THE TRYAL OF EDWARD COLEMAN, Gent. FOR Conspiring the Death OF THE KING, AND THE Subversion of the Government OF ENGLAND, AND THE Protestant Religion: Who upon Full Evidence was found Guilty of HIGH TREASON, And received SENTENCE accordingly, on Thursday November the 28th 1678.

LONDON, Printed for Robert Pawlet at the Bible in Chancery-Lane near Fleet-street, 1678.

November 28. 1678.

I Do appoint Robert Pawlet to Print the TRYAL of Edward Coleman: And that no other Person presume to Print the same.

WILLIAM SCROGGS.

THE TRYAL OF Edward Coleman, Gent.

ON Wednesday the Twenty Seventh day of November 1678. Mr. Coleman (having been Arraigned the Saturday before for High Treason) was brought to the Kings Bench Bar, to receive his Tryal, and the Court proceeded thereupon, as followeth.

Court.

Cryer, make Proclamation.

Proclamation for Silence.

Cryer.

O Yes! Our Sovereign Lord the King do's strictly Charge and Command all manner of Persons to keep Silence, upon pain of Imprisonmen [...].

If any one can inform our Sovereign Lord the King, the King's Serjeant, or the King's Attorney General, or this Inquest now to be taken, of any Treason, Murder, Felony, or any other Misdemea­nour committed or done by the Prisoner at the Bar, let them come forth, and they shall be heard, for the Prisoner stands at the Bar upon his Deliverance.

Court.

Cryer, make an O yes.

Cryer.

O yes! You Good Men that are impannelled to enquire be­tween our Sovereign Lord the King, and Edward Coleman Prisoner at the Bar, answer to your names.

Court.

Edward Coleman, Hold up thy hand.

[Page 2] These Good men that are now called, and here appear, are those which are to pass between you and our Sovereign Lord the King, upon your Life or Death, if you challenge any of them, you must speak as they come to the Book to be sworn, and before they are sworn.

The Prisoner Challenging none, the Court proceeded, and the Jury were sworn, viz.

JURY.
  • Sir Reginald Foster, Baronet.
  • Sir Charles Lee.
  • Edward Wilford, Esquire.
  • John Bathurst, Esquire.
  • Joshua Galliard, Esquire.
  • John Bifield, Esquire.
  • Simon Middleton, Esquire,
  • Henry Johnson, Esquire.
  • Charles Ʋmfrevile, Esquire.
  • Thomas Johnson, Esquire.
  • Thomas Eaglesfield, Esquire.
  • William Bohee, Esquire.
Court.

Cryer, make an O yes.

Cryer.

O yes! Our Sovereign Lord the King does strictly charge and command all manner of Persons to keep Silence upon pain of Imprisonment.

Court.

Edward Coleman, Hold up thy hand.

You Gentlemen of the Jury that are now sworn, look upon the Prisoner, and hearken to his Charge.

You shall understand, that the Prisoner stands Indicted by the name of Edward Coleman late of the Parish of St. Margarets Westminster in the County of Middlesex, Gent. for that he as a false Traytor against our most Illustrious, Serene, and most Excellent Prince Charles, by the Grace of God of England, Scotland, France and Ireland King, De­fender of the Faith, &c. and his Natural Lord; having not the Fear of God in his Heart, nor duely weighing his Allegiance, but being moved and seduced by the Instigation of the Devil, his cor­dial Love and true Duty, and natural Obedience, (which true and lawful Subjects of our said Lord the King ought to bear towards him, and by Law ought to have) altogether withdraw­ing, and Devising, and with all his strength intending, the Peace and common Tranquillity of this Kingdom of England to Disturb, and the true Worship of God within the Kingdom of England pra­ctised, and by Law Established, to overthrow, and Sedition and Rebellion within this Realm of England to move, stir up, and [Page 3] procure, and the cordial Love and true Duty and Allegiance, which true and lawful Subjects of our Sovereign Lord the King toward their Sovereign bear, and by Law ought to have, altoge­ther to Withdraw, Forsake, and Extinguish; and our said Sove­reign Lord the King to Death and final Destruction to bring and put, the Twenty Ninth day of September in the Seven and Twen­tieth year of the Reign of our said Sovereign Lord Charles the Second, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland King, Defen­der of the Faith, &c. at the Parish of St. Margarets Westminster aforesaid, in the County aforesaid, Falsly, Maliciously, and Trai­terously proposed, Compassed, Imagined and Intended, to stir up, and raise Sedition and Rebellion within the Kingdom of England, and to procure and cause a miserable Destruction a­mong the Subjects of our said Lord the King, and wholly to Deprive, Depose, Deject, and Disinherit our said Sovereign Lord the King, of his Royal State, Title, Power, and Rule of his Kingdom of England, and to bring and put our said So­vereign Lord the King to final Death▪ and Destruction, and to overthrow and change the Government of the Kingdom of England, and to alter the sincere and true Religion of God, in this Kingdom by Law established; and wholly to subvert and destroy the state of the whole Kingdom, being in the universal parts thereof well Established and Ordained, and to levy War against our said Sovereign Lord the King, within his Realm of England: And to accomplish and fulfill these his most wicked Treasons, and Trayterous Designs and Imaginations aforesaid, the said Edward Coleman afterward, that is to say, the Nine and twentieth day of September in the Twenty seventh year of the Reign of our said Lord the King, at the Parish of St Marga­rets Westminster aforesaid, in the County of Middlesex aforesaid, Falsly, Deceitfully, and Trayterously Composed, Contrived, and Writ two Letters, to be sent to one Monsieur le Chese, then Ser­vant and Confessor of Lewis the French King, to Desire, Pro­cure, and Obtain, for the said Edward Coleman and other False Traytors against our said Sovereign Lord the King, the Aid, Assist­ance, and Adherence of the said French King, to alter the true Religion in this Kingdom Established, to the Superstition of the Church of Rome, and to subvert the Government of this King­dom of England: And afterwards, (that is to say) the said Nine and twentieth day of September in the year aforesaid, at the Parish of St. Margarets Westminster in the County of Middlesex [Page 4] aforesaid, the said Edward Coleman Falsely, Trayterously, and Ma­liciously Composed and Writ two other Letters, to be sent to the said Monsieur le Chese, then Servant and Confessor to the said French King, to the Intent that he the said Monsieur le Chese should Intreat, Procure, and Obtain for the said Edward Cole­man and other False Traytors against our Sovereign Lord the King, Aid, Assistance, and Adherence of the said French King, to alter the true Religion in this Kingdom of England Establish­ed, to the Superstition of the Church of Rome, and to subvert the Government of this Kingdom of England: And that the said Edward Coleman, in further Prosecution of his Treason and Trayterous Imaginations and Intentions, as aforesaid, afterward, viz. the Twenty ninth day of September in the Seven and twen­tieth year of the Reign of our said Sovereign Lord King Charles of England, &c. the said several Letters, from the said Parish of St. Margarets Westminster, in the County of Middlesex afore­said, Falsly, Maliciously and Trayterously, did send to the said Monsieur le Chese, into Parts beyond the Seas, there to be deli­vered to him: And that the said Edward Coleman, afterward, viz. the first day of December, in the seven and twentieth year of our said Sovereign Lord the King, at the said Parish of St. Margarets Westminster, in the County of Middlesex aforesaid, did receive from the said Monsieur le Chese, one Letter, in Answer to one of the said Letters first mentioned, and written by him the said Edward Coleman, to the said Monsieur le Chese, which said Letter in Answer, as aforesaid, Falsly, Maliciously, and Trayterous­ly received, the day and year aforesaid, at the Parish of St. Mar­garets Westminster aforesaid, the said Edward Coleman did falsly, trayterously and maliciously read over and Peruse; And that the said Edward Coleman, the Letter so as aforesaid, by him in Answer to the said Letter, received into his Custody and Posses­sion, the Day and Year last mentioned, at the Parish of St. Mar­garets Westminster aforesaid, in the County of Middlesex aforesaid, did Falsly, Maliciously, and Trayterously Detain, Conceal, and Keep. By which Letter the said Monsieur le Chese, the Day and Year last mentioned, at the Parish of St. Margarets West­minster in the County of Middlesex aforesaid, did signifie and promise to the said Edward Coleman, to obtain for the said Ed­ward Coleman, and other false Traytors against our Sove­reign Lord the King, Aid, Assistance and Adherence from the said French King, and that the said Edward Coleman afterward, [Page 5] Viz. the tenth day of December in the seven and twentieth year of the Reign of our said Sovereign Lord the King, at the Parish of St. Margarets Westminster, in the County of Middle­sex aforesaid, his wicked Treasons and Traiterous Designs and Proposals as aforesaid did tell and declare to one, Mounsieur Re­vigni, Envoy extraordinary from the French King to our most Serene and Sovereign Lord King Charles, &c. in the County aforesaid residing, and did falsly, maliciously and trayterously move and excite the said Envoy extraordinary to partake in his Treason; and the sooner to fulfil and compleat his Traite­rous Designs, and wicked imaginations and intentions, the said Edward Coleman afterward, Viz. the tenth day of Decem­ber in the seven and twentieth year of the Reign of our Sove­reign Lord King Charles, the Second of England, &c. afore­said at the Parish of St. Margarets Westminster, in the County of Middlesex aforesaid, did advisedly, maliciously, deceitfully, and traiterously compose and write three other Letters to be sent to one Sir William Throckmorton Kt. then a Subject of our said Soveraign Lord the King of this Kingdome of England, and residing in France, in parts beyond the Seas, Viz. at the Pa­rish of St. Margarets Westminster, in the County of Middle­sex aforesaid, to sollicite the said Monsieur Le Chese to pro­cure and obtain of the said French King, Aid, Assistance, and Adherance, as aforesaid, and the said Letters last men­tioned afterward, Viz. the day and year last named as a­foresaid from the said Parish of St. Margarets Westminster, in the County of Middlesex aforesaid, did falsly and t [...]aite­rously send, and cause to be delivered to the said Sir VVil­liam Throckmorton in France aforesaid, against his true Allegi­ance, and against the Peace of our Sovereign Lord the King that now is, his Crown and Dignity, and against the Form of the Statute in that Case made and Provided.

Court.

Upon this Indictment he hath been arraigned, and hath pleaded thereunto not guilty; and for his Tryal he puts him­self upon God and his Country; Which Country you are.

Your Charge is to enquire, whether he be guilty of the High Treason whereof he stands indicted, or not guilty. If you find him guilty, you are to enquire what Goods and Chattels, Lands and Tenements he had at the time, when the High Treason was committed, or at any time since; If you find him not guilty, you are to say so, and no more, and hear your Evidence.

Cryer.
[Page 6]

If any one will give Evidence on the behalf of our Soveraign Lord the King, against Edward Coleman the Priso­ner at the Bar, let him come forth, and he shall be heard; for the Prisoner now stands at the Bar upon his Deliverance.

Mr. Recorder.

May it please you my Lord, and you Gen­tlemen of the Jury; Mr. Edward Coleman, now the prisoner at the Bar, stands indicted for High Treason, and the Indictment sets forth, that the said Edward Coleman, indeavouring to subvert the Protestant Religion, and to change and alter the same; And likewise to stir up Rebellion and Sedition amongst the Kings Liege people, and also to kill the King; did on the 29th. of September in the twenty seventh year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord the King, at the Parish of St. Margarets VVestminster in this County, compose and write two several Letters to one Mounsieur Le Chese, that was then servant and Confessor to the French King, and this was to procure the French Kings aid and assistance to him and other Traitors, to alter the Religion practised, and by Law established here in England, to the Romish Superstition. The Indictment sets forth likewise, that on the same day, he did write and com­pose two other Letters to the same Gentleman, that was ser­vant and Confessor to the said King, to prevail with him to procure the French Kings assistance to alter the Religion in this Kingdome established to the Romish Religion. The Indict­ment sets further forth, that he caused these two Letters to be sent beyond the Seas. And it also sets forth that on the tenth of December, the same moneth he did receive a Letter from the Gentleman, that was the Confessor, in answer to one of the former Letters, and in that Letter aid and assistance from the French King was promised; and that he did traiterously con­ceal that Letter. My Lord, the Indictment sets out further, that on the tenth day of the same moneth, he did reveal his Treasons and traiterous Conspiracies to one Mounsieur Revigni, who was Envoy from the French king to his Majesty of Great Bri­tain. And his Indictment declares, he afterwards did write three Letters more to Sir VVilliam Throckmorton, then residing in France, to procure the French Kings assistance to the alteration of the Religion practised here in England. Of these several Offences he stands hereindicted.

To this he hath pleaded not guilty. If we prove these, or either of them in the Indictment, you ought to find him guilty.

Serj. Maynard.
[Page 7]

May it please your Lordship, and you Gen­tlemen of the Jury; This is a Cause of great Concernment. Gentlemen, the Prisoner at the Bar stands indicted for no less than for an intention and endeavour to murther the King; For an endeavour and attempt to change the Government of the Nation, so well settled and instituted, and to bring us all to ruin and slaughter of one another, and for an endeavour to alter the Protestant Religion, and to introduce instead of it, the Romish Superstition, and Popery.

This is the Charge (in general) of the Indictment. We will proceed unto particulars, whereby it may appear, and whereupon he indeavoureth to accomplish his ends. One or two Letters written to Mounsieur Le Chese (he is a Foreigner, and we have nothing to say to him, being Confessor to the French King) it was to excite and stir him up to procure aid and assistance (and you know what aid and assistance means) from a Foreign Prince, Arms, and other Levies. We charge him with it, that he did receive this Letter, I and received an answer with a promise, that he should have assistance. He writ other Letters to Sir William Throckmorton, who trayte­rously conspired with him, and had intelligence from time to time from him. This is the Charge in the Indictment; To which he hath pleaded, not guilty. We will go on in our E­vidence: I shall, but more generally, open our method, that we intend to take. For it may seem strange, and is not reaso­nably to be imagined, that a private Gentleman, as the Priso­ner at the Bar is, should have such vast and great designs as this, to alter Religion, destroy the Government, I, and destroy the Subjects too in a great measure. But 'tis not himself alone, but he imploys himself for Forreign assistance, great Confede­racies and Combinations with the Subjects of that King, ma­ny of whom he did pervert.

In the course of the Evidence I shall not open the particulars, (Mr. Attorney, I think, will do that by and by) those that we have occasion to speak of, and shall in proof mention to you, will be these.

Le Chese, the French Kings present Confessor we have men­tioned: before him there was one Father Ferryer, with whom he held Correspondence. That Ferryer being removed by death, the Prisoner had an imployment here amongst us, by which he gave to Le Chese instructions how to proceed. This Gentle­man is the great Contriver and Plotter, which gives him instru­ctions [Page 8] how to proceed. He doth give him an account by way of Narrative, how all things had stood upon former treaties and ne­gotiations, how businesses were contrived, and how far they were gone; this he diligently and accurately gives an account of. This (my Lord) doth discover and delineate what had been done before until 1674. My Lord, there was likewise Sir William Throckmorton and some others, that are Englishmen too, there are none of them, but what were first Protestants, but when they once renounced their Religion, no wonder they should re­nounce their Nation, and their Prince too. He was gone be­yond the Seas, several Letters past between them, and all to pro­mote and encourage, and accomplish this design. My Lord, there is likewise a consult of Jesuits used too, where, in express words they designed to murther the King, or contrived, and ad­vised upon it.

My Lord, there were four Irish men (I open but the heads of things) sent to Windsor to murther the King, this Gentleman received and disbursed money about this business, and one Ashby a Jesuit here had instructions from him to prosecute the design, and to treat with a Physitian to poyson the King, This the Pri­soner approved of, and contributed to it. There were Commis­sions (as I take it) delivered from Ferryer; or by his hand, that came from Forreign powers. Sir Henry Titchburn was another that received and delivered Commissions. Pompone the French Gentleman, he maintains intelligence with him about this busi­ness, the Titular Arch-bishop of Dublin.

There's Cardinal Norfolk, by him he had accession to the Pope.

There was likewise the Popes Nuncio (I do not open the trans­actions of these Iustructions) these particulars will be made out, not only by Witness Viva Voce, and not single only, but by Let­ters of this Mr. Colemans own writing. But I offer that to the consideration of the Jury.

Mr. Oats was the first Man, that we hear of, that discovered this Treason; he was the single man that discovered so many active Agents in so great a Treason, as this was, and it needed to be well seconded, but, he being found to be but single, the boldness and courage of these Complotters in it grew great thereupon. We know what followed; the damnable murther of that Gentleman, in Execution of his Office, so Hellishly contriv­ed, and the endeavours that were used to hide it, every body knows: How many Stories were told to hide that abomi­nable Murther, how many lies there were about it, but it could [Page 9] not be supprest. The Nation is awaken'd out of sleep, and it concerns us now to look about us. But all this while, Mr. Cole­man thought himself safe, walked in the Fields, goes abroad, Jealousie increasing, and he himself still secure.

The Letters that are produced go but to some part of the year 75: from 75 unto 78 all lies in the dark, we have no cer­tain Proof of it; but we apprehend he had Intelligence until 78; That there were the same persons continuing here, and his Company increasing here: But this I speak but as probable, (but very exceeding probable) that there was other passages of Intelligence between this Person and other Confederates.

It seems (my Lord) that this Coleman was aware that he was concerned; but God blinded and infatuated him, and took away his reason. It's no question but he carried away some of those Papers; those that were left behind, and are produced, he forgot and neglected; and by that (my Lord) those which are produced, are evidence against him at this time. Surely he thought we were in such a condition, that had eyes and could not see, and ears that could not hear, and understandings with­out understanding: for he was bold, and walked abroad, and that until this prosecution was made upon him, he endea­voured to murther the King, change the Government, make an alteration of Religion, and destruction of Protestants, as well as the Protestant Religion; And it will be proved by some Let­ters, when they were rejected by the Duke, that he sent them in the Dukes name. And by this no man will doubt but he is a great Traitor.

Attorn. Gen.

