IT has pleased His Sacred Majesty to send His Royal Mandate hither; in obedience to which, I have had the Honour to be Elected, Admitted, and Sworn Re­corder of this City.

Gentlemen, I am very sensible of those many Defects, which may seem to others as well as to my self, to render me unqualified for so weighty an Office. But I shall not here loose time, either in extenuating or excusing the same. None here are ignorant of those many invincible Obstacles, as to all sorts of Learning and Knowledge, which have been laid in the way, to Persons of my Character and Religion: To mention no more then the very Oaths which we could not take, and for the not taking of which, (till of late) there was no Dispensation to be had: These, I say, alone, were a too sufficient cause of discouragement, and hindrance, from any close pursuit of Study, or Conversation, in such Know­ledge, and Practice, as are requisit to an accomplish'd Lawyer.

But our Comfort is, that in the present state of Affairs, not so much profoundness of Skill, as sincerity of Heart, not the great Understanding, but the good Will, are the most indispensable Necessaries for His Majesty's Service; not on­ly in this, but in most other Stations and Employments.

And for these, I may without vanity challenge them to my self; and I hope, being no Stranger to most of you here [Page 2]present, you will easily believe and acknowledge the same; and that, if on the one side, you regard His Majesty's Af­fairs, and on the other side the circumstances of my Life and Profession, it would have been, perhaps, difficult to have found any One in this County, more entirely at His Maje­sty's Service then my self.

And let this suffice to justifie His Majesty's Choice, and (notwithstanding my own avowed Defectiveness and Incapa­city in other respects) my submission to it.

Mean while, I am not to be put in mind, that even these beloved Oualities, which I seem to glory in, of Zeal and Fi­delity in His Majesty's Service, and which I plead as an A­tonement for my other Unworthinesses, that even these a­lone, I say, are enough to blast me in the Opinion of some men, who will never hope for any good, from One so di­sposed and declared. The distractions and differences of Opinions, have caused such disaffections of Heart, that Mens Fancies are fill'd with Fears and Jealousies, against the most innocent and laudable Purposes and Protestations of this nature, even before they are reduced into Act.

Hence it comes to pass, that a Man can no sooner make profession of his Duty and Zeal to His Majesty's Service, but some discontented and ill-affected Worldling, who knows little, and loves less (besides what concerns his own self-in­terest) represents him to himself and others, as one of the Court-Party, no Friend to his Country, One ready to sacrifice his own, and all other Mens Liberties and Properties, to the Arbitrary Will and Pleasure of the Prince.

Neither does this happen in matters which relate to the Service of the King only, or upon Temporal accounts alone; but also, in all Endeavours and good Desires for the wel­fare of our fellow-Subjects too; and that in things which are Spiritual, and concern the Conscience only.

Hence it comes to pass, that a man cannot compassionate the heavy Sufferings of his innocent Neighbours, for matters of meer Religion, but he is presently maligned by some Bi­got or other, as an Enemy and Underminer of the Church of England, as I my self was in this very place, for this only cause, in the late heats at the Quarter-Sessions for this Coun­ty, publickly traduced and branded, as One that did more mischief then any other Man in the County.

But let such Worldlings and Bigots give me leave to tell them, That they know not what Spirit they are of.

The first of them seem to trace back the Practices of those Times, in which it was neither sufficient, nor safe, for a man to declare for the King, but he must be for the King and Parliament too: till at last, he must upon his peril, disclaim both King and Parliament. Whereas in reality, Loyalty to the King, and Justice to the People, are in their very Es­sence so united together, that they are incapable of separation.

The second sort seem to have forgotten, or even desert­ed, the so-much boasted Principle of their own Church, which they use to say, is not of a Persecuting Genius or Spirit; un­less, peradventure they mean by a Distinction, that it is so in its Articles, but not in its Members.

