors could have entertained themselves with such uncouth things.

Lastly, some of them do pretend that all is composed of accidents; of which also they make odd, long, and tedious enumerations, and such as favour only some Petti­fogger, that can amuse the common People.

Touching these Principles in general, they all agree that they are eternal; our pro­duction out of nothing not having come (it seems) into their thoughts, as it hath nei­ther to many others of the antient Philosophers: Yet they say, that there is one of them that hath touched something of it.

As to Physick, they have many little Books that are rather collections of receits then any thing else; the most antient and chief wherefore is in Verse. I shall here tell you. that their practice is sufficiently different from ours, and that they ground themselves upon these Principles: That one who is sick of a Feaver, needs no great nourishment: That the main Remedy of sicknesses, is Abstinence: That nothing is worse for a sick Bo­dy then Flesh-broth, nor which corrupts sooner in the Stomach of a feverish Patient: That no Blood is to be let but in great and evident necessity, as when you apprehend some translation into the Brain, or finde some considerable part, as the Chest, Liver, Kidneys, enflamed.

Whether this Practice be better then ours, I leave to Physitians to decide; but I see that 'tis successful among them. The same practice is not peculiar to the Physitians of the Gentils, but the Mogolian and Mahumetan Doctors, that follow Avicen and Aver­roes, do also very strictly observe it, especially as to Meat-broths. 'Tis true that the Mogols are somewhat more prodigal of their Blood then the Gentils, for in those sicknes­ses wherein they fear those accidents lately specified, they commonly blood once or twice: but these are none of those petty venesections of the new invention of Goa and Paris, but they are of those plentiful ones used by the Antients, of 18. or 20. ounces of Blood, which often come to a swounding, and frequently choak the Disease in the ve­ry beginning, as Galen saith, and as I have often experimented.

Concerning Anatomy, I may safely say, that the Gentils understand nothing at all of it, and they can speak nothing as to that subject but what is impertinent. Nor is it a wonder they are so ignorant in it, since they never open any Body of Man or Beast: they do so much abhor it, that when I opened some living Kids and Sheep before my Agah, to make him understand the Circulation of the Blood, and to shew him the Pecquetian Vessels, through which the Chyle at last comes into one of the ventricles of the Heart, they trembled for fear and ran away. Yet notwithstanding they affirm, that there are five thousand Veins in Man, neither more nor loss, as if they had well count­ed them all.

Touching Astronomy, they have their Tables, according to which they foresee the Eclipses; and though they do it not with that exactness as our European Astronomers, yet they come pretty near. Mean time they discourse of the Eclipse of the Moon, as they do upon that of the Sun, believing that it is the Rah, that black Villain, and mis­chievous Denta, who at that time seizeth on the Moon and blackens her. They hold also, that the Moon is an hundred thousand kosses, that is, above fifty thousand Leagues above the Sun: that she is lucid of her self; and that 'tis she, from whom we receive a certain Vital Water, which gathereth and disposeth it self in the Brain, descending thence as from a source into all the members for their functions. Besides this, they are of opinion, that the Sun and Moon, and generally all Stars are Deütas; that 'tis night when the Sun is behind the Someire, that imaginary Mountain, which they place in the midst of the Earth, and make I know not how many thousand Leagues high, and to which they give the shape of an inverted Sugar-loaf; so that 'tis not day with them, but when the Sun gets out from behinde this Mountain.

[Page 109] In Geography they have sped no better. They believe the Earth to be flat and tri­angular, and that it hath seven stories, all differing in beauty, perfection, and inhabi­tants; each of which is encompassed, they say, by its Sea; that of these Seas one is of Milk, another of Sugar, the third of Butter, the fourth of Wine, and so forth: so that after one Earth there comes a Sea, and after, Sea an Earth; and so on unto seven, begin­ning from Someire, which is in the midst of these stories: that the first story, which is at the foot of Someire, hath Deütas for its inhabitants, which are very perfect; that the second contains likewise Deütas, but less perfect; and so the rest, still lessening the perfection unto the seventh, which they say is ours, that is, of men far less perfect then all the Deütas; and lastly, that this whole Mass is sustained upon the heads of divers Elephants, which when they stir, cause an Earthquake.

All these strange impertinences, which I have had the patience to relate, have often made me think, that if they be those famous Sciences of the antient Brahmans of the Indies, very many have been deceived in the great opinion they entertained of them. For my part, I can hardly believe it, but that I find the Religion of the Indians to be from immemorial times; that 'tis written in the Language Hanscrit, which cannot be but very antient, since its beginning is unknown, and 'tis a dead Language, not understood but by the Learned; that all their Books are only written in that Tongue: All which are as many marks of a very great Antiquity. Let us now add a few words about the worship of their Idols.

When I descended along the River Ganges, and passed through Banares, that famous School of all the Indian Gentility, I went to see the chief of the Pendets, who hath there his ordinary residence. This is a Fakire, or Religious Monk, so renowned for his knowledge, that Chah-Jehan, partly for his Science, partly to please the Rajas, gave him a Pension of 2000 Roupies, that is, about 1000 Crowns. This was a big and proper Man, goodly to look on; who for all his Cloaths had nothing but a white silken Scarf, tied about his waste, and hanging down to his mid-leg, with another red Scarf about his shoulders like a little Cloak. I had often seen him at Dehli in this posture before the King, in the Assembly of all the Omrahs, and marching upon the Streets, sometimes on foot, sometimes in a Palekey. I had also frequently seen and many times conversed with him, when for a whole year together he constantly came to our conference before my Agah, whom he courted, that he might procure him again that Pension which Aureng-Zebe (being come to the Crown) had taken from him, that he might appear a great Musulman. In the visit I made him at Banares, he was exceedingly courteous to me, and even gave me a Collation in the Library of his Uni­versity, attended with six of the most famous Pendets of the Town. When I found my self in so good Company, I prayed them all to tell me their sense about the Adora­tion of their Idols; intimating to them, that I was leaving that Indies, extreamly scandalized upon that score; and reproaching them, that that worship was a thing against all reason, and altogether unworthy such Scholars and Philosophers as they were. Whereupon I received this Answer.

We have indeed (said they) in our Deuras or Temples, store of divers Statues, as those of Braham, Mehaden, Genich and Gavani, who are some of the chief and the most perfect Deütas: and we have also many others of less perfection, to whom we pay great honour, pro­strating our selves before them, and presenting them Flowers, Rice, scented Oyls, Saffron and such other things with much Ceremony, but we do not believe these Statues to be Brahma or Bechen, &c. themselves, but only their Images and Representations, and we do not give them that honour, but upon the account of what they represent. They are in our Temples, because 'tis necessary for praying well, to have something before our eyes that may fix the mind; and when we pray, it is not the Statue we pray to, but he that is represented by it. For the rest, we acknowledge that 'tis God that is absolute, and the only Omnipotent Lord and Master.

This is, without adding or subtracting any thing, the resolution they gave me. But, to tell you true, this seemed a little too much accommodated to our Christianity, in re­spect of what I had learned of it from several other Pendets.

After this, I put them upon their Chronology, where they pretended to shew me far higher Antiquities then all ours. They will not say, that the World is eternal; but they make it so old, that I almost know not which is best. Its determined duration, say they, is of four Dgugue. This Dgugue is a certain determined number of years, as amongst us we have a seculum (an Age) with this difference, that an Age of ours con­tains only an hundred Years, but their Dgugue is made up of an hundred Lecques, that [Page 110] is, an hundred times hundred thousand years. I do not precisely remember the number total of the years of each Dgugue; but this I know very well, that the first, called Sate-Dgugue, is of twenty five Lecques of years: that the second, which they call Trita, is of above twelve Lecques: the third, called Duaper, of eight Lecques and sixty four thou­sand years, if I remember well: and the fourth, called Kale-Dgugue, is of I know not how many Lecques. The three first, say they, and much of the fourth, are elapsed; so that the World shall not last so long as it hath done, because it is to perish at the end of the fourth, all things being then to return to their first Principles. I made them com­pute again and again, to have their age of the World aright; but finding that that perplexed them, and that they agreed not among themselves about the number of the Lecques, I contented my self to see that they make the World exceeding old. But be­ing pressed a little to make out this Antiquity, they pay you with nothing but little stories, and at length come to this, that they find it so in their Beths, or the Books of their Law, given them by the hands of Brahma.

After this I urged them concerning the nature of the Deütas, of which I desired to be particularly instructed; but I received nothing but what was very confused. They said, that there were three sorts of them, Good, Evil, and Indifferent ones, that were neither good nor bad; that some thought, they were made of Fire, others of Light; others that they were Biapek, of which word I could not get a clear explication; only they said, that God was Biapek, and our Soul was Biapek, and what is Biapek is incorruptible, and depends neither from Time nor Place: That others would have them to be nothing else but Portions of the Deity; and lastly, that some there were, that made them cer­tain kinds of Divinities severed and dispensed over the World.

I remember, that I also put them upon the nature of the Lengue-cherire, which some of their Authors do admit: But I could obtain nothing else of it but what I had long since understood from our Pendet, which was, That the seeds of Plants and Animals are not formed anew, but were contrived in the first production of the World, and dispensed abroad every where and mixed in all things; and that they are (not only potentially but actually) the very and entire Plants and Animals, though so small, that their parts cannot be distinguisht, but when being put into a convenient womb, and there nourished, they extend themselves and increase: So that the seeds of an Ap­ple and Pear-Tree are a Lengue-cherire, that is, a little entire and perfect Apple and Pear-Tree, having all its essential parts: And so the seeds of an Horse, an Elephant, and a Man, &c. are a Lengue-cherire; a little Horse, a little Elephant, a little Man, in which there wants nothing but the Soul and Nourishment to make them appear what they are.

For a conclusion, I shall discover to you the mystery of a great Cabala, which in these last years hath made great noise in Indostan, because certain Pendets, or Heathenish Doctors, had possessed with it the minds of Dara and Sultan-Sujah, the two first Sons of Chah-Jehan.

You cannot but know the Doctrine of many of the Antient Philosophers, touching that great Soul of the World, which they will have our Souls and those of Animals to be por­tions of. If we did well penetrate into Plato and Aristotle, we might perhaps find that they were of this sentiment. It is in a manner the general Doctrine of the Heathen Pen­dets of the Indies, and 'tis the same which still maketh the Cabala of the Soufys, and of the greatest part of the learned Men in Persia, and which is found explained in Per­sian Verses, so sublime and emphatical in their Goultchen-raz or Parterre of Mysteries: which is also the very same of Dr. Flud's, whom our great Gassendus hath so learnedly refuted; and that wherein most Chymists lose themselves. But these Indian Cabalists or Tendets I speak of, drive this impertinence farther than all those Philosophers, and pretend, that God, or that Soveraign Being, which they call Achar, (immutable,) hath produced or drawn out of his own substance, not only Souls, but also whatever is material and corporeal in the Universe; and that this production was not meerly made by way of an efficient cause, but by a way resembling a Spider that produceth a Webb, which it draws forth out of its own body, and takes in again when it will. Creation therefore, say these Doctors, is nothing else but an extraction and extension, which God maketh of his own Substance, of those webbs he draws from his own bowels; as Dest [...]ction is nothing else but a reprisal, or taking back again this Divine Substance, and these Divine webbs into himself: So that the last day of the World, which they call Maper [...]é or Pralca, when they believe that all shall be destroyed, shall be nothing else [Page 111] but a general reprisal of all those webbs which God had drawn forth out of himself. There is therefore nothing (so they go on) that is real or effactive in all we think, we see, hear, smell, taste or touch: all this World is nothing but a kind of Dream and a meer Illusion, in regard that all this multiplicity and diversity of things that appear to us, is nothing but one and the same thing, which is God himself; as all those several Num­bers of 10, 20, 100, 1000, &c. are indeed nothing but one and the same unity many times repeated. But if you demand any reason for this phantasie, or any explication of the manner, how this issuing from and reprisal into the substance of God, this ex­tension, and this variety of things is made; or how it can be, that God, being not cor­poreal but Biapek and incorruptible, (as they acknowledge) should yet be divisible into so many portions of Bodies and Souls; they never make any other return, but of some pretty comparisons, as, That God is like an immense Ocean, in which if many Vials full of Water should be floating, they would, wherever they should move, be found al­ways in the same Ocean, in the same Water; and that coming to break, their Water would at the same time be united with their whole, and with that great Ocean of which they were portions. Or they will tell you, that it is with God as with Light, which is the same through the whole Universe, and which yet appears an hundred dif­ferent ways, according to the diversity of the Objects it falls upon, or according to the several colours and shapes of Glasses through which it shineth. They will pay you, I say, only with such kind of similitudes, that bear no proportion at all with God, and are good for nothing, but to cast dust into the eyes of the ignorant people: And you must not expect any solid Answer from them, if you should tell them, that those Vials would indeed be in a like Water, but not in the same; and that it is indeed a like light o­ver all the World, but not the same: or if you should make any other objections a­gainst them, they return always to the same comparisons, pretty expressions, or as the Soufys, to the fine Verses of their Goultchen-raz.

Now Sir, what think you? Had I not reason, from this great heap of extravagancies, I mean, from that panick and childish terror struck into those Indians by Eclipses; from that superstitious compassion for the Sun to deliver it from that black Daemon, accompanied with those Apish Prayers, Washings, Plungings, and Alms cast into the River; from that mad and infernal obstinacy of the Women, burning themselves with the Corps's of their Husbands; from those several madnesses of the Fakires; and lastly, from all that fabulous stuff of the Beths and other Indian Books: Had I not reason, I say, to premise in the title of this Letter; (which is but a poor advantage to me from so long travelling) That there are no opinions so ridiculous or extravagant, of which the mind of man is not capable.

To conclude, I have no more to add then to desire you, to do me the favour and de­liver with your own hands the Letter to Monsieur Chapelle. It is he that first procured me that familiar acquaintance I had with Monsieur Gassendi, your intimate and Illustrious Friend, that hath been so advantagious to me; which maketh me acknowledge my great obligations to him, and exceedingly engageth me to love him, and to remember him in what part of the World soever I am: As I am no less bound to honour you as long as I live; as well for the peculiar affection you have always expressed to me, as for the good counsel you have assisted me with in your many letters during the whole course of my voyages, and for that favour of sending to me with so much generosity (without interest or mony) unto the end of the World: whither my curiosity had carried me, a Chest of Books, when those, of whom I demanded them for mony, ordered by me to be paid at Marseilles, and who should have honestly sent them me, abandoned me there, and laught at all my Letters, looking upon me as a lost man, whom they should never see again.

A Relation of a Voyage made in the year 1664. when the Great Mogol Aureng-Zebe went with his Army from Dehli, the Capital of Indostan, to La­hor; from Lahor to Bember, and from thence to the Kingdom of Kachemire, commonly call'd by the Mogols, The PARADISE of the Indies, &c. By way of several Letters, written by the Author to his Friends.

The first Letter to Monsieur de Merveilles, written at Dehli, Decemb. 1664. Aureng-Zebe being ready to march.
CONTAINING
The Occasion and Cause of this Voyage of Aureng-Zebe; together with an account of the state and posture of his Army, and the Equipage and ordi­nary Provisions of the chief of his Cavalry; and some curious particulars observable in the Voyages of the Indies.

SIR,

SInce that Aureng-Zebe began to find himself in better health, it hath been constantly reported, that he would make a Voyage to Lahor, and go from thence to Kachemire, to change the Air, and to be out of the way of the approaching Summer heats, for fear of a relapse: That the more intelligent sort of men would hardly be perswaded, that as long as he kept his Father Chah-jean prisoner in the Fort of Agra, he would think it safe to be at such a distance. Yet notwithstanding we have found, that Reason of State hath given place to that of Health, or rather to the Intrigues of Raucbenara-Begum, who was wild to breath a more free Air than that of the Seraglio, and to have her turn in shewing her self to a gallant and magnificent Army, as her Sister Begum-sabeb had formerly done during the Reign of Chah-jean.

He departed then the 6th of December, about three a clock in the afternoon; a day and hour that must needs be fortunate for a great Voyage, if we may give credit to the Gentlemen Astrologers, who have so decreed it. And he arrived at Chach-limar, his House of Pleasure, distant about two Leagues from hence; where he spent six whole dayes, thereby to give to all sufficient time to make necessary preparations for a Voyage, that would take up a year and an half. We have this day news, that he is gone to encamp on the way of Lahor, and that when he hath stay'd there two dayes, he intends to continue his march without any further expectation. He hath with him not only the Thirty five thousand Horse, or thereabout, and 10000 Foot, but also both his Artilleries, the great or heavy, and the small or lighter, which is call'd, The drtillery of the Stirrup, because it is inseparable from the person of the King, whereas the Heavy sometimes leaveth him to keep the high and well beaten Roads.

The Great Artillery is made up of seventy pieces of Cannon, most of them cast; of which some are so ponderous, that they need twenty yoke of Oxen to draw them; and some of them require Elephants to help all those Oxen, by thrusting and drawing the wheels of the Wagons with their Trunks and Heads when they stick in any deep way, or are to pass some steep mountain. That of the Stirrup is composed of fifty or [Page 113] sixty small Field-pieces, all of Brass, each carried upon a little pritty and painted Chariot (as hath been already said in another place) beautified with many little red Streamers, and drawn by two very handsom Horses, driven by the Gunner himself, to­gether with a third Horse, which the Gunners Assistant leads for a relief. All these Chariots go alwaies a great pace, that they may be soon enough in order before the Tent of the King, and discharge all at once at the time of his entry, to give the Army notice.

All these great preparations give us cause to apprehend, that in stead of going to Kachemire, we be not led to besiege that important City of Kandahar, which is the Frontier to Persia, Indostan and Ʋsbeck, and the Capital of an excellent Country, yield­ing a very great Revenue, and which for this very reason hath been ever the bone of contention between the Persians and Indians. Whatever it be, there is now a necessity to dispatch at Dehli, any business whatsoever notwithstanding; and I should find my self much cast behind the Army, if I should tarry any longer: Besides I know, that my Navab, or Agab Danech-mend-kan stays for me abroad with impatience: He can no more be without philosophising in the afternoon upon the Books of Gassendi and Des-Cartes, upon the Globe and the Sphere, or upon Anatomy, than he can be without bestowing the whole morning upon the weighty matters of the Kingdom, in the quality of Secre­tary of State for forrain Affairs, and of Great Master of the Cavalry. I shall depart this night, after I have given the last order for all my businesses, and provided all necessaries for my Voyage, as all the principal persons of the Cavalry do; that is, two good Tartarian Horses, whereto I am obliged by reason of the one hundred and fifty Crowns of pay, which I have by the month; a Camel of Persia, and a Groom; a Cook, and another Servant, which must be had ordinarily to march in these Countries before the Horse, and to carry a Flagon with water in his hand. I also have provided the ordi­nary Utensils, such as are a Tent of a middle size, and a proportionate piece of foot-Tapistry; and a little Bed with girdles, made up with four strong and light Canes, and a Pillow for the head; two Coverlets, whereof one folded up fourfold serveth for a Matrasse; a round Table-cloth of Leather to eat upon; some Napkins of dyed Cloth, and three small Sacks for Plate, which are put up in a greater Sack, and this sack into a very great and strong Sack made of Girdles, in which are put all the provisions, to­gether with the Linnen of the Master and Servants. I have also made provision of ex­cellent Rice for five or six dayes, for fear I should not alwayes find so good; of some sweet Biscuit, with Sugar and Anis; of a linnen sleeve with its little iron-hook, to let, by the means thereof, run and to keep curdled milk; and of store of Limons with Sugar, to make Limonade; such Milk and Limonade being the two great and soveraign refreshments of the Indies: All which, as I said, is put into the last named Sack, which is so large and heavy, that three or four men have pains enough to lift it up: though two men do first fold and turn one side upon the other when it is full, and though the Camel be made to stoop very nigh it, and there need no more than to turn one of the sides of that Sack upon the Camel. All this equipage and provision is abso­lutely necessary in such Voyages as these. We must not look for such good lodging and accommodations as we have in our Country. We must resolve to encamp and live after the Arabian and Tartarian mode, without expecting any other Inns than Tents. Nor must we think to plunder the Country-man; all the Lands of the Kingdom being in propriety to the King: We are well to consider, that we must be sober and prudent, and that to ruine the Country man, were to ruine the Demesne of the King. That which much comforts me in this march, is, that we go North-ward, and depart in the beginning of the Winter after the rains; which is the right season for travelling in the Indies, because it raineth not, and we are not so much incommoded by heat and dust. Besides that, I find my self out of danger of eating the bread of Bazar, or of the Mar­ket, which ordinarily is ill baked, full of sand and dust; nor obliged to drink of those naughty waters which being all turbid, and full of nastiness of so many people and beasts that fetch thence, and enter into them, do cause such fevers, which are very hard to cure, and which breed also certain very dangerous worms in the legs. They at first cause a great inflamation, accompanied with a fever, and ordinarily come forth a little after the Voyage although there have been some, that have stay'd a whole year and more before they appear'd. They are commonly of the bigness and length of a small Vial-string, so that one would sooner take them for some nerve than for a worm; and they must be drawn out little by little, from day to day, gently winding them [Page 114] about a little twig of the bigness of a needle, for fear of breaking them. This, I say, comforteth me not a little, that I find my self exempt from these inconveniencies; my Navab having vouchsafed me a very particular favour; which is, that he hath appoint­ed to give me every day a new loaf of his house, and a Souray of the water of Ganges, with which he hath laden several Camels of his train, as the whole Court doth. Souray is that Tin-flagon full of water, which the Servant, that marcheth on foot before the Gentleman on horseback, carrieth in his hand, wrap't up in a sleeve of red cloth. Or­dinarily it holdeth but one pinte; but I had some of them expresly made, that hold two. We shall see, whether this cunning will succeed. The water cooleth very well in this Flagon, provided that care be had alwayes to keep the sleeve moist, and that the Servant that holds it in his hand, do march and stir the air, or else that it be held towards the wind; as is commonly done upon three pretty little sticks, crossing one another, that they may not touch the earth; For the moistness of the linnen, the agi­tation of the air, or the wind, are absolutely necessary to keep the water fresh; as if this moistness, or rather the water imbibed by the sleeve did keep out the little igneous bodies or spirits that are in the air, at the same time when it giveth entrance to the nitrous or other parts, which hinder the motion in the water, and cause coolness; in the same manner as Glass keeps out Water, and giveth passage to the Light, by reason of the particular texture and disposition of the parts of the Glass, and the diversity there must be between the particles of Light and those of Water. We do not use this Tin-flagon for keeping our water cool but in the field: When we are at home, we have Jars of a certain porous Earth, in which it is much better cooled, provided it be expos'd to the wind, and moisten'd with a Linnen-cloth, as the Flagon; or else, use is made of Salt-peter, as all persons of quality do, whether in Towns, or in the Army. They put water, or any other liquor, to be cooled, in a round and long necked Tin­flagon, such as are the English Bottles, and for the space of half a quarter of an hour this Flagon is stirr'd in water, into which hath been cast three or four handfuls of Salt-peter; this maketh the water very cold, neither is it unwholsome, as I did ap­prehend; but only that sometimes it causeth gripings at first when one is not accustom­ed to it.

But to what purpose, to play so much the Philosopher, when we should think to de­part, and to endure the Sun, which at all seasons is incommodious in the Indies, and to swallow the dust, which is never wanting in the Army; to put up, to load, and to unload every day our Baggage, to help the Servants to fasten sticks, to draw Cords, to put up Tents, and to take them down again, to march in the day, and in the night, to devour cold and heat, and in a word, to turn Arabians for a year and an half, during which time we are to be in the Field. Adieu; I shall not fail to acquit my self of my promise, and from time to time to inform you of our Adventures; and besides, since the Army for this time will make but small Journeys in its march, and pass on with all that pomp and magnificence, which the Kings of Indostan do affect, I shall endeavour to observe the most considerable things, that I may impart them to you, as soon as we shall arrive at Lahor.