May it please your Lordship, and you Gentlemen of the Jury, The Kings Serjeant hath opened the general parts of our Evidence; and we have reason to foresee that our Evi­dence will be very long, and will take up much of your time; and therefore I shall spend no more time in opening of it than is just necessary. And indeed (my Lord) Mr. Coleman himself hath saved me much of the labour, which otherwise I should have bestowed; for he hath left such Elegant and copious Nar­ratives of the whole Design under his own hand, that the read­ing of them will be better than any new one I can make.

But (my Lord) some short account I shall give you, such as may shew you the course of our Evidence, and will make our Evidence, when it comes to be given, to be more intelligible.

My Lord, It will appear, that there hath been for many years last past, a more than ordinary design and industry to bring in the Popish, and extirpate the Protestant Religion.

[Page 10] I doubt not but this Design, in some measure, hath been con­triving ever since the Reformation, by the Jesuits, or some of their Emissaries, but hath often received interruption; so that they have proceeded sometimes more coldly, sometimes more hotly: And I do think, at no time since the Reformation, that ever this Design was carried on with greater industry, nor with fairer hopes of success, than for these last years.

My Lord, You will hear from our Witnesses, that the first On­set, which was to be made upon us, was by whole Troops of Je­suits and Priests, who were sent hither from the Seminaries abroad, where they had been trained up in all the subtilty and skill that was fit to work upon the People.

My Lord, you will hear how active they have been, and what insinuations they used for the perverting of particular persons. Af­ter some time spent in such attempts, they quickly grew weary of that course; though they got some Proselytes, they were but few. Some Bodies, in whom there was a predisposition of hu­mors, were infected, but their Numbers were not great. They at last resolve to take a more expeditious way; for in truth, (my Lord) they could not far prevail by the former. And I wish with all my heart, that the Bodies of Protestants may be as much out of danger of the violence of their hands, as their Under­standings will be of the force of their Arguments. But (my Lord) when this way would not take, they began then to con­sider they must throw at all at once. No doubt but they would have been glad, that the People of England had had but one Neck; but they knew the People of England had but one Head, and therefore they were resolved to strike at that.

My Lord, you will find, that there was a Summons of the principal Jesuits, of the most able Head-pieces, who were to meet in April or May last, to consult of very great things, of a most Diabolical Nature, no less than how to take away the life of the King our Sovereign

My Lord, you will find (as is usually practised in such horrid Conspiracies) to make all secure, that there was an Oath of Se­cresie taken, and that upon the Sacrament. You will find Agree­ments made, that this most wicked and horrible Design should be attempted. You will find two Villains were found among them, who undertook to do this execrable work; and you will hear of the rewards they were to have: Money in case they did succeed, and Masses good store in case they perished; so that their Bodies were provided for in case they survived, and their Souls if they died. My Lord, What was the reason they did not [Page 11] effect their Design, but either that these Villains wanted op­portunity, or their hearts failed them, when they came to put in execution this wicked Design; or, perhaps (which is most pro­bable) it was the Providence of God, which over-rul'd them, that this bloody Design did not take its effect.

But these Gentlemen were not content with one Essay, they quickly thought of another; and there were four Irish-men prepared (men of very mean Fortunes, and desperate conditi­ons) and they were to make the attempt no longer since, than when the King was last at Windsor.

My Lord, I perceive by the Proofs, that these last Assassinates went down thither; but it came to pass (for some of the Reasons aforesaid) that that Attempt failed likewise.

My Lord, These Gentlemen, those wise Heads, who had met here in Consultation, did then, and long before, consider with themselves, that so great a Cause as this, was not to be put upon the hazard of some few hands; they therefore prepared Forces, Aids, and Assistances, both at home and abroad, to second this wicked Design; if it had succeeded as to the Person of the King, and if that fail'd, then by their Foreign and Domestick Aids and Assistances, to begin and accomplish the whole Work of subvert­ing our Government and Religion. And here we must needs confess, as to the former part of this Plot, which we have men­tioned, I mean the attempt upon the Kings Person, Mr.Coleman was not the Contriver, nor to be the Executioner; But yet your Lordship knows, in all Treasons there is no Accessory, but every man is a Principal. And thus much we have against him, even as to this part of the Design, which will involve him in the whole guilt of it, that Mr. Coleman consented to it, though his hand were not to do it. Mr. Coleman encouraged a Messenger to carry Money down as a Reward of these Murtherers, that were at Windsor; of this we have proof against him, which is sufficient. My Lord, Mr. Coleman, as a man of greater abilities, is reserved for greater Employments, and such wherein, I confess, all his Abilities were little enough. There were Negotiations to be made with Men abroad, Money to be procured, partly at home from Friends here, and partly abroad from those, that wish'd them well: And in all these Negotiations Mr. Coleman had a mighty hand; and you will perceive by and by what a great progress he made in them. This Conspiracy went so far, as you will hear it proved, That there were General Officers named and appointed, that should Command their new Catholick Army, and many were Engaged, if not Listed. There were not onely [Page 12] in England, but in Ireland likewise, where Arms and all other Necessaries were provided, and whither great Sums of Money were returned to serve upon occasion. But one thing there is, my Lord, that comes nearest Mr. Coleman; As there were Military Officers named, so likewise the great Civil Places and Offices of the Kingdom were to be disposed of; I will not nameto whom at this time, more than what is pertinent to the present business.

This Gentleman, such were his great Abilities, the trust and reliance that his Party had upon him, that no less an Office would serve his turn than that of Principal Secretary of State; and he had a Commission, that came to him from the Superi­ours of the Jesuits, to enable him to execute that great Office. My Lord, it seems strange, that so great an Office should be conferred by no greater a man than the Superior of the Jesuits. But if the Pope can depose Kings, and dispose of Kingdoms, no wonder if the Superior of the Jesuits can, by a Power delegated from him, make Secretaries. It is not certain what the Date of this Commission was, nor the very time when he received it: but I believe he was so earnest and forward in this Plot, that he began to execute his Office long before he had his Commission for it; for I find by his Letters, which are of a more early Date, that he had proceeded so far as to treat with Father Ferrier, who was the French Kings Confessor, before he had actually re­ceived this Commission. You will understand by the Letters, which we shall produce, what he had to do with him, and what with the other Confessor, that succeeded Father Le Chese. There were two small matters they treated of, no less than the Dissolv­ing the Parliament, and the Extirpation of the Protestant Reli­gion. Nay, you will find, and you will hear enough, when the Letters come to be read, that Mr. Coleman made many strokes at the Parliament, he had no good opinion of them. And we cannot blame him; for without all peradventure they had made, and I hope ever will, make strong resistance against such Designs as these. But a great mind he had to be rid of them; and he had hopes of great Sums of Money from abroad, if it had been to be done that way. And it is very remarkable (and shews the va­nity of the Man) he had such an opinion of the success of these Negotiations, that he had penn'd a Declaration prepared by him, and writ with his own hand, to be published in Print, up on the Dissolution of the Parliament, to justifie that Action with many specious and plausible Reasons. As he did this without any direction, so he takes upon him to write a Declaration, as in the Name of the King, without the least shadow of any com­mand [Page 13] to do it, so he prepares a Letter also in the name of the Duke; and I would not affirm, unless I could prove it, and that from his own Confession, (being examined before the Lords upon Oath) that he had no manner of Authority from the Duke to prepare such a Letter; and when it was written, and brought to the Duke, it was rejected, and the Writer justly bla­med for his presumption. By this you will perceive the forward­ness of this Man. And you must of necessity take notice, that in his Letters he took upon himself to manage Affairs, as authori­zed by the greatest Persons in the Kingdom, yet without the least shadow of proof that he was by them impowered to do it.

My Lord, you shall find, Mr. Coleman thought himself above all; and such was his own over-weening opinion of his Wit and Policy, that he thought himself the sole and supreme Director of all the Affairs of the Catholicks. You will likewise perceive that he held Intelligence with Cardinal Norfolk, with Father Shel­don, and the Popes Internuntio at Brussels. And I cannot but ob­serve out of the Proofs, that as we shall find Mr. Coleman very ambitious and forward in all great Affairs, so he had a little too much Eye to the Reward; he looked too much asquint upon the matter of Money: his great endeavours were not so much out of Conscience, or out of Zeal to his Religion, as out of tem­poral Interest; to him Gain was instead of Godliness. And by his Letters to the French Confessor Monsieur Le Chese, it will be proved, that he got much Money from the Catholicks here, and some from abroad, but still he wanted Money. What to do? (I do not mean the greater sum of two hundred thousand pounds to procure the Dissolution of the Parliament, but some twenty thousand pounds onely) To be expended by him in secret Ser­vice. I do not know what account he would have given of it, if he had been intrusted with it. But that he earnestly thirsted after Money, appeareth by most of his Letters.

My Lord, you will observe, besides his Intelligences, that he had with Father Le Chese, and several others, one that deserves to be named, and that is his Negotiation with Sir William Frog­morton, who was sent over into France, and there resided a long time to promote these Designs. He is dead; therefore I will not say so much of him, as I would say against him, if he was here to be tri'd. But, my Lord, I find in his Letters such Treasonable, such Impious expressions against the King, such undutiful Cha­racters of him, that no good Subject would write, and no good Subject would receive and conceal, as Mr. Coleman hath done. [Page 14] My Lord, it may pass for a wonder, how we come to be Masters of all these Papers; it has in part been told you already.

There was an information given of the general Design, nay of some of the particulars against the Kings Life. And without all peradventure, Mr. Coleman knew of this Discovery; and he knew that he had Papers, that could speak too much, and he had time and opportunity enough to have made them away, and I make no question, but he did make many away. We are not able to prove the continuance of his correspondence, so as to make it clearly out; but we suppose that continued until the day he was seized. And there is this to be proved, that Letters came for him, though we cannot say any were delivered to him, after he was in Prison. But without all peradventure, the Man had too much to do, too many Papers to conceal: Then, you'll say, he might have burnt them all, (for many would burn as well as a few:) But then he had lost much of the Honour of a great States-man; many a fine Sentence, and many a deep Intrigue had been lost to all Posterity. I believe that we owe this Discove­ry to something of Mr. Coleman's Vanity; he would not lose the Glory of managing these important Negotiations about so great a Design: He thought 'twas no small Reputation to be intrusted with the Secrets of Forreign Ministers. If this was not his reason, God (I believe) took away from him that clearness of Judgment, and strength of Memory, which he had upon other occasions.

My Lord, I shall no longer detain you from reading the Pa­pers themselves. But I cannot but account this Kingdom hap­py, that these Papers are preserved. For (my Lord) We are to deal with a sort of men, that have that prodigious confidence, that their words and deeds (though proved by never so unsuspected Testimony) they will still deny. But (my Lord) no denial of this Plot will prevail, for Mr. Coleman himself hath, with his own hand, recorded this Conspiracy; and we can prove his hand, not onely by his own Servants, and Relations, but by his own Confession. So that (my Lord) I doubt not, that if there be any of their own Party that hear this Trial, they themselves will be satisfi'd with the truth of these things. And I believe we have an advantage in this case, which they will not allow us, in another matter; namely, that we shall be for this once permit­ted to believe our own Senses. Our Evidence consisteth of two parts; one is, Witnesses Viva voce, which we desire (with the favour of the Court) to begin with; and when that is done, we [Page 15] shall read several Letters, or Negotiations, in writing, and so sub­mit the whole to your Lordships direction.

Pris.

I beg leave that a poor ignorant Man, that is so heavily charged, that it seems a little unequal to consider the reason, why a Prisoner, in such a case as this is, is not allowed Counsel; but your Lordship is supposed to be Counsel for him. But I think it very hard I cannot be admitted Counsel; and I humbly hope your Lordship will not suffer me to be lost by things that my self cannot answer. I deny the Conclusion, but the Premisses are too strong and artificial.

L. C. Just.

You cannot deny the Premisses, but that you have done these things; but you deny the Conclusion that you are a Traitor.

Pris.

I can safely and honestly.

L. C. Just.

You would make a better Secretary of State, than a Logician; for they never deny the Conclusion.

Pris.

I grant it your Lordship: You see the advantage great men have of me, that do not pretend to Logick.

L. C. Just.

The labour lies upon their hands; the Proof be­longs to them to make out these Intrigues of yours; therefore you need not have Counsel, because the Proof must be plain upon you, and then it will be in vain to deny the Conclusion.

Pris.

I hope (my Lord) if there be any Point of Law, that I am not skill'd in, that your Lordship will be pleased not to take the advan­tage over me. Another thing seems most dreadful, that is, the violent prejudices that seem to be against every man in England, that is confess'd to be a Roman Catholick. It is possible that a Roman Catholick may be very innocent of these crimes. If one of those Innocent Roman Catholicks should come to this Bar, he lies under such disadvantages already, and his Prejudices so greatly byasseth humane Nature, that unless your Lordship will lean extremely much on the other side, Justice will hardly stand upright, and lie upon a Level. But to satisfie your Lordship, I do not think it any service to destroy any of the Kings Subjects, unless it be in a very plain case.

L. C. Just.

You need not make any preparations for us in this matter, you shall have a fair, just, and legal Trial; if Condem­ned, it will be apparent you ought to be so; and without a fair Proof, there shall be no Condemnation. Therefore you shall find, we will not do to you, as you do to us, blow up at adven­ture, kill people because they are not of your perswasion; our Religion teacheth us another Doctrine, and you shall find it clearly to your advantage. We seek no mans blood, but our [Page 16] own safety. But you are brought here from the necessity of things, which your selves have made; and from your own actions you shall be condemned, or acquitted.

Pris.

It is supposed upon Evidence, that the Examinations that have been of me in Prison, are like to be Evidence against me now; I have nothing to say against it: But give me leave to say at this time, that when I was in Prison, I was upon my ingenuity charged; I promised I would confess all I knew. And I onely say this, That what I said in Prison is true, and am ready at any time to Swear and Evidence, that that is all the truth.

L. C. Just.

It is all true that you say: but did you tell all that vvas true?

Pris.

I know no more, than what I declared to the Two Houses.

L. C. Just.

Mr. Coleman, I'll tell you when you will be apt to gain credit in this matter: You say, that you told all things that you knew, the Truth, and the whole Truth. Can Mankind be persuaded, that you, that had this Negotiation in 74. and 75. left off just then, at that time when your Letters vvere found accor­ding to their Dates? Do you believe, there was no Negotiation after 75. because we have not found them? Have you spoke one vvord to that? Have you confessed, or produced those Pa­pers and Weekly Intelligence? When you answer that, you may have credit; vvithout that, it is impossible: For I cannot give credit to one word you say, unless you give an account of the subsequent Negotiation.

Pris.

After that time (as I said to the House of Commons) I did give over Corresponding. I did offer to take all Oaths and Tests in the World, that I never had one Letter for at least two years; yea, (that I may keep my self within compass) I think it was for three or four. Now I have acknowledged to the House of Commons, I have had a cursory Correspondence, which I never regarded or valued; but as the Letters came, I burnt them, or made use of them as common Paper. I say, that for the general Correspondence I have had for two or three years, they have had every one of them Letters, that I know of.

Attor. Gen.

Whether you had or no, you shall have the fairest Trial that can be. And we cannot blame the Gentleman, for he is more used to greater Affairs, than these Matters or Forms of Lavv. But (my Lord) I desire to go unto Evidence, and vvhen that is done, he shall be heard, as long as he pleaseth, vvithout any interruption. If he desire it, before I give my Evidence, let him have Pen, Ink, and Paper (vvith your Lordships leave.)

L. C. Just.

Help him to Pen, Ink, and Paper.

Record.
[Page 17]

Then we desire to go on in our Evidence. We desire that Mr. Oates may not be interrupted.

Court.

He shall not be interrupted.

Attorn. Gen.

The first thing we will inquire, what account he can give of the Prisoner at the Bar, whether he was any way privy to the murther of the King?

Lord Ch. Just.

Mr. Oates, we leave it to your self to take your own way, and your own method: only this we say, here's a Gentleman stands at the Bar for his life; And on the other side, the King is concerned for His life: you are to speak the truth and the whole truth; for there is no reason in the world that you should adde any one thing that is false. I would not have a tittle added for any advantage, or consequences that may fall, when a man's bloud and life lieth at stake: Let him be condemn­ed by truth: you have taken an Oath, and you being a Minister, know the great regard you ought to have of the sacredness of an Oath; and that to take a man's life a­way by a false Oath is murther, I need not teach you that. But that Mr. Coleman may be satisfied in the Trial, and all people else be satisfied, there is nothing required or expected, but downright plain truth, and without any arts either to conceal, or expatiate, to make things larger then in truth they are; he must be condemned by plain Evidence of Fact.

Mr. Oates.

My Lord, Mr. Coleman in the Month of November last, did entertain in his own House John Keins, which John Keins was a Father Confessor to certain per­sons that were Converted, amongst which I was one. My Lord, I went and visited this John Keins at Mr. Cole­man's House then in Stable-yard. Mr. Coleman inquiring of John Keins who I was? He said, I was one that de­signed to go over upon business to St. Omers. My Lord, Mr. Coleman told me then he should trouble me with a Letter or two to St. Omers, but he told me he would leave them with one Fenwick that was Procurator for the Society of Jesuits in London. I went on Monday Morn­ing [Page 18] and took Coach, went to Dover, and had his Pacquet with me, which Pacquet when I came to St. Omers I opened. The out-side sheet of this Paper was a Letter of news which was called Mr. Coleman's Letter, and at the bottome of this Letter there was this Recommendation, Pray Recommend me to my Kinsman Playford. In this Letter of news there were expressions of the King, calling him Tyrant, and that the Marriage between the Prince of Orange and the Lady Mary the Duke of York's Eldest Daughter would prove the Traytour's and Tyrant's ruine.

Lord Ch. Just.

In what language was it written?

Mr. Oats.

In plain English words at length.

Lord Ch. Just.

Directed to whom?

Mr. Oats.

It was directed to the Rectour of St. Omers, to give him intelligence how affairs went in England.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did you break it open?

Mr. Oates

I was at the opening of it, and saw it and read it. There was a Letter to Father Lechees, which was superscribed by the same hand that the treasonable Letter of news was written, and the same hand that the recommenda­tion to Playford was written in. When this Letter was open there was a Seal fixt, a flying Seal and no mans Name to it.