But, Gentlemen, that we may spare both these sorts of Spirits, and calm them too, I will say no more of either, but only this, That I am sent hither to serve a Prince, who makes it His business to content both; who to all His Sub­jects, however affected, is a Mirrour of Justice and Clemen­cy. And as I cannot serve, so neither can I please Him bet­ter, then by using my best endeavours (as by God's Grace I ever shall in what-ever comes before me) that the effects of these two God-like Attributes in Him, may be equally di­stributed to all, without regard to Fear or Favour.

But because I told you in the beginning of this Discourse, that the cause of all these Jealousies and Disaffections, was that great distraction in Opinion and Judgment, wherewith this Age has been divided and perplex'd, while each one en­deavours to maintain and promote his own; sometimes one prevailing, and sometimes another, and all equally labour­ing, if not for Power, at least for Ease and Security. Give me leave to entertain you a little with the cause of those Di­stractions in Opinions, which are the cause of these Disaffe­ctions. I hope the Remarks which I shall make, will prove no mis-expence of time, either to you or me.

This great and famous Kingdom of England, being many Ages past, (as again now at present) highly blest with Kings, enrich'd with a most sublime Wisdom, as well as other Princely Vertues: The Government of it was many hundred years since, founded on such Rocks of Prudence and Justice, [Page 4]as might in all humane prospect have secured it unshaken to the Worlds end.

It is that of Monarchy, which has for its pattern the Great Monarch of Heaven, and of all created Beings. A Monar­chy by Descent, which secures us from all those dismal Fa­ctions and Wars, which commonly attends the Election of Kings, to the great weakning, and oft-times final destructi­on of the Government and People. A Monarchy, wherein the King has all the Power, the Nobility all the Honour, and the People all the Security, which the Hearts of men truly Rational, can wish or aspire to.

How often, and with what great Solemnity, hath the great Charter of the Subjects Liberty and Property received Confirmation from the glorious Ancestors of our present Reigning Monarch? What Spot of Ground is there thrô the whole circumference of the Earth, where the Subject lives so free, so plentiful, and so secure from any sort of Op­pression, as in this our truly fortunate Island? What man so low, as (not offending the Laws) to need fear his most potent Neighbour? Again, What Nobleman so Great as to dare either by force or treachery, to attempt either upon the Royal Authority or Publick Peace? Lastly, What Throne so fix'd and unmoveable as Ours? Since the Roy­al Prerogatives are so inalienable from the Crown, that even the most solemn Acts of our Kings (when found inconsi­stent with their personal safety and Government, and the good and safety of their Subjects) are of no manner of force, to restrain the exercise of their Regal Power? This ap­pears by the King's Declaration in the 15th of Edward 3d, Printed with the Statutes, and by many other instances which might be produced.

After such Foundations laid, after such regular and well-polish'd Architecture in the whole Frame of this our happy Government; when, moreover, our Kings have at their Call the most August Senate in the World, whose Duty it is to strengthen the Hands of the Soveraign, by their Counsels, and the Kingdom's Treasure, as Emergencies arise. How comes it to pass, that we have seen and felt effects not only far short, but even contrary to such glorious Causes? to pass by our ceasing now for a long time to advance our Nations [Page 5]Glory, by Acquisitions abroad, (tho' we have not wanted Princes of great Abilities and Inclinations that way). How comes it to pass, that we have with much difficulty conser­ved our own from Forreign Encroachments. Nay, lastly, how has it come to pass, that we have suffered such fatal Con­vulsions at home, among our selves, by which the whole Frame of our Government hath been shaken in pieces, no­thing to be seen but Horrour and Confusion, nothing to be expected, but utter Ruine and Destruction?

To answer these important Queries, thô private Malice Pride, Lust and Avarice be the immediate incentives of all who are Authors or Fomenters of all Civil Dissension; yet manifest it is, that this so great decay from the Ancient vigour of our Government, and the many Difficulties in which it is of late so deeply involved, have arisen principally, if not purely, from the Cause of Religion.