THE SECOND LETTER;
CONTAINING
The Number and Magnificence, the Order and the Disposition of the Tents o the Great Mogol in the Field: The Number of Elephants, Camels, Mules, and Porters, necessary to carry them: The Disposition of the Bazars or Royal Markets: That of the particular Quarters of the Omrahs, or Lords, and of the rest of the Army: The extent of the whole Army, when encamped: The confusion there met with; and how it may be avoided: The Order of preventing Robberies: The different Manners of the March of the King, the Princesses, and the rest of the Seraglio: The danger there is in being too near the Women: The several ways of the Royal Hunting, and how the King hunts with his whole Army: The abundance of people there is in the Army, and the method of making them all subsist.

SIR,

THis indeed is called marching with gravity, and as we speak here a la Mogole,: it is no more but fifteen or sixteen dayes Journey from Dehli to Lahor, which make lit­tle more than sixscore Leagues; and yet we have spent almost two months on this way. 'Tis true, the King with the best part of the Army went somewhat aside from the high way, the better to enjoy the divertisements of Hunting, and for the conveniency of the water of Gemna, which we went to look for on the right hand, and which we leisurely followed long enough in our hunting, crossing fields of tall grass, full of all sorts of game, where the Horsemen could scarce be seen. At present, whilst we are at rest, I am going to make good what I have promised you in the Title of this Letter; ho­ping shortly to make you come to Kachemire, and to shew you one of the best Coun­tries in the World.

When the King is in the field, he hath usually two Camps, I mean two Bodies, of Tents separated, to the end that when he breaketh up and leaveth one, the other may have passed before by a day, and be found ready when he arriveth at the place design'd to encamp it: And 'tis therefore, that they are called Peiche-kanes as if you should say, Houses going before: These two Peiche-kanes are almost alike, and there are requisite a­bove threescore Elephants, more then two hundred Camels, above an hundred Mules, and as many more Porters to carry one of them. The Elephants carry the most bulky things, such as are the great Tents, and their great Pillars, which being too long and too heavy, are taken down in three pieces. The Camels carry the lesser Tents: The Mules, the Baggage and Kitchins. And to the Porters are given all the little moveables, and such as are delicate and fine, that might easily be broken; as Porcelain, which the King usually imployeth at Table: those painted and guilded Beds, and those rich Karguais; which I shall speak of hereafter.

One of these two Peiche-kanes, or Bodies of Tents, is no sooner arrived at the place designed for encamping, but the Great Marshal that orders the Lodging, chuseth some fair place for the Kings Quarters; yet with a regard, as much as is possible, to the Sym­mitry and order that is to be observed for the whole Army; and he marketh out a Square, of which each side is above three hundred ordinary paces long. An hundred Pikemen presently clear and level this pace, making square planes to raise the Tents upon, and surrounding all this great Square with Kanates or Skreens seven or eight foot high, which they fasten with cords tyed to sticks, and with perches fix't in the ground, by couples, from ten to ten paces, one without, and the other within, inclining the one upon the other. These Kanates are made of a strong cloth lined with stained Linnen. In the middle of one of the sides of this Square is the Entry or Royal Gate, great and magnificent, and the Indian stuff which 'tis made of, as also those Stuffs, of which the whole side of the Square of the face is lined without, are far better and richer than the others.

[Page 116] The first and the greatest of the Tents, that is reared in this Inclosure, is called Am­kas, because it is the place where the King and all the Lords in the Army do assemble about nine a clock in the morning, when the Mokam, that is, the usual publick Meet­ing is held. For, the Kings of Indostan, although they are in a march, do not dispence but very rarely with this almost inviolable custom, which is pass'd into a kind of Du­ty and Law, viz. to appear twice a day in the Assembly, there to give order for State-Affairs, and to administer Justice.

The second, which is little less than the first, and a little further advanced into the Inclosure, is called, Gosl-kane, that is to say, a place to wash in: And here 'tis, where all the▪ Lords every night meet, and where they come to salute and do obeisance to the King, as ordinarily they do when they are in the Metropolis. This Assembly in the evening is very inconvenient to the Omrahs; but it is a thing that looks great and state­ly, to see a far off, in an obscure night, in the midst of a Campagne, cross all the Tents of an Army, long files of Torches lighting these Omrahs to the Kings Quarters, and attending them back again to their Tents. 'Tis true, that these lights are not of wax as ours, but they last very long. They are only an Iron put about a stick, at the end of which are wound raggs of old Linnen from time to time, which is moistned with Oyl, held by the Link-men in their hands in a Brass, or Latton-flagon, with a long and streight neck.

The third Tent, which is not much less than the two first, and is yet further ad­vanced into the Inclosure, is called Kalvet-kane, that is to say, a retired or the Privy Council-place, because none but the first Officers of the Kingdom enter into it; and 'tis there where the greatest and the most important Affairs are transacted.

Yet further into the Square are the particular Tents of the King, encompass'd with small Kanates or Skreens, of the height of a man, and lined with stained Indian Stuff, of that elegant workmanship of Maslipatam, which do represent an hundred sorts of different flowers: and some of them lined with flowred Sattin with large Silk fringes.

The Tents joyning to the Kings, are those of the Begum or Princesses, and the other great Ladies and She-Officers of the Seraglio, which are likewise encompass'd, as those of the King, with rich Kanates; and amidst all these Tents are placed those of the low­er She-Officers, and other serving-Women, alwayes, upon the matter, in the same order, according to their Office.

The Am-kas, and the five or six principal Tents are raised high, that they may be seen at a good distance, and the better fence off the heat. Without it is nothing but a course and strong red cloth, yet beautified and striped with certain large stripes, cut variously and advantagiously to the eye: But within it is lined with those fine Indian flowred Stuffs, of the same work of Maslipatam; and this work is raised and enriched with silk, gold and silver Embroideries having great Fringes, or with some fine flowred Sattin. The Pillars supporting these Tents, are painted and guild; One marcheth on nothing but rich Tapestry, having matrasses of Cotton under them four or five inches thick, and round about these Tapestries there are great square Rails richly cover'd to lean upon.

In each of the two great Tents where the Assembly is kept, there is raised a Theater richly adorned, where the King giveth Audience under a great Canopy of Velvet, or purfled with gold. In the other Tents are found the like Canopies, and there you may see also set up certain Karguais, that is, fine Cabinets, whose little doors are shut with Silver-locks. To conceive what they are, you may represent to you two small Squares of our Skreens, set upon one another, and neatly round about fastned to one another with a Silken-string; yet so that the extremities of the sides of the uppermost come to incline upon one another, so as to make a kind of a little Tabernacle with this difference from our Skreens, that all the sides of these are of very thin and slight Firr-boards, painted and guild without, and enriched round about with gold and Silk-fringes, and lined within with Scarlet, or flowred Sattin, or purfled with Gold.

And this is very near what I can tell you of what is contained within the great Square.

What concerns the particulars that are without the Square; there are first two pretty Tents on both the two sides of the great Entry or Royal Gate, where are found two choice Horses sadled, and richly harness'd, and altogether ready to be mounted upon occasion, or rather for State and Magnificence.

On the two sides of the same Gate are placed in order those fifty or threescore small [Page 117] Field-pieces, that make up the Artillery of the Sirrup above mention'd, and which dis­charge all together to salute the King entring into his Tent, and to give notice thereof to the whole Army.

Before the Gate there is alwayes left void, as much as may be, a great place, at the end of which there is a great Tent, called Nagar-kane, because that is the place of the Timbals and Trumpets.

Near this Tent there is another great one, which is called Tchauky-kane, because it is the place where the Omrahs keep guard, every one in his turn, once a week twenty four hours together; yet notwithstanding most of the Omrahs on the day of their guard, cause, close by, to be rear'd one of their own Tents, to be the more at liberty, and to have more elbow room.

Round about the three other sides of the great Square are set up all the Tents of the Officers, which are alwayes found in the same order and disposition, unless it be that the place permit it not: They have all their peculiar names; but as they are hard to pro­nounce, and I pretend not to teach you the Language of the Country, it will be suffici­ent to tell you, that there is a particular one for the Arms of the King; another for the rich Harnesses of Horses; another for Vests purfled with Gold, which are the ordina­ry Presents bestow'd by the King. Besides, there are four more, near one another; the first of which is designed for keeping Fruit; the second for Comfits; the third for Ganges water, and the Salt-peter to cool it; and the fourth for the Betele, which is that Leaf, whereof I have spoken elsewhere, which is offered to friends, as Coffee is in Turkie, and chew'd to make ruddy lips, and a sweet breath. Next to these, there are fifteen or sixteen others that serve for Kitchins and what belongs to them. Amongst all these Tents are those of a great number of Officers and Eunuchs. Lastly, there are four or five long ones for led Horses, and some others for the best Elephants; and all those that are for hunting. For there must needs be a retreat for all that great number of Birds of prey, that are always carried for Game and Magnificence; and so there must be for those many Dogs, and those Leopards serving to take wild Goats; for those Nilgaus, or gray Oxen, which I take for Elcks; for these Lions and Rhinoceros's, that are led for greatness; for those great Bufalo's of Bengale fighting with Lions; and lastly for those tamed wild Goats, they call Gazelles, that are made to sport before the King.

This vast number of Tents, now spoken of, together with those that are within the great Square, make up the King's Quarter, which is always in the middle, and as 'twere in the center of the Army, except the place do not allow it. It will easily be thence concluded, that this Quarter of the King must needs be something great and royal, and afford a very fine prospect, if one behold from some high place this great bo­dy of red Tents in the midst of the Army, encamped in a fair and even Campagne, where may be fully seen all that order and disposition that is to be observed in the whole.

After that the Great Marshal of the Camp hath chosen a place fit for the Kings's Quar­ter, and hath made the Am-kas to be set up highest of all the Tents, and by which he is to take his measure for the ordering and disposing the rest of the Army accordingly; He then marketh out the Royal Bazars or Markets, whence the whole Army is fur­nisht with necessaries; drawing the first and the chief of all, like a great Street running straight, and a great free way traversing the whole Army, now on the right hand, and by and by on the left of the Am-kas and the King's Quarter, and always in the straight­est line that may be towards the encamping of the next day. All the Royal Bazars, that are neither so long nor so broad, commonly cross this first, some on this, others on the other side of the King's Quarter; and all these Bazars are discern'd by very high Canes like great pearches, which are fixt in the ground from three hundred to three hundred paces or thereabout, with red Standards, and Cows-tailes of the great Ti­bet fastned on the top of these Canes like Perirwigs.

The same Marshal designs, next, the place of the Omrahs, so as they may always keep the same order, and be ever as near as may be the King's Quarter; some on the right, others on the left hand, some on this side of him, others beyond him; so that none of them may change the place that hath been once appointed for him, or that him­self hath desired in the begining of the Voyage.

The Quarters of the Omrahs and Rajas, as to their particular order and disposition, are to be imagined in a manner like that of the King: For commonly they have two Peiche-kanes with a Square of Kanates, which incloseth their principal Tent and those of their Women; and round about these are put up the Tents of their Officers and [Page 118] Cavaliers▪ with a peculiar Bazar▪ which is a street of small Tents for the lower sort of people that follows the Army, and furnisheth the Camp with Forage, Grains, Rice, Butter, and the other things that are most necessary; whereby they are so accommoda­ted, that they need not always go to the Royal Bazars, where generally all things are to be found as in the Capital City. Each Bazar is marked at the two ends by two Canes planted in the ground, which are ast all as those of the Royal Bazars, that so at a good distance the particular Standards fastned to to them may be discovered, and the seve­ral quarters distinguish't from one another.

The Great Omrahs and Rajas affect to have their Tents very high. But they must beware lest they be too high, because it may happen, that the King, passing by, might perceive it, and command them to be thrown down; of which we have seen an ex­ample in this last march. Neither must they be altogether red from without, since those of the King alone are to be so. Lastly, out of respect they must all look towards the Am-kas, or the Quarter of the King.

The residue of the space between the Kings Quarter, and those of the Omrahs and the Bazars, is taken up by the Tents of the Manseb-dars or little Omrahs, and of that infi­nite number of great and small Merchants that follow the Army; of all those that belong to the Law; and lastly, of all such as serve both the Artilleries: Which maketh indeed a prodigious number of Tents, and requireth a very great extent of ground. Yet it is not all true what is said of either of them. And I believe, that when the whole Ar­my is in a fair and even Campagne, where it may encamp with ease, and that, follow­ing the ordinary plot, it comes at length to be lodged, as near as may be, in a round (as we have often seen it does, upon this road) the compass of it will not be above two Leagues, or two Leagues and an half; and with all this there will yet be left here and there several void places. But then the great Artillery, which taketh up a great tract of ground, very often a day or two go before.

Nor is all true, what is said of the strange confusion, which commonly strikes an astonishment into all new comers. For a little acquaintance with the method of the Army, and some heeding of the order observed in the Camp, will soon enable one to avoid all embarasment, and to go to and fro about his business, and to find his quarter again; forasmuch as every one regulateth himself by the King's Quarter, and the par­ticular Tents and Standards of the Omrahs, that may be seen afar off, and by the Stan­dards and Perriwigs of the Royal Bazars, which may also be seen at a great distance.

Yet for all these marks it will sometimes fall out, that one shall be extreamly per­plexed, and even in the day time, but especially in the morning, when a world of people do arrive, and every one of those is busie and seeks to lodge himself: And that not only, because there is often raised so great a dust, that the King's Quarter, the Standards of the Bazars and the Omrahs (which might serve for guides) cannot be discover'd: But because a man finds himself between Tents that are putting up, and between cords, which the lesser Omrahs, that have no Peiche-kane, and the Manseb-dars stretch out to mark their lodgings, and to hinder, that no way may be made nigh them, or that no unknown person may come to lodge near their Tents, where often they have their Women: If in this case you mean to get by on one side, you will find the wayes obstructed by those stretched-out cords, which a troup of mean Serving-men standing there with big cudgels, will not suffer to be lower'd, to suffer the Baggage to pass. If you will turn back, you'l find the wayes shut since you passed. And here it is, where you must cry out, storm, intreat, make as if you would strike, and yet well be­ware of doing so, leaving the men, as well as you can, to quarrel against one another, and afterwards to accord them for fear of some mischief; and in short, to put your self into all imaginable postures to get away thence, and to make your Camels pass: But the great trouble is, when a man is obliged to go in an evening to a place somewhat re­mote; because that those offensive smoaks of the fire of green Wood, of Cowshares, of Camel-dung, which the common people then make in their kitchins, do raise a mist (especially when there is no wind) so thick, that you can see nothing at all. I have been three or four times surprized with it, so as not to know what to do. Well might I ask the way; I knew not whither I went, and I did nothing but turn. Once, among other times, I was constrained to stay still this mist passed, and the Moon risen. And another time I was forced to get to the Aguacy-die, to lye down at the foot thereof, and there to pass all the night as well as I could, having my Servant and Horse by me. This Aguacy-die is like a tall Mast, but very slender, which can be taken down in three [Page 119] pieces, and 'tis planted toward the King's Quarter, near that Tent which is called Nagar-kane. In the evening is drawn up to the top of it a Lanthorn with a light burn­ing in it all night long; which is very commodious, as being seen a great way off; and thither it is that people gone astray do retire, from thence to get again to the Bazars, and to ask the way, or there to pass the rest of the night; for no body hinders one from doing so, and a man may be there in safety from Robbers. It is called Aguacy-die, as if you should say, light of Heaven, in regard that from a far off it appears like a Star.

For the prevention of Robberies, each Omrah causeth a guard to be kept all the night long, in his particular Camp, of such men that perpetually go the round, and cry Kaber-dar, have a care. Besides, there are round about the Army set guards, at five hundred common paces from one another, that keep a fire, and cry also Kaber-dar. And over and above all these, the Cotoual, who is, as 'twere, the great Prevost, sends out Troups of Guards every way, that pass through all the Bazars, crying out and trumpetting all night long. Yet for all this, some robberries there are now and then committed; and 'tis necessary alwayes to be upon ones guard, to go to sleep by times, that so you may be awake the rest of the night, and not to trust your servants too much to keep guard for you.

But let us now see, how many different wayes the Great Mogol is carried in the Field.

Ordinarily he causeth himself to be carried on mens shoulders, in a kind of Sedan or Litter, upon which is a Tact-raven, that is, a Field-throne, on which he is seated: And this is like a magnificent, Tabernacle with pillars, painted and guilded, which may be shut with glass, when 'tis ill weather; the four branches of the Litter are cover'd with Scarlet or purpled Gold, with great Gold and Silk-fringes; and at each branch there are two robust and well-cloathed Porters, that change by turns with as many more that follow.

Sometimes also he goeth on Horse-back, especially when 'tis a fair day for hunting. At other times he rideth on an Elephant, in a Mik-dember, or Hauze; and this is the most splendid appearance: For, the Elephant is decked with a very rich and very mag­nificent Harnass; the Mik-dember, being a little square House or Turret of Wood, is alwayes painted and guilded; and the Hauze, which is an Oval seat, having a Canopy with Pillars over it, is so likewise.

In these different Marches he is alwayes accompanied with a great number of Omrahs and Rajas following him close and thick on horse-back without any great order: And all those that are in the Army are obliged to be at the Amkas at break of day, unless he do exempt them from it upon the account either of their peculiar Office, or their great Age. This march is very inconvenient to them, especially on hunting dayes; for they must endure the Sun and Dust as the simple Souldiers, and that sometimes until three of the clock in the afternoon; whereas, when they do not attend the King, they go at ease in their Palekys, close cover'd, if they please, free from the Sun and Dust; sleeping in them couched all along as in a bed, and so coming in good time to their Tent, which expects them with a ready dinner, their kitchin being gone the night before, after supper. About the Omrahs, and amongst them, there is alwayes a good number of Horse-men well mounted, call'd Gourze-berdars, because they carry a kind of Silver-Mace of Armes. There are also many of them about the right and left wings, that precede the person of the King, together with store of Foot men. These Gourze­berdars are Choice-men, of a good men and a fair stature, appointed to carry orders, and having all of them great sticks in their hands, whereby they put people aside at a good distance, and hinder that no body march before the King to incommode him.

After the Rajas marcheth a train mixed of a great number of Timbals and Trumpets. I have already said in another place, that this Train consists of nothing but of figures of Silver representing strange Animals, Hands, Scales, Fishes, and other mysterious things, that are carried at the end of great Silver-sticks.

At last a great troup of Manseb-dars, or little Omrahs, well mounted, and furnisht with Swords, Arrows and Quivers, follow after all the former: And this Body is much more numerous than that of the Omrahs, because, besides that all those that are of the Guard dare not fail to be at break of day, as the Omrahs, at the gate of the Kings Tent to accompany him: There are also many, that come amongst them, to make their Court, and to become known there.

[Page 120] The Princesses, and the great Ladies of the Seraglio are also carried in sundry fash­ions; some are carried, like the King, on mens shoulders, in a Tchaudoule, which is a kind of Tactravan, painted, guilded, and cover'd with great and costly Net-work of Silk of divers colours, enriched with Embroidery, Fringe, and thick pendant tufts. O­thers are carried in a very handsome Palekys closed, that are likewise painted and guil­ded, and covered with that rich silken net-work. Some are carried in large Litters by two strong Camels, or by two small Elephants, instead of Mules: and in this manner I have sometimes seen carried Rauchenara-Begum; when I also observed, that in the fore-part of her Litter, being open, there was a little She-slave, that with a peacocks­tail kept off from her the Flyes and Dust. Lastly, others are carried upon Elephants richly harnessed, and cover'd with [...]mbroider'd d [...]kings, and great Silver-bells; where these Ladies sit, raised, as 'twere, into the middle region of the Air, four and four in Mik-dembers latticed, which always are cover'd with silken Net-work, and are no less splendid and stately than the Tchaudoules and Tactravans.

I cannot forbear relating here, that in this Voyage I took a particular pleasure in be­holding and considering this pompous march of the Seraglio. And certainly nothing more stately can be imagined, than to see Rauchenara-Begum march first, mounted upon a lusty Elephant of Pegu in a Mik-dember, all shining of Gold and Azur, attended by five or six other Elephants with their Mik-dembers, almost as splendid as hers, filled with the principal She-Officers of her House; some of the most considerable Eunuchs, richly a­dorned, and advantagiously mounted, riding on her side, each with a Cane in his hand; a Troup of Tartarian and Kachemirian Maids, of Honour about her, odly and fantastically dressed, and riding on very pretty Hackney-horses; and lastly, many other Eunuchs on Horseback accompanied with store of Pages and Lackeys, with great sticks in their hands, to make way afar off. After this Rauchenara-Begum, I saw pass one of the prin­cipal Ladies of the Court, mounted and attended in proportion: And after this, a third in the same fashion; and then another, and so on to fifteen or sixteen all, (more or less) bravely mounted and accompanied according to their quality, pay, and office. Indeed this long file of Elephants to the number of fifty, or more, thus gravely marching with paces, as 'twere, counted, and withal this gallant train and equipage, does represent something that is Great and Royal; and if I had not beheld this Pomp with a kind of philosophical indifference, I know not, whether I should not have suffer­ed my self to be carried away to those extravagant sentiments of most of the Indian Po­ets, who will have it, that all these Elephants carry as many hidden Goddesses. 'Tis true, one can hardly see them, and they are almost inaccessible by men; it would be a great misfortune to any poor Cavalier whosoever, to be found in the Field too near them in the march; all those Eunuchs, and all the crue of Servants are to the highest degree insolent, and desire nothing more than such apretext and occasion to fall upon a man and give him some Bastinadoes. I remember, I was once thus unfortunately surprized, and certainly I had been very ill used, as well as many other Cavaliers, if at length I had not resolved to make my way out by my sword, rather than suffer my self to be thus maim­ed as they began to order the matter; and if by good luck I had not been provided with a good Horse, that carried me vigoronsly out of the press, when I put him on thorow a torrent of people, that was to be repassed. And it is grown in a manner a common Proverb of these Armies, That, above all, one must beware of three things: First, Not to let one self to be engaged amongst the troups of the chosen led Horse, they ne­ver failing to strike: Secondly, not to come into the places of Hunting: Thirdly, not to approach too near the Women of the Seraglio. Yet notwithstanding by what I hear, it is much less dangerous here than in Persia; for there 'tis death to be found in the field in sight of the Eunuchs that attend them, though you were half a league distant from them. It is required, that as many men as there are in the Villages and Burroughs, where they pass, do all abandon them and retire afar off.

As to the Hunting of the King, I knew not first how to imagine what is commonly said, which is, that the Great Mogol goes to hunt with an hundred thousand men: But now I feel, it may very well be said, that he goes to hunt with above two hundred thousand, nor is it a thing hard to comprehend. In the neighbouring places to Agra and Dehli, along the river Gemma as far as to the mountains, and even on both sides of the high way to Lahor, there is abundance of untilled Lands, some of Copse-wood, and some of Grass above a mans height: In all these places there are great numbers of Guards, uncessantly roving up and down, and hindering all other people from huntin [Page 121] except Partridges, Quailes and Hares, which the Indians know to take with nets: So that every where in those places there is very great store of all kind of Game. This being so, the hunting guards, when they know that the King is in the field, and near their quarters, give notice, to the Great Hunting-master, of the quality of the Game, and of the place where most of it is: then the Guards do line all the avenues of that quarter, and that sometimes for above four or five Leagues of ground, that so the whole Army may pass by, either this or that way, and the King being in his march may at the same time enter into it with as many Omrabs, Hunters and other persons as he shall please, and there hunt at his ease, now in one manner and then in another, according to the difference of the Game. And now behold first, how he hunteth the Gazelles or wild Fawns with tamed Leopards.