Lord Ch. Just.

What was the Contents of that Letter to Lechees?

Mr. Oates.

My Lord, to give you an account of the import of this Letter, it was writ in Latine, and in it there were thanks given to Father Lechees for the Ten Thousand Pounds which was given for the propagation of the Catholick Religion, and that it should be imploy­ed for no other intent and purpose but that for which it was sent, now that was to cut off the King of England; those words were not in that Letter, but Lechees Letter, to which this was an Answer I saw and read: It was dated the Month of August, and as near as I remember there was this instruction in it, That the Ten Thousand Pound should be employed for no other intent and purpose but to cut off the King of England. I do not swear the words, but that's [Page 19] the sense and substance, I believe I may swear the words.

Lord Ch. Just.

To whom was that directed?

Mr. Oates.

To one Strange that was then Provincial of the Society in London, which Mr. Coleman answered.

Lord Ch. Just.

How came Mr. Coleman to answer it?

Mr. Oates.

Strange having run a Reed into his Fin­ger, had wounded his Hand, and Secretary Mico was ill, so he got Mr. Coleman to write an Answer unto it.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did he write it as from himself?

Mr. Oates.

Yes, by order of the Provincial.

Lord Ch. Just.

What was the substance of that Answer?

Mr. Oates.

That thanks was given to him in the Name of the whole Society for the Ten Thousand Pound which was paid and received here, and that it should be employ­ed to the intent for which it was received. It was super­scribed from Mr. Coleman.

Lord Ch. Just.

Was it subscribed Coleman?

Mr. Oates.

It was not subscribed; I did not see him write it, but I really believe it was by the same hand. I went and delivered this Letter.

Lord Ch. Just.

I understood you because of the acci­dent of his Hand he had employed Mr. Coleman to write this for him.

Mr. Oates.

He did write this Letter then, the Body of the Letter was written by Mr. Coleman. I did not see him write it, but I shall give an account how I can prove he wrote it. I delivered this Letter to Lechees his own hand. When I opened the Letter he asked me how a Gen­tleman (naming a French name) did doe.

Lord Ch. Just.

When you carried this Letter, you carried it to Lechees, and delivered it to him; then he ask­ed you of the Gentleman of the French name, whom meant he by that name?

Mr. Oates.

I understood it to be Mr. Coleman.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did he know him by some French name? What said you?

Mr. Oates.

I could say little to this.

Lord Ch. Just.
[Page 20]

Could you guess whom he meant?

Mr. Oates.

He told me he was sometime Secretary to the Dutchess of York, which I understood to be Mr. Cole­man. I stuck at it, and when he said he was sometime Secretary to the Dutchess of York, I spoke in Latine to him, and asked whether he meant Mr. Coleman, and his Answer I cannot remember. He sends an Answer to this Letter. I brought it to St. Omers, and there it was inclosed in the Letter from the Society to Coleman; where­in the Society expresly told him this Letter was delivered and acknowledged. I saw the Letter at St. Omers, and the Letter was sent to him. Mr. Coleman did acknowledge the Receit of this Letter from Lechees in the same hand with that of the News Letter, and so it was understood by all, I saw it.

Lord Ch. Just.

How came you to see it?

Mr. Oates.

I by a Patent from them was of the Consult.

Lord Ch. Just.

You saw the Letter of the same hand which the News Letter was of with Mr. Coleman's name subscribed?

Mr. Oates.

The contents of the Letter did own the Let­ter from Lechees was received; this Letter was presumed to be the Hand-writing of Mr. Coleman, and it was under­stood to be Mr. Coleman's Letter.

Lord Ch. Just.

You say the Letter was thanks for the Ten Thousand Pound; what was the other Contents?

Mr. Oates.

That all endeavours should be used to cut off the Protestant Religion Root and Branch.

Lord Ch. Just.

You say you delivered this Letter, from whom had you it?

Mr. Oates.

From Fenwick, it was left in his hand, and he accompanied me from Groves to the Coach, and gave it to me.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did you hear him speak to Mr. Coleman to write for him?

Mr. Oates.

Strange told me he had spoke to him.

Lord Ch. Just.

He doth suppose it was Mr. Coleman's [Page 21] hand because it was just the same hand that the News Let­ter was. Are you sure the Letter was of his hand?

Mr. Oates.

It was taken for his hand.

Just. Wild.

Had he such a Kinsman there?

Mr. Oates.

Yes he hath confessed it.

Attorn. Gen.

We desire your Lordship he may give an account of the Consult here in May last, and how far Mr. Coleman was privy to the murthering of the King.

Mr. Oates.

In the Month of April Old-Stile, in the Month of May New-Stile, there was a Consult held, it was begun at the White Horse Tavern, it did not conti­nue there. After that there they had consulted to send one Father Cary to be Agent and Procurator for Rome, they did adjourn themselves to several Clubs in Companies; some met at Wild-House, and some at Harcourt's Lodging in Dukes-Street; some met at Ireland's Lodging in Russel-Street; and some in Fenwick's Lodging in Drury-Lane. They were ordered to meet by virtue of a Brief from Rome, sent by the Father Generall of the Society: They went on to these Resolves, That Pickering and Groves should go on and continue in attempting to Assassinate the King's Person by Shooting, or other means. Groves was to have Fifteen Hundred Pounds. Pickering being a Religious man was to have Thirty Thousand Masses, which at Twelve Pence a Mass amounted much what to that money. This Resolve of the Jesuits was communicated to Mr. Coleman in my hearing at Wild-House. My Lord, this was not onely so, but in several Letters he did mention it; and in one Let­ter (I think I was gone a few miles out of London) he sent to me by a Messenger, and did desire the Duke might be trappan'd into this Plot to Murther the King.

Lord. Ch. Just.

How did he desire it?

Mr. Oates.

In a Letter, that all means should be used for the drawing in the Duke. This Letter was written to one Ireland. I saw the Letter and read it.

Lord Ch. Just.

How do you know it was his Letter?

Mr. Oates.

Because of the Instructions, which I saw [Page 22] Mr. Coleman take a Copy of and write, which was the same hand with the News Letter, and what else I have mentioned, the Subscription was, Recommend me to Fa­ther Lechees, and it was the same hand whereof I now speak.

Lord Ch. Just.

What was the substance of the Letter?

Mr. Oates.

Nothing but Complement, and Recommen­dation, and that all means might be used for the trappan­ning the Duke of York (as near as I can remember that was the word.)

Just. Wild.

You did say positively that Mr. Coleman did consent and agree to what was consulted by the Jesuits, which was to kill the King, and Pickering and Groves were the two persons designed to do it. Did you hear him consent to it?

Mr. Oates.

I heard him say at Wild-House, he thought it was well contrived.

Recor.

Do the Gentlemen of the Jury hear what he saith?

Lord. Ch. Just.

Gentlemen of the Jury, do you hear what he saith?

Jury.

Yes.

Attorn. Gen.

What do you know of any Rebellion to have been raised in Ireland? and what was to be done with the Duke of Ormond?

Mr. Oates.

In the Month of August there was a Consult with the Jesuites, and with the Benedictine Monks at the Sa­voy. In this Month of August there was a Letter writ from Arch-Bishop Talbot, the Titular Arch-Bishop of Dublin; wherein he gave an account of a Legate from the Pope, an Italian Bishop, (the Bishop of Cassay I think) who assert­ed the Pope's Right to the Kingdom of Ireland. In this Letter (to mention in special) there were Four Jesuits had contrived to dispatch the Duke of Ormond (these were his words) To find the most expedient way for his death, and Fogarthy was to be sent to do it by Poy­son, if these Four good Fathers did not hit of their Design. My Lord, Fogarthy was present. And when the Consult was almost at a period, Mr. Coleman came [Page 23] to the Savoy to the Consult, and was mighty forward to have Father Fogarthy sent to Ireland to dispatch the Duke by Poyson. This Letter did specify they were there ready to rise in Rebellion against the King for the Pope.

Attorney Generall.

Do you know any thing of Arms?

Mr. Oates.

There were 40000 Black Bills, I am not so skilfull in Arms to know what they meant (Military Men know what they are) that were provided to be sent into Ireland; but they were ready for the use of the Catholick Party.

Lord Ch. Just.

Who were they provided by?

Mr. Oates.

I do not know.

Lord Ch. Just.

How do you know they were provi­ded?

Mr. Oates.

That Letter doth not mention who they were provided by, but another Letter mentioned they were provided by those that were Commission Officers for the aid and help of the Pope; the Popish Commis­sioners they were provided by, and they had them ready in Ireland.

Lord Ch. Just.

Who wrote this Letter?

Mr. Oates.

It came from Talbot, I might forget the day of the Month because my Information is so large, but it was the former part of the Year, I think either Janu­ary or February, (77) (78) last January or February.

Lord Ch. Just.

Was this Consult but in August last?

Mr. Oates.

I am forced to run back from that Consult to this; Mr. Coleman was privy, and was the main Agent, and did in the Month of August last past say to Fenwick, he had found a way to transmit the 200000 li. for the carrying on of this Rebellion in Ireland.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did you hear him say so?

Mr. Oates.

I did, a Week before.

Lord Ch. Just.

You say he was very forward to send Fo­garthy into Ireland to kill the Duke of Ormond.

Mr. Oates.
[Page 24]

Yes that I say; and that he had found a way to transmit 200000 li. to carry on the Rebellion in Ireland.

Court.

Who was by besides Fenwick?

Mr. Oates.

My self and no body else.

Court.

Where was it said?

Mr. Oates.

In Fenwick's Chamber in Drury-lane.

Attorn. Gen.

Do you know any thing of transmitting the money to Windsor, or perswading any to be sent thi­ther, and the time when?

Mr. Oates.

In the Month of August there were four Rus­sians procured by Dr. Fogarthy. These Four were not no­minated in the Consult with the Benedictine Convent, but (My Lord) these four Ruffians without names were accep­ted of by them.

Court.

Who proposed them?

Mr. Oates.

Fogarthy. These four Irish men were sent that night to Windsor. How they went I know not, but the next day there was a provision of 80 li. ordered to them by the Rector of London, which is a Jesuite, one Will. Harcourt in the name of the Provincial, because he acted in his name and authority, the Provincial being then beyond the Seas, vi­siting his Colledges in Flanders.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did he order the 80 li.

Mr. Oates.

Mr. Coleman came to this Harcourt's House, then lying in Duke's-Street, and Harcourt was not within; but he was directed to come to Wild-House, and at Wild-House he found Harcourt.

Lord Ch. Just.

How do you know that?

Mr. Oates.

He said he had been at his House, and was not within, finding him at Wild-House, he asked what care was taken for those four Gentlemen that went last night to Windsor? he said there was 80 li. ordered.

Lord Ch. Just.

Who said so?

Mr. Oates.

Harcourt. And there was the Messenger that was to carry it, I think the most part of this 80 li. was in Guineys: Mr. Coleman gave the Messenger a Guiney to be nimble, and to expedite his Journey.

L. Chief. Just.
[Page 25]

How know you they were Guinies?

Mr. Oates,

I saw the money upon the Table before Harcourt, not in his hand.

L. Chief. Just.

Were the Four Irish men there?

Mr. Oates,

No, they were gone before I came.

L. Chief. Just.

Who was to carry it after them, what was his name?

Mr. Oates,

I never saw him before or since; the Money was upon the Table: when Mr. Coleman came in, he gave the messenger a Guiney to expedite the business.

Recorder,

You say Mr. Coleman inquired what Care was taken for those Ruffians that were to Assassinate the King; pray, Mr. Oates, tell my Lord and the Jury what you can say concerning Mr. Cole­mans discourse with one Ashby.

Mr. Oates,

In the Moneth of July, one Ashby, who was some­times Rector of St. Omers, being ill of the Gout was ordered to go to the Bath; this Ashby being in London, Mr. Coleman came to attend him; this Ashby brought with him Treasonable Instructi­ons in order to expedite the King by Poison, provided Pickering and Groves did not do the Work: Ten thousand pound should be proposed to Sir George Wakeman to Poison the King, in case Pistol and Stab did not take effect, and opportunity was to be taken at the Kings taking Physick. I could give other Evidence but will not, because of other things which are not fit to be known yet.

L. Chief. Just.

Who wrote this Letter?

Mr. Oates,

It was under the hand of White the Provincial be­yond the Seas, whom Ashby left; it was in the name of Me­morials to impower Ashby and the rest of the Consulters at Lon­don to propound Ten thousand pound to Sir George Wakeman to take the opportunity to Poison the King. These Instructions were seen and read by Mr. Coleman, by him Copied out, and transmitted to several Conspirators of the Kings death, in this Kingdom of England, that were privy to this Plot.

Recorder,

Know you of any Commission? We have hither­to spoken altogether of the work of others; now we come to his own work a little nearer.

L. Chief Just.

Who saw Mr. Coleman read these Instructions? what said he?

Mr. Oates,
[Page 26]

He said he thought it was too little, I heard him say so.

L. Chief Just.

Did you see him take a Copy of these In­structions?

Mr. Oates,

Yes, and he said he did believe Sir George Wakeman would scarce take it, and thought it necessary the other Five thousand pound should be added to it, that they might be sure to have it done.

L. Chief Just.

Where was it he said this?

Mr. Oates,

It was in the Provincials Chamber, which Ashby had taken for his convenience at London, until he went down to the Bath, it was at Wild-house, at Mr. Sandersons house.

L. Chief Just.

Ashby was imployed by his Instructions to ac­quaint the Consult of the Jesuits, that there should be Ten thousand pound advanced, if Doctor Wakeman would Poison the King, now Asbby comes and acquaints him with it. Why should Coleman take Copies?

Mr. Oates,

Because he was to send Copies to several Conspira­tors in the Kingdom of England.

L. Chief Just.

To what purpose should Mr. Coleman take a Copy of these Instructions?

Mr. Oates,

The reason is plain, they were then a gathering a Contribution about the Kingdom, and these Instructions were sent that they might be incouraged, because they saw there was incouragement from beyond Seas to assist them. And an­other Reason was, because now they were assured by this their business would quickly be dispatched, and by this means some Thousands of pounds were gathered in the Kingdom of Eng­land.

L. Chief Just.

To whom was Mr. Coleman to send them?

Mr. Oates,

I know not any of the Persons, but Mr. Coleman did say he had sent his Suffrages (which was a Canting word for Instructions) to the Principal Gentry of the Catholicks of the Kingdom of England.

L. Chief Just.

How know you this, that Mr. Coleman did take a Copy of these Instructions for that purpose as you say?

Mr. Oates,

Because he said so.

L. Chief Just.

Did any body ask him why he took them?

Mr. Oates,

Saith Ashby, you had best make haste and Commu­nicate these things. Mr. Coleman answered, I will make haste with [Page 27] my Copies, that I may dispatch them away this night?

Recorder,

Was he not to be one of the Principal Secretaries of State?.

Mr. Oates,

In the Month of May last New Stile, April the Old Stile, I think within a day after our Consult, I was at Mr. Lang­horn's Chamber, he had several Commissions, which he called Patents: among his Commissions I saw one from the General of the Society of Jesus, Joannes Paulus D'Ol [...]a, by vertue of a Brief from the Pope by whom he was enabled.

L. Chief Just.

Did you know his hand?

Mr. Oates,

I believe I have seen it Forty times, I have seen Forty things under his hand, and this agreed with them, but I never did see him write in my life, we all took it to be his hand, and we all knew the hand and Seal.

L. Chief Just.

What Inscription was upon the Seal?

Mr. Oates,

Ι.Η. Σ. with a Cross, in English it had the Cha­racters of I. H. S. This Commission to Mr. Coleman in the Month of July, I saw in Fenwicks presence, and at his Chamber in Drury-Lane, where then Mr. Coleman did acknowledge the Receipt of this Patent, opened it and said▪ It was a very good exchange.

L. Chief Just.

What was the Commission for?

Mr. Oates,

It was to be Secretary of State. I saw the Com­mission, and heard him own the Receipt of it.

Just. Wild,

What other Commissions were there at Mr. Lang­horns Chamber?

Mr. Oates,

A great many, I cannot remember, there was a Com­mission for my Lord Arundel of Warder, the Lord Powis, and se­veral other persons. But this belongs not to the Prisoner at the Bar: I mention his Commission.

L. Chief Just.

Were you acquainted with Mr. Langhorn?

Mr. Oates,

Yes, I'le tell your Lordship how I was acquainted. I was in Spain, he had there two Sons; to shew them special favour and kindness (being meer strangers at the Colledge) I did use to transmit some Letters for them to the Kingdom of England in my Pacquet. When I came out of Spain, I did receive Recommen­dations from them to their Father, and in great civility he received me. This was in November that I came to his house. He lived in Shear-lane or thereabouts. I understood that his Wife was a zea­lous Protestant; therefore he desired me not to come any more to his house, but for the future to come to his Chamber in the Temple.

L. Chief. Just.
[Page 28]

Had you ever seen Mr. Langhorn in London before?

Mr. Oates,

I never saw him till Nov. (77.) to my knowledge. I was several times in his company at his chamber, and he brought me there to shew me some kindness upon the account of his Sons. It was at the Temple, for his Wife being a Protestant was not wil­ling any Jesuits should come to the house. I was to carry him a summary of all the results and particulars of the Consult at the White Horse and Wild House. The Provincial ordered me to do it, he knowing me, being in that affair often imployed.

L. Chief Just.

Was it the second time you saw him that you saw the Commissions?

Mr. Oates,

I saw him several times in the month of November.

L. Chief Just.

When did you see the Commissions?

Mr. Oates,

In the month of April old stile, May new stile.

L. Chief Just.

How came he to shew you the Commissions?

Mr. Oates,

I hearing of their being come, had a curiosity to see them, and he knew me to be privy to the concerns.

L. Chief Just.

How did you know he had the Commissions?

Mr. Oates,

By Letters.

L. Chief Just.

From whom?

Mr. Oates,

From those of the Society at Rome, wherein one Harcourt one of the Fathers was certified, that the Commissions were come to Langhorn, and were in his hand, I saw the Letters at St. Omers before they came to Harcourt, we read the Letters there before they came to England, I had power to open them.