'Twas a memorable saying that of my late Lord Chancel­lour Clarendon, to the two Houses of Parliament, soon after his late Majesty's happy Restauration: It is, said he, a mourn­ful subject, and that which has cost the King many a Sigh, many a sad Hour, to consider, that that very thing, which was appointed by God as a Cement of Affection, betwixt Strangers and Enemies, Religion, should now become the fiercest Incen­tive to Strife between the dearest Friends and nearest Relations.

This Consideration carries me back to examine, from what time, and from what cause, this unhappy effect of Re­ligion had its first rise: For were it indeed to be found in the Root or Essence of Christianity it self, I should conceive the Reception of such a Religion into the World, and its so long continuance amidst so many Nations, to be a greater Miracle, than any that was ever wrought for its Birth or Pro­pagation. But I take the fact to be far otherwise:

For upon the first Planting of Christianity, the Apostles (inspired with the Holy Ghost) all taught one and the same Truths; which their Disciples held themselves obliged to be­lieve, and for ever keep inviolate and intire, as proceeding all from one and the same eternal Verity: and when afterwards any difference arose concerning what was so taught, or what not: The general practice of Christians was, to submit to the determination of their Pastors, either Single, or in a Provincial, National or General Council, as the exigency of [Page 6]the matter required, and the circumstances of the time and place allowed. Which left no room for pertinacy in Dissen­tion, at least, not any possibility of disturbing the publique Peace.

And by this means Christianity remained in this Kingdom unshaken, from its first entry, until about the 24th year of K. Henry the 8th, when that unhappy Prince, not finding from his long and chargeable Addresses to Rome, a passage to the Enjoyment of a second Wife (the first then living) breaks that Power he was not able to bend, and levels whatever opposes to his unbridled Appetite: and maugre Magna Char­ta, (which in the first place grants, that the Church of Eng­land be free, and all her Rights and Liberties inviolable,) the Treasures and Revenues of the Church, nay, its very Foun­dations and Lands are no longer spared, than that King's Profusions needed not fresh Supplies.

To this end, by an Act in the 26 of his Reign, the King is declared Head of the Church of England, in Spirituals, and that under the Penalty of High Treason to deny it. But this Sounding Monstrous Novel, many of the most emi­nent for Learning and Piety, who could not believe what they had never before heard, nor pretend to believe, what really they did not, lost their Lives and Fortunes, and that with all the outward marks of Infamy.

The Fence being thus broken down, whereby Unity had been thus long preserved, no wonder if way was soon made for multiplying of Opinions: For People being once per­suaded, they had been taught one untruth, and that in a point of so great importance, as the Headship of the Church in Spirituals; how could they forbear to doubt, whether they were not imposed upon, and taught Untruths in many o­thers also, since both the one and the other depended on the same Authority? And to what other Oracle could they then possibly resort for the solution of their Doubts, but either to the mere Letter of the Scriptures, on all hands admitted to be God's Word, or else every man to his own Interpre­tation for himself? Since, if the Church it self had been so foully deceived therein, and therefore forsaken by them, cer­tainly no other could pretend Authority to deliver the true Sence, so as to oblige others to the belief of it.

But the King himself having lookt upon that Power as in­tolerable, [Page 7]which had been ever before Superiour to him in Spirituals, could now less brook any control or contradicti­on from His own Subjects, over whose Souls and Conscien­ces He assumed a more absolute Dominion, than ever any Pope had done before, or any King of England over their Bodies or Estates.

By this absolute Spiritual Power, he thought to put a stop to that great difference of Opinions which multiplied every day: and backing the said Spiritual Power with Authority of Parliaments, which he had always at his beck, and ready for his turn, he began first to think of some means of Re­ducing Dissenters by Acts of Ʋniformity; and then to make Tests, much like to our Modern ones, as to the meekness of their Stile, thô a little point-blank as to their matter: For in the 31st of his Reign, it is Enacted, That

If any hold, that in the Sacrament of the Altar, there is not present the Natural Body and Bloud of our Saviour, born of the Blessed Virgin; or that any substance of Bread and Wine ro­mains after Consecration, he shall be Burnt, and otherwise for­feit, as in case of High Treason.