I think, I have else where told you, that in the Indies there is store of Gazelles, that are in a manner shaped as our Hinds or Fawns; that these Gazelles commonly go in several troups, and that every troup, which never consists of above five or six, is alwaies follow'd by one only male, discernable by the colour. One of such troups being dis­cover'd, they endeavour to make the Leopard see them, who is held chain'd upon a little chariot. This crafty animal doth not presently and directly run after them, but goes winding and turning, stopping and hiding himself, so to approach them with more ad­vantage, and to surprize them: And as he is capable to make five or six leaps with an almost incredible swiftness, when he finds he is within reach, he lanceth himself upon them, worrieth them, and gluts himself with their blood, heart and liver: If he fail­eth (which often happens) he stands still, and it would be in vain for him to attempt to take them by running after them, because they run much faster, and hold out longer than he. Then the Master comes gently about him, flattering him, and throwing him some pieces of flesh, and thus amusing him, puts something over his eyes to cover them, and so chains him, and puts him upon the chariot again. One of these Leopards gave us once in our march this divertisement, which frighted store of people. A troup of Gazelles appear'd in the midst of the Army, as they will do every day; it chanced that they passed close to two Leopards that were carried. as they use to be, upon their little chariot. One of them not blinded, made such an effort that he burst his chain, and darted himself after them, but without catching any of them: Yet the Gazelles, not knowing which way to escape, being pursued, cried after, and hunted on every side, there was one of them that was forced to repass again near the Leopard, who, notwithstanding the Camels and Horses that pestred all the way, and contrary to what is commonly said of this Beast, that it never returns to its prey when it hath once failed of it, flew upon it and caught it.

The hunting of the Nilgaux or gray Oxen, which I said were a kind of Elcks, hath no great matter in it. They are inclosed in great Nets, that are by little and little drawn closer together, and when they are reduced to a small compass of enclosure, the King, the Omrahs, and the Hunters do enter and kill them at pleasure with Arrows, Half-pikes, Sables or Musquets; and sometimes in so great numbers, that the King sends quarters of them for presents to all the Omrabs.

The Game of the Cranes hath something of divertisement. 'Tis a pleasure to see them defend themselves in the Air against the Birds of prey; they sometimes kill some of them; but at length, not being nimble in turning, many strong Birds master them.

Of all the Games that of the Lion is the most Royal, because there is none but the King and the Princes that can exercise it (unless it be by a very particular leave;) but it is also the most dangerous. The manner of it is this. When the King is in the field, and the Hunting-guards have discover'd the place of the Lions retirement; they tye fast an Ass there-about, which the Lion soon comes to devour, and without caring to look out for other prey, as Oxen, Cows, Mutton or Shepherds, he goes to seek for drink, and returns to his ordinary lodging place, where he lyes down and sleeps until next morning, when he finds another Ass in the self-same place, which the Hunters have fastned there as the day before; and when they have thus baited and amused him several dayes in the same place, and now that the King is nigh, they at length tye fast another Ass, but whom they have made to swallow a quantity of opium, to the end that his flesh may the better lull asleep the Lion, and then all the Country-men of the circumjacent Villages spread large and strong nets made for that purpose, which they also by degrees reduce to a small compass, as is practised in the hunting of the Nilgaux. All things thus prepar'd, the King mounted on an Elephant trap'd with [Page 122] iron, being attended by the great Hunting-master, some Omrahs riding also on Ele­phants, by abundance of Gourze-berdars on Horse-back, and by a numerous Hunting-guard on foot, arm'd with Half-pikes, approacheth to the Nets from without, and with a great Musquet shoots at the Lion; who when he finds himself wounded, comes directly to the Elephant, as his custom is; but he meets with those big Nets stopping him, and the King shoots so often at him, that at last he kills him. Yet in this last hunting there was a Lion that leapt over these Nets, fell upon an Horseman whose Horse he kill'd, and then ran away: But the Hunters met with him, and inclosed him again in the Net, which caused a great disturbance to the Army; we were three or four dayes padling in small torrents running down the mountains, betwixt under­wood and such long grass as that Camels hardly can be seen therein; and happy were these that had some provision of victuals; for all was in disorder: The Bazars could not range themselves, and the Villages were remote. The reason why we were to stop there so long, was, that as it is a good Omen with the Indians when the King kills a Lion, so it is a very ill one, when he faileth, and they think that the State would run great hazard if they should not master him. Hence 'tis also that they make many Ceremonies upon the account of this Hunting; for they bring the dead Lion before the King in the general Assembly of the Omrahs, and after he hath been well viewed and exactly measur'd, 'its recorded in the Archives, that such a King, at such a time, slew a Lion of such a bigness, of such hair, of so long and large teeth and claws, not omitting the least circumstances.

I shall here only add a word in reference to what is commonly said of the Opium, that the Ass is made to swallow, viz. That one of the chief Hunters assur'd me, that it was but a tale of the vulgar, and that the Lion slept sufficiently without it, when he had his belly full.

Now to return to our march; when the great Rivers, which in these quarters com­monly have no Bridges, are to be passed, there are made two Boat-Bridges, about two or three hundred paces distant from one another; which they know well enough how to chain and fasten together. Upon them they cast earth and straw mingled together, which preventeth the sliding of the animals. The first passing upon, and the coming from it are only dangerous, because, that besides the great croud, which then common­ly throngeth, and the great confusion and embarasment, it often happens that pits or holes are made when 'tis moving earth; and then you shall have Horses and burthen'd Oxen tumble upon one another, over whom people do pass with an incredible disord­er; which would be yet greater, if all were to pass in one day: But ordinarily the King encampeth but half a League from the Bridge, where he stays a day or two, and he ne­ver almost encampeth farther than half a League from the River on the other side of the Bridge, that so the Army may have at least three days and three nights to pass more conveniently,

Lastly, as to the number of people that is found in the Army, it is not so easie a thing to determine it. It is so differently spoken of, that one knows not what to Judge of it. What I can tell you of it in the general, that is most probable, is this: That in this march there were at least, as to Souldiers and others, an hundred thousand Horse­men, and above an hundred and fifty thousand Animals, as Horses, Mules or Elephants; that there were near fifty thousand Camels, and almost as many Oxen or Asses, that serve to carry the grain, and other provisions of these poor people of the Bazars, their wives and children: For they lugg all with them, as our Bohcmians do. Upon this measure you may reckon pretty near the number of the serving people, supposing that nothing is there done but by the force of servants, and that I, who am but in the rank of a Cavalier of two Horses, can hardly do my business with less than three men: Some say, that in the whole Army, there is scarce less than between three or four hundred thousand persons. Others reckon more; others less. No body ever told them to de­termine the precise number. I can say nothing of certainty, but only that 'tis a pro­digious and almost incredible number; but then you are to imagine, that 'tis all Dehli, the Capital City, that marcheth, because that all the Inhabitans of that Town, living upon the Court and the Army, are obliged to follow them, especially when the voyage is to be long, as this; or else they must starve.

The difficulty is to know, whence and how so great an Army can subsist in the Field, so vast a number of people and beasts. For that, we must only suppose (which is ve­ry true) that the Indians live very soberly, and observe a very simple diet, and that of all [Page 123] this great number of Cavaliers there is not the tenth, or not the twentieth man, that in his march eats flesh: provided they have their Kichery, that is, their mixture of Rice and of other legums, upon which they pour butter when they are boyled, they are content. We are also to know, that Camels endure labour, hunger and thirst ex­treamly well, live upon a little, and eat almost any thing, and that assoon as the Army encampeth any where, the Camel-drivers let them to into the field to brouze, where they eat whatever they light upon. Besides, that the Merchants that entertain Bazars in Dehli, are obliged to entertain them in the field: and that all the small Merchants, that keep shop in the Bazars of Dehli, keep them also in the Army, either by force, or out of necessity, and lastly, that as to Forage, all these poor people go roving up and down every where in the Village, to buy what they can get, and to gain something by it; and their great and common refuge is, with a kind of Trowel to raspe or knock down whole fields, to beat and wash what they have there gotten, and so to carry it to sell to the Army, which they do sometimes very dear and sometimes very Cheap; I forgot to mention one thing that's remarkable, viz. that the King enters into the Camp, now on one side, then on another; and that to day he passeth near the Tents of certain Omrahs, and tomorrow near those of others. Which he doth not without design; for the Omrahs, which he passeth by so near, are obliged to meet him, and to make him some small present or other; so that some will present him with twenty Roupies of Gold, which maketh thirty Pistols; others with fifty, and so others in proportion, according to their generosity, and the greatness of their pay.

For the rest, you will excuse me, that I do not observe to you the Towns and Bur­roughs that are between Dehli and Lahor; I have seen in a manner none of them, for I went almost always cross the fields, and in the night, because my Agah was not placed in the middle of the Army, where often is the high way, but very forward in the right Wing. We went as well as we could by Star-light cross the fields to gain the right Wing of the Camp, without seeking for the high way; though sometimes we found our selves much perplexed, and in lieu of three of four Leagues, which is the ordinary distance of one encampment from one another, we sometimes made five or six; but when the day comes on, we soon found our selves where we should be.

THE THIRD LETTER.
A Description of Lahor, the Capital of Penjeab, or, The Kingdom of the Five Waters.

SIR,

IT is not without reason, that this Kingdom, of which Lahor is the Capital City, is called Penjeab, or the Country of the Five Waters, because there are actually Five considerable Rivers coming down from those Mountains, within which the Kingdom Kachemire is lock'd up, and that run cross this tract of Land to fall into the River Indus, discharging themselves together into the Ocean at Scymdi, towards the entry of the Persian Gulph. Whether Lahor be that ancient Bucephalos, I decide not. Mean time, Alexinder is sufficiently known here under the name of Sekan-der Filifous, that is, Alexander Son of Philip; but as to his Horse, they know it not. The City of Lahor is built upon one of these Five Rivers, which is not less than our River Loire, and for which there is great need of a like bank, because it maketh great devastation, and often changeth its bed, and hath but lately retired it self from Lahor for a quarter of a League; which very much incommodeth the Inhabitants. The Houses of Lahor have this peculiar above those of Dehli and Agra; that they are very high, but most of them are ruinous, because 'tis now more then twenty years that the Court is alwayes at Dehli or at Agra, and that in these later years the rains have been so excessive, that they have overthrown many of them, whereby also much people hath been killed. 'Tis true, there remain still five or six considerable Streets, of which there are two or three that are above a League long; but in them also are many buildings found that fall down. The Kings Palace is no longer upon the River side, as it was formerly, be­cause [Page 124] that the River hath left it. It is very high, and magnificent; yet those of Agra and Dehli do much surpass it. It is now above two months that we are here, expect­ing the melting of the Snow of the mountains of Kachemire, for a more convenient passage into that Kingdom. But at length we are to depart tomorrow. The King hath been gone these two dayes. I have got a little Kachemirian Tent, which I bought yesterday. I was advised to do like others, and to leave here my ordinary Tent, which is big and heavy enough, because, they say, that between the mountains of Kachemire, whither we are now marching, it will be difficult to find room enough, and that the Camels not having place enough to pass, we shall be obliged to get our Baggage carried by Porters, and that so my large Tent would cost me much to carry.

Adieu.

THE FOURTH LETTER.

SIR,

I Believed, that after we had overcome the heats of Maok, near Babel-ma [...]del, I could defie those of the rest of the Earth, but since these four dayes that the Army left Lahor, I find I come very short of my reckoning, and I have experimented to the hazard of my life, that it is not without reason, that the Indians themselves did appre­hend the eleven or twelve dayes march of the Army, from Lahor to Bamber, the entry of the mountains of Kachemire. I protest unto you, without any exaggaration, that the heats have been so excessive, that sometimes they have reduced me to extremity, insomuch that I knew not in the morning whether I should live till night. The cause of this extraordinary heat is, that the high mountains of Kachemire being on the North of our road, keep from us all the cool wind that might come and refresh us from that Quarter, and do reflect the sun-beams upon us, and leave the field burnt up and choa­king. But to what purpose, to play the Philosopher, and to seek reasons for that, which perhaps will kill me tomorrow.

THE FIFTH LETTER.

SIR,

I Passed yesterday one of the greatest Rivers of the Indies, called the Tche [...]au. The excellency of its water, of which the great Omrahs make provision in lieu of that of Ganges: (whereof they have drunk hitherto) keeps me from believing this to be some River to pass to Hell, rather than to Kachemire, where they would make us believe we shall find Snow and Ice: For I find it grow worse and worse every day, and that the more we advance, the more heat we feel. 'Tis true that I pass'd the Bridge at Noon­day; but I almost knew not, which was best, to march in the field, or to keep ones self stuff'd up under a Tent: At least, I have succeeded in my design, which was, to pass the Bridge with ease, whilst all men did repose themselves, expecting to leave the Camp towards evening when the Heat is not so violent; whereas if I had staid as the rest did, some mischief perhaps might have befallen me. For it hath been, I hear, the most terrible confusion, and the greatest disorder that ever was in any the like for­mer passage from Dehli; the entring upon the first Boat, and the going off from the last, having been made very difficult, because it was meer moving sand, which as people marched upon it, and stirr'd it, did slide away into the water, and left a pit; insomuch that a great number of Camels, Oxen and Horses were in the crowd over­thrown and trampled under foot, and store of blows distributed besides: There are ordinarily, upon such occasions, some Officers and Cavaliers of the Omrahs, who to make way for their Masters and their Baggage, are not sparing of them. My Navab hath lost one of his Camels with the Iron Oven it carried; which maketh me appre­hend, I shall be reduced to the bread of Bazar.

Farewel.

THE SIXTH LETTER.

SIR,

IT is too much curiosity, 'tis folly, or at least temerity in an European to expose him­self to such heats and dangerous marches; It is putting ones self into manifest peril of life. Yet notwithstanding, misfortune is good for something. Whilst we stayed at Lahor, I was seized on by a Flux, and by gripings, which did very much incommode me; caused by my constant lying upon a Terrasse, and taking the cool of the night, as we use to do at Dehli without danger. But since we have been marching these eight or nine dayes, the sweat hath dissipated all those humors. My body is become a right Sieve, very dry, and I have no sooner taken into my stomach a pint of water (for less will not serve our turn) but I see it at the same time issue out of my limbs like a dew to the very ends of my fingers. I believe I have this day drunk above ten pints. And this is some comfort, that one may drink of it as much as one lists without danger, provided it be good water.

The SEVENTH LETTER, to the same.
VVritten from the Camp of the Army, marching from Lahor to Kachemire, the tenth of March in the morning.

SIR,

The Sun is but just now rising, yet he is intolerable; there is not a Cloud in the Sky, not a breath of Wind; my horses are spent, they have not seen a green Herb since we came out of Lahor; my Indians for all their black, dry, and hard Skin, sink under it. My face, hands and feet are peeled off, and my body is covered all over with pim­ples, that prick me as so many needles. Yesterday one of our poor Cavaliers, that had no Tent, was found dead at the foot of a small Tree, he had seized on. I doubt, whether I shall outlive this days journey; all my hope is in a little dry curdled Milk, which I am going to dilute with Water and Sugar, and some Limons, I have left, to make Limonade. Farewel; the Ink dryeth at the end of my Pen, and the Pen falls out of my hand. Farewell.

The EIGHTH LETTER, to the same.
VVritten from Bember, the Entry of the Mountains of Kachemire, after having two days encamped there. VVhat Bember is; the change of carriages for the Mountains; the incredible number of Porters, and the order obser­ved in the Army.

SIR,

WE are at length arriv'd at Bember, the foot of a steep, black, and burn'd Moun­tam, and we are encamped in the channel of a large Torrent dried up, full of sand and stones burning hot; It is like an hot Oven: And if it were not for the show­er of Rain, we had this morning, and for the curled Milk, the Limons, and the Fowl brought to us from the mountains, I know not what would have become of me, and you would perhaps never have seen this Letter. But, God be thanked, I feel the Air a little cooler; my Stomach, Strength and Tongue are returned. So then take this ac­count of our new kind of march and trouble.

Yester-night the King first of all, together with Rauchenara-Begum, and the other Women of the Seraglio, the Raja Ragnat that performs the Office of the Vizir, and Fasel-kan the High Steward, went away from this burning place, and last night the great Hunting-master departed with some of the greatest and most necessary Officers of the Royal Family, and many considerable Women. This night 'tis our turn; my Navab Danech-men [...]-kan will go away, and Mahmet-Emir-kan, the Son of that famous Emir-jemla, of whom I have spoken so much in another place, will be of our Company; and so will Dianet-kan, our good friend, with his two Sons, and many other Omrahs, Ra­jahs and Manseb-dars: And after us, all the other Lords, that are bound for Kachemire. will be gone all in their turns, to avoid in these difficult and narrow ways of the moun­tains, the trouble and confusion, during these five days of marching between this place and Kachemire. All the rest of the Court, as Fedaykan, the great Master of the Artillery, [Page 126] three or four great Rajas, and many Omrahs, are to stay hereabout for a guard, during three or four months,, until the King do return after the great heats are over. Some shall go to dress their Tents on the one side of the River Tehenau, others in the neigh­bouring Towns and Burroughs, and others will be obliged to camp here in this Fire of Bember.

The King for fear of starving this small Kingdom of Kachemire, first carries with him the least number of Women he can, the greatest Ladies, the best friends of Rauchenara-Begum, and those that are most necessary for service. Nor doth he carry more of the Omrahs and Militia than he needs must: And the Omrahs that have leave to come with him cannot take with them all the Cavaliers, but only 25 of 100, yet without compre­hending therein the particular Officers of their Family. And that is to be religiously observ'd, because there is an Omrah upon the Guard at the entry of the Mountains, that reckons all that pass, one by one, and hinders the passing of that great number of Man­seb-dars and other Cavaliers, that would fain go and enjoy the cool Air of Kachemire; as also all those small Merchants and little people of Bazar that seek to gain a livelyhood. The King, for the carriage of necessaries and the Women of the Seraglio, taketh with him some of the strongest and best Elephants: These Beasts, though gross and unwiel­dy, are very sure-footed, and in ill way they march very warily, assuring themselves first of one foot before they remove the other. He taketh also some Mules with him; but Camels, the most necessary, he cannot make use of in this passage; these Mountains being too steep and craggy for their long shanked and stiff leggs: Porters must supply their places; and what number you think must there be, if the King alone, as they say, hath above six thousand for his occasions, and I, a private man, though I have left at Lahor my ordinary Tent and much of my baggage, as every one hath done, even the King himself and the Omrahs, find my self obliged to have three of them? 'Tis believ­ed, there are already no less here than fifteen thousand, partly of those which the Go­vernour of Kachemire and the Rajas here about have compelled to be here, partly of those that come hither of their own accord out of the neighbouring Villages to earn some­thing; for a man is obliged, following the Kings order, to give them ten Crowns for an hundred pound weight. 'Tis said, that, in all, there are above thirty thousand of them, without reckoning that a month ago the King and the Omrahs sent away some baggage before, and the Merchants, all sorts of Commodities.

THE NINTH LETTER.
An exact description of the Kingdom of Kachemire, and the present State of the Neighbouring Mountains; together with an Answer to five considerable Questions of a Friend.

SIR,

THE Histories of the Ancient Kings of Kachemire tell us, that all that Countrey was formerly nothing but a great Lake; and that there was an old Holy man, call­ed Kacheb, that gave an outlet to the Waters by a Miraculous Cut he made in the Moun­tain of Baramoule. This may be seen in the Abridgment of these Histories, which Jehan-Guire caused to be made, and which I am translating out of the Persian Tongue. For my part, I would not deny, all this Land to have once been cover'd with Water; the like is affirmed of Thessaly, and some other Countries; but 'tis hard to believe, that this opening is the work of one man, because the Mountain is very big and very high. I should rather think, that some great Earthquake (those parts being subject enough to them) had open'd some Cavern under ground, which the Mountain did sink into, after the same manner as the opening of Babel-Mandel is made (if it be true what the Arabians of that Countrey say of it) and as whole Towns and Mountains have been seen to be swallow'd up in great Lakes.

However it be, Kachemire is no Lake now, but a very fair Campagne, diversified by many little Hillocks, about 30 Leagues long, and 10, or 12 Leagues broad; situated in the extream of Indostan, North of Lahor, lock'd up within the Mountains of Caucasus, between those of the Kings of the great Tibet, the little Tibet, and the Raja Gamon, its next Neighbours.

The first Mountains surrounding it, I mean those that are next to the Plain, are of a middle height, all green with Trees or Pasture, full of all sorts of Cattel, as Cows, [Page 127] Sheep, Goats, Horses; and of Game of divers kinds, as Partridges, Hares, Gazelles, and of some Animals yielding Musk. There are also abundance of Bees; and (which is rare in the Indies) there are found no Serpents, Tigers, Bears, Lions, but very sel­dom. So that it may be said, that these are not only very innocent Mountains, but flowing with Milk and Honey, as were those of the Land of Promise.

Beyond those middle-siz'd Mountains, there rise others, very high ones, the top of which are alwayes cover'd with Snow, and appear above the ordinary Clouds and Mists, alwayes calm and clear as well as Mount Olympus.

Out of all these Mountains do issue innumerable Sources and Rivulets on all sides, which the Inhabitants know how to convey to their Rice-fields, and even through raised Ground unto their little Hillocks; and which, after they have made a thousand other little Rivulets, and a thousand Cascata's every where, come at last to meet, and to make a very fair River, that carrieth Boats as big as our River of Seine, and after it hath gently turn'd about the Kingdom, and passed through the midst of the Capital City, finds its out-let at Baramoule between two steep Rocks, and having afterwards taken in many small Rivers that come down from the Mountains, falls about Atex into the River Indus.

All these Rivulets descending from the Mountains, make the Plain and all those Hillocks so fair and fruitful, that one would take this whole Kingdom for some great Ever-green Garden, intermixed with Villages and Burroughs, discovering themselves between Trees, and diversified by Meadows, Fields of Rice, Corn, and divers other Legumes, of Hemp, and Saffron; all interlaced with Ditches full of Water, with Channels, with small Lakes and Rivulets here and there. Up and down every where are also seen some of our European Plants, Flowers, and all sorts of our Trees, as Apples, Pears, Prunes, Apricots, Nuts, Vines. The particular Gardens are full of Melons, Water­melons, Skirrets, Beets, Radishes, all sorts of our Pot-herbs, and of some we have not.

'Tis true, there are not so many sorts of Fruit as with us, nor are they so excellent as ours; but I believe that that is not the fault of the Soil, but that, if they had as good Gardeners as we, knowing to cultivate and graft Trees, to chuse proper places and proper Stocks, and to send for Grafts from Forreign Countries, they would have as many and as good as we; because among that number of divers sorts, which I often caused to be brought to me, I have frequently met with very excellent ones.

The Capital City, which is of the same name with that of the Kingdom, is with­out walls; 'tis three quarters of a League long, and half a League broad; scituate in a Plain, about two Leagues distant from Mountains, which seem to make as 'twere a Semi-Circle; and standing upon a Lake of sweet Water of four or five miles in com­pass, which is made up of Live-Springs, and of Rivulets running down the Moun­tains, and disgorgeth it self by a Navigable Channel into the River which passeth through the midst of the Town. This River hath in the Town two wooden Bridges over it for communication. Most Houses are of Wood, but well built, and of two or three Stories high; not as if they had not very good Free Stone there (many old Idol-Temples ruined, and other Buildings made of it, being yet to be seen;) but the abundance of Wood, easily descending from the mountains by little Rivers, which it is cast into, maketh people find that way of Building turn to better account. The Houses that stand upon the River have almost all of them their little Garden, lying upon the Water; which maketh a very pleasant Perspective, especially in the Spring and Sum­mer, when men walk on the River-side. The other Houses that stand not upon the River, have also almost all of them some Garden; and there are a good number of such, that have a Channel answering to the Lake, and a little Boat to go and divert themselves upon it.

In one end of the Town there appears an Hill, loose from all the rest, which maketh another very agreeable Perspective, because on its Declivity there stand very fine Houses with Gardens, and on the top a Mosquee and an Heremitage well built with a Garden, and store of fine green Trees: And 'tis upon the account of these Trees and Gardens, that in the Language of the Country 'tis called Haryperbet, as if you should say, the Mountain of Verdure.