L. Chief Just.

Did you open the Letters?

Mr. Oates,

Yes?

L. Chief Just.

When saw you the Letters at St. Omers?

Mr. Oates,

I saw the Letters at St. Omers in the month of January; then they came from Rome; and after I received summons to be at this Consult in the month of April; and accordingly we came over.

L. Chief Just.

VVhat time did you come over?

Mr. Oates,

In the month of April.

L. Chief Just.

VVhat time went you to Langhorns chamber? I can­not reconcile the months together.

Just. Dolben.

Did you not say you came to Langhorn in November?

Mr. Oates.

Yes, before I went to St. Omers.

Just. Wild.

How many came over with you?

Mr. Oates.

I cannot tell how many came over together; there were nine of us all Jesuits.

L. Chief Just.

Did not you say you went to Langhorn in November?

Mr. Oates,

That was before I went to St. Omers.

Attorn. Gen.
[Page 29]

Tell how many Priests or Jesuits were lately in Eng­land, that you know of, at one time?

Mr. Oates.

There was, and have been to my knowledge in the Kingdom of England, Secular Priests eightscore, and Jesuits four­score, and by name in the Catalogue, I think three hundred and odd.

L. Chief Just.

How long had you been in England before you were at Mr. Langhorn's Chamber?

Mr. Oates.

Not long; because I had Letters in my Pacquet from his Sons, assoon as I had rested a little, I went to him.

L. Chief Just.

What said Mr. Langhorn to you about the Commis­sions in his chamber?

Mr. Oats.

Not a word; but seem'd glad.

L. Chief Just.

Did you see them open upon his Table? or did you ask to see them?

Mr. Oates.

They did not lye open upon the Table, but the Commis­sions were before him; I asked to see them. Mr. Langhorn (said I) I hear you have received the Commissions from Rome; he said, he had. Shall I have the honour to see some of them? He said, I might; he thought he might trust me; and so he might, because that very day I gave him an account of the Consult.

L. Chief Just.

When was it you gave him an account of the Con­sult?

Mr. Oates.

In the morning.

L. Chief Just.

You say you were twice there that day.

Mr. Oates.

I was there the whole Forenoon.

L. Chief Just.

That day you saw the Commissions.

Mr. Oates.

I had been there several times the same day, and meet­ing him at last, he asked me how often I was there before, I said said twice or thrice; but that day was the last time ever I saw him; I have not seen him since to my knowledge.

L. Chief Just.

Was that the first time that you saw him after you came from Spain?

Mr. Oates.

I saw him thrice in November, then I went to St. Omers, the first time I saw him after I came from thence I saw the Com­missions.

Attorn. Gen.

What were the Names of those men that came over from St. Omers besides your self?

Mr. Oates.

As near as I can remember, the Rector of Liege was one; Father Warren; Sir Thomas Preston; the Rector of Watton; one Francis Williams; Sir John Warner Baronet; one Father Charges; one Pool, a Monk; I think I made the ninth.

Attorn. Gen.

If the Prisoner at the Bar be minded, he may ask him any Question.

Prisoner,
[Page 30]

I am mighty glad to see that Gentleman Sir Thomas Dol­man in the Court, for I think he was upon my Examination before the Councel, and this man that gives now in Evidence against me, there told the King, he never saw me before; and he is extreamly well acquainted with me now, and hath a World of Intimacy. Mr. Oates at that time gave such an Account of my Concern in this matter, that I had orders to go to Newgate, I never saw Mr. Oates since I was born, but at that time.

L. Chief Just.

You shall have as fair a Search, and Examination in this matter for your Life as can be, therefore Mr. Oates answer to what Mr. Coleman saith.

Mr. Oates.

My Lord, when Mr. Coleman was upon his Exami­nation before the Council-board, he saith, I said there that I never saw him before in my Life: I then said I would not swear that I had seen him before in my Life, because my sight was bad by Can­dle-light, and Candle-light alters the sight much, but when I heard him speak I could have sworn it was he, but it was not then my Bu­siness. I cannot see a great way by Candle-light.

L. Chief. Just.

The Stress of the Objection lyeth not upon seeing so much, but how come you that you laid no more to Mr. Coleman's charge at that time?

Mr. Oates.

I did design to lay no more to his Charge then, than was matter for Information. For Prisoners may sup­plant Evidence when they know it, and bring Persons to such Cir­cumstances, as Time, and Place. My Lord, I was not bound to give in more than a general Information against Mr. Coleman; Mr. Coleman did deny he had Correspondence with Father Le Chese at any time, I did then say he had given him an account of several trans­actions. And (my Lord) then was I so weak, being up two nights, and having been taking Prisoners, upon my Salvation, I could scarce stand upon my Legs.

L. Chief Just.

What was the Information you gave at that time to the Council against Mr. Coleman?

Mr. Oates.

The Information I gave at that time (as near as I can remember, but I would not trust to my memory) was for writing of News-Letters, in which I did then excuse the Treasonable Reflexions, and called them Base Reflexions at the Council-board; the King was sensible, and so was the Council. I was so wearied and tyred (being all that Afternoon before the Council, and Sunday night, and sitting up night after night) that the King was willing to discharge me. But if I had been urged, I should have made a larger Information.

L. Chief Just.

The thing you accused him of was his own Letter.

Pris.

He doth not believe it was my Letter.

L. C. Just.
[Page 31]

You here charge Mr. Coleman to be the man that gave a Guinny to expedite the business at Windsor, &c. at the time when you were Examined at the Council-Table, you gave a particular ac­count of attempting to take away the Kings life at Windsor, and rais­ing twenty thousand pounds and all those great Transactions; why did you not charge Mr. Coleman to be the man that gave the Guinny to the Messenger to expedite the business, when the 80 pounds was sent? that he found out a way of transmitting 200000 pounds to carry on the Design? he consulted the killing the King, and approved of it very well. And of the Instructions for 10000 pounds, and said it was too little for to poyson the king. When you were to give an account to the Council of the particular Contrivance of the Murther of the King at Windsor, with a Reward, you did mention one Reward of 10000 pounds to Dr. Wakeman, and would you omit the Guinny to expe­dite the Messenger, and that he said that 10000l. was too little; would you omit all this?

Mr. Oates.

I being so tyred and weak that I was not able to stand upon my Legs, and I remember the Council apprehended me to be so weak that one of the Lords of the Council said, that if there were any occasion further to examine Mr. Coleman, that Mr. Oates should be ready again, and bid me retire.

L. C. Just.

You was by when the Council were ready to let Mr. Coleman go almost at large.

Mr. Oates.

No; I never apprehended that, for if I did, I should have given a further Account.

L. C. Just.

What was done to Mr. Coleman at that time? was he sent away Prisoner?

Mr. Oates.

Yes, at that time to the Messengers house, and within two dayes after he was sent to Newgate, and his Papers were seized.

L. C. Just.

Why did you not name Coleman at that time?

Mr. Oates.

Because I had spent a great deal of time in accusing other Jesuites.

Just. Wild.

What time was there betwixt the first time you were at the Council before you told of this matter concerning the King?

Mr. Oates.

When I was first at the Board (which was on Saturday night) I made Information, which began between six and seven, and lasted almost to ten. I did then give a general Account of the Affairs to the Council without the King. Then I went and took Prisoners, and before Sunday night, I said, I thought if Mr. Colemans Papers were searched into, they would find matter enough against him in those Papers to hang him; I spake those words, or words to the like purpose. After that Mr. Colemans Papers were searched, Mr. Cole­man was not to be found; but he surrendred himself the next day. [Page 32] So that on Sunday I was commanded to give His Majesty a general Information, as I had given to the Council on Saturday; and the next day again, I took Prisoners that night five, and next night four.

Just. Wild.

How long was it betwixt the time that you were examined, and spoke only as to the Letters, to that time you told to the King & Council or both of them, concerning this matter you swear now?

Mr. Oates.

My Lord, I never told it to the King and Council, but I told it to the Houses of Parliament.

L. Chief Just.

How long was it between the one and the other?

Mr. Oates.

I cannot tell exactly the time; it was when the Parlia­ment first sate.

L. C. J.

How came you (Mr. Coleman being so desperate a man as he was; endeavouring the killing of the King) to omit your Information of it to the Council and to the King at both times?

Mr. Oats.

I spoke little of the Persons till the persons came face to face.

L. Chief Just.

Why did you not accuse all thosse Jesuits by name?

M. Oates.

We took a Catalogue of their names, but those I did ac­cuse positively and expresly we took up.

L. Chief Just.

Did you not accuse Sir George Wakeman by name, and that he accepted his Reward?

Mr. Oates.

Yes, then I did accuse him by name.

L. Chief Just.

Why did you not accuse Mr. Coleman by name?

Mr. Oates.

For want of Memory; being disturbed and wearied in sit­ting up two nights, I could not give that good account of Mr. Coleman which I did afterwards, when I consulted my Papers; and when I saw Mr. Coleman was secured, I had no need to give a farther Account.

L. Chief Just.

How long was it between the first charging Mr. Cole­man, and your acquainting the Parliament with it?

Mr. Oats.

From Monday the 30th of September, until the Parlia­ment sate.

L. Chief Just.

Mr. Coleman, will you ask him any thing?

Prisoner.

Pray ask Mr. Oats, whether he was not as near to me as this Gentleman is, because he speaks of his eyes being bad?

Mr.Oats.

I had the disadvantage of a Candle upon my eyes; Mr. Cole­man stood more in the dark.

Prisoner.

He names several times that he met with me in this place and that place, a third and fourth place about business.

Mr. Oats.

He was altered much by his Perriwig in several Meetings, and had several Perriwiggs, and a Perriwigg doth disguise a man very much; but when I heard him speak, then I knew him to be Mr. Coleman.

L. Chief Just.

Did you hear him speak? How were the Questions asked? Were they thus? Was that the Person? Or, how often had you seen Mr. Coleman?

Mr. Oats.
[Page 37]

When the Question was asked by my Lord Chancellour, Mr. Coleman, when were you last in France? He said at such a time. Did you see Father le Chese? He said he gave him an accidental visit, My Lord Chancellor asked him whether or no he had a Pass? He said, No. Then he told him, that was a fault for going out of the Kingdom without a Pass. Have you a Kinsman whose name is Playford at S. Omers? He said he had one ten years old, (who is in truth sixteen) That question I desired might be asked. Then the King bade me go on.

L. Ch. Just

Did the King, or Council, or Lord Chan­cellor ask you whether you knew Mr. Coleman, or no?

Mr. Oats.

They did not ask me.

L. Ch. Just.

Mr. Oats, answer the question in short, and without confounding it with length. Were you demanded if you knew M. Coleman?

Mr. Oats.

Not to my knowledge.

L. Ch. Just.

Did you ever see him? or how often?

Pris.

He said, he did not know me.

L. Ch. Just.

You seemed, when I asked you before, to admit, as if you had been asked this question, how often you had seen him, and gave me no answer, because you were doubtful whether it was the man, by reason of the in­conveniency of the light, and your bad fight.

Mr. Oats.

I must leave it to the King what answer I made Mr. Coleman, he wonders I should give an account of so many intimacies, when I said I did not know him at the Council Table.

Pris.

It is very strange Mr. Oats should swear now, that he was so well acquainted with me, and had been so often in my company; when upon his accusation at the Council-Table, he said nothing of me more than the sending of one Letter, which he thought was my hand.

Mr. Oats.

I did not say that.

Pris.

And he did seem to say there, he never saw me be­fore in his life.

L. Ch. Just.

Was he asked whether he was acquainted with you? (for those words are to the same purpose).

Pris.

I cannot answer directly, I do not say he was asked if he was acquainted with me, but I say this, that he did declare he did not know me.

L. Ch. Just.

Can you prove that?

Pris.
[Page 38]

I appeal to Sir Tho. Dolman, who is [...]ow in Court, and was then present at the Council-Table.

L. Ch. Just.

Sir Thomas, you are not upon your Oath, but are to speak on the behalf of the Prisoner: what did he say?

Sir Tho. Dolman.

That he did not well know him.

L. Ch. Just.

Did he add, that he did not well know him by the Candle light? But Mr. Oats, when you heard his voice, you said you knew him; why did you not come then, and say you did well know him?

Mr. Oats.

Because I was not asked.

L. Ch. Just.

But, Sir Thomas, did he say he did not well know him after M. Coleman spake? Was Mr. Coleman exa­mined before Mr. Oats spake?

Sir Tho. Doleman.

Yes.

L. Ch. Just.

Mr. Oats, you say you were with him at the Savoy and Wild-house, pray, Sir Thomas, did he say he did not know him, or had seen Mr. Coleman there?

Sir Tho. Dolman.

He did not know him as he stood there.

L. Ch. Just.

Knowing, or not knowing is not the present question; but did he make an answer to the knowing, or not knowing him?

Just. Dolben.

Did he say he did not well know Mr. Cole­man, or that he did not well know that man?

Sir Tho. Dolman

He said he had no acquaintance with that man (to the best of my remembrance.)

L. Ch. Just.

Sir Robert Southwell, you were present at Mr. Oats his Examination before the Council; in what manner did he accuse Mr. Coleman then?

Sir Robert Southwell.

The question is so particular, I can­not give the Court satisfaction; but other material things then said are now omitted by Mr. Oats; for he did declare against Sir George Wakeman, that five thousand pounds was added, in all fifteen thousand pounds, and that Mr. Coleman paid five of the fifteen to Sir George in hand.

L. Ch. Just.

This answers much of the Objection upon him. The Court has asked Mr. Oats how he should come now to charge you with all these matters of poysoning and killing the King, and yet he mentioned you so slightly at the Council-Table; but it is said by Sir Robert Southwell he did charge you with five thousand pounds (for poisoning the King) to be added to the ten thousand pounds, and he [Page 39] charged you expresly with it at the Council Table.

Pris.

The Charge was so slight against me by Mr. Oats, that the Council were not of his Opinion: For the first order was to go to Newgate, and Sir Robert Southwell came with directi­ons to the Messenger not to execute the Order. I humbly ask whether it was a reasonable thing to conceive that the Coun­cil should extenuate the punishment, if Mr. Oats came with such an amazing account to the Council,

Sir Rob. South.

Mr. Oats gave so large and general an In­formation to the Council, that it could not easily be fixed. Mr. Coleman came voluntarily in upon Monday morning. The Warrant was sent out on Sunday night for Mr. Coleman and his Papers: His Papers were found and seized; but Mr. Cole­man was not found at that time, nor all Night, but came on Monday morning voluntarily, and offered himself at Sir Jo­seph Williamson's House, hearing there was a Warrant against him: By reason of so many Prisoners that were then under Examination, he was not heard till the Afternoon, and then he did with great Indignation and Contempt hear these vile things, as thinking himself innocent.

Pris.

If I thought my self guilty, I should have charged my self: I hope his Majesty upon what hath been said, will be so far satisfied as to discharge me.

Sir Rob. South.

Mr. Coleman then made so good a discourse for himself, that though the Lords had filled up a blank War­rant to send him to Newgate, that was respited, and he was only committed to a Messenger. I did say to the Messenger, be very civil to Mr. Coleman for things are under Examinati­on, but you must keep him safely. Saith the Messenger, pray let me have a special Warrant, that doth dispence with the Warrant I had to carry him to Newgate, and such a Warrant he had. The King went away on Tuesday morn­ing to Newmarket, and appointed a particular Committee to examine the Papers brought of Mr. Coleman and others.

His Papers were found in a Deal box, and several of these Papers and Declarations sounded so strangely to the Lords, that they were amazed; and presently they signed a War­rant for Mr. Coleman's going to Newgate.

L. Ch. Just.

Did Mr. Oats give a round Charge against Mr. Coleman?

Sir Rob. South.

He had a great deal to do, he was to re­peat [Page 40] in the Afternoon on Sunday when the King was present, all he had said to the Lords on Saturday.

He did say of Mr. Coleman, that he had corresponded very wickedly and basely with the French King's Confessor, and did believe if Mr. Coleman's Papers were searched, there would be found in them that which would cost him his Neck. And did declare that the fifteen thousand pounds was ac­cepted for the murther of the King, and that five thousand pounds was actually paid by Mr. Coleman to Sir George Wake­man. But Mr. Oats at the same time did also declare that he did not see the mony paid, he did not see this particular acti­on of Sir George Wakeman, because at that time he had the Stone and could not be present.

Mr. Oats.

I was not present at that Consult, where the fifteen thousand pounds was accepted; but I had an account of it from those that were present.

L. Ch. Just.

It appears plainly by this Testimony, that he did charge you Mr. Coleman home, that fifteen thousand pounds was to be paid for poysoning the King; and that it was generally said among them (though he did not see it paid) that it came by your hands, viz. five thou­sand pounds of it, which answers your objection as if he had not charged you, when you see he did charge you home then for being one of the Conspirators, in having a hand in paying of [...] for poysoning the King: he charges you now no otherwise than in that manner: He doth not charge you no [...] as if there were new things started, but with the very conspiracy of having a hand in paying the money for murthering the King.

What consultation was that you had at the Savoy, in the Month of August?

Mr. Oats.

It was about the business of the four Irish Ruf­fians proposed to the Consult.

The end of Mr. Oats's Examination.

[Page 41]Mr. Bedlow.

Sollicit. Gen.

We call him to give an account what he knows of the Prisoners being privy to the conspiracy of mur­thering the King, (particularly to that) Mr. Bedlow, pray acquaint my Lord and the Jury what you know, I desire to know particularly as it concerns Mr. Coleman, and nothing but Mr. Coleman.

L. Ch. Just.

Mr. Attorney pray keep to that Question close.

Attorn. Gen.

I have two short questions to ask him: The first is what he hath seen or heard touching any Commission to Mr. Coleman, what say you?

Mr. Bedlow.

In particular I know not of any Commission directed to Mr. Coleman, I do not know any thing of it but what Sir Henry Tichbourn told me, that he had a Commission; and he brought a Commission for Mr. Coleman and the rest of the Lords, from the principal Jesuites at Rome, by Order of the Pope.

Attorn. Gen.