If any hold Communion under both Kinds necessary, or that Priests or Religious may Marry, or oppose private Masses, or deny Auricular Confession; or if a Priest or Religious Person Marry, they shall suffer Death, and forfeit as in the case of Fe­lony.

And by these Antiprotestant-Tests, very many (well-mean­ing persons no doubt) were violently hurried out of their Lives and Fortunes, with as much (I would say with as lit­tle) Reason and Justice, as they have been of late: For set­ting aside on which part the Truth of those points did lie; men being left to their own private Interpretation of Scri­pture, exempted from all Authority of the Church, how could they ever bring themselves to believe what they could not find in their own Sense of Scripture-Words? or why should they be forced to become Hypocrites, and pretend to believe what they did not?

Again, by a Statute of 32 of Hen. 8. it was Enacted, that all Decrees and Ordinances which (according to God's Word) should be ordained in matters of Faith and Religion, by the Bishops and others thereto appointed by the King's Letters Pattents, should be obeyed and believed by all the King's Subjects.

The King, in whom then rested the final result of all Controversies in Religion, would no doubt ever Judge all his own Decrees to be according to God's Word. So here was an Implicite Faith to be yeilded not onely to what the King then had, but to whatever more he should hereafter decree. A Burden sure too heavy for any man, that had any sence of any Religion at all.

In the 24 and 25 of the same King, it was Enacted, That all English Bibles of Tyndal's Translation, and other English Books of Faith, Religion or Scripture, contrary to the Doctrine set forth, since 1540. or to be set forth by the King, should be Abolished. None should deride or despise such Doctrine: none shall retain Books for Maintenance of Anabaptism, or other Books supprest, or to be supprest by the King's Proclamation. The Bible shall not be read in English by the common People. Nothing shall be taught contrary to the King's Injunctions.

By a Statute of the 37 of the same King, it is declared, That the King hath full Authority to Correct all Heresies and Errours, and to exercise all other manner of Ecclesiastical Juris­diction; and that the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Eccle­siastical Persons, have no manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. [And if so, then they derive no more from Christ, than what is common to the meanest Mechanick.]

By a Statute of the 35 of the same King, Power is given him to name sixteen Spiritual and sixteen Temporal Per­sons, whom he pleased, to establish all such Ecclesiastical Laws, as he and they thought fit.

So Volatile and Floating was Religion in those days; and yet every change, under great Penalties to be obeyed.

And thus did this poor unfortunate Prince weary out himself in difficulties most insuperable, to constrain by cruel Laws the Belief of his own tottering Doctrines, after he had driven his Subjects from all reliance on those Established by the Church.

But such doings against Nature and Reason, can have no longer duration, than either Violence does compel, or Inte­rest bribe Obedience: and therefore, notwithstanding all those costly Baits of Church-Lands, with which he had drawn the Nobility and Commons to a Compliance; not­withstanding those many hideous Executions, with which he had terrified Dissenters, during his life; lastly, notwith­standing [Page 9]the careful choice and rigorous charge given to those to whose Government he committed, by Testament, the Mino­rity of his Successour; he is no sooner laid in his Grave, but all he had done is overthrown and buried with him: All, I say, ex­cept the Supremacy, that is, the Source and Fountain of all the Miseries which had already befallen the one Party, and a Power of making as much Havock upon the Souls, Bodies, and Fortunes of the other, when time should serve.