Opposite to this Hill there is seen another, on which there is also a Mosquee, but a little one, together with a Garden, and a very ancient Building, which seems to have been a Temple of Idols, though they call it Tact Souliman, that is, the Throne of Solo­mon, because that Soloman, as the Mahumetans say, caused it to be built when he came to [Page 128] Kac [...]emire; but how they will prove, that Solomon made this Voyage, I know no [...].

The Lake ▪hath this peculiar, that 'tis full of little Isles, which are as many Gar­dens of Pleasure, that appear all green in the mids [...] of the Water, by reason of those fruit-bearing Trees, and of the Walks▪ on both sides set with Arbors, and because they are surrounded with large-leaved Aspen-trees, standing at two foot distance from one another; the biggest whereof may be clasped about, but as tall as Masts of great Ships, having only a tu [...]t of Branches at the top like Palm-trees.

Beyond the Lake, upon the side of the Hills, there is nothing but Houses and Gardens of pleasure, the place having been found wonderfully proper for it, as being in a very fine Air, in the view of the Lake, the Isles, and the Town, and full of Springs and Rivulets.

The most admirable of all these Gardens is that of the King, which is called Cha [...] ­limar. From the Lake, one enters into it by a great Canal, border'd with great green Tur [...]s. This Canal is above five hundred common paces long, and runs 'twixt two large All [...]s of Poplars: It leadeth to a great Cabinet in the midst of the Garden, where begins another Canal far more magnificent, which runs with a little rising unto the end of the Garden. This Canal is paved with large Free-Stone; its sloping side cover'd with the same; and in the midst of it, there is a long Row of Jets of Water, from 15 to 15 foot. There are also, from space to space, great Rounds of Water serving for Store­houses, whence many Jets of Water, variously figured, do spring up: And this Canal ends at another great Cabinet, which is almost like the first.

These Cabinets, which are in a manner made like Domes, scituate in the middle of the Canal, and encompassed with Water, and consequently between those two great Allees of Poplars, have a Gallery that reigneth round about, and four Gates opposite to one another; two of which do respect the Allees, with two Bridges to pass over, one on one side, and the other on the other; the other two look upon the opposite Canals. Each Cabinet consists of a great Chamber in the midst of four other lesser Chambers, which are in the four Corners: All is painted and guilded within, the great Chamber as well as the little ones, having Sentences with great Letters in the Persian Tongue written upon them. The four Gates are very rich; they are made of great Stones with two Columns, taken from those ancient Idol-Temples, ruin'd by Chah-Je [...]an. The price of these great Stones and Pillars is not well known, nor what kind of Stone they be; though it appears sufficiently, that 'tis a sort of precious Stone, finer than Marble or Porphyre.

From all that hath been said, one may easily conjecture, that I am somewhat charmed with Kachemire, and that I pretend, there is perhaps nothing in the world like it for so small a Kingdom. It de [...]erves very well to reign over all those neighbouring Mountains as [...]ar as Tartary, and over all Indostan, as far as Ceilon, as once it did: And 'tis not without some cause, that the Mogols call it the Terrestrial Paradise of the Indies▪ that Eck [...]ar took so much pains to make himself Master of it; and that his Son Je [...]an-Guire became so amorous thereof, that he could not leave it; and often said, he would rather lose all his Empire, than Kache­mire. And from the time that we arrived there, all the Poets, both Kachemirians and Mogolians, strove to make Poems to the praise o [...] this little Kingdom, to present them to Aureng-Zebe, who gladly received and rewarded them. I remember, that among others, there was one, that exaggerating the extraordinary height of the Mountains encompassing it, and rendring it almost inaccessible any where, said, that the top of these Mountains was the cause, that the Heavens did retire into the Figure of a Vault, as we see it; and that Kachemire being the Master-piece of Nature, and the King of the Kingdoms of the World, it was sutable it should be hard of access, and so enjoy an undisturbed peace and tranquility, commanding all, and not being liable to be com­manded by any. He added, that the reason why Nature had surrounded it with Moun­ [...]ains, of which some, namely the highest and most remote, were alwaies white and covered with Snow, the lowermost and the next to the Plain, all green and covered with Wood, was, because that the King of the Kingdoms of the World was to wear the most precious Crown, the top whereof was to be of Diamonds, and the bottom of Emeraulds. If the Poet had added (said I to my Nava [...] Danech-mend-kan; who was willing to make▪ me admire all those Poems) that all those great Countries of Moun­tains that [...]nviron it, as the little Tibet, the State of the Raja Gamon, Kachguer, and [Page 129] Serenaguer, are to be comprehended under the Kingdom of Kachemire; since, according to the History of the Countrey, they once depended from it, and consequently that the River Ganges on the one side, that of Indus on the other, the Chena [...] on a third, and the Gemma on the fourth, do issue out of Kachemire; that these Rivers, with so many others that run thence, do countervail the Gibon, the Pison, and the two others; Gen. 2. 11, 12, 13, 14.and if at last he had concluded, that this was certainly the true Terrestrial Paradise, rather than that in Armenia, this would have much enhaunced the worth of all his Commendations.

The Kachemirians have the Reputation of being a very witty people, much more in­telligent and dexterous than the Indians, and as fit for Poesie and Sciences as the Per­sians. Besides, they are very industrious and willing to take pains; they make Pale­kys, Trunks, Bed-steds, Standishes, Boxes, Spoons,, and many other pieces, and all of good and very handsome Workmanship, sent over all the Indies. They know how to give it a good Vernish, and so dexterously to counterfeit the Veins of a certain Wood that hath very fine ones, by applying Gold-strings upon it, that there is nothing finer. But what is peculiar and considerable in them, and which draws the Trade and Silver into their Countrey, is that prodigious quantity of Stuffs call'd Chales, which they work there, and employ their little Childeren in. These Chales are certain kinds of Stuff an Ell and a half long, and about an Ell broad, which are embroidered at each end with a kind of Embroidery about a Foot large. The Mogols and Indians, both Men and Women, wear of them in Winter upon their Heads, passing them over their left Shoulder like a Mantle. They make two sorts of them; one, of the wool of the Countrey, which is finer than that of Spain; the other, of a Wool▪ or rather of an Hair, they call To [...]z, taken from the Breast of a wild Goat of the great Tibet. These latter are of a far greater price than the former; neither is there any Castor so soft and delicate. The mischief is, the worms get easily into it, unless you have a particular care often to unfold and air them. I have seen of these which the Omrahs purposely caused to be made, which cost an hundred and fifty Roupies: Of the others that are made of the Wool of the Countrey, I have seen none that costs above fif­ty.

'Tis observed of these Chales, that, work them never so carefully in Patna, Agra, and Lahor, you shall never make the Stuff so soft and fine, as in Kachemire; which is commonly imputed to the particular Water of the Countrey: As at Maslipatan they make those fine stuffs, which become fairer by washing.

The Kachemirians are also famous for their good complexion. They look as well as our Europeans, and have nothing of a Tartarian flat-nos'd and little ey'd Face, as those of Ka [...]hguer, and most of the people of the great Tibet. The Women especi­ally are very beautiful; and therefore all Strangers, that are new-comers to the Court of Mogol, are furnished from thence, that so they may have Children whiter than the Indians, and whi [...]h by these means may pass for true Mogols. And certainly, if one may judge of the Beauty of the retired Women by that of the common People, met with in the Streets, and seen up and down in the Shops, we must believe, that there are very handsom ones. At Lahor, where they have the repute of being proper and [...]lend­er, and the handsomest of the Brown Lasses of the Indies (as really they are) I used an Art which is ordinary among the Mogols, which is, to follow some Elephants, es­pecially those that are richly harnessed; for assoon as those Women hear the two Bells hanging on the sides of those Beasts, they all put their heads out of the Windows. The same Trick I used here; and I made also use of another, in which I succeeded very well▪ it was devised by an old and famous Master of a School, whom I had taken to help me to understand a Persian Poet. He made me buy store of Con [...]its; and he being known and welcom every where, carried me into above 15 houses, telling them that I was his Kinsman, newly come out of Persia, that I was rich and to be married: As soon as we came into a house, he distributed Con [...]its to the Children, and presently all came about us, Women and Children, great and small, to have their share, or to be seen▪ This curiosity alone cost me many a good Ro [...]py; but it confirm'd me, that in Kache­mire there are as fair Faces, as in any place of Europe.

There remains only to impart unto you what I observed most considerable between the Mountains, from Bember hither, (with which perhaps I should have begun;) and after having given you account of some other little Voyages I have been obliged to make [...]er sparts of this Kingdom, you will learn all I could come to know of the rest of the circumjacent Mountains.

[Page 130] Concerning therefore first our Voyage from Bember hither, it seem'd to me surprising enough, to find my self from the first night that we▪ parted from Bember▪ and entred into the Mountains▪ pass from a To [...]d to a Temperate Zone: For, we had▪ no sooner mounted this dreadful Wall of the World, I mean, this▪ high, s [...]eep, black▪and bald Mountain, of Bember▪ but that in descending on the other▪ side, we found an Air that was pretty tollerable, fr [...]sh, gentle and temperate. But that which surprised me more in these Mountains, was, to find my self, in a trice, transported out of the Indies into Europe. For, [...]eeing the Earth covered with all our plants and shrubs, exept Issop, Thyme, Marjoram and Rosemary, I imagined I was in some of our Mountains of Auvergne, in the midst of a Forest of all our kinds of Trees, Pines, Oaks, Elms, Plane-trees. And I was the more astonish'd because in all those burning Fields of In­dostan, whence I came▪ I had seen almost nothing of all that.

Among other things relating to Plants, this surprised me, that one and a half days journy from Bember I found a Mountain, that was cover'd with them on both sides, but with this difference, that on the side of the Mountain that was Southerly, toward the Indies, there was a mixture of Indian and European Plants, and on that which was ex­posed to the North I observ'd none but European ones; as if the former had participated of the Air and temper of Europe and the Indies, and the other had been mee [...]ly European.

As to the Trees, I admired this natural course of Generations and Corruptions: Below in these bottoms, where perhaps▪ no man ever was, I saw hundreds that were falling, or fallen, one▪ upon another, dead and half rotten of age; and other young and verdant ones growing out of the foot of those that were dead: Some of them also I saw burnt, whether it▪ was from Lightning, or that in the heat of Summer they had taken fire by rubbing themselves against one another, when they were agitated by some hot and impetuous wind; or, as the Country-people say, that they▪take fire of them­selves, when they are grown old and dry.

I admired also those natural Cascata's of water, which we found between those Rocks. We met, among others, one of them so wonderful, that doubtless, it can­not be parallel'd. One seeth a far off from the side of an high Mountain, running down a Torrent of water in a Channel cover'd with Trees, and precipitate it self in a trice to the bottom of a steep-Rock of a stupendious height, with a noise that is able to strike one deaf, like a Cataract. There was erected near it, a Theatre, upon a Rock, which Je [...]an-Guire had caused purposely to be made plain, that the Court pass­ing, might there repose themselves, and from thence with conveniency behold this ad­mirable Work-man-ship of Nature; which as well as those old Trees, I was just now speaking of, seems to resemble something of great Antiquity, and of the first produ­ction of the World.

All these divertisements were blended with an odd accident. On the day, that the King went up the Mountain of Pire-penjale, which is the highest of all, and whence one begins to discover a far off the Country of Kachemire; on that day, I say, that the King ascended this Mountain, being followed by a long row of Elephants, upon which sate the Women in Mikdembers, and Embarys; one of those Elephants was frighted by beholding, as the Indians would have it, such a long and steep ascent, and fell back upon him that was next, and he upon the next, and so on to the fifteenth, so that not one of them being able▪ to turn in this way, which was extreamly rude and steep, they all tumbled into the precipice. It was good fortune for those poor Women, that the precipice it self was not very steep▪ so that there were but three or four of them kill'd; but the fifteen Elephants remai'nd upon the place. When these bulky Masses do once fall under those vast burthens they are loaden with, they never rise again, though the way be never so fair. We saw them two days after, in passing by, and I observed some of them yet stirring their Trunk. This accident put the whole Army, which had mar­ched four days along the Mountains in file, into great disorder, because to recover these Women and all that wreck, a stop was made for the remainder of that day and all the night, every one being necessitated to stop where he was, because it was in many places impossible to advance or go back, and none had near him those Porters that carried his Tent and Victuals. As for my self, I was not in the wors [...] condition, having found means to creep out of the way, and to take the conveniency of a small place to lye down i [...] ▪ for my self and my Horse. And, to my good luck, one of my servants that [...]ol­low'd me, had a little bread, which we shared together. I remember, it was▪ there [Page 131] where stirring some stones we found a great black Scorpion, which a young Mogol of my acquaintance took, and squeezed it in his own hand, and then in the hand of my servant, and at last in mine, without our being stung by him. This young Cavalier said, that he had charm'd him, as he had done many others before, by a passage of the Alcoran, which he would not teach me, because, he said, the power of charming would pass to me and leave himself, as it had passed to him by quitting his Teacher.

In traversing this same Mountain of Pire-penjale, where the Elephants tumbled down, there occurr'd, those things which call'd to my mind some of my former philosophical thoughts. The first was, that in less than an hour we felt Summer and Winter; for in ascending we did sweat gross drops, all men going on foot in a burning Sun; and when we came to the top of the Mountain, we yet found the [...]cy Snow, that had been [...]ut to open the way; there was a Frost upon a misling Rain, and there blew a wind so cold▪ that all people shook and run away, especially the [...]illy Indians, who never had seen Ice or Snow, nor felt such a cold.

The second was, that in less than two hundred paces I met with two quite contrary winds; one from the North, which blew in my face ascending, especially when I came near the top, and another from the South, which blew against my back in de­scending; as if this Hill had protruded exhalations out of its bowels from all sides, which coming forth had caused, a wind that had descended and taken its course in those two opposite dales.

The third was the meeting an old Hermit, that had lived on the top of this Moun­tain since the time of Jehan-Guire, and whose Religion was not known; though it was said, that he did miracles, caused strange thunders when he would, and raised storms of Hail, Snow, Rain and Wind. He look'd somewhat savage-like, having a long and large white Beard uncombed. He asked alms somewhat fi [...]rcely; suffer'd us to take up water in earthen cups, he had ranged upon a great stone; made signe with his hand, importing that we should speedily march away, and grumbled at those that made a noise, because▪ said he to me, (when I was come into his Cave, and had a little sweetned his looks with half a Roupy, which with much humility I put into his hand) a noise raiseth furious s [...]orms and tempests. Aureng-Zebe, said he further, did very well in following my counsel, and not permitting to make a noise: Chah-Je [...]an al­ways took care of the same; but Jehan Guire once mocking at it, and causing Trum­pets and Cymbals to sound, was like to have perished here.

In reference to the little Voyages I have made in divers parts of this Kingdom, behold the particulars I took notice of as I passed. We were no sooner arrived at Kachemire, but my Navah Danech-mend-kan sent me, together with one of his Horse-men for a Con­voy, and a Country-man, to one of the extremities of this Kingdom, three small days journey from hence, upon the relation made him, that this was the very time to see the Wonders (for so they speak of them) of a Spring that is thereabout. These Wonders are, that in the month of May, the time when the Snow begins but to melt, this Fountain, for about the space of fifteen days, regularly flows and stops thrice a day, at break of day, at noon and at night: Its flowing ordinarily lasts three quarters of an hour, more or less, and that plentifully enough, to fill a square receptacle, having steps to go down to it, and being about ten or twelve foot broad, and as many foot deep. After the first fifteen days, its course begins to be less regular and less copious; and at length, after a month or thereabout, it quite stops and runs no more for the rest of the year, unless it be, that during some plentiful and long rains, it f [...]ws inces­santly and without Rule, as other Fountains do. The Gentiles have on the side of the Receiver a little Temple of the Idol of Brare, which is one of their false Deities; and thence it is that they call this Fountain Send-Brary, as as if you should say, ▪Water of Brare; and that thither they come from all parts in pil­grimage, to bathe and [...]anctifie themselves in this miraculous water. Upon the origin of this Water they make many fables, which I shall not recite to you, because I find not the least shadow of truth in them. During the five or six days of my stay there, I did what possible I could to find the reason of this Wonder. I did attentively consider the situation of the Mountain, at the foot of which this Spring is found: I went to the very top with great pains, s [...]arching and prying every where. I observed that it ex­tends it sel [...] in length from North to South; that 'tis sever'd from other Mountains, which yet are very near to i [...]; that it is in the form of an Ass [...]s back; that its top, which is very long, hath not much more than an hundred paces where it is largest; that one [Page 132] of the side of the Mountain, which is cover'd with nothing but green grass, is expo­sed to the East, yet so that the Sun comes not to shine on't before eight a clock in the morning, because of the other opposite Mountains; and lastly, that the other side, which is expos'd to the West, is covered with Trees and Bushes. All this being considered, I did imagine, that the heat of the Sun, together with the particular situation and the in­ternal disposition of the Mountain, might very well be the cause of this pretended Miracle, that the Mountain, Sun, coming briskly to strike on the side opposite thereto, heats it, and melts part of the frozen waters, which during the Winter, when all was covered with Snow, had insinuated themselves into the inner parts of the earth of this Mountain; that these waters penetrating, and by little and little running down unto certain beds of quick rock, which retain and convey them toward the Spring-head, cause the flowing of the Fountain at Noon; That the same Sun, raised to the South, and leaving that other side, now growing cold, for to strike with its beams as 'twere perpendicularly, the top, doth also melt other frozen waters, which likewise run down by little and little as the other, but by other turnings, unto those rocky beds, and cause the Flowing at Night: and that lastly, the Sun heating likewise this Western side, produceth the like effect, and causes the third flux in the Morning; which is slower than the two others, either because this Western side is remote from the Eastern where the Source is; or because that being covered with wood, it is not so soon heated; or by reason of the cold of the night. Now I found this my reasoning the more cogent, forasmuch as it seems to agree with what is affirmed, that in the first days the water comes in greater abundance than in the latter; and that at last it stops, and runs not at all; as if indeed in the beginning there were of those frozen waters greater plenty in the earth than at last. It seems also to agree with what is observed, that there are some days in the beginning, in which one flux is found more abounding than the other, and sometimes more at noon than in the evening or morning, or in the morning more than at noon; it commonly falling out so that some days there are hotter than others, or that some clouds arise which interrupt the equality of the heat, and consequently make the flux unequal.

Returning from Send-brary I turn'd a little aside from the road to go and lye at Achiavel, which is an House of pleasure of the ancient Kings of Kachemire, and at pre­sent of the Great Mogol. That which most adorns it, is a Fountain, the water where of diffuseth it self on all sides round about that Fabrick (which is not despicable) and into the Gardens by an hundred Canals. It breaks out of the Earth, as if by some violence it ascended up from the bottom of a Well, and that with such an abundance as might make it to be called a River rather than a Fountain. The water of it is ad­mirably good, and so cold that one can hardly endure to hold ones hand in it. The Garden it self is very fine, there being curious Walks in it, and store of Fruit-bearing Trees, of Apples, Pears, Prunes, Apricocks and Cherries, and many jets of waters of various figures, and Ponds replenish'd with Fish, together with a very high Cascata of water, which by its fall maketh a great Nape of thirty or forty paces long, which hath an admirable effect, especially in the night, when under this Nape there is put a great number of little Lamps fitted in holes purposely made in the Wall; which maketh a curious shew.

From Achiavel I went yet a little more out of my way to pass through another Roy­al Garden, which is also very beautiful, and hath the same pleasantness with that of Achiavel, but this is peculiar in it, that in one of its Ponds there are Fishes that come when they are called, and when you cast bread to them; the biggest whereof have gold­en Rings in their Noses, with inscriptions about them, which they say that renowned Nour-Mehalle, the Wife of Jehan-Guire, the Grandfather of Aureng-Zebe, caused to be fastened in them.

I was no sooner returned from Send-brary, but Danech-mend-kan, well satisfied with my Voyage, made me undertake one more, to see another sure Miracle, as he call'd it, which should be capable to make me soon change my Religion, and turn Musselman. Go, saith he, to Baramoulay, which is not further from hence than Send-brary; there you shall find a Mosquee in which is the Tomb of one of our Pires or Saints, which still every day works Miracles in curing sick people, that flock thither from all parts: It may be, that you will believe nothing of all those miraculous Cures you shall see; but you will at least believe one Miracle, which is done every day, and you may see with your own eyes: And that is of a big round stone, which the strongest man is [Page 133] hardly able to raise in the least from the ground, but yet eleven men, by praying to that Saint, lift up, as if it were a straw, with the end of their eleven fingers, without any trouble at all, and without being sensible of any weight. Hereupon I began this journey also, accompanied with my Horseman and the Countrey-fellow, and being arrived at Baramoulay, I found it a place pleasant enough. The Mosquee is sufficient­ly well built, the Tomb of the pretended Saint well adorn'd, and round about it there was store of people of great devotion, who said they were sick. Near the Mosquee there was a Kitchen with large Kettles full of Flesh and Rice, which, in my opinion, was the Mangnet drawing the sick people thither, and the Miracle that cured them. On the other side was the Garden and the Chambers of the Mullahs, who with great conveniency, and delight spend their life there, under the shadow of the miraculous Sanctity of this Pire, which they are not wanting to celebrate: But as I am always very unhappy in such occasions, he did no Miracle that day upon any of the sick. As for the great Stone, which was the business I came for; there were Eleven Cheats of these Mullahs that crowded together in a round, and by their long Vests hindred me from seeing well in what manner they took and lifted it up, yet said all, that they held it only with the end of one of their fingers, and that it was as light as a feather. For my part, who had my eyes open, and look'd on narrowly, I perceived well enough, that they took great pains, and they seemed to me, that they used also the thumb, which they held very firm upon the second finger bent and closed: But yet I was not wanting to cry out as well as the Mullahs and all the other assistants, Karamet, Karamet, Miracle, Miracle, giving at the same time a Roupy for the Mullahs, and with great shew of devotion praying them to favour me with suffering me once to be one of the Eleven lifters up of the Stone. They did hesitate long before they resolved to permit it, but having given them another Roupy, and made them believe I was perswaded of the truth of the Miracle, one of the Eleven gave me his place, they doubtless imagi­ning, that Ten of them joyned together would be▪ sufficient to do the business, though I should not add much to it, and that they would so range themselves and crowd to­gether, that I should perceive nothing of their imposture. But they found themselves egregiously deceived, when they saw, that the Stone, which I would not support but only by the end of my finger, alwayes inclined and fell to my side, untill at length I found it necessary to put my thumb to it, and to hold it with my finger as they did; and then we lifted it up from the earth, yet not without much pain. Notwithstand­ing which, when I saw that they all looked upon me asquint, not knowing what to make of me, I still went on crying like the rest, Karamet, Miracle, Miracle, and over and above casting to them another Roupy to secure my self from being ston'd; and stealing away from among the crowd, I presently took horse, without eating or drink­ing, and left the Saint and the Miracles to those that had saith enough to believe them: Observing, as I passed along, that famous opening, which is an outlet to all the waters of this Kingdom, of which I have already said something in the beginning of this Book.

I left my way again, to approach to a great Lake, which I saw a far off, thorough the middle whereof passeth the River that runs 10 Baramoulay. It is full of Fish, especially Eels, and covered with Ducks and wild Fowl, and many other River Fowl. 'Tis where the Governour comes in Winter, at which time 'tis covered with those creatures, to di­vert himself with fowling. In the midst of this Lake there is an Eremitage with its little Garden, which, as they say, doth miraculously flote upon the water, and where the Eremite passeth his Life without ever going from it. Besides which, they make a thousand other ridiculous tales of it, which are not worth reciting, unless perhaps you will except what some have told me. That it was one of those ancient Kings of Kache­mire, who out of curiosity caused this Eremitage to be built upon thick beams fastned to one another.