A Commission for what?

Mr. Bedlow.

To be principal Secretary of State: the Title of it I do not know because I did not see it, but to be Prin­cipal Secretary of State, that was the Effect.

Attorn. Gen.

I desire to know what discourse you had with Mr. Coleman about that design.

Mr. Bedlow.

If your Lordship please, I shall be short in the Narrative.

L. Ch. Just.

Make use of your Notes to help your memory, but let not your testimony be merely to read them.

Mr. Bedlow.

I carried over to Monsieur Le Chese (the French Kings Confessor) a large packet of Letters, April (75) from Mr. Coleman, which Letters I saw Mr. Coleman de­liver to Father Harcourt, at his House in Dukes-Street.

Council.

And Harcourt gave them to you?

Mr. Bedlow.

Yes; which Letters were directed to be deli­vered [Page 42] to Monsieur le Chese, and I did carry them to le Chese, and brought him an answer from le Chese, and other English Monks at Paris? I did not understand what was in it, because it was a Language I do not well understand, it was about car­rying on the Plot; at a Consultation there were present two French Abbots and several English Monks at Paris; what I heard them say, was about carrying on the Plot to subvert the Government of England, to destroy the King and the Lords of the Council. The King was principally to be de­stroyed, and the Government subverted as well as the Pro­testant Religion.

Court.

When was this? when you were to receive the Answer?

Mr. Bedlow.

It was upon the Consultation: there was a Packet of Letters from Mr. Coleman, they did not know I un­derstood French, or if they did, they had tryed me so long I believe they would have trusted me.

L. Ch. Just.

The Letter that le Chese wrote, to whom was it directed?

Mr. Bedlow.

It was directed to Mr. Coleman, the Packet was directed to Harcourt, and within that le Chese wrote an answer and directed it to Mr. Coleman, particularly to Mr. Coleman.

L. Ch. Just.

How do you know?

Mr. Bedlow.

The Superscription was this [in French] A Monsieur Monsieur Coleman; to Mr. Coleman, with other Let­ters directed to Father Harcourt.

L. Ch. Just.

He saith plainly the Letter was yours, You gave Harcourt a Packet of Letters to be delivered to le Chese, Harcourt delivered them to him, and he did carry them to le Chese, and heard them talk about this Plot: That le Chese wrote a Letter to you (particularly by name) inclosed in a Letter to Harcourt, that answer he brought back.

Recorder.

Do you know any thing concerning any money Mr. Coleman said he had received? the Sums, and for what?

Mr. Bedlow.

It was to carry on the design to subvert the Government of England, to free England from Damnation [Page 43] and Ignorance, and free all Catholieks from hard Tyranny and Oppression of Hereticks.

Attorn. Gener.

What words did you hear Mr. Coleman ex­press, what he would do for the Catholick Cause?

Mr. Bedlow.

May 24, or 25, (77) I was at Mr. Cole­man's with Mr. Harcourt, and received another Packet from Mr. Harcourt, and he had it from Mr. Coleman.

L. Ch. Just.

You say Mr. Coleman did give this Packet to Harcourt?

Mr. Bedlow.

Yes, and Harcourt delivered it to me to car­ry it to Paris to the English Monks. I was to go by Doway to see if they were not gone to Paris before me.

L. Ch. Just.

And what did they say when you delivered the Letters to the English Monks?

Mr. Bedlow.

They told me how much reward I de­served from the Pope and the Church, both here, and in the world to come. I overtook three, and that night I went to Paris with them; and upon the Consultation (1677) I believe they sent the Bishop of Tornes the substance of those Letters, and not having a final answer what assistance the Catholick Party in England might expect from them, they were resolved to neglect their design no longer than that Summer, having all things ready to begin in England.

Recorder.

What did you hear Mr. Coleman say?

Mr. Bedlow.

That he would adventure any thing to bring in the Popish Religion: After the Consultation, I delivered the Letters to le Faire, and he brought them to Harcourt, he delivered the Packet of Letters to Harcourt, who was not well, but yet went and delivered them to Mr. Coleman, and I went as far as Mr. Coleman's House, but did not go in, but stayed over the way; but Harcourt went in, and after he had spoke with Mr. Coleman, he gave me a beck to come to him; and I heard Mr. Coleman say, if he had a hundred lives, and a Sea of Blood to carry on the Cause, he would spend it all to further the Cause of the Church of Rome, and to establish the Church of Rome in England: and if there was an hundred Heretical Kings to be deposed, he would see them all destroyed.

L. Ch. Just.
[Page 44]

Where was this?

Mr. Bedlow.

At his own House.

L. Ch. Just.

Where?

Mr. Bedlow.

Behind Westminster Abby.

L. Ch. Just.

In what Room?

Mr. Bedlow.

At the Foot of the Stair-case.

L. Ch. Just.

Where were you then?

Mr. Bedlow.

There, I was called in by Harcourt, and was as near to him, as to my Lord Duras. (My Lord being hard by Mr. Bedlow in Court.)

Pris.

Did I ever see you in my life?

Mr. Bedlow.

You may ask that question; but in the Stone-Gallery in Somerset-house, when you came from a Consult, where were great persons, which I am not to name here; that would make the bottom of your Plot tremble: you saw me then.

Attorn. Gener.

We did before acquaint you with some­thing of the substance of the Letters; we shall now ac­quaint you with something of the manner of finding them. Your Lordship hath heard Mr. Oats hath been examined be­fore the Council, and there it was said. Mr. Coleman's Pa­pers would make such a discovery (if they were looked into) as would be enough to hang him. I remember he said the Lords of the Council were pleased to order the Pa­pers to be seised; the execution of their Warrant they com­mitted to one Bradly, who was a Messenger that attended the King and Council; and I desire he may be called: He did find and seise as many Papers as Mr. Coleman was pleased to leave, and they are those Papers which we now bring before you. The Papers seised he put up in a deal Box, and four or five several Bags, and brings them to the Council; the Clerks of the Council are here attend­ing the Court: they will tell you these Papers now pro­duced were Papers found in those bags: Mr. Bradly will tell you the Papers seised in the bags and box were brought to them, and they will swear they were the Papers and bags that were brought.

Record.
[Page 41]

Mr. Bradly, give my Lord and the Jury an account whether you went to Mr. Coleman, whether you seized his Pa­pers, and what Papers you saw, and how you disposed of them after they were seiz'd.

Mr. Bradly.

The 29th. of September being Sunday Evening at Six of the Clock, I received a Warrant from the Council-Board to apprehend Mr. Coleman, and to seize his Papers, and to bring them to the Council-board: He being not at home, I spoke with his Wife, and told her I came to search her House, I had a Warrant so to do, She told me I was welcom; I de­desir'd her to send for her Husband: I found in several parts of the House a great many Papers; I put them up in several Bags: I found some in a private corner in a Deal Box.

L. Ch. Just.

What kind of Corner?

Mr. Bradly.

In Mr. Coleman's Chamber, not in his own Stu­dy, but in another place behind the Chimney; the Box was tack'd together with a Nail: I lifted it up; and saw they were Letters, I put it down again as it was, and gave it into the custody of one that was with me, to look to it: Then I came to his own Study where his 'Scritore was, and put up all I could find in several Baggs, and Sealed them, and brought them to the Council-chamber.

Attorn. Gen.

Did you put up any other Papers among them then what you found at Mr. Coleman's House?

Mr. Bradly.

I did not, (upon my Oath,) I had them all at Mr. Coleman's House.

Attorn. General.

Did you bring them all to the Clerks of the Council?

Mr. Bradly.

Yes, Before I came out I tyed them all up, and sealed them with my own Seal, and was constantly with them.

At. Gen.

Now we will give your Lordship an account how these things were received, that were there found. Sir Robert Southwell, look upon the large Letter, and tell my Lord and the Jury whether that were among the Papers brought by this Messenger.

Sir Robert Southwel.

My Lord, I did not see this Letter in several days after the papers brought me from Bradly; when he came in with Three great Baggs, and a Box of Letters on Sunday night; Said I, which are Mr. Coleman's principal papers? Said he, those that are in the large speckled cloath Bagg; [Page 42] for these we took first in the Scritore: These I took, and med­dled not with the other, I presume other Clerks of the Council can give a particular account where this paper was found.

At. Gen.

Sir Thomas Doleman, look upon the Letter whether you can remember any thing of it.

Sir Th. Doleman.

I remember I found it in a Deal Box among Mr. Coleman's papers, those that Bradly brought.

Court.

That's plain enough.

At. Gen.

That we may not often prove what we shall often make use of, I would prove it fully once for all, that all these papers were of his Hand-writing; This we can prove by two sorts of Evidences; his own Confession, and the Witness of Two persons; one that was his Servant; and th'other a Sub-Secretary, that did write very many things for him. Mr. Boat­man, look upon these papers; Tell my Lord and the Jury whose Hand it is: Are you acquainted with Mr. Coleman's Hand? What relation had you to him?

Boatman.

I was his Gentleman that waited on him in his Chamber Five Years: This is very like his Hand.

Lord Ch. Just.

Do you believe it is his hand?

Boatman.

I believe it is.

Lord Ch. Just.

Little proof will serve the turn, because they were taken in his possession.

At. Gen.

I desire to prove it fully; look upon all the Papers, turn all the Leaves, see if they be not all one hand, and whe­ther you believe all to be Mr. Coleman's hand Writing or not.

Boatman.

I believe it to be all his hand.

Lord Ch. Just.

Do you know when the last Packet of Let­ters came up, that were sent to Mr. Coleman, from beyond the Seas?

Boatman.

Two or three dayes after he was taken Prisoner.

Lord Ch. Just.

Do you know where they are bestowed? Did you receive Monsieur Le Chese's Letters for Mr. Coleman?

Boatman.

Yes.

Lord Ch. Just.

Did you ever Write any for him to Le Chese?

Boatman.

No.

At. Gen.

Inform the Court whether he kept any Book to make Entry of Letters he sent or received?

Boatman.

Yes, there was a large Book my Master did enter his Letters in, and his News.

At. Gen.
[Page 43]

What is become of that Book?

Boatman.

I know not.

At. Gen.

When did you see that Book last upon your Oath?

Boatman.

On Saturday.

At. Gen.

How long before he was sent to Prison?

Boat.

Two days, because the next day was Sunday, which he did not make use of it: on Monday my Master was in Prison, and I did not mind the Book.

L. Ch. Just.

Were there any Entries of Letters in that Book within Two Years last past?

Boatman.

I cannot be positive.

At. Gen.

Did he not usually write and receive Letters from beyond Sea? Till that time had he not Negotiation as usu­ally?

Boatman.

He had usually News every Post from beyond the Seas.

Prisoner.

There's Letters from the Hague, Brussels, France and Rome; they are all with the Council, which were all the Letters I received.

Att. Gen.

We have another Witness: Cattaway, are you acquainted with Coleman's Hand-writing? Do you believe it to be his Hand-writing?

Witness.

I believe it is, they are his Hand-writing.

Att. Gen.

It will appear, if there were no other proof in this Cause, his own papers are as good as an hundred Witnesses to condemn him; Therefore I desire to prove them fully by his own Confession.

Sir Phil. Lloyd a Witness.

These are the Papers I received from Sir Thomas Doleman; I found them (as he saith,) in a Deal Box: Among his Papers I found this Letter. Mr. Coleman hath owned this was his Hand-writing▪ it's all one Letter.

Att. Gen.

'Tis all the same Hand, and he acknowledged it to be his.

Mr. Recorder.

I desire Mr. Astrey may read it so that the Jury may hear it.

Mr. Astrey Clerk of the Crown reads the Letter.

The 29th. of September (1675.) It is subscribed thus; Your most humble and most obedient Servant, but no name.

Mr. COLEMANS Long Letter.

SInce Father St. German has been so kind to me, as to recom­mend me to your Reverence so advantagiously, as to en­courage you to accept of my Correspondency; I will own to him, that he has done me a Favour without Consulting me, greater than I could have been capable of if he had advised with me; because I could not then have had the Confidence to have permitted him to ask it on my behalf. And I am so sensible of the Honour you are pleased to do me, that though I cannot de­serve it; yet to shew at least the sense I have of it, I will deal as freely and openly with you this first time, as if I had had the honour of your Acquaintance all my life; and shall make no Apology for so doing, but only tell you that I know your Cha­racter perfectly well, though I am not so happy as to know your Person; and that I have an Opportunity of putting this Letter into the hands of Father St. German [...]s Nephew (for whose Inte­grity and Prudence he has undertaken) without any sort of hazard.

In order then Sir to the plainness I profess, I will tell you what has formerly passed between your Reverence's Predecessor, Father Ferryer and my self. About three years ago, when the King my Master sent a Troop of Horse Guards into his most Christian Majesties Service, under the Command of my Lord Durass; he sent with it an Officer called Sir William Throckmorton, with whom I had a particular Intimacy, and who had then very newly embrac'd the Catholick Religion: To him did I con­stantly Write, and by him address my self to Father Ferryer. The first thing of great Importance I presumed to offer him (not to trouble you with lesser matters, or what passed here before, and immediatly after the Fatal Revocation of the Kings Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, (to which we owe all our Miseries and hazards,) was in July, August, and September 1673. when I constantly inculcated the great danger Catholick Religion, and his most Christian Majesties Interest would be in at our next Sessions of Parliament, which was then to be in October follow­ing; at which I plainly foresaw that the King my Master would be forced to something in prejudice to his Allyance with France, which I saw so evidently and particularly that we should make Peace with Holland, that I urg'd all the Arguments I could, which [Page 45] to me were Demonstrations, to convince your Court of that mischief; and press'd all I could to perswade his most Christian Majesty to use his utmost endeavour to prevent that session of our Parliament, and proposed Expedients how to do it: But I was answered so often and so positively, that his most Christian Majesty was so vvell assured by his Embassador here, our Embassador there, the Lord Arlington, and even the King himself; that he had no such apprehensions at all, but vvas fully satisfied of the contrary, and lookt upon what I offered as a very zealous mistake, that I was forced to give over ar­guing, though not believing as I did; but confidently appealed to time and success to prove who took their measures rightest. When it happened what I foresaw came to pass, the good Father was a little surprized, to see all the great men mistaken, and a little one in the right; and was pleased by Sir William Throckmorton to desire the continuance of my correspondence, which I was mighty willing to comply with, knowing the Interest of our King, and in a more particular manner of my more immediate Master the Duke, and his most Christian Majesty, to be so inseparably united, that it was im­possible to divide them, without destroying them all: Upon this I shewed that our Parliament in the circumstances it was managed, by the timerous Councels of our Ministers, who then governed, would never be useful either to England, France, or Catholick Reli­gion, but that we should as certainly be forced from our Neutrality at their next meeting, as we had been from our Active Alliance with France the last year: That a Peace in the Circumstances we were in, was much more to be desired then the continuance of the War; and that the Dissolution of our Parliament would certainly procure a Peace; for that the Confederates did more depend upon the power they had in our Parliament, then upon any thing else in the World; and were more encouraged from them to the continuing of the War; so that if they were Dissolved, their measures would be all broken, and they consequently in a manner necessitated to a Peace.

The good Father minding this Discourse somewhat more then the Court of France thought fit to do my former; urg'd it so home to the King, that his Majesty was pleased to give him Orders to signify to his R. H. my Master, that his Majesty vvas fully satisfyed of his R. Hs. good intention tovvards him, and that he esteemed both their interests but as one and the same; that my Lord Arlington and the Parliament were both to be lookt upon as very unuseful to their inte­rest: That if his R. H. would endeavour to dissolve this Parliament, his most Christian Majesty would assist him with his Povver and Purse, to have a nevv one as should be for their purpose. This, and a great many more expressions of kindness and confidence Father [Page 46] Ferryer was pleased to communicate to Sir William Throckmorton, and Commanded them to send them to his R. H. and withall to beg his R. H. to propose to his most Christian Majesty, what he thought necessary for his own concern, and the advantage of Religion, and his Majesty would certainly do all he could to advance both or either of them. This Sir William Throckmorton sent to me by an Express, who left Paris the 2d of June 1674 Stilo novo: I no sooner had it, but I communicated it to his R. H. To which his R. H. com­manded me to answer, as I did on the 29th. of the same month: That his R. H. was very sensible of his most Christian Majesties friendship, and that he would labour to cultivate it with all the good Offices he was capable of doing for his Majesty; that he was fully convinced that their Interests were both one that my Lord Arlington and the Parliament vvere not only unuseful, but very dangerous both to England and France; That therefore it was necessary that they should do all they could to Dissolve it. And that his R. H's. opinion was, that if his most Christian Majesty would Write his thoughts freely to the King of England upon this Subject, and make the same proffer to his Majesty of his Purse to Dissolve this Parliament, which he had made to his R H. to call another, he did believe it very pos­sible for him to succeed with the assistance we should be able to give him here; and that if this Parliament were Dissolved, there would be no great difficulty of getting a new one, which would be more useful: The Constitutions of our Parliaments being such, that a new one can never hurt the Crown, nor an old one do it good.

His R. H. being pleased to own these Propositions, which were but only general, I thought it reasonable to be more particular, and come closer to the point, we might go the faster about the work, and come to some issue before the time was too far spent.