And accordingly by an Act of the 2 and 3 of Edward 6th, [reciting, That the King (who was then a Child) had appoint­ed certain Bishops and Learned Men to make an Ʋniform Order of Common-Prayer and Sacraments, which, says the Statute, by the aid of the Holy Ghost, they had done: Thô very incoherent with any thing done by Henry 8. who no less pretended to the aid of the same Holy Ghost] you have a new Anticatholie Test En­acted, That if any refuse, or use any other, or speak contemptibly of this, (the Makers, it seems, were very apprehensive of being laught at for their pains) they should suffer the Deprivations, Forfeitures, and Imprisonments in that Act appointed. And this was further inforced by a Statute of the 5 and 6 of Edw. 6. which obliges all to come to Church on all Sundays and Ho­lidays.

And by an Act of the 3 and 4 of Edward 6. Cap. 11. The King had power to name thirty two persons, to compile such Eccle­siastical Laws, as he and they thought fit: And Cap. 12. To name twelve to settle the Form of Making and Consecrating Bi­shops and Ministers.

The inferences from all these Acts, are so natural, obvious and easie, that I shall leave every man to his own Remarks on them.

But this again held not long; for by an Act of the 1st of Queen Mary, all that was done before, concerning Religion, was again Repealed: and the Sanguinary Severities of this Queen's Reign were no less ineffectual and deplorable, than those of her Father and Brother. They were indeed design'd to restore that Spiritual Church Authority, which, when sub­mitted to, can alone prevent or heal all Dissensions about Re­ligion: but they had a quite contrary effect, and left those whom they pretended to reduce, in a far greater degree of hor­rour and aversion from all Peace and Reconciliation, than they were before.

To her succeeded Queen Elizabeth in the Throne, as she did her Brother in the Supremacy: For, as he, a Child, so now she, a Woman, (forbidden by God's Laws, so much as to speak in the Church) ascends the Chair, and declares her self Supreme Governour of the Church of England. And by an Act of the 1st of her Reign, Power is given to her and her Successors, to Reform, Correct, and Amend all Errours, Heresies, Schisms, and Offences.

After this time, such an Inundation of Penal and Sanguina­ry Laws, to compel the Worship of this Idol so set up, as would require more than this whole day to enumerate.

But I am the more willing to instance in some of them, be­cause it was she that began to employ her Two-edged Supre­macy, against all sorts of Dissenters, as well Protestant as Ca­tholick: and from her too exemplary zeal for Uniformity, have sprung all those Penal Laws, by which either her self or Successors, have endeavour'd to maintain the Church of Eng­land, by depressing all others.

Twelve Pence a Sunday is a mere Trifle in the eye of a thoughtless rich man, who perhaps is in no danger of paying it: But how supportable to a poor Labourer, perhaps lame too, or blind, old, or sick, and with a Family to maintain? and at last, for his dissent alone, excluded from the relief even of a morsel of Bread from the Parish.

The Twenty Pound a Month is no great matter from men of large Estates: But how impossible to be paid by him that has less? and yet Body, Lands, and Goods, must all go to make it out.

The two Thirds of a Dissenter's Lands, must indeed needs pinch close even upon the greatest; for men of Estates are E­ducated to suitable Expences, and are generally under as great difficulties, to keep within their bounds, as those of smaller For­tunes: How then can they subsist after two Thirds are lopt off?

But all this, thô tending to the ruine and famishing, not one­ly of the Offender, but of his innocent Wife, Children and Po­sterity; yet you may say, it breaks no bones, nor extends to life: But the end is not yet.

No man doubts but that a Roman Catholic is a Christian, and also a Member of the True Church; (thô he as also every one is) Erroneous in the opinion of every man that differs from him: Yet by a Statute of 13 Eliz. If any man shall reconcile [Page 11]another, or be reconciled himself to the Church of Rome, both Re­conciler and Reconciled, shall be punished as Traytors; and that without any regard, whether the person Reconciled were before Pa­gan, Turk, Jew, or Atheist.