Thence I went to find out a Fountain, which hath something that's rare enough in it, bubling up gently, and rising with some little impetuosity, and making small bubles of air, and carrying with it, to the top, some small Sand that is very [...]ine, which goeth away again as it came, the Water becoming still, a moment after it, without ebullition, and without bringing up Sand; and soon after beginning afresh as before, and so continu­ing its motion by intervals, which are not regular. But the Wonder, as they say, con­sists in this, that the least noise, made by speaking, or by knocking ones foot against the ground, moveth the water, and maketh it run and bubble as was said. Yet I found [Page 134] plainly, that speaking or knocking availeth nothing to produce that effect, and that it moveth as well when one saith nothing, as when one speaks or knocketh. But now, to give the true cause of it, that requireth more thinking than I have bestow'd upon it; unless one should say, that the Sand, by falling down again, obstructeth the narrow Channel of this small and weak Spring, until the water, being closed up and kept in, it make an effort to remove and raise again the Sand, and so to disengage it self; or rather, that some wind, pent in the Channel of the Spring, rises by turns, as it comes to pass in artificial Fountains.

After we had considered this Fountain, we entred into the Mountains to see a great Lake, which hath Ice in Summer, and looketh like a little icy Sea, having heaps of Ice, made and unmade by the Winds. Afterwards we passed through a certain place, call'd Seng-safed, that is, White stone; which is famous for being full all the Summer long of all sorts of Flowers like a Parterre, and for this observation, that when much people goes thither, making a great noise and much stirring the air, there presently falls a shower of rain. This is certain, that when, some years since, Chah-Jehan went thither, he was in danger of perishing by the great and extraordinary rain survening, though he had commanded, they should make the least noise they could. This agreed with what my Eremite of Pirepengale had told me.

And now I was going to a Grotta of odd congelations, which is two days journey from thence; but I received news, that after my so long absence my Navah was trou­bled about me.

As to the condition of the neighbouring Mountains round about, I have, since our being here, done what possibly I could to inform my self about them; but I have pro­fited but little, for want of people that are intelligent and observe things; yet not­withstanding I will not omit to relate to you what I have learn'd of it.

The Merchants of Kachemire, that go every year from mountain to mountain, ga­thering fine Wool to make those Stuffs I have above been speaking of, do all agree, that between the mountains, which still depend from Kachemire, there are found very fine places of good land, and that amongst others there is one place, which pays it tribute in Leather and Wooll, sent for by the Governour every year; and where the Women are extream handsome, chast and laborious; that there is also another farther off from Kachemire, which also pays its tribute in Leather and Wooll▪ and hath very pretty, though but small, fertil plains, and most pleasant vallies, abounding in Corn, Rice, Apples, Pears, excellent Apricocks and Melons; as also in Raisins yielding very good Wine; the Inhabitants whereof have sometimes refused to pay the tribute, relying upon the difficulty of access to their Country; but there hath alwayes been a way found to enter and to reduce them. The same Merchants agree also, that among the other Mountains, that are more distant and depend no more from Kachemire, there are likewise found very pleasant Countrys, peopled with very handsom Whites, but such as almost never come out from their homes; of which some have no Kings, nor, as far as could be perceived, any Religion; only that some of them do eat no Fish, count­ing them unclean.

I shall add here, what I was lately told by a good ancient man, that had married a Wife of the ancient Family of the Kings of Kachemire. He said, that when Jehan-Guire made a strict inquiry after all those that were of that Family, he was afraid to be taken, and thereupon fled with three Servants crose these mountains, not knowing in a manner whither he went; that thus wandring he came at last into a very fine small Canton, where when it came to be known who he was, the inhabitants came to visit him and brought him presents, and that, to make up their kindness, they brought to him in the evening one of the beautifullest of their young Maidens, praying him that he would bed with her, because they desired very much to have issue of his Blood: That passing from thence into another Canton, not much distant from the former, the people likewise came to see him, and to present him; but that the kindness of the evening was far different from the other, in that these inhabitants brought to him their own Wives, arguing that those of the other Canton were Beasts, because that his Blood would not remain in their house, since the Maidens would carry the Child with them into the house of him, to whom they should be married.

I may further add, that some years since, there being a dissention risen between the family of the King of the little Tibet, which borders upon Kachemire, one of the pre­tenders, to the Crown did secretly call for the assistance of the Governour of Kachemire, [Page 135] who by order of Chah-Jehan gave him powerful succours, and put to death or flight all the other pretenders, and left this man in the possession of the Country, on condi­tion of an annual Tribute to be paid in Crystal, Musk and Wool. This petty King could not forbear coming to see Aureng-Zebe, bringing with him a present of those things I just now named; but he had so pitiful a Train, That I should never have taken him for what he was. My Navah entertained him at dinner, that he might receive the better information concerning those Mountains. I heard him say, that his Country on the East side did confine with great Tibet; that it was about 30 or 40 leagues broad; that there was indeed some little Crystal, Musk, and Wool, but for the rest very poor; and that there were no Gold Mines as was said; that in some places there was very good fruit, especially Melons; that they had very hard Winters, and very troublesome, because of the deep Snows; and that the people, which formerly had been Heathen, was almost all become Mahumetan, as himself, namely, of that Sect called Cbia, which is that of all Persia. Besides, that seventeen or eighteen years ago Chah-Jehan had attempted to make himself Master of the Kingdom of the Great Tibet, as formerly also had done the Kings of Kachemire; that his Army after sixteen days difficult march, always among Mountains, did besiege a Castle which they took; that there remain'd no more for him to do, than to pass a River, which is famous and very rapid, and thereupon to march directly to the Capital Town, which he would have easily carried, the whole Kingdom being in a panick terrour; but that the season being far spent, the Governour of Ka­chemire, who was the General of that Army, did apprehend he should be surprized by the Snow, and so returned, leaving in that Castle a Garrison, which, whether it was from fear of the Enemy, or from want of sufficient provision, he could not say, soon a­bandon'd it; which broke the design the Governour had of returning thither the next Spring.

Now that the King of this Great Tibet knows, that Aureng-Zebe is at Kachemire, and threatens him with War, he hath sent to him an Ambassador, with Presents of the Countrey, as Chrystal, and those dear White Cow-tails, by way of ornament fasten'd to the ears of Elephants, as also Musk, and a Stone of Jachen of great price, because of an extraordinary bigness. This Jachen is a blewish Stone with white veins so hard that it is wrought with nothing else but the Powder of Diamond, highly esteemed in the Court of the Mogol. They make Cups of it and other vessels, of which I have some richly wrought with threads of Gold, of very curious Workmanship. The Train of this Ambassador did consist of three or four Cavaliers, and ten or twelve tall men, dry and lean, having three or four hairs in their beards like the Chinese, and plain red Bon­nets upon their heads like our Seamen, the rest of their Garments suitable. I think there were four or five of them with Swords, but the rest marched behind the Ambassa­dor without any rod or stick. He treated with Aureng-Zebe in his Masters name, pro­mising that he would suffer a Mosque to be built in the Capital City, wherein Prayers should be made after the Mahumetan way; that the Money, henceforth to be coined, should on the one side have the Impress of Aureng-Zebe, and that he would pay him a certain annual Tribute. But 'tis believed, that as soon as this King shall know that Aureng-Zebe is gone from Kachemire, he will laugh at all this Treaty, as he did formerly at that, which he had made with Chah-Jehan.

This Ambassador had in his suit a Physician, which was said to be of the Kingdom of Lassa, and of the Tribe Lamy or Lama, which is that of the men of the Law in that Country, as the Brahmans are in the Indies; with this difference, that the Brahmans have no Caliph, or high-Priest, but the Lamians have one that is not only acknowledged for such by the Kingdom of Lassa, but also by all Tartary, and who is honoured and re­verenced like a divine person. This Physician had a Book of Receipts, which he would never sell to me; the writing of it seem'd, at a distance, somewhat like ours. We made him begin to write the Alphabet, but he wrote so slowly, and his writing was so bad in respect of that in his Book, that we soon judged, this must needs be a poor Do­ctor. He was much wedded to the Metempsychosis or Transmigration of Souls, and was full of admirable stories of it; among the rest he related of his great Lama, that when he was old and ready to die, he assembled his Council, and declared to them, that now he was passing into the Body of a little Child, lately born, that this Child was bred up with great care, and when it was about six or seven years old, they brought to it store of houshold-stuff pel mel with his own, and that the Child was able to distinguish those, that were or had been his from that of others: Which was, said this Doctor, an au­thentick [Page 136] proof of the Transmigration. For my part, I thought at first he rallied, but I found at last, that he spoke very seriously. I was once to see him at the Ambassadors with a Merchant of Kachemire, that knew the Language of Tibet, and was an Interpre­ter to me. I made as if I would buy some Stuffs he had brought to sell, which were some kind of Ratines of about a foot and an half broad, but it was really to learn some­thing of that Countrey, yet it was no great matter I obtain'd from him. He only told me in general, that all the Kingdom of the great Tibet was, in comparison to his, a mi­serable Countrey, full of Snow for more than five months of the year; that his King made often War with the Tartars; but he could never distinguish to me, what kind of Tartars they were. At length, after I had made a good many Questions to him, without receiving any satisfaction upon them, I saw I lost only my time with him.

But there is another thing, which is so certain, that no body here doubts of it. 'Tis not yet twenty years, that there went Caravans every year from Kachemire, which cros­sed all those Mountains of the great Tibet, entred into Tartary, and arrived in about three months at Cataja, notwithstanding the very ill ways, and the rapid Torrents; which latter are to be passed over Cords stretched from one Rock to another. These Ca­ravans brought back Musk, China-wood, Rubarb, and Mamiron, which last is a small root exceeding good for ill Eyes. Repassing over the great Tibet they also loaded themselves with the Merchandise of that Countrey, viz. Musk, Crystal and Jachen, but especially with store of very fine Wooll of two sorts, one of Sheep, and the other called Touz, which is rather, as I have said, a kind of hair approaching to our Castor, than a Wooll. But since the attempt, which Chah-Jehan made on that side, the King of the great Ti­bet hath altogether shut up the way, and suffers not any one from Kachemire to enter into his Countrey: And thence it is, that the Caravans at present go from Patna upon the Ganges, not passing through his Countrey at all, but leaving it on the left hand, and coming directly to the Kingdom of Lassa.

Concerning this Kingdom, here called Kacheguer, which doubtless is that which our Maps call Kascar, I shall relate to you what I was able to learn of it from the Merchants of the Countrey it self, who, knowing that Aureng-Zebe was to stay a while at Kache­mire, were come thither with a good number of Slaves, of both Sexes, whom they had to sell. They say, that the Kingdom of Kacheguer lyeth East of Kachemire, drawing a little Northward; that the shortest way thither was to go directly to the great Tibet; but that passage being obstructed, they were forced to take their way through the little Tibet; that first they went to a small Town, call'd Gourtche, the last Town depending from Kachemire, and four days journey distant from the same; that from thence in eight days they came to Eskerdou, the Capital City of the King of the little Tibet, and thence in two days more to a small Town call'd Cheker, likewise belonging to the little Tibet, and situate upon a River very famous for being Medicinal; that in fifteen days they came to a great Forest upon the Confines of the little Tibet, and in fifteen days more to Kacheguer a small Town, once the Seat of the King of Kacheguer, which is now at Jourkend, lying somewhat more to the North, and ten days journey distant from Ka­cheguer. They added, that from the Town of Kacheguer to Katay 'tis no more but two months voyage; that every year there go Caravans, bringing back of all those Com­modities I have named, and passing into Persia thorough Ʋsbeck, as there are others that do pass to Patna in Indostan. They said moreover, that to go from Kacheguer to Katay, Travellers must get to a Town that is eight days journey from Coten, the last Town of the Kingdom of Kacheguer; that the ways from Kachemire to Kacheguer are very difficult; that among others there is a place, where, in what season soever it be, you must march for about a quarter of a League upon Ice. This is all, I could learn of those parts, which though indeed it be very much confused and very little, yet will it be found much, considering I had to do both with people so ignorant, that they almost knew not to give a reason of any thing; and with Interpreters, who, for the most part, know not how to make the Questions to be understood, nor intelligibly to deliver the Answers made thereto.

I thought once, I would have here concluded this Letter, or rather this Book, and taken my leave of you untill I came to Dehil, whither we are now returning: But since I am in the vein of writing, and at some leisure, I shall endeavour to give you some satisfaction to those Five particulars, you demanded of me in your last Letter in the name of Monsieur Thevenot, that illustrious person, who daily giveth us more discove­ries, without going out of his study, than we have learned of those that have gone round the World.

[Page 137] The first of his demands is, Whether it be true, that in the Kingdom of Kachemire there are Jews settled there from immemorial times; and if so, whether they have the Holy Scripture, and if their Old Testament be altogether conform to ours?

The Second is, That I would give you an account of what I have observed touching the Mounsons, or the Season of the ordinary Rains in the Indies.

The Third is, That I would give you my Observations, and declare to you my Thoughts concerning the wonderful regularity of the Current of the Sea, and the Winds in the Indies.

The Fourth is, Whether the Kingdom of Bengale is so fertile, so rich, and so beautiful, as 'tis said to be?

The Fifth is, That I would at length decide unto you the old Controversie touching the Causes of the Increase of the Nile.

Answer to the first Demand, concerning the Jews.

I Should indeed be very glad, as well as Monsieur The, venote that there were Jews to be found in the Valley of those Mountains, who might be such, as I believe he would have them; I mean, of those Ten Tribes transported by Salmanasser. But you may assure him, that if anciently there have been of them in this place (as there is some reason to believe there were,) there are none of them at present, and all the inhabi­tants of it are now either Gentiles or Mahumetans; and that perhaps 'tis China, where they may be found. For I have lately seen, in the hands of our Reverend Father, the Jesuit of Dehli, some Letters of a German Jesuite written from Pekin, taking notice that he had there seen some of them, that had preserved the Jewish Religion and the Old Testament, that knew nothing of the Death of JESUS CHRIST, and that they would even have made this Jesuite their Kacan, if he would have forborn to eat Swines flesh.

Mean time here also are not wanting several marks of Judaism. The first is, that at the entring into this Kingdom, after having passed the Mountains of Pire-penjale, all the Inhabitants I saw in the first Villages seemed to me to be Jews, in their garbe and meen, and in something peculiar, which maketh us often discern Nations frome one another. I am not the only person, that hath had this thought; our Father, the Je­suite, and many of our Europeans had the same before me. The second is, that I have observ'd, that among the meaner sort of the people of this Town, though they be Mahumetans, yet the name of Mousa, that is Moses, is much used. The third, that commonly they say, that Salomon came into their Country, and that it was he that cut the Mountain of Baramoule to give an outlet to the waters. The fourth, that they say, Moses died at Kachemire, and that his Tomb is one league distant from this Town. The fifth, that they pretend, that that little and very ancient Edifice, which appears from hence upon an high mountain, was built by Salomon, and that thence they call it to this very day the Throne of Salomon. So that I would not deny, but that some Jews may have penetrated hither; and that in length of time they may have lost the purity of their Law, turned Idolaters, at last Mahumetans. In short, we see store of the Jewish Nation that have passed into Persia to Lar, Ispahan, and also into Indostan on the side of Goa and Cochin: I have been informed, that there were of them in Aethiopia, even gallant and military men, and some of them so considerable and po­tent, that there was one of them, fifteen or sixteen years agoe, that had attempted to make himself King of a little Country of the Mountains of a very hard access; if it be true, what two Ambassadours of the King of Aethiopia, that were lately in this Court, related to me.

Answer to the Second Demand, about the stated Rains in the Indies.

THe Sun is so strong and violent in the Indies all the year long, and principally for the space of eight months, that he would burn all, and render the Country barren and inhabitable, if Providence had not particularly provided and disposed things in so admirable a way, as that in the month of July, when the heats are most violent, Rains begin regularly to fall, which continuing for three months together, do temper the Earth, and render it very fruitful, and so qualifie the Air that it may be endured. Yet are not these Rains so regular, that they fall always just at the same time; of which I have made many observations in different places, and principally at Dehli, where I lived a long while. The like is fourd in other Countries; and there is always some [Page 138] difference in the time from year to year: For sometimes they begin or end a fortnight or three weeks sooner, sometimes later; and there are also some years, in which they are not so plentiful as in others; insomuch that two years, together it did almost not rain at all; which caused much Sickness, and great Famine. Besides, there is also this difference in respect of Countries different and remote from one another, that these Rains ordinarily begin sooner, or are more plentiful in one than in the other. For ex­ample, in Bengale and along the Coast of Coromandel, as far as to the Isle of Ceilan, they begin and end a month sooner than towards the Coast of Malabar: And in Bengale these Rains are pouring down for four months, and sometimes continue for eight days and nights together without intermission; Whereas at Dehli and Agra they are never so strong, nor so durable, there passing sometimes two or three whole days without any Rain; and ordinarily the whole morning from break of day until about nine or ten a clock it rains but very little or nothing. But the most considerable difference I have; observ'd, is, that the rains in divers places come from different quarters of the World, as about Dehli they come from the East, where lies Bengale; whereas, on the contrary, in the parts of Bengale and upon the Coast of Coromandel they come from the South; and upon the Coast of Malabar they proceed almost always from the West.

I have also observed another particular about which they all agree in those parts, viz. That according as the Heat of the Summer comes sooner or later, is more or less violent, and lasts longer or a shorter time; the Rains also come sooner or later, are more or less plentiful, last longer or a shorter time.

These Observations have given me ground to believe, that the Heat of the Earth and the Rarefaction of the Air must be the principal causes of these Rains, and draw them; forasmuch as the Air of the Seas, which lie near round about the Lands, being colder, more condensed, and more grosse, filled with clouds which the great heats of the Summer raise from the waters, and which the winds drive and agitate, dischargeth it self easily upon the Land, where the Air is hotter, more rarified, in more motion and less resisting than upon the Seas, so as that this discharge is more or less tardy and abundant, according as the Heat comes sooner and is more violent.

Sutable to the same Observations I was perswaded that if the Rains begin sooner upon the Coast of coromandel than upon that of Malabar, 'tis by reason that the Sum­mer begins there sooner, it being possible that there it may do so for some particular reasons, which perhaps would not be hard to find, if the Country were well examin'd: For we know, that according to the different situation of a Land in respect of Seas or Mountains, and according as 'tis more Sandy, or Hilly, or Woody, the Summer comes there either sooner or later, and with more or less violence.

I am further perswaded, that it is no wonder, that the Rains come from different quarters; that upon the Coast of Coromandel, for example, they come from the South, and upon that of Malabar from the West; because that in all appearance it must be the nearest Seas that send them, and the Coast of Coromandel, is nearer to the Sea, which lyeth Southerly in respect of it, and is more exposed to it, as the Coast of Malabar is to the West of it, lying towards Bahelmandel, Arabia, and the Gulf of Persia.

Lastly, I have imagined, that if at Dehli, for example, the Rains come from the East, it may yet be that the Seas which are Southerly to it, are the origin of them; but that they are forced by reason of some Mountains, or some other Lands where the Air is colder, more condensed and more resisting, to turn aside and discharge themselves another way, where the Air is more rarified, and where consequently they find less re­sistance.

I forgot to tell you, that I also observed at Dehli, that there it never rains to purpose, till for many days there have passed store of Clouds Westward▪ as if it were necessary that those spaces of Air which are beyond Dehli Westward, should be first filled with Clouds, and that these Clouds finding there some obstacle, as it may be some Air less hot and less rarified, and consequently more condensed and more able to resist, or some other contrary Clouds and Winds repelling them, should become so thick, so burthen­som and so heavy, that they must fall down in Rain, after the same manner as it often enough falls out, when the Wind driveth the Clouds against some high Mountain.

Answer to the third Demand, which is concerning the Regularity of the Cur­rent of the Sea, and of the Winds in the Indies.

AS soon as the Rains do cease (which ordinarily comes to pass toward s themonth of October,) it is observed, that the Sea taketh its course Southward, and that the cold Northern Winds ariseth. This Wind blows for four or five months without intermission and without storms, always keeping the same equality as to its strength and quarter, unless it change or cease a day or so by accident, but then it returns again unto its former place and temper. After that time; for two months or there about the other Winds do reign without any rule. These two months being past, which is call­ed the Intermediate season, or, according to the Hollanders, the Wavering or Changing Season, the Sea returns back from South to North, and the South-wind riseth to reign also in his turn for four or five months, as the Current of the Sea doth: so that there pass two months of intermediate season; during which, Navigation is very difficult and dangerous, whereas during the two Seasons it is very easie, pleasant and without peril, except it be about the end of the season of the South-wind. Hence you may find cause not to wonder, if you hear that the Indians, though else very timorous and inex­pert in the art of Navigation, do notwithstanding make pretty long and considerable Voyages; as when they sail from Bengale to Tanassery, Achem, Malaque, Sian and Ma­kassar; or to Maslipatan, Ceilan, the Maldives, Moka, and Bender-Abassy; because they take their time to go with one good Season, and to return with the other. 'Tis true, that oft enough they are surprised and cast away; but that is, when they cannot dis­patch their affairs in good time, or fail of taking their measures. Our Europeans also do sometimes lose themselves, though they be far better Sea-men, bolder and more understanding, and their Ships better condition'd and equipped.

Of these two intermediate Seasons, that which maketh the South-wind is incompar­ably more dangerous than the other, and much more subject to tempests and storms: And even in the Season it self this wind is ordinarily much more impetuous and unequ­al than that of the North. And here I must not omit to give you a remark, which is, that about the end of the Season of the South-wind, during the time of the rain, al­though there be a great calm out at Sea, yet 'tis very tempestuous near the Coasts; to the distance of fifteen or twenty leagues: whence the Ships of Europe or others, when they will approach the Indian Coasts, for example, of Suratte, or Maslipatan, must be very careful of taking their time to arrive just after the Rains; or else they run great hazard of being split and lost upon the Coast.

This is very near what I could observe of the Seasons in these parts; of which I much wish I could give you a good reason. I shall venture to tell you, that it came into my thoughts, first, that the Air, which environs the Globe of the Earth, ought to be esteemed to have a share in it, as also the Water of the Sea and Rivers, forasmuch as both the one and the other gravitate upon this Globe, tend to the same Center of it, and so are in some manner united and fasten'd to it; so that from these three Bo­dies, the Air, the Water and the Earth, there results as 'twere one great Globe. Next, that the Globe of the Earth being suspended and balanced, as it is, in its place, in that free and un-resisted space, where the Creator thought good to place it, would be cap­able to be easily mov'd, if some adventitious Body should come against it and hit it. Thirdly, that the Sun having past the Line to move towards one of the Poles, for exam­ple, the Arctique, coming to cast its rays that way, maketh there impression enough to depress a little the Arctique Pole, and to do that more and more according as it advan­ceth towards the Tropique; letting it rise again by little and little, according as he returns towards the Line, untill by the force of his rayes he do the like on the side of the Antar­tique Pole.

If these suppositions, joyn'd to that of the Diurnal Motion of the Earth, were true, it were not me-thinks, without reason what is commonly affirm'd in the Indies, viz. That the Sun conducts and carries with him the Sea and Wind. For if it be true, that having passed the Line to go towards one of the Poles, he causeth a change in the di­rection of the Axis of the Earth, and a depression in the Pole on that side, the other Pole must needs be raised, and that consequently the Sea and the Air, being two fluid and heavy Bodies, run down in this inclination: so that it would be true to say, that the Sun advancing towards one Pole, causeth on that side two great regular Currents, [Page 140] viz, that of the Sea, and that of the Air which maketh the Mounson-wind, as he causeth two opposite ones, when he returns towards the other Pole.

Upon this ground, methinks, it might be said, that there are no other but two main opposite Fluxes of the Sea, one from the side of the Pole Arctique, the other from that of the Antartique; that if there were a Sea from one Pole to the other, that passed through our Europe, we should see, that these two Currents would there be regular every where, as they are in the Indies, and that that which hinders this regularity of the Flux from being general, is, that the Seas are intercepted by Lands, which impede, break, and vary their Course; in like manner as some say, that the Ordinary Flux and Reflux of the Sea is hinder'd in those Seas that lye in length, as the Mediterranean doth from East to West. And so likewise might it be said upon the same Foundation, that there are but two principal opposite Winds or Fluxes of the Air, and that they would be universally regular, if the Earth were perfectly smooth and equall, and one part like another every where,

An Answer to the Fourth Question, concerning the Fertility, Riches and Beauty of the Kingdom of Bengale.