I laid this for my Maxim: The Dissolution of our Parliament will certainly procure a Peace; which proposition was granted by every body I Conversed withall, even by Monsieur Rouvigny him­self, with whom I took liberty of discoursing so far, but durst not say any thing of the Intelligence I had with Father Ferryer. Next; that a Sum of Money certain, would certainly procure a Dissolu­tion; this some doubted, but I am sure I never did; for I knew per­fectly well that the King had frequent Disputes with himself at that time, whether he should dissolve or continue them; and he several times declared that the Arguments were so strong on both sides, that he could not tell to which to incline, but was carried at last to the continuance of them by this one Argument: If I try them once more, they may possibly give me Money; if they do, I have gain'd my point: if they do not, I can dissolve them then, and be where [Page 47] I am now; so that I have a possibility at least of getting Money for their Continuance, against nothing on the other side: But if we could have turn'd this Argument, and said; Sir, their Dissolution will certainly procure you Money, when you have only a bare possibi­lity of getting any by their Continuance, and have shewn how far that bare possibility was from being a foundation to build any rea­sonable hope upon, which I am sure his Majesty was sensible of; and how much 300000l. sterl. certain (which was the sum we propos'd) was better than a bare possibility (without any reason to hope that that could ever be compassed) of having half so much more (which was the most he design'd to ask) upon some vile dishonourable terms; and a thousand other hazards, which he had great reason to be afraid of: If I say we had had power to have argued this, I am most con­fidently assured we could have compassed it, for Logick in our Court built upon Money, has more powerful Charms, then any other sort of reasoning. But to secure his most Christian Majesty from any hazard, as to that point I propos'd his Majesty should offer that sum upon that condition, and if the condition were not perfor­med, the Money should never be due; if it were, and that a Peace would certainly follow thereupon, (which no body doubted) his Ma­jesty would gain his Ends, and save all the vast expences of the next Campaign, by which he could not hope to better his Condition, or put himself into more advantagious Circumstances of Treaty then he was then in; but might very probably be in a much worse con­sidering the mighty opposition he was like to meet with, and the uncertain Chances of War. But admitting that his Majesty could by his great strength and Conduct maintain himself in as good a Con­dition to Treat the next year as he was then in, (which was as much as could then reasonably be hoped for▪) he should have saved by this Proposal, as much as all the men he must needs lose, and all the char­ges he should be at in a year, would be valued to amount to more then 300000l. sterl. and so much more in case his Condition should decay, as it should be worse then it was when this was made; and the Condition of his R. H. and of the Catholick Religion here (which dep [...]nds very much upon the success of His most Christian Majesty,) [...]ivered from a great many frights and real hazards. F. Ferryer seem [...]d to [...] sensible of the Benefit all parties would gain by this Proposal; But yet it was unfortunately delay'd by an un­happy and tedious fit of sickness, which kept him so long from the King in the France Comte and made him so unable to wait on His Majesty after he did return to Paris: But so soon as be could com­pass it, he was pleased to acquaint his Majesty with [...], and wrote to the Duke himself; and did me the Honour to write unto me also on [Page 48] the 15th. of September 1674. and sent his Letter by Sir William Throckmorton, who came express upon that Errand; In these Let­ters he gave his R. H. fresh assurance of his most Christian Majesties friendship, and of his Zeal and Readiness to comply with every thing His R. H. had, or should think fit to propose in favour of Religion, or the business of Money; And that he had comman­ded Monsieur Rouvigny as to the latter, to Treat and deal with his R. H. and to receive and observe his Orders and Directions, but desired that he might not at all be concerned as to the former, but that his R. H. would cause what Proposition he should think fit to be made about Religion, to be offered either to Father Ferryer, or Monsieur Pompone.

These Letters came to us about the middle of September, and his R. H. expected daily when Monsieur Rouvigny should speak to him about the Subject of that Letter; but he took no notice at all of any thing till the 29th. of September, the evening before the King and Duke went to Newmarket for a fortnight, and then only said, that he had Commands from his Master to give his R. H. the most firm assu­rance of his Friendship imaginable, or something to that purpose, making his R. H. a general Complement, but made no mention of any particular Orders relating to Father Ferryer's Letter. The Duke wondering at this proceeding, and being obliged to stay a good part of October at Newmarket; and soon after his coming back-hearing of the Death of Father Ferryer, he gave over all further prosecu­ting of the former Project. But I believe I saw Monsieur Rouvigny's policy all along, who was vvilling to save his Masters Money, upon assurance that we would do all we could to stave off the Parliament for our own sakes, that we would struggle as hard vvithout money as with it; and vve having by that time, upon our ovvn Interest, prevailed to get the Parliament Prorogued to the 13th. of April, he thought that Prorogation being to a day so high in the Spring, vvould put the Confederates so far beyond their Measures, as that it might procure a Peace, and be as useful to France, as a Dissoluti­on: upon these Reasons I suppose he vvent. I had several discour­ses vvith him; and did open my self so far to him as to say, I could vvish his Master vvould give us leave to offer to our Master 300000l. for the Dissolution of the Parliament; and shewed him that a Peace vvould most certainly follow a Dissolution (which he agreed with me in) and that vve desir'd not the Mony from his Master to excite our vvills, or to make us more industrious to use our utmost povvers to procure a Dissolution, but to strengthen our Povver and Credit vvith the King, and to render us more capable to succeed vvith his Majesty, as most certainly vve should have done, had vve been fortified vvith such an Argument.

[Page 49] To this Purpose I press'd Mounsieur Pompone frequently by Sir Will. Throckmorton, who returned hence again into France on the Tenth of November, the day our Parliament should have met, but was Pro­rogued. Mounsieur Pompone (as I was informed by Sir William) did seem to approve the thing; but yet had Two Objections against it: First, That the Sum we proposed, was Great; and could be very ill spared in the circumstances his Most Christian Majesty was in. To which we Answer'd, That if by his Expending that Sum, he could procure a Dissolution of our Parliament, and thereby a Peace, which every body agreed would necessarily follow; his Most Christian Majesty would gain his Ends, and save Five or Ten Times a greater Sum, and so be a good Husband by his Expence; and if we did not procure a Dissolution, he should not be at that Expence at all; for that we Desired him only to promise upon that Condition, which we were content to be Obliged to perform first. The Second Ob­jection was, The Duke did not move, nor appear in it Himself. To that we Answered, That he did not indeed to Mounsieur Pom­pone, because he had found so ill an effect of the Negotiation with Fa­ther Ferryer, when it came into Mounsieur Rouvigny's hands; but that he had concerned himself in it to Father Ferryer.

Yet I continued to prosecute and press the Dissolution of the Parliament, detesting all Prorogations as only so much loss of time, and a means of strengthning all those who depend upon it in Op­position to the Crown, the Interest of France, and Catholick Religion, in the Opinion they had taken, That our King durst not part with his Parliament; apprehending that another would be much Worse. Second, That he could not live long without a Parliament, there­fore they must suddenly Meet; and the longer he kept them Off, the greater his Necessity would grow; and consequently their power to make him do what they listed, would increase accor­dingly: And therefore, if they could but maintain themselves a while, the day would certainly come in a short time, in which they should be able to work their Wills. Such Discourses as these kept the Confederates and our Male-Contents in heart, and made them wea­ther on the War in spight of all our Prorogations: Therefore I press'd (as I have said) a Dissolution until February last, when our Circumstances were so totally Changed, that we were forced to change our Councels too, and be as much for the Parliaments Sitting, as we were before against it.

Our Change was thus; Before that time, the Lord Arlington was the only Minister in Credit, who thought himself out of all dan­ger [Page 50] of the Parliament; he having been Accused before them and Justified, & therefore was Zealous for their sitting; and to increase his Reputation with them, and to become a perfect Favourite, he sets himself all he could, to Persecute the Catholick Religion, and to oppose the French: To shew his Zeal against the first, he revived some old dormant Orders for prohibiting Roman Catholicks to ap­pear before the King, and put them in Execution at his first com­ing into his Office of Lord Chamberlain: And to make sure work with the second, as he thought; prevailed with the King to give him and the Earl of Ossory, (who married two Sisters of Myne Heere Odyke's) leave to go over into Holland with the said Heere, to make a Visit, as they pretended, to their Relations; But indeed, and in truth, to propose the Lady Mary (Eldest Daughter of his R. H.) as a Match for the Prince of Orange; not only without the consent, but against the good likeing of his R. H.: in so much, that the Lord Arlingtons Creatures were forced to excuse him, with a Distinction, that the said Lady was not to be look­ed upon as the Dukes Daughter, but as the Kings, and a Child of the State was, and so the Duke's consent not much to be Considered in the disposal of her, but only the Interest of State. By this he intended to render himself the Darling of Parliament and Protestants, who look'd upon themselves as secured in their Religion by such an Alliance, and designed further to draw us in­to a Close Conjunction with Holland, and the Enemies of France. The Lord Arlington set forth upon this Errand the Tenth of November 1674. and returned not till the Sixth of January following; During his absence, the L. Treasurer, L. Keeper, & the Duke of Lauder­dale, who were the only Ministers of any considerable Credit with the King, and who all pretended to be entirely United to the Duke, declaimed Loudly, & with great Violence, against the said Lord, & his Actions in Holland; and did hope, in his absence, to have totally Supplanted him, and to have routed him out of the Kings Favour; and after that, thought they might easily enough have dealt with the Par­liament. But none of them had Courage enough to speak against the Parliament, till they could get rid of him; for fear they should not succeed, and that the Parliament would Sit in spight of them, and come to hear that they had used their endeavours against it; which would have been so Unpardonable a Crime with our Omnipotent Par­liament, that no Power could have been able to have Saved them from Punishment: but they finding at his Return, that they could not prevail against him, by such Means and Arts as they had then tryed, resolved [Page 51] upon New Councels; which were to out-run him in his own Course; which accordingly they undertook, & became as fierce Apostles, and as zealous for Protestant Religion, & against Popery, as ever my L. Arlington had been before them; and in pursuance thereof, perswaded the King to issue out those severe Orders & Proclamations against Catholicks, which came out in February last; by which, they did as much as in them lay, to extirpate all Catholicks, and Catholick Religion, out of the Kingdom; which Councels, were in my poor opinion so Detestable, being level­led (as they must needs be) so directly against the Duke, by People which he had Advanced, and who had professed so much Duty and Service to him, that we were put upon new Thoughts how to save his R. H. now from the Deceits and Snares of those men, upon whom we formerly depended. We saw well enough, that their design was to make themselves as grateful as they could to the Parliament, if it must Sit; they thinking nothing so acceptable to them, as the persecution of Popery; and yet they were so obnoxious to the Parlia­ments displeasure in general, that they would have been glad of any Expedient to have kept it off; though they durst not engage against it openly themselves, but thought this Device of theirs might serve for their purposes, hoping the Duke would be so alarm'd at their proceed­ings, and by his being left by every body, that he would be much more afraid of the Parliament than ever, and would use his utmost power to prevent its Sitting: which they doubted not but he would endea­vour; & they were ready enough to work underhand too for him (for their own sakes, not his) in order thereunto, but durst not appear o­penly; and to encourage the Duke the more to endeavour the Dissolu­tion of the Parliament, their Creatures used to say up and down, That this Rigour against the Catholicks, was in favour of the Duke, and to make a Dissolution of the Parliament more easy, (which they knew he coveted) by obviating one great Objection which was commonly made against it, which was, That if the Parliament should be Dissolved, it would be said, That it was done in favour of Popery; which Cla­mour they had prevented beforehand by the Severity they had used against it.

As soon as we saw these Tricks put upon us, we plainly saw what men we had to deal withal, and what we had to trust to, if we were wholly at their mercy: but yet durst not seem so dis­satisfied as we really were, but rather magnified the Contrivance, as a Device of great Cunning and Skill: all this we did, purely to hold them in a belief, that we would endeavour to Dissolve the Parliament, & that they might rely upon his R. H. for that which we knew they long'd for, and were afraid they might do some other [Page 52] way, if they discovered that we were resolved we would not: At length, when we saw the Sessions secured, we declared, that we were for the Parliaments meeting; as indeed we were, from the moment we saw our selves handled by all the Kings Ministers at such a rate, that we had Reason to believe, they would Sacrifice France, Religion, and his R. H. too, to their own Interest, if oc­casion served; and that they were lead to believe, that that was the only way they had to save themselves at that time: for we saw no Expedient fit to stop them in their Carreir of persecution, and those other destructive Counsels, but the Parliament; which had set it self a long time to dislike every thing the Ministers had done, and had appeared violently against Popery, whilest the Court seemed to favor it; and therefore we were Confident, that the Ministers having turned their Faces, the Parliament would do so too, and still be against them; and be as little for Persecution then, as they had been for Popery before. This I undertook to ma­nage for the Duke and the King of France's Interest; and assured Mounsieur Rouvigny (which I am sure he will testify, if occasion serves) that that Sessions should do neither of them any hurt; for that I was sure I had power enough to prevent mischief, though I durst not engage for any good they vvould do; because I had but very few assistances to carry on the vvork, and vvanted those helps, which others had of making friends: The Dutch and Spaniard spared no pains or expence of mony to animate as many as they could against France; Our Lord Treasurer, Lord Keeper, all the Bishops, & such as call'd themselves Old Cavaliers, (who vvere all then as one man) were not less industrious against Popery, and had the Purse at their Girdle too; vvhich is an Excellent Instrument to gain Friends vvith; and all United against the Duke, as Patron both of France and Catholick Re­ligion. To deal with all this Force, vve had no Money, but vvhat came from a few private hands; and those so mean ones too, that I dare venture to say, that I spent more my particular self out of my own Fortune, and upon my single Credit, than all the whole Bo­dy of Catholicks in England besides; which was so inconsider­able, in comparison of what our Adversaries commanded, and we verily believe did bestow in making their Party, that it is not worth mentioning: Yet notwithstanding all this, we saw that by the help of the Nonconformists, as Presbyterians, Independents, and other Sects, (who were as much afraid of Persecution as our selves) and of the Enemies of the Ministers, and particularly of the Treasurer; who by that time had supplanted the Earl of Arlington, and was grown sole manager of all Affaires himself, we should be very able to [Page 53] prevent vvhat they designed against us, and so render the Ses­sions ineffectual to their Ends, though vve might not be able to compass our own; which were, to make some brisk step in Favour of his R. H. to shew the King, that his Majesties Affairs in Parlia­ment were not Obstructed, by reason of any Aversion they had to his R. H's Person, or apprehensions they had of him, or his Religion; But from Faction and Ambition in some, and from a real dissa­tisfaction in others, that we have not had such fruits and good Effects of those great sums of Money which have been formerly given as was expected. If we could then have made but one such step, the King would certainly have restored his R. H. to all his Comissions; upon which he would have been much greater than ever yet he was in his whole Life, or could probably ever have been by any o­ther Course in the World, than what he had taken of becoming Ca­tholique, &c. And we were so very near gaining this Point, that I did humbly beg his R. H. to give me leave to put the Parliament upon making an Address to the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to put the Fleet into the hands of his R. H. as the only Person like­ly to give a good Accompt of so important a Charge as that was to the Kingdom; And shewed his R. H. such Reasons to perswade him that we could carry it, that he agreed with me in it, that he be­liev'd we could. Yet others telling him how great a Damage it would be to him, if he should miss in such an undertaking (which for my part I could not then see, nor do I yet) he was prevailed upon not to venture, though he was perswaded he could carry it. I did Com­municate this Designe of mine to Mounsieur Rouvigny, who agreed with me, that it would be the greatest advantage immaginable to his Master, to have the Dukes Power and Credit so far Advanced as this would certainly do, if we could compass it: I shewed him all the Difficulty we were like to meet with, and what helps we should have; but that we should want one very matterial one, Money, to car­ry on the Work as we ought; and therefore I do Confess, I did shamefully beg his Masters Help, and would willingly have been in everlasting Disgrace with all the World, if I had not with that as­sistance of twenty Thousand Pound Sterling, (which perhaps is not the tenth part of what was spent on the other side) made it evident to the Duke, that he could not have missed it. Mounsieur Rouvigny u­sed to tell me, That if he could be sure of succeeding in that Design, his Master would give a very much larger Sum; but that he was not in a Condition to throw away money upon Uncertainties. I An­swered, That nothing of that nature could be so infallibly sure, as [Page 54] not to be subject to some possibilities of Failing; but that I durst venture to undertake to make it evident, that there was as great an assurance of succeeding in it, as any Husbandman can have of a Crop in Harvest, vvho sovvs his Ground in its due Season; and yet it vvould be counted a very imprudent peice of vvari­ness in any body, to scruple the venturing so much Seed in its proper time, because it is possible it may be totally lost, and no benefit of it found in Harvest; He that mindes the Winds and the Rains at that rate, shall neither Sovv nor Reap. I take our Case to be much the same as it was the last Sessions: If we can advance the Duke's Interest one step forward, we shall put him out of the reach of Chance for ever; For he makes such a Figure already, that Cautious Men do not care to Act against him, nor always with­out him, because they do not see that he is much out-powred by his Enemies; Yet is he not at such a Pitch, as to be quite out of danger, or free from opposition: But if he could gain any considerable new addition of Power, all would come over to him as to the only steddy Center of our Government, and no body would contend with him further. Then would Catholicks be at Rest, and his Most Christian Majestie's Interest secured with us in England, beyond all apprehensions what­soever.

In order to this, we have two great Designes to Attempt this next Sessions. First, that which we were about before, viz. To put the Parliament upon making it their humble Request to the King, that the Fleet may be put into his R. H's Care. Secondly, to get an Act for general liberty of Conscience. If we carry these two, or either of them, we shall in effect do what we list afterwards; and truly, we think we do not undertake these great Points very unreasonably, but that we have good Cards for our Game; Not but that we expect great Opposition, and have great Reason to beg all the Assistance we can possibly get; and therefore, if his Most Christian Majesty would stand by us a little in this Conjuncture, and help us with such a sum as 20000. l. sterling (which is no very great matter to venture upon such an undertaking as this) I would be content to be Sacrificed to the utmost Malice of my Enemies, if I did not Succeed. I have pro­posed This several times to Monsieur Rouvigny, who seemed always of my Opinion; and has often told me, that he has writ into France upon this Subject, and has desired me to do the like: But I know not whether he will be as Zealous in that point as a Catholick would be; because our prevailing in these things would give the greatest Blow to the Protestant Religion here, that ever it received since [Page 55] Birth; which perhaps he would not be very glad to see; especially when he believes there is another way of doing his Masters Business well enough without it; which is by a Dissolution of the Parliament; upon which I know he mightily depends, and Con­cludes, that if that comes to be Dissolved, it will be asmuch as he needs care for; proceeding perhaps upon the same manner of Discourse which we had this time twelve months. But with sub­mission to his better judgment, I do think that our Case is ex­treamly much altered to what it was, in Relation to a Dissolution; for then the Body of our Governing Ministers (all but the Earl of Arlington) were entirely United to the Duke; and would have Governed his Way, if they had been free from all Fear and Con­troul, as they had been, if the Parliament had been Remov­ed. But they having since that time Engaged in quite diffe­rent Councells, and Embark't themselves and Interests upon other Bottoms, having declared themselves against Popery, &c. To Dissolve the Parliament simply, and without any other step made, will be to leave them to Govern what way they list, which we have Reason to suspect will be to the prejudice of France and Catholick Religion. And their late Declarations and Actions have Demonstrated to us, that they take that for the most Popular way for themselves, and likeliest to keep them in absolute Power; whereas, if the Duke should once get above them (after the Tricks they have plaid with him) they are not sure he will Totally forget the Usage he has had at their hands: Therefore it Imports us now to Advance our Interest a little further, by some such Pro­ject as I have Named, before we Dissolve the Parliament; Or else perhaps, we shall but Change Masters (a Parliament for Mi­nisters) and continue still in the same Slavery and Bondage as be­fore. But one such step as I have proposed, being well made; we may safely see them Dissolved, and not fear the Ministers; but shall be Established, and stand Firm without any Oppositi­on; for every body will then come over to us, and Worship the Rising Sun.