No Man denies, that a Priest of the Roman Church is right­ly Ordained, for the Exercise of Spiritual Functions: Yet if any such, being a Subject of this Kingdom, do but set his foot on English Ground, his Native Country, without other Offence, he shall suffer as a Traytor, 27 Eliz. chap. 2.

It is known, that the Exercise of the Roman Catholick Re­ligion cannot be without the help of Priests, yet if any Enter­tain, or but Relieve any such, he shall be punisht with Death, as a Felon, 27 Eliz. chap. 2.

Many about us have felt the smart of the Laws against Con­venticles. But by the Statute of 35 of Q. Eliz. we find, that if any absenting from Church, a Month, shall afterward resort to a Conventicle, he shall be committed to Prison; and, if he Conform not within three Months, he shall abjure the Realm, or suffer as a Felon, without Benefit of Clergy.

These, one would think, were somewhat severe, and that any tolerable degree of Truth thus guarded, might be of suffi­cient force to resist the Batteries of all Opposers.

And yet in so dreadful a manner has this unhappy Land been ever since haunted with Panick and Imaginary Fears, that notwithstanding all this, and whatever more the Wit and Art of Man have been able to do or invent, for the securing of their Church, they have been always calling for more, as oft as there is a Sessions of Parliament.

Out of which Fear have at last sprung up their Two Darl­ing Acts; The first of the 25th of the late King, Entituled, An Act to prevent the Danger arising from Popish Recusants. And thereby, All that shall not take the Sacraments, Swear, and De­clare, (as is therein required) are Excluded His Majesty's Service. The other in the 30th of the late King, Entituled, An Act for the more effectual Preservation of the King's Person and Govern­ment. And this Excludes from Parliament All, and from the King's presence, Many, that shall not Swear and Declare, as is therein required.

As these are Acts of Parliament, they ought to be Treated with Respect, and Understood in such a Sence as may Consist with Loyalty, and the Being of Government; that is, that [Page 12]That Great and Wise Body had no other intent, then what the Title and Preamble of those Acts seem to import, viz. The King's Security from the Danger of Admitting into his Service, Council, or Presence, by Surprize, or Inadvertency, such as they then conceived not likely to be faithful to him. Yet not mean­ing to thrust from him, any of whose Truth and Abilities he himself should be assured, and as occasion required, should call, and by his Royal Dispensation enable to serve him.

But in the Sence, to which These Acts have been since Com­monly, I may say Andaciously Wrested, that is, so to Tye up the King's hands, that he shall by no Means, nor on any Extremity be capable of receiving Aid, Succour, and Service from so many Thousands of his Subjects, (how Faithful or Able soever) as shall believe it either not lawful to Swear at all, or not to Do, Swear and Declare, as is required; or, whatever their Judg­ments be, shall neglect to do it, when required: This were to raise up the Acts into a Mortal War against themselves, and to pervert The more effectual Means of the King's Preservation and Government, Pretended, into a more Real and Certain Ruin and Destruction of Both, Intended: And surely, it were but a sorry Compliment to so many Great Men, as were concern'd in the Passing of these Acts, to tell them at this time, that this was indeed their very Meaning.

We all know, Gentlemen, that by the Act of the 25th of Edw. 3. To Compass or Imagin the Death of the King is High Treason. But this Compassing is not restrained to the narrow Compass of Designing [...]sent Execution, by Poyson, Dagger, Screwed Guns, and Chewed Silver Bullets only. No, our Laws interpret this Compassing to a far more extended sence.

Sir Edw. Cook (tho' then no friend to the Prerogative) tells us, that he that declares by Overt act, to Depose the King, does enough to prove, he Compasses the King's Death. And so it is, to Imprison, or Take the King into his Power. For there is but a small distance between Deposing or Imprisoning the King, and his Death. So that whosoever Compasseth the one, virtually and obliquely, thô not directly, Compasses the other also.