ALL Ages have spoken of Egypt as of the best and fruitfullest part of the World▪ and Writers will not grant, there is any Country comparable to it: But as far as I can see by the two Voyages I have made in the Kingdom of Bengale, I am of opinion, that that advantage belongs rather to it, than to Egypt. It bears Rice in that abun­dance, that it not only furnishes its Neighbours, but many very remote parts. 'Tis car­ried up the River Ganges to Patna; and 'tis transported by Sea to Maslipatan, and to many others Ports of the Coast of Coromandel. Besides, 'tis sent away into forrain Kingdoms, and principally into Ceilan and the Maldives. Further, it also abounds in Sugar, so that it furnishes with it the Kingdoms of Golkonda and Karnates, where there grows but very little. Arabia also and Mesopotamia are thence provided with it, by the way of Moka and Baffora; and Persia it self, by Bander-Abassy. Moreover, Bengale is also the Country of good Con [...]its, especially in those places where the Portugueses are, who are dextrous in making them, and drive a great trade with them. They ordina­rily make store of those big Pome-Citrons, as we have in Europe; and a certain Root, which is longish like Sarfaperilla, and very delicate; and of that common Fruit of the Indies call'd Amba, and of Ananas, and the same Mirobolans, which are excellent; as also of Limons and Ginger.

'Tis true, that the Country of Bengale yields not so much Corn as Egypt; but if that be a defect, it is to be imputed to its Inhabitants that eat very little Bread, and much more Rice than the Egyptians: Yet it alwayes bears what is sufficient for the Country, and to afford excellent Biscuits, very cheap, for the provision of our European Ships, Eng­lish, Dutch, and Portuguese. You may there have almost for nothing those three or four kinds of Legumes, which together with Rice and Butter are the most usual food of the meaner people: And for a Roupy, which is about half a Crown, you may have twenty good Pullets and more; Geese and Ducks, in proportion. There are also kids and Sheep in abundance, and such store of Pork, that the Portugueses, setled there and ac­customed to the Country, live almost on nothing else but that; and the English and Dutch victual their Ships with it. There is also plenty of many sorts of Fish, both fresh and falt: And, in a word, Bengale is a Country abounding in all things; and 'tis for this very reason, that so many Portugueses, Mesticks, and other Christians are fled thither from those quarters, which the Dutch have taken from them. For, the Jesuits and Augustinians, that have great Churches there, wherein they exercise their Religion with all freedom, did assure me, that in Ogouli alone there were no less than eight or nine thousand Souls of Christians; and (which I will easily believe) that in the rest of that Kingdom there were above twenty five thousands. And 'tis this affluence of all those things necessary for life, joyned to the Beauty and good Humour of the Women natives, that hath occasioned this Proverb amongst the Portuguefes, English, and Holan­ders, viz▪ That there are an hundred open Gates to enter into the Kingdom of Ben­gale, and not one to come away again.

As to the Commodities of great value; and which draw the Commerce of Strangers thither▪ I know not, whether there be a Country in the World, that affords more and greater variety: For, besides the Sugar I have spoken of, which may be numbred amongst [Page 141] the Commodities of value, there is such store of Cottons and Silks, that it may be said, that Bengale is as 'twere the general Magazine thereof, not only for Indostan or the Empire of the great Mogol, but also for all the circumjacent Kingdoms, and for Europe it self. I have sometimes stood amazed at the vast quantity of Cotton-Cloth of all sorts, fine and others, tinged and white, which the Hollanders alone draw from thence and transport into many places, especially into Japan and Europe; not to mention what the English, Portingal and Indian Merchants carry away from those parts. The like may be said of the Silks and Silk-Stuffs of all sorts: One would not imagine the quan­tity, that is hence transported every year; for, this Country furnishes generally all this great Empire of Mogol as far as Lahor and Caboul, and most of the other forrain parts, whither Cotton-Cloth is carried. 'Tis true, that these Silks are not so fine as those, of Persia, Syria, Sayd and Barnt; but then there is also a great difference in the price; and I know from good hands, that whosoever shall take care of choosing them well, and of getting them well wrought, may have very good Stuffs made of them. The Hol­landers alone have sometimes seven hundred or eight hundred men of the Natives at work in their Factory of Kassem-Bazar; as the English and other Merchants have theirs in proportion.

It is also in Bengale, where that prodigious quantity of Salt-peter is found; which is so conveniently carried down the River Ganges from Patna, and where the English and Dutch load whole Ships full for many places of the Indies and for Europe.

Lastly, 'tis Bengale, whence the good Lacca, Opium, Wax, Civet, long Pepper do come; and even Butter is to be had there in so great plenty, that though it be a gross Commodity, yet notwithstanding 'tis thence transported into divers places.

It cannot be denied that the Air, in regard of Strangers, is not so healthy there, especially near the Sea: And when the English and Hollanders first came to settle there many of them dyed; and I have seen in Balasor two very fine English Ships, which having been obliged, by reason of the War of the Hollanders, to stay there above a year, were not able to go to Sea, because most of their Men were lost. Yet since the time that they have taken care and made orders, as well as the Hollanders, that their people shall not drink so much Bouleponges, nor go so often a shore to visit the Sellers of Arac and Tobacco, and the Indian Women; and since they have found, that a little Wine of Bourdeaux, Canary or Chiras is a marvellous Antidote against the ill Air; there is not so much sickness amongst them, nor do they now lose so many men. Bouleponge is a certain beverage made of Arac, that is, of strong water, black Sugar, with the Juice of Limon water, and a little Muscadine upon it; which is pleasant enough to the taste, but a plague to the Body and to Health.

As to the Beauty of the Country, you are to know, that all Bengale, taking it near an hundred leagues in length on both sides of Ganges, from Raje-mehale unto the Sea, is full of great Channels, formerly cut out of the River Ganges with vast labour, reach­ing far into the Country for the conveniency of transporting Commodities, and the Water it self, which by the Indians is counted the best in the world. These Channels are on both sides lined with well▪peopled Villages and Burroughs of Gentiles, and the large Fields, lying near them, bear abundance of Rice, Sugar, Corn, Legumes, Mustard, Sezamum for Oil, small Mulberries of two or three foot high, to feed Silk­worms. But then the vast number of great and small Isles, that are in the midst of Ganges, and fill all that great space of six or seven days journey, (as there is in some places of this River from one side to the other;) this giveth an incomparable Beauty to the Country: For, they are very fertile, filled with fruit-bearing Trees, Ananas's, and all sorts of verdure, and interlaced with a thousand little Channels, which you cannot see the end of, as if they were so many Water-mails all covered with Trees. The worst of it is, that many of these Isles that are next the Sea, are now abandoned by reason of those Corsaires, the Franguys of Rakan, elsewhere spoken of; and that they have at present no other Inhabitants but Tigers (which sometimes swim over from one Isle to the other) and Gazelles, and Hoggs, and Poultry grown wild. And 'tis upon the account of these Tigers, that for people travelling between these little Isles in small boats, as usually they do, 'tis dangerous in many places to land; besides, great care is to be had, that the boat, which in the night is fastened to Trees, be not too near the Bank; for there are now and then some men surprised; and I have heard it said, that Tigers have been so bold as to come into the boats, and to carry away men that were asleep, chusing the biggest and fattest of them, if one may believe the Water-men of he Country.

[Page 142] I remember, I made once a voyage of ten days, from Pipli to Ogouli, between those Isles and Channels; which I cannot forbear to relate to you, because there passed not a day without some extraordinary accident. My Chaloupe of seven Oars was no sooner got out of the River▪ Pipli, and advanced 3 or 4 leagues into the Sea along the coast, to gain the Isles and the Channels, but we saw the Sea covered with Fishes like huge Carps, pursued by a Shole of Dolphins. I made my men row that way, and saw, that most of those Fishes lay along the Coast as if they were dead; that some advanced a little, others played and tumbled as if they were drunk. We all la­boured to take some of them, and we caught 124 with our hands without any difficul­ty. Viewing them I observed, that out of all their mouths there came out a bladder (like those that are in Carps,) which was full of Air, and reddish at the end. I ima­gined easily, that this must be the bladder which kept them from sinking; but I could not conceive, why it should thus come out of their mouth, unless it were that they had been long and closely pursued by those Dolphins, and had made so great an effort to fly away as to make this bladder thus swell, and colour, and to hang out of their mouth. I afterwards told this thing to an hundred Sea-men, but they could not be­lieve it, and I never found but one Dutch Pilot, who told me, that sailing once upon the Coast of China, he had met with the like, and that presently they put out their Boat to Sea, and took, as I did, with their hands abundance of Fishes.

The day after, about even, we came among those Isles, and after we had look'd for a place, where 'twas likely no Tigers would come, we landed, made fire, dressed a couple of Pullets, and our Fish, which was excellent. Presently after Supper I made my men row until night, and for fear of losing our way between those Channels in the dark, we retired out of the great Channel, and found a good shelter in some small Creek, where we fasten'd our boat to a thick branch of a Tree, far enough from the Land, for fear of Tigers. In the night, when I was watching, there fell out a Philosophical accident, of which kind two had happen'd to me afore in Dehli. I saw a Rainbow of the Moon, which I shew'd to all my Company, and which very much sur­prised two Portuguese Pilots I had taken into my Boat at the desire of a friend, who had never seen nor heard of such a thing.

The third day we went astray between these Channels, and if we had not met with some Portugueses making Salt in one of the Isles, that directed us in our way, I know not what would have become of us. But behold another Philosophical accident. In the night, being got again under shelter in a little Channel, my Portugueses that still were concerned about the Rainbow of the last night, and whom that Observation had made more curious to behold the Heavens, awaken'd me, and shew'd me another, as fair and as well form'd as that was, which I had shewed them. Mean time I would not have you think, that I mistook an Iris or Rainbow for a Corona, or Crown. There is no month almost but at Dehli these Lunar Rainbows are seen in the season of the Rains, when the Moon is high above the Horizon: And I found that it must be so; having seen of them three or four nights one after another, and sometimes double ones. They were not Circles about the Moon, but opposite to her, and in the like Position with Solar Rainbows: And as often as I have seen them, the Moon was Westward, and the Rainbow Eastward. The Moon was also near full; which in my opinion, is ne­cessary; because at other times she would not have light enough to form any. Lastly, these Rainbows were not so white as the Crowns use to be, but much more coloured, insomuch that there might be discerned in them some distinction of Colours. And thus you see, how I have been more happy than the Ancients, who, according to Aristotle, had observed none such before him.

The fourth day about evening we retired out of the great Channel, as we used to do, into a very fair place of safety; but had one of the most extraordinary nights that ever I knew. There was not a breath of wind, and the Air was so hot and stuffing that we could scarce breath. The Bushes round us were so full of those little shining worms, that they seem'd to be on fire; and there arose fires here and there, which were like flames, and frighten'd my Sea-men, who said, they were Devils. Among the rest there arose two, that were very extraordinary; one was a great Globe of fire, which in falling and spinning lasted above the time of saying a Pater noster; and the other, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, was like a little Tree all in a flame.

The night of the fifth day was terrible and dangerous. There arose so great a storm, that though we were under the shelter of Trees, and that our small Boat was well [Page 143] fasten'd, yet notwithstanding all that, the Wind broke our Cable, and was casting us into the great Channel, where we had infallibly perish'd, if I had not, together with my two Portugueses, presently laid hold on the Branches of some Trees, where we held fast for above two hours, whilst the storme lasted: For there was no assistance to be ex­pected from my Indian Oar-men, whom fright had made incapable to help us in this occasion. But, what was most troublesome and amazing, there fell a Rain as if it had been pour'd down with buckets, which filled our Boat, and was accompanied with such Lightning and Thunder-claps, very near our head, that every moment we thought we should sink.

The remainder of our Voyage unto the ninth day, when I arriv'd at Ogouli, we passed very well and with pleasure; for I could not be satisfi'd with beholding such beautiful Countries: Mean time my Trunk and all my Baggage was wet, my Pullets dead, my Fish spoiled, and all my biscuit drunk with water.

Answer to the Fifth Question, about the Increase of the Nile.

I do not know, whether I shall acquit my self, in respect of this Fifth Question, as it were to be wish'd: But I shall faithfully impart to you what I have set down of it, after I had twice observed the Nile's Increase, and carefully examined the same, and taken notice withal of some things in the Indies, which have afforded me greater aids for it, than that Learned Man could have, that hath so ingeniously written of it, though he never saw Egypt but in his Study.

I have already said in another place, that at the time when the two Ambassadours of Aethiopia were at Dehli, my Agah Danechmend-kan, who is extraordinarily curious, sent often for them, to inform himself, in my presence, of the Condition and Govern­ment of their Country; and one day, amongst other things, we occasion'd them to discourse of the Source of the Nile, which they call Abbabile; whereof they spake to us as a thing so known that no body doubted of it, and where one of these Ambassa­dours, and a Mogolian, that was return'd with him out of Aethiopia, had been in person. They told us, that it taketh its Origin in the Country of the Agaus, and issueth out of the Earth at two big bubling Springs, near one another, which form a small Lake of about thirty or forty paces long; that at the coming out of this Lake it is then al­ready a pretty River, and that from place to place it receiveth other Rivers which en­large it. They added, that it runs bending, and forming a great Pen-insule, and that after several Cascata's from steep Rocks, it falls into a great Lake, which is not above four or five days journey from its Source, in the Country of Dumbia or Dembea, three little days journey from Gonder, the Metropolis of Aethiopia; that having traversed that Lake, it issueth thence swell'd with all the waters that fall there, passeth through Sonnar, the principal City of the King of Funges or Barharis, tributary to the King of Aethiopia, running on and making the Cataracts, and so entring into the Plains of Messer, which is Egypt.

After we had learned these particularities of the Source and Course of the Nile, I asked him, (to judge whereabout the Source of the Nile might be) towards which part of the World they believed the Cou [...]trey of Dumbia, wherein is Gonder, to be, in re­spect of Babel-mandel? But they knew not what to answer to this, but only, that they went alwayes Westward, and especially the Mahumetan Ambassadour, (who was obliged to know better, and to take more Notice of the Position of the World, than the Christian, because the Turks are obliged in saying their Prayers to turn themselves towards Mecca) did assure me, that I was not at all to doubt thereof: Which did astonish me ve­ry much, because, according to their Description, the Source of the Nile should be much on this side of the Aequinoctial, whereas all our Maps with Ptolomie place it a good way beyond it.

We also asked them, at what time it did use to rain in Aethiopia, and whether there were regular Seasons of Rain as in the Indies? To which they answer'd, that it rain'd almost never upon that Coast of the Red-Sea, from Su [...]ken-Arkiko, and the Isle of Masouva to Babelmandel, no more than it doth at Moka, which is on the other side, in the Happy Arabia; but that in the Heart of the Country, in the Province of Agaus, and in that of Dumbia and the circumjacent places it rained much for two of the hot­test months of the Summer, and at the same time when it rain'd in the Indies; which was also, according to my computation, the very time of the Increase of the Nile in [Page 144] Egypt. They said further, that they knew very well; it was the Rain of Aethiopia which swelled the Nile, overflowed Egypt, and fertilized the ground of it by the slime it carried upon it; and that it was even therefore, that the Kings of Aethiopia pretend­ed a Tribute to be due to them out of Egypt, and that, when the Mahumetans made themselves Masters of it, ill treating the Christians of the Country, they had a mind to turn the Course of the Nile another way, viz. into the Red-Sea, thereby to ruine Egypt and to render it infertile; but that this design miscarried by reason of the great difficulties in effecting the thing.

All these particulars, which I had already learned, when I passed over to Moka, from a dozen Merchants, that come there every year in the name of the King of Aethiopia to attend the Indian trading Vessels, are considerable to make us judg, that the Nile increa­seth not but by the Rains which fall without Egypt towards the Source of that River: But the particular Observations, I have made upon two Increases of this River, make them yet more so; for, in reference to all those Stories, that are made of it, as, That 'tis on a determin'd day it begins to increase; that on the first day of its increase there falls a certain Dew, which maketh the Plague cease, so▪ that no body dieth any more of it after that hath once fallen; and that there are peculiar and hidden causes of the overflowing of the Nile: In reference, I say, to these stories, I have found during the said two Inundations, that they are but tales fancied and amplified by the people of Egypt, naturally inclin'd to superstition, and amazed to see a River swell in summer in a Country where it rains not: And I have found, that 'tis no otherwise with the Nile than 'tis with other Rivers, that swell and overflow by plentiful Rains, without any such fermentations of the nitrous soyl of Egypt, which some have suggested as the cause thereof.

I have seen it swelled above a foot, and very turbid, near a whole month before that pretended determined day of its Increase. I have observed during its increase, and before the Channels were open'd, that when it had grown for some days a foot or two, it afterwards decreased little by little, and then began to increase a new, and so went on to increase and decrease without any other measure but that of the Rains that fall nigh the Source, and, as is often seen in our River Loire, according to the fall of more or less Rain in the Mountains whence it flows, and the days or half days of fair weather there.

In my return from Jerusalem, going up from Damietta to Cairo, I chanced to be upon the Nile about a month before the pretended day of the Dew-fall, and in the morning we were all wet of the Dew fallen in the night.

I have been in Rosette at supper with Monsieur de Bermon, Vice-Consul of our Nation, eight or ten days after this day of the Dew-fall, when three persons were struck with the Plague, of whom their died two within eight days, and the third, which was M. de Bermon himself, had perhaps not escaped, if I had not pierc'd his Plague-sore; which presently infected my self like other; so that, if I had not forthwith taken some Butter of Antimony, I might have been as well as they, an Example of the little certainty there is in the Plague after the Dew; but this Emetic Medicine in the beginning of the Evil did wonders, and I kept but three or four days within doors; during which, I remem­ber, my Bedouin that serv'd me made no scruple [...]o drink, in my presence, the remain­der of my broth, to encourage me, and from his principle of Predestination, to laugh at the fear we have of the Plague. Yet Experience shews, that after the day of the Dew the Plague is commonly not so dangerous as before, but the Dew contributes nothing to that; 'tis only in my opinion, that then there is a greater opening of the pores, which gives a vent to the malign and pestiferous spirits, that were shut up in the body.

Moreover, I have carefully enquired of some Masters of Boats, that had gone up as far as the end of the Plains of Egypt, that is, to the very Rocks and Cataracts; who assured me, that when the Nile did overflow in the Plains of Egypt, where that pre­tended fermenting Nitrous Earth is, 'tis at the same time much swelled between those Mountains of the Cataracts, where, in all appearance there is no such Nitrous Earth.

Besides, I have made diligent enquiry of those Negro's of Sonnars, that come to serve at Cairo, and whose Country, being tributary to the King of Aethiopia, as I have said, lyes upon the Nile between the Mountains above Egypt; and they have assured me, that at the same time when the Nile is high and overflowing in Egypt, 'tis so also with them [Page 145] by reason of the Rains then falling in their Mountains, and higher higher up in the Country of Hab [...]che or Aethiopia.

The Observations I have made in the Indies, concerning the regular Rains that fell at the same time when the Nile swells in Egypt, are also very considerable in this mat­ter, and may make you imagine, that the Indus, Ganges, and all the other Rivers of those parts are so many Niles, and the Land, that is near their fall into the Sea, so many Egypts. This was my thought of it in Bengale, and what follows are the very words I set down about it.

That great number of Isles which are found in the Gulf of Bengala at the Mouth of the River Ganges, and which by lapse of time are join'd to one another, and at length with the Continent, put me in mind of the Mouths of the Nile, where I have observed almost the same thing; so that as 'tis said, after Aristotle, that Egypt is the Workman­ship of the Nile, so it may be said, that Bengale is the Work of Ganges, only with this difference, that as the Ganges is incomparably bigger then the Nile, so he carrieth with him towards the Sea a far greater quantity of Earth; and so forms greater and more Islands than the Nile; and that the Islands of the Nile are destitute of Trees, where­as those of Ganges are all covered with them, because of those four months of constant and plentiful Rains that fall in the heart of the Summer, and render it needless to cut Channels in Bengale, to water and enrich the Earth, as they do in Egypt. It is just so with Ganges and the other Rivers of Indostan, as with the Nile; this and those increase in Summer by the means of Rain, which ordinarily fall at that time; except that then, and almost never, there are no Rains in Egypt, but a little toward the Sea, and that it rains not about the Source of the Nile; whereas in the Indies it rains in all the Countries, through which any Rivers pass; except the Kingdom of Scymid towards the Persian, Gulf, where is the Mouth of the River Indus; it happening that in some years it doth not rain there at all, though for all that the Indus swells there, and the Fields are water'd by the means of cut Channels, just as in Egypt.

For the rest, concerning the desire of M. Thevenot, to impart to you my Adven­tures of the Red-Sea, of Suez, of Tor, of Mount Sinai, of Gidda (that pretended Holy Land of Mahomet, half a days Journey distant from Mecca;) as also of the Isle of Camarane and Louhaya, and of whatever I could learn at Moka of the Kingdom of Aethiopia, and of the most commodious way to enter into it; these particulars, I say, I shall in time draw fair out of my manuscripts, if God permit.

Some Particulars forgotten to be inserted in my first Book, to perfect the Map of Indostan, and to know the Revenue of the Great Mogol.

TO understand the better what follows, 'tis requisite to know the signification of these Terms, viz.

1. Soubah, that is, Government and Province.

2. Pragna, that is, the Principal Town, Burrough or Village that hath many others de­pending from it, where Rents are paid to the King, who is absolute Lord of all the Land of his Empire.

3. Serkar, that is, the Exchequer of the Kings Treasure.

4. Kazine, that is, Treasure.

5. Roupie, the Mony of the Country, equivalent to 29 or 30 pence.

6. Lecque, that is, an hundred thousand Roupies.

7. Courour, that is, an hundred Lecques.

1. Jehan-Abad, or Dehli, is the first Soubah; it hath sixteen Serkars in its depen­dance, and 230 Pragna's: It yields to the King nineteen Millions and five hundred and twenty five thousand Roupies.

2. Agra, otherwise called Akher-abad, is the second. It hath 14 Serkars, and 260 Pragna's; yielding to the King twenty five millions two hundred and twenty five thou­sand Roupies.

3. Lahor hath 14 Serkars, and 314 Pragna's, bringing in to the King the Rent of twenty four millions six hundred ninety five thousand Roupies.

4. Hasmer, which belongs to a Raja, yields to the King a tribute of twenty one millions nine hundred and seventy thousand Roupies.

5. Gusarate, the Capital whereof is Amadavad, hath 9 Serkars, and 190 Praguas; yielding to the King thirteen millions three hundred and ninety five thousand Roupies.

6. The Kingdom of Candahar belongs to the King of Persia; but the Pragna's that remain unit'd to the Crown of the Great Mogol, are 15 and yield in rent 1992500 Roupies.

7. Maloüa hath 9 Serkars, and 190 Pragna's; bringing in 9162500 Roupies

8. Patna, or Beara, hath 8 Serkars, and payeth the rent of 9580000 Roupies.

9. Elabas hath seventen Serkars, and 260 Pragna's; rendring 9470000 Roupies.

10. Haoud hath 5 Serkars, and 149 Pragna's: It yields 6430000 Roupies.

11. Moultan hath 4 Serkars, and 96 Pragna's: Brings in 11840500 Roupies.

12. Jagannat, in which is comprehended Bengale, hath 11 Serkars, and 12 Pragna's: It yields 7270000 Roupies.

13. Kachemire hath 5 Serkars, and 45 Pragna's: Yields 350000 Roupies.

14. Caboul hath 35 Pragna's, and brings in 3272500 Roupies.

15. Tata hath 4 Serkars and 54 Pragna's, and giveth 2320000 Roupies.

16. Aureng-abad, formerly Daulet-abad, hath 8 Serkars, and 79 Pragna's: Yields 17227500 Roupies.

17. Varada hath 20 Serkars and 191 Pragna's; yielding 15875000 Roupies.

18. Candeys, whose principal Town is Brampour, hath 3 Serkars, and 103 Pragna's: It brings in 18550000 Roupies.

19. Talengand, which borders upon the Kingdom of Golkonda on the side of Maslipa­tan, hath 43 Pragna's, and payeth in rent 6885000 Roupies.