I have here given you the History of three years, as short as I could, though I am afraid it will seem very long and trouble­some to your Reverence, among the multitude of affairs you are con­cern'd in: I have also shewn you the present State of our Case, vvhich may (by God's Providence and good Conduct) be made of such advantage to Gods Church; that for my part, I can scarce believe my self awake, or the thing real, vvhen I think on a [Page 56] Prince in such an age as vve live in, converted to such a Degree of Zeal and Piety, as not to regard any thing in the World in comparison of God Almighty's Glory, the Salvation of his own Soul, and the Conversion of our poor Kingdom; vvhich has been a long time opprest, and miserably harrast vvith He­resy and Schisme. I doubt not but your Reverence will consider our Case, and take it to heart, and afford us what help you can; both with the King of Heaven, by your holy Prayers, and with his Most Christian Majesty, by that great Credit which you most justly have with him. And if ever his Majesties affairs (or your own) can ever want the service of so inconsiderable a Creature as my self, you shall never find any body readyer to obey your Commands, or faithfuller in the Execution of them, to the best of his power, than

Your most Humble and Obedient Servant
Att. Gen.

That I may make things clear as much as possible; you see, Here's a Letter prepared to be sent, writ with Mr. Cole­man's own hand, to Mounsieur Le Chese: This Letter bears date the twenty nineth of September. We have an Answer to it from Pa­ris, October twenty third, whereby Mounsieur Le Chese owns the re­ceipt of this; And in this answer, is exprest Thanks to Mr. Cole­man for his long Letter. Sir. Robert, Pray tell how you came by this Letter.

Sir. Rob. Southwell,

I found this Letter in Mr. Colemans Canvas Bag; after we had once looked over the Letters, we found it: Sr. Phillip Lloyd Examined it; And we looked over those Papers very exactly: Because the House of Commons were very much concern'd, and thought those Papers were not throughly Examined, I reviewed them again. This Letter was found on Sunday following, after the Papers were seized.

Mr. Att.

Sir Rob. Southwell, I pray read the Letter in French first to the Court, (Sir. Rob. having read the Letter in French) Mr. Attorney desired him to read it in English. Sir. Rob. read it it in English; The Letter was dated Paris twenty third October 1675. and subscribed, Your most humble and obedient servant, DCL at the bottom.

The LETTER.

SIR,

THE Letter which you gave your self the trouble to write to me, came to my hands but the last night I read it with great satisfaction; and I assure you, that its length did not make it seem tedious. I should be very glad on my part to assist in seconding your good intentions; I will consider of the Means to effect it; and when I am better informed than I am as yet, I will give you an Ac­count: to the end I may hold Intelligence with you, as you did with my Predecessour. I desire you to believe that I will never fail as to my good will, for the service of your Master, whom I Honour as much as he deserves, and that it is with great truth that I am

Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant D. L. C.
At. Gen.

We made mention of a Declaration: by his long Narrative it plainly appears, that Mr Coleman would have had another Parliament. And the reason why he was pleased to publish a Declaration, was, thereby to shew the Reasons for its Dissolution. Sir Philip Floyd, did you find this Writing among Mr Coleman's Papers?

Sir P. F.

I did finde it among his Papers.

At. Gen.

Pray read the Declaration.

Clerk of the Crown reads the Declaration.

The Declaration which Mr. Coleman prepared, thereby shewing his Reasons for the Dissolution of the Parliament.

WE having taken into our Serious Consideration the heats and animosities which have of late appeared among ma­ny of our very Loyal and Loving Subjects of this Kingdom, and the many fears and jealousies which some of them seem to lye under, of having their Liberties and Properties invaded, or their Religion altered; and withal, carefully reflecting upon our own Government since our happy Restauration, and the end and aim of it, which has always been the ease and security of our People in all their Rights, and Advancement of the beauty and splendour of the true Protestant Religion established in the Church of England; of both which we have given most sig­nal Testimonies, even to the stripping our Self of many Royal Prerogatives which our Predecessours enjoyed, and were our un­doubted due; as the Court of Wards, Purveyances, and other things of great value; and denying to our Self many advantages, which we might reasonably and legally have taken by the For­feitures made in the times of Rebellion, and the great Revenues due to the Church at our Return, which no particular person had any right to: instead of which, we consented to an Act of Oblivion of all those Barbarous usages which our Royal Father and our Self had met withal, much more full and gracious than almost any of our Subjects, who were generally become in some measure or other obnoxious to the Laws, had confidence to ask; and freely renounced all our Title to the Profit which we might have made by the Church-Lands, in favour of our Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Ministers, out of our zeal to the glory of our Protestant Church; which Clemency to wards all, and some even high Offenders, and zeal for Religion, we have to this day con­stantly continued to exercise. Considering all this, we cannot but be sensibly afflicted to see, that the frowardness of some few Tumultuous heads should be able to infect our Loyal and good people with apprehensions destructive of their own, and the general quiet of our Kingdome; and more especially, their per­verseness should be powerful enough to distract our very Parlia­ment, and such a Parliament, as has given as such Testimonies of its Loyalty, Wisdom, and Bounty, and to which we [Page 59] have given as many Marks of our affection and esteem, so as to make them mis-conster all our endeavours for to preserve our People in ease and prosperity, and against all reason and evidence to represent them to our Subjects as Arguments of fear and disquiet; and under these specious pretences of securing Proper­ty and Religion, to demand unreasonable things, manifestly de­structive of what they would be thought to aim at; and from our frequent Condescentions, out of our meer grace, to grant them what we conceived might give them satisfaction, though to the actual prejudice of our Royal Prerogative, to make them pre­sume to propose to advance such extravagancies into Laws, as they themselves have formerly declared detestable; of which we cannot forbear to give our truly Loyal Subjects some instan­ces, to undeceive our innocent and well-minded people, who have many of them of late been too easily misled, by the facti­ous endeavours of some turbulent Spirits. For example, we having judged it necessary to declare War against the States of Holland, during a recess of Parliament, which we could not defer longer, without loosing an advantage which then present­ed it self, nor have done sooner, without exposing our Honour to a potent Enemy without due preparation, we thought it pru­dent to unite all our Subjects at home, and did believe a general Indulgence of tender Consciences the most proper expedient to effect it; and therefore did by our Authority in Ecclesiasticks, which we thought sufficient to warrant what we did, suspend penal Laws against Dissenters in Religion, upon Conditions ex­pressed in our Declaration, out of Reason of State, as well as to gratifie our own nature, which always we confess abhorr'd ri­gour, especially in Religion, when tenderness might be as useful. After we had engaged in the War, we Prorogued our Parliament from April to October, being confident we should be able by that time to shew our People such success of our Arms, as should make them cheerfully contribute to our charge. At October we could have shewn them success even beyond our own hopes, or what they could possibly expect; our Enemies having lost by that time, near 100 strong Towns and Forts taken in effect by us, we holding them busie at Sea, whilst our Allies possessed themselves of their Lands, with little or no resistance; and of which, the great advantage would most visibly have been ours, had not the fewds we now complain of, which have been since unhappily started, and factiously improved by some few, dis-united our peo­ple, [Page 60] distracted our Counsels, and render'd our late endeavours vain and fruitless; so that we had no reason to doubt of our peo­ples ready and liberal concurrence to our Assistance in that Con­juncture. Yet our Enemies proposing to us at that time a Trea­ty for Peace, which we were always ready to accept upon Ho­nourable Terms; and considering with our self that in case that Treaty succeeded, a far less sum of Money would serve our oc­casions, than otherwise would be necessary: We out of our tender regard to the ease of our People, Prorogued our Parlia­ment again to February, to attend the success of our Treaty, rather than to demand so much Money in October, as would be fit to carry on the War. But we soon finding that our Enemies did not intend us any just Satisfaction, saw a necessity of pro­secuting the War, which we designed to do most vigourously; and in order to it, resolv'd to press our Parliament to supply us as speedily as may be, to enable us to put our Fleet to Sea early in the Spring, which would after their Meeting grow on apace. And being informed that many Members were dead during the long Recess, we Issued out our Writs for new Elections, that our House of Commons might be full at the first opening of the Sessions, to prevent any delay in our Publick Affairs, or dislike in our people, as might possibly have risen from the want of so great a number of their Representatives, if any thing of moment should be concluded before it had been supplyed. Having go­vern'd our Actions all along with such careful respect to the ease of our Subjects, we at the Meeting of our Parliament in Februa­ry 1672. expected from them some suitable expressions of their sense of our Favours; but quite contrary, found our Self alarm'd with Clamorous Complaints from several Cabals against all our Proceedings, frighting many of our good Subjects into strange Conceits of what they must look for, by their Seditious and false Constructions of what we had so Candidly and Sincerely done for their good; and surprised with a Vote of our House of Commons, against our Writs of Elections, which we intended for their satisfactions, against many Presidents of ours, or with­out any colour of Law of their side, denying our Power to Issue out such Writs, Addressing to us to Issue out others: which we consented to do at their Request choosing rather to yield to our Subjects in that point, than to be forced to submit to our Enemies in others; hoping that our Parliament being sensibly touched with that our extraordinary condescention, would go on [Page 61] consider the Publick concern of the Kingdom, without any further to do: But We found another use made of Our so easie compliance, which serv'd to encourage them to ask more; so that soon after We found Our Declaration for In­dulging tender Consciences Arraigned, Voted illegal; though We cannot to this day understand the consistences of that Vote, with Our undoubted Supremacy in all Ecclesiasticks, Recognizing by so many Acts of Parliament, and required to be Sworn to, by all Our Subjects, and Addresses made to Us one after another to recal it, which We condescen­ded to also; from hence they proceeded to Us to weaken Our Self in an Actual War, and to render many of Our Subjects, of whose Loyalty and Ability We were well sa­tisfied, incapable to serve Us, when We wanted Officers and Soldiers, and had reason to invite as many Experienced Men as We could to engage in Our Arms, rather than to incapacitate or discourage any; yet this also We gratified them in, to gain their Assistance against Our Enemies, who grew high by these Our Differences, rather than expose Our Countrey to their Power and Fury; hoping that in time Our People would be confounded to see Our Con­cessions, and be ashamed of their Errors in making such Demands. But finding the unfortunate Effects of Our di­visions the following Summer, We found Our Parliament more extravagant at the next meeting than ever, addres­sing to Us to hinder the Consummation of Our Dear Brother's Marriage, contrary to the Law of God, which forbiddeth any to separate any, whom he hath joyned, against Our Faith and Honour engag'd in the Solemn Treaty, obstinately per­sisting in that Address, after We had acquainted them, That the Marriage was then actually ratifyed, and that We had acted in it by Our Ambassador; so that We were forced to separate them for a while, hoping they would bethink them­selves better at their meeting in January. Instead of being more moderate or ready to consider Our wants towards the War; they Voted as they had done before, not to assist Us still, till their Religion were effectually secur'd against Popery, Aggrievances redressed, and all obnoxious Men re­moved from Us; which We had reason to take for an ab­solute denyal of all Aid; considering the indefiniteness of [Page 62] what was to proceed, and the Moral impossibility of effe­cting it in their sences: for when will they say their Reli­gion is effectually secured from Popery, if it were in dan­ger then, by reason of the insolency of Papists. When Our House of Commons, which is made up of Members from every Corner of Our Kingdom, with Invitations publickly Posted up to all Men to accuse them, has not yet in so many years as they have complained of them, been able to charge one single Member of that Communion, with so much as a Misdemeanour. Or what Security could they possibly expect against that Body of Men, or their Religion, more than We had given them? or how can we hope to live so perfectly, that study and pains may not make a Collection of Grie­vances, as considerable as that which was lately presented to Us, than which VVe could not have wish'd for a better Vindication of Our Government? or when shall VVe be sure that all obnoxious Men are removed from Us, when Com­mon same thinks fit to call them so; which is to every body, without any proof, sufficient to render any man obnoxious, who is Popishly affected, or any thing else that is ill, though they have never so often or lately complyed with their own Tests and Marks of Distinction and Discriminations. Finding Our People thus unhappily disordered, We saw it impossi­ble to prosecute the War any longer; and therefore did by their Advice make a Peace upon such Conditions as we could get; hoping that being gratified in that Darling Point, they would at least have paid Our Debts, and enabled Us to have Built some Ships for the future Security of Our Ho­nour, and their own Properties; but they being tran [...]orted with their success in asking, were resolved to go on still that way, and would needs have Us put upon the removing of Our Judges from those Charges, which they have always hitherto held at the VVill and Pleasure of the Crown, out of Our Power to alter the ancient Laws of trying of Peers, and to make it a Premunire in Our Subjects (in a case sup­posed) not to fight against Our Self; nay, some had the heart to ask, that the Hereditary Succession of Our Crown (which is the Foundation of all Our Laws) should be changed into a sort of Election, they requiring the Heir to be qualified with certain Conditions, to make him ca­pable of Succeeding, and Out-doing that Popish Doctrine, [Page 63] which We have so long, and so loudly with good reason de­cryed, That Heresie incapacitates Kings to Reign. They would have had, That the Heir of the Crown, marrying a Pa­pist, though he continued never so Orthodox himself, should forfeit his right of Inheritance; not understanding this Pa­radoxical way of securing Religion by destroying it, as this would have done that of the Church of England, which always taught Obedience to their Natural Kings, as an in­dispensable Duty in all good Christians, let the Religion or Deportment of their Prince be what it will; and not knowing how soon that Impediment, which was supposed as sufficient to keep out an Heir, might be thought as fit to remove a Possessor: And comparing that Bill which would have it a Premunire in a Sheriff not to raise the Posse Comitatus, against Our Commission in a Case there supposed, though We Our Self should assist that Our Com­mission in Our Person: for not being excepted, is im­plyed with the other made by this very Parliament in the 14th year of Our Reign, which all Our Subjects, or at least many of them, were obliged to Swear (viz.) That the Doctrine of taking up Arms by the King's Authority against His Person, was detestable; and We soon found that the Design was levelled against the good Protestant Religion of Our good Church, which its Enemies had a mind to Blemish, by sliding in slily those damnable Doctrines, by such an Authority as that of Our Parliament, into the Profession of Our Faith or Practices, and so expose Our whole Religion to the Scorn and Reproach of themselves, and all the World: We therefore thought it Our duty to be so watchful as to prevent the Enemies sowing such mischievous Tares as these, in the wholsom Field of Our Church of England, and to guard the unspotted Spouse of Our Blessed Lord, from that foul Accusation, with which she justly charges other Churches, of teaching their Children Loyalty, with so many Reserves and Conditions, that they shall never want a distincti­on to justifie Rebellion, nor a Text of Scripture, as good as Curse ye Meroz, to encourage them to be Traitors: whereas Our truly Reformed Church knows no such Subtilties; but teaches according to the simplicity of Christianity, To submit to every Ordinance of Man for God's sake, according to the [Page 64] natural signification of the words, without equivocation or Arti­ficial turns. In order to which, having thought to dissolve that Body, which We have these many years so tenderly Cherished, and which We are sure consists generally of most Dutiful and Loyal Members, We were forc'd to Prorogue Our Parliament till November next, hoping thereby to cure those Disorders, which have been sown amongst the Best and Loyallest Sub­jects, by a few malicious Incendiaries. But understanding since, that such who have sowed that Seditious seed, are as industri­ously careful to water it by their Cabals, and Emissaries, in­structed on purpose to poison Our People with discourses in publick places, in hopes of a great Crop of Confusion, their beloved fruit, the next Sessions; We have found it absolutely necessary to Dissolve Our Parliament, though with great re­luctancy and violence to Our inclination: But remembring the dayes of Our Royal Father, and the progress of Affairs then, how from a Cry against Popery, the people went on to complain of Grievances, and against Evil Councellors, and His Majesties Prerogative; untill they advanc'd into a formal Rebellion; which brought forth the most dire and fatal Effects, that ever were yet heard of amongst any men, Christians or others; and withal, finding so great a resem­blance between the Procedings then and now, that they seem both Broth of the same brains: and being Con­firm'd in that Conceit, by observing the Actions of many now, who had a great share in the management of the former Rebellion, and their zeal for Religion, who by their lives give us too much reason to suspect they have none at all; VVe thought it not safe to dally too long, as Our Royal Father did, with submissions and condescentions, endeavouring to cure men infected, without removing them from the Air where they got the disease, and in which it still rages and increases daily. For fear of meeting with no better success than He found, in suffering his Parliament to Challenge Power they had nothing to do with, till they had bewitch'd the people into fond desires of such things as quickly destroyed both King and Country, which in Us would be an intollerable Error, having been warn'd so lately by the most Execrable Murther of Our Royal Father, and the inhumane Usage, which We Our Self in Our Royal Person and Family have suffered, and Our Loyal Subjects have endured by such practices; And least this [Page 65] Our great Care of this Our Kingdomes Quiet, and Our own Honour and Safety should, as Our best Actions have hitherto been; be wrested to some sinister Sence, and Arguments be made from it to scare Our Good People into any apprehen­sions of an Arbitrary Government, either in Church or State; We do hereby solemnly declare and faithfully engage Our Royal Word; That VVe will in no case either Ecclesiastical or Civil, violate or alter the known Lawes of Our Kingdom; or invade any man's Property or Liberty, without due course of Law. But that We will with Our utmost Indeavours, preserve the true Protestant Religion, and Redress all such things as shall indifferently, and without passion, be judg'd Grievances by Our next Parliament; which We do by God's blessing intend to Call before the end of February next. In the mean time, We do strictly Charge and Command all manner of persons what­soever, to forbear to talk seditiously, slightly or irreverently of Our Dissolving of the Parliament, of this Our Declaration, or of Our Person or Government, as they will answer it at their perils; VVe being resolv'd to prosecute all Offenders in that kind with the utmost rigour and severity of the Law. And to the end that such Licentious persons, if any shall be so impudent and obstinate as to disobey this Our Royal Com­mand, may be detected, and brought to due Punishment, We have Ordered Our Lord Treasurer to make speedy pay­ment of Twenty pounds to any person or persons, who shall discover or bring any such seditious, slight or irreverent Talker before any of Our Principal Secretaries of State.