In the Case of the R. Reverend Father, Dr. Plunket, Lord Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland, who fell one of the Victims to the late celebrated Plot: An Intention to raise Rebellion, was by my late Lord Chief Justice Pemberton decla­red Treason, because Rebellion does include an Intention of the King's Death.

So, in the late Lord Russel's Case, an Intention of Seizing the King's Guards was adjudged Treason, because Depriving the King of his Defence, does imply a Compassing of his Death.

So to detain the King's Fortresses or Ships of War, is a Com­passing the King's Death, because so considerable a part of that strength, which is to defend his Life, is withheld from him.

And I my self have heard our present King, most admirably and rightly observe, that that Monstrous Treason and Rebellion here in England against his late Glorious Father, began not in 42, as is vulgarly supposed, but long before, by the Trains and Lines prepared for it.

These are a few of the many Instances I could give on this Subject. I pray you, then, what Interpretation can be made of such Endeavors for Excluding and Wresting from his Ma­jesty's Service and Presence, and from his Counsel in Parliament, so vast a Number of his Subjects, (more valuable than Forts or Ships) of whose Fidelity and Capacity to serve him, he has the utmost assurance. Looks not this somewhat like taking him into their Power, who thus Thrust others from him? And who knows, but in time to come, the Number thus exclu­ded, may be ten times greater than now it is? And who knows also, but many of those, who make no scruple of the Tests, may yet pretend it, or whether they pretend it or no, may yet forbear them, of set purpose, to defert his Service; till between such as cannot, and such as will not take them, under pretence of Conformity to Law, we shall have at last, a King left with­out one Subject, to Counsel, Obey, or Come near him.

Under this Contemplation, of what now really is, and what hereafter may farther happen, with what face can any but pre­tend to Loyalty, and not to be open Enemies to their King, their Country, and the Publick Peace, when at the same time, they cling and hug themselves up in so Pernicious or perhaps Treasonous Interpretation of these Two Acts. And what Hor­ror and Indignation against them, must it needs create in every man, that has but the least spark of Loyalty left in his breast.

Gentlemen, My business is not here to declare what I take to be true or false in Matters of Religion, nor to advance the one, nor depress the other. What I speak of, is only in refe­rence to the Publick Peace, which, as much as in me lies, is my Duty to promote.

To this end it is, that I have given you here, for the Sub­ject, [Page 14]a very short (tho' for our time too large a) Scheme of many of the great Mutations in Religion here in England, of late times, by Publick Authority, and of some few of the many sharp Laws, from time to time invented, by each prevailing Party, to force the submission of others.

The multitude of Men and even of whole Families, not only that have suffer'd, but have been driven into Foreign Lands, or ruin'd and swallow'd up by those Devouring Laws, are even beyond account or any Man's power to number up. Where, by the way, it must be observed, that the very suffering is a clear proof of the sincerity and well-meaning, tho' it cannot be always of the truth of the sufferer.

And after all this Havock, where every little Knave receives encouragement, to insult over and make a prey of his more worthy Neighbour, at length up comes this Brace of Tests, Midwiv'd into Acts, by the aid of persons, then fam'd indeed for Patriots, but soon after Notorious in the ensuing Conspira­cy, succeeded as their Natural Issue, by a Plot that is the Dis­grace of our Nation, or rather, The Plot and later Tests, Twin­children of the first, succeeded also by Votes for Excluding his present Majesty from his Inheritance, by an Horrible Conspira­cy, against the Lives of our present and late King; and by the Great and Dangerous Rebellion of England; and now at last, to the World's wonder, and their own shame, most closely, and that in the worst sence, adhered unto, by such Vain Boasters of Loyalty, as would allow no share of it to any part of the World but themselves; thô by this very adherence their own share of it becomes far too little for any prudent Prince to rely on.