20. Baganala, on the Confines of the Lands of the Portugueses, and the Mountains of Seva-gi (that Raja which plundred Suratte,) hath 2 Serkars, and 8 Pragna's; paying the rent of 500000 Roupies.

According to these Particulars, which I take not to be the most exact or the most true, the Great Mogol's yearly Revenue of his Lands alone would amount to above two Kourours of Roupies.

A Letter sent from Chinas in Persia, June 10th 1668. To Monsieur Chapelle;
Concerning his Design of repairing again to his Studies, about some Points re­lating to the Doctrine of Atoms, and to the Nature of the Mind of Man.

My dear Friend,

I Did always believe what Monsieur Luillier, said, That it would only be a Tran­sport of Youth, and that you would quit this kind of Life, so much displeasing to your Friends, and at length return to your Studies with more vigour than ever. I have been informed from Indostan by the last Letters of my Friends, that you are now in good earnest, and are going to take a flight with Democritus and Epicurus, far be­yond the flaming Walls of the world, into their infinite Spaces, to see and victoriously to report unto us what may, and what may not be done, ‘Et ultra processit longè flammantia, &c.’ to take a Review, and to fall upon a serious meditation of the nature of those Spaces, the general Place of things; upon those infinite Generations and Corruptions of their pretended worlds by their alledged fatal Concourse of Atoms; upon the Nature, Indi­visibility, and other Proprieties of their Atoms; upon Liberty, Fortune and Destiny; upon the Existence, Unity, and Providence of God; upon the use of the Parts of Animals; upon the Soul, and all the other sublime matters they have treated of.

For my part, I cannot condemn this Design, the inclination we have to know, being na­tural; on the contrary I am bound to believe, that it belongs but to great Souls to elevate themselves to such high Enterprizes, in regard it is principally by this means, that a man can make appear what he is, and the advantage he hath above other Animals. But as the highest Undertakings are commonly also the most dangerous, this certainly is not without much danger. For though we seem to have a peculiar inclination and affecti­on to Truth; yet it seems also, that we have another very strong one to Liberty and In­dependency, not to acknowledge a Master above us, and to say, to believe and to do all according to our Phansie, without the fear of any, and without an obligation to render an account for any thing; so that if we be not upon our Guard, this latter Inclination will carry away the Bell; and if we stay upon the Reasons that carry us to this liberty, and content our selves with slightly considering those that might take us off from it; we shall soon find our selves engaged in a strange life, or at least be in suspence between both, and tossed up and down between a 'Tmay be that this is so, and 'Tmay be that it is not so; lukewarm, or cold, slow, and indifferent to what concerns the End and Rule of our life.

Moreover methinks, that most Philosophers suffer themselves easily to be carried a­way to this vanity of believing, that to entertain Opinions beyond the vulgar, is the way of being reputed Rare and Excellent Wits; they taking pleasure even to vent such Opi­nions as something Mysterious, belonging to none but men of great Knowledge, and grounded on deep and weighty Reasons; although they be not too much perswaded themselves of what they affirm. So that if such men do not take great care on that hand also, they shall not fail to be seized on by the aforementioned vanity; and whilst they go about to perswade others of what they are not perswaded themselves, they shall in­sensibly fall into that very Belief; like a Liar, who after having often related one and the the same Untruth, or at last believes it to be a Truth; Or at least they shall in the end fall into those unquietnesses, may be's, and indifferencies, which I have mention'd in­stead of attaining that state of solid tranquility and sublime knowledge, which they pro­mised, and wherewith they flatter'd themselves.

Lastly, there is no doubt, that though we have this inclination to learn, yet we are withal very lazy; we desire indeed Knowledge and Truth, but we would have it very [Page 148] cheap, without much Labour and Watching, which are irksome things, and often disturbing our health, yet necessary evils if we will know thoroughly the least thing, and make our selves capable to give a soild Judgment thereof. And thence it comes, that if we be not constantly upon our Guard, and contend not perpetually with our slothful­ness, we shall soon come to flatter our selves with this belief; That to know things, there needs not so much painful study; and so not being to resolve upon an uncessant Labour, we suffer our selves to be easily surprized with that Appearance of Truth, which shineth forth in the Reasons commonly produced by these Gentlemen▪ called les Esprits sorts; instead of seriously examining them▪ that so they may not be made to appear to us beyond what they contain of strength, nor the force of those that make against them be hid and disguis'd; as often enough happens, either by ignorance or preventi­on, or else by the vanity and presumption of those persons, that make it their business to dogmatize; or lastly, by, I know not what, unhappy pleasure we generally take in suffering things to be exaggerated to us, or in evaggerating them our selves, tending to nothing else, than pleasantly to deceive one another.

Thus, my dear Friend▪ to tell you freely my thoughts of your Design; methinks, that in Philosophy, and especially in the study of those high matters which you undertake, there is no middle way: I mean, that either we must, without so much subliming our Wits, suffer our selves to be sweetly carried away by the Current, which so many men of good sense, and that are reputed honest persons and good Philosophers, do follow (which to me seems to be the best and surest, as well because of the great Labour, this study demands, as of the danger there is, that in Philosophizing but by halves, and not penetrating things to the bottom, we get nothing by the bargain but disquieting Doubts, making us unhappy the rest of our days, and leaving us often very vicious, and uneasie to Society;) Or else, if we will Philosophize, to do it to purpose, and that, without fearing the labour, and without suffering our selves to be surprized by the vanity of coveting to pass for extraordinary Wits, as also without suffering our selves to be carried away by that unhappy inclination of desiring to live without a Master and a Law; that, I say, without these, we fall resolutely upon the study, and from a pure love to Truth, we become obstinate in weighing and weighing again all that comes be­fore us, in meditating, writing, conversing, debating; in a word, in forgetting no­thing of what may contribute to improve our understanding, and to render it more intelligent.

As to what at present you demand of me by your last, viz. that I should impart to you what came into my thoughts when I was discoursing with our Danechmend-kan, the Learned Gentleman of Asia, about all those matters, you are now applying your Stu­dies to: I shall tell you freely, and without flattering my self, that you might address your self to a more intelligent person than me, but to none, that hath studied them with more care, then I have done. For I have not only contented my self, exactly to weigh the reasons of all that ever I could come to see of both Ancient and Modern Authors, Arabians also, and Persians, and Indians; but I have farther conferr'd an hundred times with whatever great men I could any where meet with, so far as that I have often fain'd, when I was with those Esprits sorts, as they will be call'd, that I was not averse from their Sentiments, to the end that they might conceal nothing from me. But that being a thing of great prolixity, it will be better, since you are now on the way to re­turn into Europe, to refer that matter to our Meeting there, when we shall be able by word of mouth better and more conveniently to declare our thoughts to one ano­ther. Yet notwithstanding, that I may not seem to be careless of your desire, I shall in the mean time tell you thus much of the nature of our Understanding, That it seems to me very rational to believe, that there is something in us more perfect and excellent, than all that which we call Body or Matter.

You know, according to the Idea that Aristotle hath given us of the First Matter of things, that nothing can be imagin'd so imperfect, as it. For, in short, to be nothing but a certain Neque quantum, neque quale, is, methinks, to approach to a Nothing as near as may be. You know also, that all the perfections and proprieties, which De­mocritus and Epicurus attribute to their Primitive Bodies, or to the first and sole Matter of things, comes in a manner to this, that there are certain small and very solid Beings, without any vacuity in them, and indivisible; all having some particular and essential figure, so that there is an infinite number of round ones, (for example) an infinity of Pyramidal, an infinity of Square, and infinity of Cubick, Hooked, Pointed, Trian­gular [Page 149] ones; and so an innumerable number of other kinds of different Figures; all moveable of their own nature, and of an unimaginable Celerity; yet some of them more proper for the sensible motion of Concretions than others, that is to say, for dis­engaging and separating themselves, or for flying sooner and more easily away than others in the dissolution of Compounds, according as they are more or less small, or more or less round, or more or less polish'd and slippery: And lastly, that they are all eternal by their nature, and consequently all incorruptible and independent (as they pretend;) though they be without any sense, reason and judgment. You know, I say, that all the Proprieties of their little Bodies come, very near, to what I have now said; of which I desire you to be mindful, that so we may hereafter judge, whether they be capable of what is ascribed to them.

Yet, to take nothing from the force of their Principles, and to undeceive you; if you believe, I have cast off Atoms, I shall avow to you frankly, that the more I consider that Division to Infinity of any portion of Finite matter, the more absurd and unworthy of a Philosopher it seems to me: and I believe the Reasons, which are alledged to prove it, to be as captious as those, which Zeno, supposing this same divisibility, brought to prove, that there was no motion since Mathematical Points, Lines and Superficies, which have no being but by the Understanding, and are without profundity, ought not to be transferr'd and applied to Bodies Physical, which cannot be without all the dimensions, and are the workmanship of Nature: To which add, that a Philosopher ought to a­void, as much as is possible, to dive into Infinity, that being a deep and dark Abyss, which often serveth men for nothing else but to hide themselves, and in which the wit of man is at a perfect loss.

Moreover, I acknowledge, I am still of that opinion, not only, that Atoms are indi­visible, because they are little portions of Matter, or little hard Bodies, resisting and inpenetrable (proprieties as essential to Matter, as Extension) and because they are pure, matter continued, without any parts that are only contiguous, and of which each hath its particular and determinate Superfice; but also that the separation, disjunction or dis­sociation of parts meerly contiguous in a compound, is, in my judgment, the only divi­sion conceivable: so that 'tis not possible, not only to divide any Atome, that is, any por­tion of matter purely continuous, though we should suppose it as long as a Needle, since that to divide it with Scissers; for example, or otherwise, you must come to some pe­netration, which is inconceivable to us; and that it must needs be, that something of the Needle, some portion or some part (if it may be said, that there are parts in a whole, where there are no contiguous ones) do yield, and yet that tis inconceivable, how it were able to yield to the Scissers that should press it, or to make other, anteriour ones, yield without penetration; and that the more, because the parts pressed, and the part of the Scissers that should press, are both of them of the same Nature and the same force, both hard, resisting and impenetrable. So that the Doctrine of Atoms hath this great advantage, that it doth not so much as suppose its Principles, by deman­ding to grant out of meer favour the Indivisibility of the Primitive Bodies; forasmuch as it even cannot be conceived that they are divisible; nor, how out of soft, yielding and divisible Principles there should result a Compound that's hard; nor, how two most subtil portions of Matter, coming to hit one against another, should not resist each other by their hardness, without reducing themselves into some dust of smaller Particles. Besides, this Doctrine demands not, to have it granted out of meer Grace, that there must be little void spaces betwixt the parts of Bodies compounded, how subtil soever you may devise a matter to fill them up; seeing it is likewise unconceivable, not only how a motion should be able to begin in pleno (where all is perfectly full) but how the parts themselves of this most subtil matter, that must have their particular figures defin'd and determin'd as well as the bigger, can be so perfectly disposed as that there should not still remain some of those little Spaces betwixt them.

I shall further acknowledge to you, that I think, it may, in the Atomical way of Philosophizing, be very well and very rationally conceived, that there is no compound of so admirable a figure, composition, order and texture of parts, taking in the Body of Man it self, but that it may be formed by the concourse, order and particular dispo­sition of their little Bodies, the Atoms, provided there intervenes a guiding and regu­lating cause, intelligent enough for that purpose.

I shall likewise confess, that from their Principles there might result a Compound so perfect, as to be capable of the most difficult Local Motions that could be imagin'd, such [Page 150] as are, To walk like a Living and Animal Substance; as also, perfectly to imitate the singing, weeping, and all the other local motions of the most perfect Animals; there being no contradiction at all in it, all Watches and so many other artificial Engines e­vincing it, and not suffering us to doubt of the possibility of the thing.

Lastly, I shall very willingly agree, that the Sect of Democritus and Epicurus, (it being suppos'd, that the Atoms are the workmanship of the Almighty and All-wise hand of God,) hath very great advantages above the rest, in that it can give a more probable reason of a great number of considerable effects of Nature, where others come short; and in my opinion, there are none but such as have not examined things thoroughly, and compar'd other Sects with it, that can doubt thereof. But to imagine and to perswade my self, that their Principles, with all those advantages, at length are capable, as they would have it, by a particular concourse, order, union and disposition, how admirable soever, and even by an intelligent guidance intervening, to arrive to the forming of such an Animal as is Man in his operations; This is that, my dear Friend, which I could never think possible; it hath ever appeared to me contrary to Reason and good Sense, and will doubtless, appear so to you, provided you have the patience to recollect what you have heard and hundred times, and which I am now going to repeat to you after my own way.

It is not that I mean to preach to you, and to make you believe I am become a very good man after my return (a Traveller like my self, and brought up in the School of Atoms, might possibly do Miracles, which I know not whether men would believe any thing of;) Be perswaded, that if I take upon me to discourse to you, it is not out of any vanity or affectation, but from my inmost sense, and with all possible sincerity. Nor is it, that I pretend, with all this Asiatick Preamble, to have found any new Reasons in the Indies; expect no such thing, I pray: I do almost despair as well as Cicero, that men should ever find any thing more upon this Subject beyond what hath been already found. It would be no hard task for me to shew, that all what the Mo­derns have said concerning it, is either nothing, or nothing new; There would need no more, than to begin with taking up again, what Gassendi and Arnault have written about it against Des Cartes, to which I find not, that he hath made any Answer: And it were to be wished, that he had been able to answer them so demonstratively and magisterially, as it seems he would have men believe he did: I should embrace, and little less than adore the Author of a Demonstration upon this Argument; and to such an one the following Verses would be much more deservedly applicable, than to that ancient Atomist;

Qui genus humanum genio superavit, & omnes
Praestinxit Stellas, exortus uti Aethereus Sol.

I shall therefore desire but one thing of you, which is, That you would please to make (which seems to me the only thing to be done here) a serious reflection upon what passeth within us, and upon the operations of our Understanding; and that thereupon you would tell me sincerely, Whether you think, that there is a proportion between the perfection of those operations, and the imperfection of what we call Body or Mat­ter; supposing (what you will easily grant me) that how much soever you strain your mind, you shall never conceive any other thing in Atoms, and generally in all that's Body or Matter, than those proprieties already enumerated, Size, Shape, Hardness, Indivisibility, Motion; or, if you will (which matters not here) Softness and Divisi­bility.

I promise my self, that you will readily grant me this Request, which is, to go over again those ingenious and agreeable thoughts of yours, that have been drawn out of your Memories; and those many other Fragments of the same force of Wit, that have been left behind, and generally all those other Poetical Transports and Raptures of your Homer, Virgil, and Horace, which seem to have something of Divine in them: And you will not refuse in that serenity of mind and Philosophical temper, wherein sometimes you are in the Morning, to make some reflection upon four or five things, that seem to me to deserve very well the attention of a Philosopher. The first is, That our Senses are not only struck by Bodies so, as the Eyes of a Statue or an Automaton, but that we feel their impression, the titillation and pain, and that even we perceive [Page 151] that we feel, when we say, I perceive that this or that pleaseth my taste much more or much less than ordinarily; that my pain is much less or much more than it was; and so of an hundred things else. The second, That often we stay not there, but deduce these particular Conclusions; We ought therefore to follow this; or we ought to shun that: And afterwards, these general ones; All what is good, is to be followed; and all what is evil, is to be avoided. The third, That we remember what is passed, and consider what is present, and fore-see what is to come. The fourth, That sometimes we endeavour to penetrate into our selves, into that which is inmost in us, as I now do, when I am searching what I am; what is this Reasoning power that is within me; what are these thoughts; these ratiocinations, and these reflections I make, reflecting thus upon my self and my Operations. The fifth, That being resolutely set to meditate upon a thing, we sometimes make new Discoveries, find new Reasons, or at least see those that have been found already, weighing them, and comparing one with another, and sometimes drawing thence such Consequences, as shall depend from a greater num­ber of antecedent Propositions, which may be seen as 'twere in one view, and concur all to deduce such a Conclusion; as it comes to pass in all Sciences, especially the Ma­thematicks; wherein our Spirit shews I know not what force and admirable extent.

These few reflections might suffice for what I demand of you; and that the rather, because as I can say more comes almost to the same thing. But you must resolve for once to endure the Style of these Countreys of Asia, the Air of which I have breathed so long, and to have the patience further to cast your Eyes on a thing that seems to me very considerable, which is, That we know not only particular things that make impression upon our Senses, but that our Understanding, by I know not what admirable force and ca­pacity, taketh occasion to know and to form to it self Idea's of a thousand things, that fall not immediately and wholly as they are under the Senses; for example, that Man is a Reasonable Animal; that the Sun is much bigger than the whole Earth; that 'tis impossible, one thing should be at the same time and not be; that two things, being e­qual to a third, are equal among themselves; that the absence of the Sun causeth the Night, that all what's generated is subject to corruption; that of nothing nothing can be natu­rally made; as not any thing that is, can naturally return to nothing; that of neces­sity there is something Eternal and Un-created in the Universe, God, or the first Mat­ter of things, or both, or that God created this Matter, and that either from all Eter­nity or in Time: And an infinity more of other great and vast thoughts, and remote from Matter, of which we scarce know by what door they have entred into our Mind.

Now, all these actions, I have been speaking of, that argue so great a force and pow­er, capacity and extent of the Mind of Man; all those intern Motions; that peculiar State which we cannot perfectly explain, but yet plainly feel and perceive in our selves, when we attentively reflect on what passeth within us, and consider our operations; All those Actions, I say, and interiour Motions, or whatever you will call them, can they indeed to be ascribed to Spirits, to a Wind, to Fire, to Air, to Atoms, to Particles of a Subtil Matter, and, in a word, to any thing that hath no other Qualities or Propri­eties than what can be comprized under this word, Body, how small and fine and nim­ble soever it may be, into what texture or disposition soever it may be cast, and of what motions soever it may be made capable? It cannot: we shall never be able to imagine that these things are meer Local Motions of some Engine barely Artificial, dead, insensi­ble, without Judgment, without Reason: These can never be any of those inward actions I have mention'd, as, That I see or know that I know; that I see I reason; that I see those reasonings, and perceive that I see them.

Moreover, let us a little cast our Eyes upon some of the main Propositions of Euclid, (not to speak of those of Archimedes, Apollonius, and so many others;) For my part, when I think only on the 47th. of the 1st. of Euclid, I there find something so great and noble, that I avow to you, I can hardly believe that it was an Humane Invention: So that I should imagine, that it was therefore that Pythagoras, after he had been so hap­py as to find this incomparable Proposition, was so ravished and transported, that he made that famous Sacrifice to thank the Gods, and had a mind to declare thereby, that this Invention surpassed the reach of an Humane Understanding.

Yet I would not therefore say, that there is reason to believe, that in Man there is a particle of Divinity, or some such thing. This is an unreasonable Tenet of some Stoicks, and of the Cabalists of Persia, and of the Brachmans of India, who, to acknow­ledge [Page 152] openly the Nobleness and Perfection of the Spirit of Man, chose rather to cast themselves into this extremity, than to believe it to be so base and imperfect, as to be all Body and Matter. I am far from entertaining such a Sentiment; you will see in the Letter to Mounsieur Chapelain, that I cannot believe this to be an opinion defensible by a Philosopher: But this I do, I observe in Man, as well as those Stoicks and others, something so perfect, so great and high, that their opinion seems to me an hundred times less absurd, than that, which holds that in Man, and even in the whole Universe, there is nothing but Body, but bodily and local Motions, but Atoms, but Matter.

Lord! When I think on't, who is that man, how little of good sense soever he may have, that can perswade himself, that when an Archimedes, a Pythagoras, and others of those great men, had those effects of the Mind, and were in their deep Meditations, there was then nothing in their Heads and Brains but what was Corporeal, nothing but Vital and Animal Spirits, nothing but a certain Natural Heat, nothing but Particles of a very subtil Matter, or nothing but Atoms, which, though they be Insensible, and without all Understanding and Reason, and do not so much, (according to the Do­ctrine of the Atomists,) as move but by a fatal and blind motion and hit, should yet come to move and concur so luckily and wonderfully, that, as once by such a concourse they had formed the Head of those Great men, such as it is with those innumerable Organs so industriously order'd and dispos'd; so also they should then be so lucky as to form and produce those subtil thoughts, and profound meditations; or rather that they should come to move themselves in all those Organs in so wonderful a manner, as at last to fall into a certain Order and into a certain Disposition and State, so marvellous, that they themselves were that Conceiving, Seeing, Meditating, those admirable Pro­positions, and those Divine Inventions?

Add to this, when we find our selves, upon some Affront, or other Displeasure re­ceived, ready to fall into Choler and Rage, and yet stop our Passion; I pray, this in­ternal Commander and Command, which we feel, this kind of Obedience, of modera­tion and retreat, that is made, for example, upon the account of some consideration of Honesty, of Honour and Virtue, and against that natural Inclination we have to be re­venged; what is that interiour motion and state? Can it be rationally said, that 'tis nothing but some Rollings, Counter-motions, Reflections, and peculiar conjunctions and textures of Atoms or Spirits, or of little Masses or Particles of Matter, which are made within those Nerves, those fine Membranes, those very subtil Channels and Or­gans of the Brain, Heart, and other parts of the Body? These are pure Chimera's.

A word more concerning Liberty: When in the apprehension of taking an ill part for a good, we keep our selves in a poyse, seeking within our selves all the reasons that are for and against, and seriously pondering and examining them; this apprehension, this research, this ballancing, and the resolution we at last take to do or not to do the thing; all that, all those motions, all that inward state and way of Being (I speak in no other terms than they) shall it be nothing but a fortuitous and blind concourse of little Bodies? Is't possible that you can imagine or perswade your self this? Lucrece himself, that sworn Partisan of the Epicurean Sect, could not do it, nor resolve to attribute to Atoms alone those free motions of the Will. For if the Will, saith he, is drawn away from fatality, and raised above Destiny, E [...] fatis avulsa voluntas, &c. How can he, with all his clinamen or devi­ation of Principles, have believed in good earnest and without scruple, that there is no­thing but Body, and nothing done in us, more than elsewhere, but by a natural, eternal, independent, immutable and inevitable concourse of Atoms? He was not ignorant, that that being so, neither the Will, nor any other thing whatsoever could be drawn and exempted from that concatenation and eternal and inmmutable Sequel of Motions and Causes, that would follow and succeed one another by eternal Orders absolutely necessary and unchangeable.

Besides all this, I could put you in mind of many Reasons that are wont to be al­ledged upon this Subject. You know that great man, who hath collected more of them than a score of very good ones. But that would be to abuse your Patience too much▪ and besides I see not, that there is much more of any importance to be considered hereupon, than what I have lately represented unto you.

I could also tell you, how I judge that all Objections, made upon this point, may be most rationally answer'd; but I know, that you are not a person, for whom Books are to be made. I shall only mention two things to that purpose.

The first is, That 'tis true what they say, That Eating, Drinking, Health; Natural [Page 153] Heat, the Spirits, and a good Disposition of Organs, (all which are natural things, and as they speak, depending from Atoms as Principles and the first Matter) are things ne­cessary to all those Thoughts, Reasonings and Reflections; and, in a word, to all those Internal Operations I have mentioned. This is a thing that cannot be denied, and which every one doth too sensibly experiment not to aver it: But thence to conclude, that whatsoever intervenes and concurs to form those Operations, is only and meerly Body, Atoms, Spirits, Subtil Matter, is that which, after the least Reflection made upon their Excellency, and upon the imperfection of Bodies or Atoms, or upon the little re­semblance there is in their Qualities to those Operations, can never with any good sense be granted: So that, methinks the most that might be allow'd, would be, that the Atoms, and Spirits, and all those other things alledged, are indeed necessary as condi­tions or dispositions, or the like, and not as the first and absolute Principles, and as the Total cause of the Operations; but that there is requisite some other thing than all that, something nobler, higher, and more perfect.