But at length, God Almighty in his Mercy hath given us a King, whose Heart he has inspired with Wisdom, to discern the Imprudence as well as Injustice of all these Severe Laws, with mildness to admit a general Abolition of them all; tho' from many of them great Riches have been, and might still be, drawn to the Crown, and with Fortitude to prosecute with an undaunted Courage, as well as indefatigable Labour, so glori­ous a Work, tho' strongly encountred therein, by Two sorts of men; Both, I confess, too numerous, and in their own Opi­nions very mighty, and as many more, as either of these are able to impose upon, or deceive.

The one, such as being unacquainted with the use of Reason­ing, or not liking the labour of it, imagine, Religion can be no longer kept up, than it is, Gig-like, lasht into motion; and yet themselves much too tender to bear the least touch. And yet again, thrô want of Thought, expose themselves to the ut­most peril, not foreseeing, that they cannot be sure to be al­ways uppermost; and when not so, the Penalties they prepare or retain for others, fall directly on their own heads.

The other sort, such whose manner of life seems to indicate little other sense of Religion, than a fear lest their vicious Cu­stoms should fall under some restraint by the Practice of it.

Right Religion consists not in Violence, Noise or Tumult: God was not in the Whirl-wind, nor in the Earthquake, nor in the Fire, when he spoke to Elias, but in the still small Voice. Religion rather consists in Meekness, long Suffering, and doing as we would have others do to us.

We have our Saviour's word, That a Kingdom divided can­not stand. Now, there are but two ways imaginable, where­by such a Division among Christians, can possibly be avoided, as must else necessarily terminate in the utter overthrow of Christianity it self; which is Christ's own Kingdom, and which every Christian must needs abhor to think of.

One is by the general Submission of particular Christians to one common Authority; which, how much soever to be wisht for, cannot now be supposed practicable; and therefore no more need be said of that. The other is, by bearing with one anothers differences in Religion, and in letting every man en­joy his own, without offending, or being offended at his Neigh­bour.

This later His Majesty has graciously chosen: He has not only already granted a general Indulgence, (which yet can last but during Pleasure) but he is also ready totally to dissolve our Bonds, and set us so free, that even his own or Successor's hands shall not be able to hurt us, for matters of Religion: And this by a Magna Charta, as solemn and sacred, as that by which we enjoy our Lives and Estates.

What then remains on our parts? Must we always imitate the hardned Jews in murmuring against our most Benign Ru­lers, against God himself, and nauseate the Quails and Man­na he sends us? Must we always (Slave-like) hug the Chains which tye up both King and People, not onely from restoring [Page 16]the Kingdom's Glory abroad, but even from its necessary De­fence at home? Or ought we not rather, with united Hearts, first offer up our Thanks and Praises to God, in whose Hands are the Hearts of Kings, for having put it into the King's heart to do such good things for his People: Next, to present our unanimous Thanks, in an Humble Address, to His Majesty; and then, with as united hands, and with all the power we have, to serve and assist Him: Which, at this time, we can no ways bet­ter do, than by employing our utmost endeavours to Find and Elect for Parliament, when called, such Members, as we may be sure, or reasonably hope, will readily and chearfully joyn with His Majesty in this so Pious, Prudent, Charitable, and kind Determination, joyned with our hearty Prayers for the good success of it.

It remains now, Gentlemen of the Jury, that I Address my self particularly to you, and that I give you in charge, what Of­fences you are to make enquiry of for this present Sessions: But I am sensible that I have already trespassed sufficiently upon the Patience of the Court; and thô the importance of my Subject be really so great and considerable, both for the Service of His Majesty, and for the Welfare of us all, that it does very well ju­stifie the length of my Discourse, yet that I may not render it tedious without necessity, I shall wave at present all enumera­tion of such particular matters, as make the usual and ordinary subject of a Charge: You your selves, Gentlemen, are not un­acquainted of what nature they are: and Indictments and Pre­sentments will be brought in to you, for all such more urgent matters, as shall need and require a more special Consideration and Redress.