The second thing is, That 'tis true also, that we cannot form a right, or, as they speak, a next and positive Idea of what is above a Body or of any thing that is not Body: This, indeed, we cannot do, in my opinion, whilst we are in this mortal state so strict­ly united to the Body; the dependance of the Bodily Senses, that so much confine and obscure the light of our Understanding, hinders us from it: But I see not that thence it is to be concluded, that therefore there is really nothing above Body, or Atoms, or Matter. For, how many things are there, of which we have no such positive Idea, which yet Reason obligeth us to avow that they have a real Being? Or rather, how few things are there, of which we have any True Idea's? Have these Philosophers themselves any positive Idea of their Atoms? They acknowledge that their smalness is such, that it cannot be so much as imagin'd by hearing this word Atom pronounc'd or explain'd: so far are they from being capable to fall under our senses, and from im­printing in us a true and positive Idea; and yet notwithstanding they believe, and conclude from Reason, that they are. A Mathematician, hath he the positive Idea of the Magnitude of the Sun? It is so prodigious, and so far remote from the capacity of the Senses, that we are not able even so much as to imagine it such as it is; and yet for all this, there is none that is not fully perswaded and convinced thereof by the force of Demonstrations, and that knows not perfectly, that he exceeds by far the bigness of the Globe of the Earth. And besides, it is not true, that the nature of a thing may be known two manner of ways; either positively, as when it falls under some one or more of our Senses, or as when we give a positive Definition thereof; or negatively, by saying what it is not: Now I shall grant, that we are not capable to know the Principle of our Operations or Ratiocinations by the first way, to say what it is, and how those Operations are made and produced. Alas! we are not so happy; we should need other Senses far more perfect than all those we have. We are not born to dive and Philoso­phize so far: ‘Invida praeclusit speciem natura videndi.’ But we ought also to acknowledge, that at least we are capable to know it after the second way: So that, if we cannot say truly and positively what it is, we can at least say, and certainly know what it is not: I mean, that from the perfection of the Opera­tions, which we do evidently see to be such as that they have no proportion with all those proprieties and perfections of Atoms, and do universally surpass the reach of what is meerly Body; we can deduce a certain Conclusion, that the Principle of such Operations, and those Operations themselves must needs be something above all that's Body or Corporeal. Which is here sufficient for me, who at the beginning engaged my self no further, and pretend not, that we can make a true and positive Idea of that Principle; but only that we can and ought to conclude by Ratiocination, that there must needs be something, as hath been said, that is far more perfect and far more noble than all that is in the rank of Bodies, whatever its being or Nature may be.

But shall I make an end, fully to discover unto you my thought? You well know, whether I am a person that taketh pleasure in vaunting, or in forging Untruths, or to speak things at random in a matter so important as this. It cannot be denied, that there is a very great difference between the Operations of Brutes, and those admirable Operations of Man, of which we now treat: I speak not only in respectof those of their [Page 154] outward senses, but also in reference to those of their inward ones, or their Imagina­tion. All that is so much beneath the Reasoning of man, that we must avow, there is not any proportion, and that those of Man proceed from a very differing and infinitely more perfect Principle. Notwithstanding all that (and this is the thought I would declare to you) I should think that person an hundred times less absurd, that should go about to maintain, that in the Principle of those Operations of Brutes, whether it be of their internal or even their external Senses, there were somewhat more perfect than Corporeity and all that may be understood and comprehended under the name of Body, or Matter, or Spirits; than him, that should pretend the Principle of the Operations of Man were meerly Corporeal: So much do I take this Opinion to be out of all reason, and unworthy of a man of good Judgment. Certainly it can be no serious Philoso­phy; it can be nothing but an Excess of Vanity, that hath cast those Philosophers, we have spoken of, into such an irrational Extream. They doubtless saw, that their Sect had great Advantages above all the rest, in being able to explain with much Ease and Probability abundance of the most considerable Effects of Nature, only by Local Moti­on, and the Order and particular Disposition of their Matter, Corpuscles or Atoms: And thence they would make us believe, that by the same Principles they could give an account of all, and explicate whatever concerns the Spirit of Man, and the Operations thereof.

My Dear Friend, have not you and I concluded an hundred times, that how much soever we strain'd our Understanding, we could never conceive, how from Insensible Corpuseles there could ever result any thing Sensible without the intervention of any thing but what's insensible; and that with all their Atoms, how small and how nimble soever they make them, what motions and figures soever they give them, and in what order, mixture or disposition they range them, yea and whatever industrious hand they assign them for guidance, they would never be able (still supposing with them, that they have no other proprieties or perfections than those recited) to make us imagine, how thence could result a Compound, I say not, that should be Reasoning like Man, but that should be meerly Sensitive, such as may be the vilest and the most imperfect Worm on Earth. How then dare they pretend, that they will make it out, how thence can result a thing Imagining, a thing Reasoning, and such an one as shall be the Imagina­tions and Ratiocinations themselves?

For my part, if you'l believe me, let us lay aside all that presumption and vanity of those Esprits forts; let us not pretend to be able to explicate the nature of the Princi­ple of our Reasonings in the same manner, as we might do the other things that fall under our Senses, and let us not play the Geometers upon it. We are not, as I have already said, happy enough for that; 'tis a thing which cannot be done in this mortal state, and in this great dependance from the corporeal senses in which we stand. Yet notwithstanding we ought to form a higher Idea of our selves, and not to make our Soul to be of such base alloy, as those Philosophers, too corporeal in this point, would have us do. We ought to believe for certain, that we are infinitely more noble and more perfect than they make us, and resolutely maintain, that though we cannot ex­actly know what we are, yet we know very well and very certainly, what we are not; which is, that we are not altogether of Mire and Dirt, as they pretend. Farewel.

FINIS.

THE PREFACE.

THE World being an ample Volum, in whose Extent and Varieties the Framer's Wisdom and Attributes are manifestly read and set out, it seems that great Travel­lers are the best Scholars and Proficients in this Book; since on's Native Countrey is but as a single Leaf, where all the Singularities are not to be seen which are found in the other.

—Non omnis fert omnia Tellus.

And the truth of it is, those Ancient Philosophers, who have first laid the Foundations of Arts, Sciences, and Commonwealths in the World, were Travellers in­to these very Eastern Parts, (partly described by us here) whence they brought home all their Knowledge; it being here that Man and Knowledge it self had their first beginning. So that wise Travellers are not un­like [Page] those rich laden Vessels which through many dangers bring wholesom and profitable Cargo's, Drugs, and other Conveniences, to be dispers'd among the several Societies of their ow [...] Countrey: They are like those di­ligent Master Bee [...], who run diver [...] miles t [...] extract out of many bitter Herbs that sweet Liquor, which they afterwards kindly refund to be enjoyed at home in com­mon, in the hardest Seasons of the Year, by their Fel­lows. What costs them dear, others have it cheap: And there's scarce any Private Persons in the Common­wealth, to whom we owe greater Honour and Thanks, than to Worthy Travellers and Discoverers of Forein Countries.

Yet it may be truly said, That Ancient Travellers and Geographers have but as course Lininers and Coast-Drivers, drawn a very rough Draught in their Relations of those Countries they describ'd unto us, in comparison of some later Writers, who also sometimes do but copy their Predecessors Stories; and Merchants, with most other Travellers, are weather-driven by their private Occasions or Misfortunes, to take but a Cur­sory Survey of Places, and so give but an answer able account of the same to the World.

But among all the Ancient and Modern Travellers, none had such fair Opportunities and Advantages as the Illustrious Monsieur Tavernier had, to make a true, profitable, and exact Relation of the Singularities of those Remote Parts of Asia, where he past so many [Page] Years in great Splendour, as shall appear by the ensu­ing Considerations and Qualifications of a good Tra­veller.

1. He from his Youth had a strong Inclination to Travel, which secret Instinct is certainly a Preordina­tion of God for an Undertaking; and this unseen Impul­sion carries such extraordinary Instruments chearfully and prosperously through all the Difficulties, others of a contrary disposition would never wade thorough, for whom it would be in vain to strive against the current of Nature.

2. This Travelling Genius made him begin early to fit himself for his design, and soon to go about it. He was therefore sufficiently imbued in his Intellectuals with all due knowledge of Sciences, Language, and Geogra­phy, and precedent Travellers Maps and Books, with­out all which common Travellers cannot conceive so soon and so orderly, nor reap so much benefit for themselves or others.

3. But Speculations without Experience are but un­profitable Notions; and the Experiments of this kind are not to be had without great Means and Ex­pence, for want of which many a good Undertaking is Still-born.

Haud facilè emergunt, quorum virtu­tibus obstat
Res angusta domi—

[Page] is an old and true Saying. But our noble Tavernier had an ample Estate, drove a great Trade, had Money in abundance, and a Prince's or Embassador-like Reti­nue, without which and great Presents none is scarce look'd upon in Luxurious Asia, fit for admittance in­to great and worthy Companies, where Knowledge may be attained; so that he thereby soon got into the Pre­sence, Familiarity, and Closets of the Emperours, the Ministers of State, and the Philosophers of Persia, Mogol, &c. and got into the Acquaintance and Con­versations of the leading and common Merchants, Traf­fiquers, and People; and knew their Languages very well: for it is in vain to have Eyes, if one have not also a Tongue in such cases.

4. And whereas Learning and Riches do sometimes render narrow Souls of a more proud and unsociable temper, Monsieur Tavernier is by Nature and Edu­cation, and obliging, cheerful, and insinuating Travel­ler, and of a graceful Countenance. Comely Personages are beloved almost as soon as they are seen; and those that have but fair Souls, are not so till after they are known. Now Monsieur Tavernier having both these Advantages, had a free entrance into the Friendship and Notions the Indians (great or small) had con­cerning the Natural, Mechanical, Political, Religi­ous, and Trading State of their own Countrey; which he made more his business to know, than to grow more rich. [Page] And at some times he would reckon Thousands of Pounds as nothing to attain his ends in this point of Knowledge and further Experience; as the perusal of this his own Work, and Persons now in London, that knew him in and after his Travels, can fully testifie.

5. Moreover, Mutual Help of Persons equally un­derstanding and curious, is a great advantage in such Researches and Observations as these. Now John Baptista Tavernier, besides many other Heads and Hands, had herein the Assistance of a Brother, as com­plete a Traveller as himself in those furthest Parts of Asia, and had no less the foregoing Qualifications in Person and Estate than this his Brother John Bap­tista had, as the Reader may well perceive by this Vo­lum of Travels.

6. And as for the Time; Six Voyages, and about Forty Years Abode in those Countries they do describe, did render these Brethrens Knowledge vast, their Ex­periments tried over and over, and this their Account more sure and exact (as I said) than that of any other Traveller heretofore.

7. And finally, to confirm the undoubted Credit that's to be given to this Nobleman and his Relation, (who is above all design of Flattering or Deceiving the Reader) you may meet with several Worthy Persons in this City and the Court of England; and I my self, who was at Paris some few years ago at Monsieur [Page] Tavernier's Arrival, and who can witness the grand Esteem, the solemn Honours and Thanks, that were then given him by Persons of all Ranks and Degrees, the French East India Company's Admiration and Recommendation of him, that he had done his King and Countrey more Credit in those proud Eastern Courts than ever any did before him; the French King's imploying of him there; the Rarities he brought home to the Learned; the vast Riches and Memoirs he gained for himself, and the incomparable Jewels and Singularities he brought to the French King; the Titles of Lord and Baron conferred upon him extraordinarily, though he were a Merchant and a strict Protestant. These (I say) Public and Private Testimonials do shew what Credit other Nations and his own (which is Singular) had given to him. But in a word his own Observations herein gathered will prove it better.

But if any desire to have some Account of the Work it self, the Newness, Profit, and Satisfaction the very Subject must needs yield to all Persons and Professions cannot but be acceptable.

The Naturalist shall have Plants, Minerals, Ani­mals, and Phoenomena's never seen in our Climate. And about Physic, the Law, Music, and Poetry, more [Page] Time and Tryals are required in those Countries than here; and you shall accordingly read of Cures done that draw near to natural Miracles.

The Divine will see things worth his Observation in their Religion and Morals, wherein they may confound the very Christians; whereof I'le onely touch but thus much: That by the Light of Nature those Heathens own a Supreme Deity, and a Future State of Happi­ness and Torments; and do in view of the same most strictly keep the Civil and the Ten Moral Command­ments, much answer able to ours, which their Prophets have left to them. So that they punish Murther and Adultery even in Tunquin ch. 7. p. 18.Princes and Princesses; terrible Examples whereof you may here read at large. And the Church and State Government are subservient in a Subordination, the one being a Prop to the other.

Even Statesmen may find Subject of weighty conside­ration, in the Antiquity, Model, and Exactness of their Government. As for instance: Though they have a special regard to Monarchy, so as to keep the Succession within the same Line; yet the Tunquin c. 11. p. 35.Great Constable, and the King's Council have Power left them to propose and chuse the fittest Person among the Royal Children, or Col­lateral Successors, who is nominated in the King's Life-time, to prevent after Disturbances. They have [Page] also on the other side very singular and unimitable ways to prevent the Insurrections, Divisions, and Rebellions of the Militia and the People.

But above all, the Traveller and Traffiquer into those Parts will be like to run into a thousand Inconve­niences, and Losses of Health, Life, and Estate, with­out being guided by such Directions as he carefully gives herein, which others cannot possibly so soon and so well know.

It is in fine herein declared, by what means the French, Holland, and Portugal East India Companies were Settled, Improved, and Worsted in those Countries; also the Coinage, and the Reduction thereof to ours; the particular places where all sorts of East India Commodities are best and cheapest had; the Rates and Exchange Returns are here to be found; the manner how to know their Falsifications in Gold, Sil­ver, Jewels, Drugs, Silks, Linen, and all the other Merchandizes which are brought from those Nations are here set down: It being otherwise hard or impossible to escape the Cheats of the Persians, Chineses, and Japoners, without such Instructions.

I'le say no more, but that in this Work was imployed the Help of another Worthy Gentleman, who labour'd [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] in the first Volum of Tavernier's Translation; but it was brought to an end and perfection by me, who had the occasion to be more particularly acquainted with Monsieur Tavernier himself, his Native Tongue, and other Particularities abroad.

Edmund Everard.

The TABLE to Tavernier's Volum of Japon, China, and Tunquin, &c.

  • A Relation of Japon, and of the cause of the Persecution of the Christians in those Islands. pag. 1.
  • A Relation of what pass'd in the Negotiation of the Depu­ties which were sent to Persia and the Indies, as well on the behalf of the French King, as of the French Company, for the settling of Trade. 26
  • Observations upon the Trade of the East Indies. 51
  • Of the Commodities which are brought as well out of the Dominions of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visapour, and other neighbouring Territories. And also of the Weights and Measures of the said Commodities. 57
  • Chap. 1. A discourse in general concerning the City of Tunquin, and of the manner how the Author came to have knowledge thereof. 1
  • Chap. 2. Of the Situation and Extent of the Kingdom of Tun­quin. 5
  • Chap. 3. Of the Quality of the Kingdom of Tunquin 7
  • Chap. 4. Of the Riches, Trade, and Money of the Kingdom of Tun­quin. 13
  • Chap. 5. Of the Strength of the Kingdom of Tunquin by Sea and Land 14
  • Chap. 6. Of the Manners and Customs of the People of the King­dom of Tunquin. 16
  • Chap. 7. Of the Marriages of the Tunquineses, and their Severity toward Adulteresses. 18
  • Chap. 8. Of the Visits, Feasts, and Pastimes of the Tunquineses. 21
  • Chap. 9. Of the Learned Men in the Kingdom of Tunquin. 24
  • Chap. 10. Of their Physicians, and the Diseases of the Tunqui­neses. 28
  • Chap. 11. Of the original Government and Policy of the Kingdom of Tunquin. 31
  • Chap. 12. Of the Court of the King of Tunquin. 38
  • Chap. 13. Of the Ceremonies observ'd when the Kings of Tunquin are advanced to the Throne. 40
  • Chap. 14. Of the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin, and of their manners of burying their Dead. 46
  • Chap. 15. Of the Religion and Superstition of the Tunquineses. 49
  • [Page] Chap. 1. Of the Island of Formosa, and how the Hollanders pos­sessed themselves of it, and how it was taken from them by the Chineses. 57
  • Chap. 2. Of Maurice Island, where they cut Ebony. 61
  • Chap. 3. Of the Grandeur of the General at Batavia, and what be­fell his Wife and his Niece. 65
  • Chap. 4. Of General Vanderbroug, and of the Original of the City of Batavia. 69
  • Chap. 5. Of the Countrey about Cochin, and how the Holland General crown'd one of the Indian Princes. 74
  • Chap. 6. Of the Sieur Hollebrand Glins, President of the Factory at Ormus. 77
  • Chap. 7. Touching the Islands of the Prince. 79
  • Chap. 8 How the Hollanders sent to declare War against the Per­sians, and of the ill success of their Fleet. 80
  • Chap. 9. Of the Severity of the Holland Commanders in the In­dies. 83
  • Chap. 10. Touching the Women. 85

[Page]

Tunquin page

The Order of the March of the Queen Mother and Reigning Queen of Tunquin when they goe abroad out of the Palace.

An Alphabetical Index to the Map of Tunquin, made on the place by B. Tavernier.

The first Figures are Longitude, the second Latitude.
  • BOdego, whence they embarque the King's Bo­dy: as also the Huts for those that attend the King's Body 144-21
  • Bonten, an excellent Haven 151-9
  • Camelee, a great River, but bad Port 146-13
  • Chancon, an Isle where S. Xavier died February 4. 1552. 155-21
  • Checo, the Capital City of Tunquin, and King's Seat 144-21
  • Colaure 146-14
  • Cuaci, the Bounds between Tunquin and Cochin­china 142-16
  • Cuadag, a Lake 140-22
  • Cuadag, the Port where all the great Ships lie, not able to enter the great River of Cheche, being stopped up 142-20
  • Dinphoan, a good Port, but difficult entrance 149-10
  • Haifo, this Isle is a Forest of Orange and Pomgra­nat Trees 145-14
  • Hainanen, an Island wherein is two Rivers, one is very hot and smells of Sulphur, and the sick come from all the adjacent parts to bath in it 148-19
  • Island of Fishes 146-19
  • Pulociampelio Isle 146-15
  • Sansoo, one of the greatest Cities of Cochinchina, and greatest Trade, but the Port failing, it now decays 143-15
  • Tacan▪ an Isle where the Fowls retire during the heat 148-12
  • Tortose Islands 152-11
  • Tulatan Isle 147-14

An Alphabetical Index of all the Towns in the Map of Japon.

A
  • AChas 175-34
  • ACosaqui 177-34
  • Aizu 184-38
  • Akas 174-34
  • Amessima 171-34
  • Amusana 175-34
  • Anai 174-34
  • Anzuqui 176-35
  • A [...]ui 173-34
  • Aquita 182-40
  • Arcy 177-34
  • Ava 174-33
  • Ava 181-34
  • Autua 170-33
  • Axicanga 182-36
  • Aximot 181-36
B
  • Bandel 179-34
  • Bigen 174-35
  • Bingo 173-34
  • Bipchu 173-34
  • Bugen 172-34
  • Bungo 171-33
C
  • Camba 179-34
  • Cango 177-36
  • Cansula 182-35
  • Cataizu 175-33
  • Caucani 175-34
  • Cochite 170-33
  • Coreer Isles 169-34
  • The Sea 171-34
  • Coyssina 171-34
D
  • Daura 180-34
  • Deva 182-38
  • Dongo 172-33
F
  • Facoua 180-34
  • Fairma 174-34
  • Favissida 178-34
  • Fintsautwa 177-34
  • Firanda 170-33
  • Firazima 172-34
  • Fitaqui 182-37
  • Flagway 177-34
  • Foncorai 178-34
  • Foqui 174-35
  • Forissauva 180-35
  • Fucha 179-36
  • Fumay 172-33
  • Fuximi 176-35
G
  • Ganamisaqui 171-34
  • Ganomi 172-34
  • Ginkay 171-34
  • Gold Mines 184-38
I
  • Jaai 178▪34
  • Jamman 171-34
  • Idiumo 173-35
  • Idzumi 175-35
  • Jedo or Jendo 181-35
  • Jesse 184-40
  • Jesare 179-34
  • Inaba 174-35
  • Ingo 176-34
  • Jobeco 170-33
  • Jokeits 176-34
  • Jofinda 177-34
  • Isakuts 176-34
  • Juani 172-35
  • Jussimara 179-34
K
  • Kakinkw 179-34
  • Kakingaren 178-34
  • Karaye 178-34
  • Kisma 170-33
M
  • Maicazima Isle 183-36
  • Marganni 174-34
  • Mia 177-34
  • Miaco or Meaco 175-34
  • Micava 177-35
  • Mimalaca 173-35
  • Mino 177-34
  • Mirico 179-34
  • Mulaxi 181-35
  • Muro 174-34
N
  • Nanastgamma 170-33
  • Namba 184-39
  • Nangati 171-34
  • Nangisaqui 171-33
  • Nayma 178-37
  • Nibarasacq 178-34
  • Niborasaca 178-34
  • Nivata 181-37
  • Not [...] 178-37
O
  • Ocambe 179-34
  • Ocasaqui 177-34
  • Okais 179-34
  • Omodo Key 170-33
  • Oquayama 174-34
  • Ormeda 176-34
  • Oseaca 175-34
  • Ova 176-34
  • Owaeri 177-35
Q
  • Quano 176-34
  • Quinocuni 175-33
  • Quirenoxo 176-36
R
  • Roches 171-33
S
  • Sacca 178-34
  • Saccaiia 175-34
  • Sace 176-34
  • Saikock 171-33
  • Samma 176-34
  • Sando 180-37
  • Sangani 180-35
  • Sanuqui 173-34
  • Saquio 171-34
  • Sapui 175-34
  • Sateuma 170-32
  • Sateque 183-37
  • Savoia 174-34
  • Scabarei 179-34
  • Silver Mines 179-37
  • Simanda 178-34
  • Simissima 170-33
  • Sinagawa 181-35
  • Sincubi 170-33
  • Sintsi 176-34
  • Sino Sima 171-34
  • Sirion 177-34
  • Sirack 178-34
  • Stintgo 175-34
  • Surunga 179-34
  • Suva 180-36
  • Suvo 172-34
T
  • Tambo 175-35
  • Tanegaxima 172-32
  • Tango 175-35
  • Tatomi 178-35
  • Tauma 175-35
  • Tucnocuni 175-34
  • Tenri River 178-34
  • Toia 172-33
  • Tokoesi 173-33
  • Toi Isle 183-34
  • Tomo 173-34
  • Tondozima Isle 180-38
  • Tottori 174-35
  • Tsumgaer 184-40
V
  • Vacosa 176-35
  • Vasumi 171-32
  • Ubama 176▪35
  • Vitchu 178-36
  • Vomi 176-35
  • Vouri 177-35
  • Voxu 183-37
W
  • Waka 176-34
X
  • Xendai 183-38
  • Xidaibama 182-37
  • Xikoso 173-33
  • Ximo 171-32
  • Ximosakock 170-33
  • Ximolu 182-36
  • Ximomaxoqui 171-34
  • Xinan 178-35
  • Xio 173-33
  • Xiva 177-36
Y
  • Yamamguela 172-34
  • Yamato 176-34
  • Yamaxico 175-34
  • Yazuqui 174-35
  • Yechigen 177-36
  • Yechingo 180-36
  • Yhe 176-34
  • Yonazaua 183-38
  • Yynoxima Isle 183-33
Z
  • Zetta 170-33
  • Zima 176-34
FINIS.

[Page]

A MAPP OF THE ISLES IAPON
[Page]

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