Record.

I would have the Jury should know the Declara­tion ends, To one of his Majesties Principal Secretaries of State, whereof he hoped to be one.

Att. Gen.

This is written in the name of the King; for Mr. Coleman thought himself now Secretary of State, and he penns the Declaration for the King to give an Account, why the Par­liament was Dissolved.

Serj. Maynard.

The long Letter, it appears, was to dissolve the Parliament; and to make it Cock-sure, he provides a Declaration to shew the Reason of it: It was done in order to bring in Popery; that may appear by the subsequent proof.

Att. Gen.

I have other Evidence to offer to your Lordship, which is, That Mr. Coleman was not onely so bold as to pre­pare [Page 66] a Declaration for the King, but also out of his own further ingenuity, prepares a Letter (contrary to the Duke's knowledg) for the Duke, which before several Lords he confessed; and Sir Philip Floyd is here ready to justifie it.

Sir Phil. Floyd.

I did attend a Committee of the House of Lords to Newgate, who examined Mr. Coleman, and told him of the Letter Mr. Attorney mentioneth; he then confessed, That it was prepared without the Order and Privity of the Duke; and when he was so bold as to shew it the Duke, the Duke was very Angry and rejected it.

L. Chief Just.

He hath been a very forward undertaker on the behalf of the Duke.

Mr. Att. Gen.

I desire the Letter may be read.

The Copy of the Letter written to Monsieur Le Chese, the French King's Confessor, which Mr. Coleman confessed he himself wrote, and counterfeited in the Duke's Name.

Clerk of the Crown reads the Letter.

THE 2d. of June last past, his most Christian Majestie offered me most generously his Friendship, and the use of his Purse to the assistance against the designs of my Enemies and his; and protested unto me, That his Interest and mine were so clearly linckt together, that those that opposed the one, should be lookt upon as Enemies to the other; and told me moreover his Opinion of my Lord Arlington, and the Parliament; which is, That he is of opinion that neither the one nor the other, is in his Interest or mine: and thereupon he desired me to make such Propositions as I should think fit in this Conjuncture.

All was Transacted by the means of Father Ferrier, who made use of Sir William Throgmorton, who is an honest man and of truth, who was then at Paris, and hath held Correspondence with Coleman, one of my Family, in whom I have great Confidence.

I was much satisfied to see his most Christian Majestie altogether of my opinion, so I made him Answer the 29th of June, by the same means he made use of to write to me, that is, by Coleman, who addrest himself to Father Ferrier, (by the forementioned Knight) and entirely agreed to his most Christian Majestie, as well to what had respect to the Union of our Interests, as the unusefulness of my Lord Arlington, and the Parliament, in order to the Service of the King my Brother, and his most Christian Majestie; and that it was necessary to make use of our joynt and utmost Credits, to prevent the Success of those evil designs, resolved on by the Lord Arlington and the Parliament, against [Page 67] his most Christian Majestie and my Self; which of my side I promise really to perform; of which, since that time, I have given reasonable good proof.

Moreover I made some Proposals, which I thought necessary to bring to pass what We were obliged to undertake, assuring him, That nothing could so firmly establish Our Interest with the King my Bro­ther, as that very same Offer of the help of his Purse, by which means, I had much reason to hope I should be enabled to persuade to the Dis­solving of the Parliament, and to make void the Designs of my Lord Arlington, who works incessantly to advance the Interest of the Prince of Orange and the Hollanders, and to lessen that of the King your Master, notwithstanding all the Protestations he hath made to this hour, to render him service.

But as that, which was proposed, was at a stand by reason of the sick­ness of Father Ferrier, so our affairs succeeded not according to our de­signs, only Father Ferrier wrote to me the [...] th of the last M [...]h That [...] & that they had been very well lik'd of; but as they contained things that had regard to the Catholick Religion, & to the offer and use of his Purse, he gave me to understand he did not desire I should treat with Monsieur Revigny upon the First, but as to the last, and had the same time ac­quainted me, that Monsieur Revigny had order to grant me what so­ever the conjuncture of our Affairs did require; and have expected the effects of it to this very hour: but nothing being done in it, and seeing on the other hand that my Lord Arlington and several others en­deavoured by a thousand deceits to break the good Intelligence, which is between the King my Brother, his most Christian Majestie, and my Self, to the end they might deceive Us all Three, I have thought fit to adver­tise you of all that is past, and desire of you your Assistance and Friend­ship to prevent the Rogueries of those, who have no other design than to betray the Concerns of France and England also, and who by their pre­tended service, are the occasion they succeed not.

As to any thing more, I refer you to Sir William Throgmorton, and Coleman, whom I have Commanded to give an account of the whole state of Our Affair, and of the true Condition of England, with many others, and principally my Lord Arlington's endeavours, to re­present to you quite otherwise than it is.

The Two First I mentioned to you are Firm to my Interest, so that you may treat with them without any apprehension.

Serj. Maynard.

Gentlemen of the Jury, pray observe that [Page 68] he takes upon him to prepare a Letter, And that in the Duke's Name, but contrary to the Duke's Knowledge or Privacy; for when he had so much boldness as to tell him of it, the Duke was Angry and rejected it. But in it we may see what kind of passages there are, he takes very much upon him in this matter, And Mr. Coleman must keep the Secret too.

Att. General.

My Lord, I have but one Paper more to read, and I have kept it till the last; because if we had pro­ved nothing by Witness, or not read any thing but this, This one Letter is sufficient to maintain the Charge against him▪ It plainly appears to whom it was directed, and at what time. It begins thus, (I sent your Reverence a tedious long Letter on our 29th of September,) I onely mention this, to shew about what time it was sent. There are some Clauses in it will speak better than I can; Sir Tho. Doleman and Sir Phillip Floyd swear who hath confessed and owned it to be his hand writing, [...]. I desire the Letter may be read.

Clerk of the Crown reads the Letter.

SIR,

I Sent your Reverence a tedious long Letter on our 29th of September, to inform you of the progress of Affairs for these 2. or 3. last years; I having now again the opportunity of a very sure hand to convey this by, I have sent you a Cipher, because our Parliament now drawing on, I may possibly have occasion to send you something which you may be willing enough to know, and may be necessary for us that you should, when we may want the conveniency of a Messenger. When any thing occurs of more concern other then which may not be fit to be trusted even to a Cipher alone, I will, to make such a thing more secure, write in Lemmon between the Lines of a Letter, which shall have nothing in it visible, but what I care not who sees, but dryed by a warm fire, shall discover what is written; so that if the Letter comes to your hands, and upon drying it, any thing appears more then did before, you may be sure no body has seen it by the way. I will not trouble you with that way of writing, but upon special occasions, and then I will give you a hint to direct you to look for it, by concluding my visible Letter with something of fire or burning, by which mark you may please to know, that there is something under­neath, and how my Letter is to be used to find it out.

[Page 69] We have here a mighty Work upon our Hands, no less than the Conversion of three Kingdoms, and by that perhaps the utter subduing of a Pestilent Heresie, which has domineered over great part of this Northern World a long time; there were never such hopes of success since the Death of our Queen Mary, as now in our days. When God has given us a Prince, who is become (may I say a Miracle) zealous of being the Author and Instrument of so glorious a Work; but the opposition we are sure to meet with, is also like to be great: So that it imports us to get all the aid and assistance we can, for the Harvest is great, and the Labourers but few. That which we rely upon most, next to God Almighty's Providence, and the favour of my Master the Duke, is the mighty mind of His most Christian Majesty, whose generous Soul inclines him to great undertakings, which being managed by your Reverence's exemplary piety and prudence, will certainly make him look upon this as most sutable to him­self, and best becoming his power and thoughts; so that I hope you will pardon me if I be very troublesom to you upon this occasion, from whom I expect the greatest help we can hope for. I must confess I think His Christian Majesty's Tem­poral Interest is so much attracted to that of his R. H. (which can never be considerable, but upon the growth and advance­ment of the Catholick Religion) that his Ministers cannot give him better advice, even in a Politick sence, abstracting from the considerations of the next World, that of our Blessed Lord, to seek first the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Righteousness thereof, that all other Things may be added unto him. That I know His most Christian Majesty has more powerful motives suggested to him by his own Devotion, and your Reverences zeal for God's Glory, to engage him to afford us the best help he can in our present circumstances. But we are a little unhappy in this, that we cannot press His Majesty by his present Minister here upon these latter Arguments (which are most strong) but only upon the first, Mr. Rouvigny's sence and ours differing very much upon them, though we agree perfectly upon the rest: And indeed, though he be a very able Man as to his Master's service in things where Religion is not concerned; yet I believe it were much more happy (considering the posture he is now in) that his temper were of such a sort, that we might deal clearly with him throughout, and not be forc'd to stop short [Page 70] in a Discourse of consequence, and leave the most material part out, because we know it will shock his particular Opini­on, and so perhaps meet with dislike and opposition, though never so necessary to the main concern. I am afraid we shall find too much reason for this Complaint in this next Session of Parliament: for had we had one here from His most Chri­stian Majesty, who had taken the whole business to heart, and who would have represented the state of our Case truly, as it is, to his Master, I do not doubt but His most Christian Ma­jesty would have engag'd himself further in the affair than at present I fear he has done, and by his approbation have given such Counsels as have been offered to his R. H. by those few Catholicks who have access to him, and who are bent to serve him and advance the Catholick Religion with all their might, and might have more credit with his R. H. than I fear they have found, and have assisted them also with his Purse as far as 10000 Crowns, or some such sum (which to him is very inconsiderable, but would have been to them of greater use than can be imagined) towards gaining others to help them, or at least not to oppose them. If we had been so happy as to have had His most Christian Majesty with us to this degree, I would have answered with my life for such success this Sessions, as would have put the Interest of the Catholick Religion, his R. H. and His most Christian Majesty out of all danger, for the time to come. But wanting those helps of recommending those necessary Counsels, which have been given his R. H. in such manner as to make him think them worth his accepting, and fit to govern himself by, and of those advantages, which a little Money well managed, would have gained us. I am afraid we shall not be much better at the end of this Sessions than we are now; I pray God we do not lose ground. By my next, which will be e're long, I shall be able to tell your Reverence more particularly, what we are like to expect. In the mean time I most humbly beg your Holy Prayers for all our undertakings, and that you will be pleased to honour me so far as to esteem me what I am entirely, and without any reserve.

Mon tres Reverend Pere le votre R. Le plus humble plus obeisant Serviteur.

[Page 71] [Several other Letters were read, but because of prolixity they are omit­ted, these being most material.]

Attorn. Gen.

I have done with my Evidence, we need no more proof against him.

Prisoner.

My Lord, I would, if your Lordship please, very fain ask of Mr. Oates (because he was pleased to say he was pre­sent with me in May or April) whether he knows the particular days of the Months.

[Here Mr. Oates (who being tired, withdrew to rest himself) was called, and the Prisoner was asked, whether he would speak with Bedloe, but he desired not to speak with him.]

Mr. Oates.

The Consult that was held in May New-stile, is April Old-stile, it was within a day or two, or three of the Consult.

Pris.

Where was the Consult?

Oates.

It was begun at the White-Horse Tavern, then they did adjourn it to several Clubs and Companies, and you came two or three days after the Consult to the Provincial's Chamber, we then desiring to go out of Town.

Pris.

Was you there, and who else?

Oates.

There was the Provincial, and Micho, and Strange the Old Provincial, and Keins your Companion.

Pris.

What day of August was that at the Savoy?

Oates.

I cannot Swear the particular day of the Month, I can­not so far charge my memory.

The Result at the Consult in May was, that Pickering and Groves should go on in their attempt, to assassinate the Person of His Majesty by Shooting, or otherwise. Mr. Coleman knew of this, and said, it was a good design.

L. Chief Just.

Who was there? was Mr. Coleman with them at the Consultation?

Oates.

No my Lord, but two or three days after the Con­sultation he was at Wild-House, and there he expressed that he ap­proved of it.

L. Chief Just.

Did he consent to it?

Oates.

He did consent to it.

Just. Wild.

Did he use no Words about it?

Oates.
[Page 72]

He did shew his Approbation of it. But in those In­structions that were brought to Ashby, he did say it was a very good proposition, but he thought the Reward was too little.

L. Chief Just.

Did he use any words to declare his assent?

Oates.

Two things lie couched in the Question, whether your Lordship means the Consult, or the Instructions, he did approve of.

L. Chief Just.

How long after the Consultation was it that he approved of it?

Oates.

It was two or three days before he did give his appro­bation.

Just. Wild.

What words did he say?

Oates.

He did express his consent, but to say the very words I cannot tell.

L. Chief Just.

Will you ask him any more?

Pris.

I would know the day in August?

L. Chief Just.

He saith he doth not remember the day.

Oates.

I believe, I will not be positive in it, it was about the 21th day of August.

Just. Wild, and Just. Jones.

Was it in August Old-stile?

Oates.

Yes.

Pris.

I can prove I was in Warwick-shire at that time. That day he guesseth, the 21th of August, I can make it appear I was Four­score Miles off.

L. Chief Just.

You will do well to prove you was there when the Guinny was given. Will you ask him any more?

Pris.

No.

L. Chief Just.

You may say as you will, but Mr. Oates doth charge, that expresly in August (according to the English Stile) you were at this Wild-House, and that he saw fourscore Pounds prepared. You Mr. Coleman asked the Question, what prepara­tions were made for the Men going to Windsor? It was answered, fourscore Pounds are prepared: And your self gave a Guinny for expedition. It is a hard matter to press a Man to tell the precise day of the Month, but positively he doth say it was in August.

Pris.

I was Two and Twenty or Three and Twenty days in August in Warwick-shire.

L.Chief Just.

What have you now more to say?

Pris.

My Lord, I never saw Mr. Oates but in the Council-Cham­ber, I never saw him in Rome, in other Parts I never saw the Face of him, or knew him in my whole life; nor did I see the other till now in Court, as I hope to be saved. And then, my Lord, as to their testimony, neither of them Swear the self-same Fact.

L. Ch. Just.
[Page 73]

No man shall be guilty, if denial shall make him innocent; They swear to the Fact of killing the King both of them, and that's enough. If one saith you have a Plot to poyson that is killing the King; and the other swears a Plot to shoot, or stab him, that is to the killing of the King also: Then there's your own Undertaking, in your Letter, under your Hand.

Pris.

For Treason (with submission to your Lordship) I hope there's none in that, though there are very extrava­gant Expressions in it, I hope some Expressions explain it, that it was not my design to kill the King.

L. Ch. Just.

No, your Design was for the Conversion of three Kingdoms, and subduing of that Heresie that had reign­ed so long in this Northern part of the World: And for ef­fecting whereof, there were never more hopes since our Queen Mary's time till now, and therefore pressing the King of France to use his Power, Aid, and Assistance, and does this signifie nothing?

Pris.

Doth Aid and Assistance signifie more than Money? The word Aid in French is Power; they are promiscuous words.

L. Ch. Just.

You are Charged to have had a Correspon­dency and Agency with Foreign Power to subvert our Re­ligion, and bring in Foreign Authority and Power upon us, which must be the necessary consequence: How can this be proved plainer than by your Letters, to press the French King that he would use his Power.

Pris.

Consider the Contexture and Connexion of things, whether the whole series be not to make the King and the Duke (as far as I thought in my power) as great as could be.

L. Ch. Just.

How well or ill you excuse the fault, that's not the Question; they relate to the Duke most of them, lit­tle to the King. You were carrying on such a Design, that you intended to put the Duke in the Head of, in such me­thod and ways as the Duke himself would not approve, but rejected.

Pris.

Do not think I would throw any thing upon the Duke, though I might (in the beginning of it) possibly make use of the Dukes Name, it is possible (they say I did) but can any imagine the people will lay down Money 200000l. or 20000l. with me upon the Dukes Name, and not know whether the Duke be in it; and consequently no body will imagine the Duke would ever employ any sum to [Page 74] this Kings prejudice or disservice while he lived. I take it for granted (which sure none in the world will deny) that the Law was ever made immediately subject to the King or Duke, and consequently to the Duke, I cannot think this will ever be expounded by the Law of England, or the Jury, to be Treason.

L. Ch. Just.

What a kind of way and talking is this? You have such a swimming way of melting words, that it is a troublesom thing for a man to collect matter out of them. You give your self up to be a great Negotiator in the alter­ing of Kingdoms, you would be great with mighty men for that purpose; and your long Discourses and great Abilities might have been spared. The thing these Letters do seem to import, is this, That your Design was to bring in Popery into England, and to promote the interest of the French King in this place, for which you hoped to have a Pension (that's plain.) The Dukes Name is often mentioned, that's true; sometimes it appears it is against his will, and some­times he might know of it, and be told that the consequence was not great. Now say you these Sums of Money and all that was done, it did relate to the King or Duke, and it was to advance their interest, and you thought it was the way to do it. How can this advance them unless it were done to do them service; and if they do not consent to it, and how can this be Treason, what kind of stuff is this? You do seem to be a mighty Agent, might not you for a colour use the Duke of York's Name to drive on the Catholick Cause, which you was driven to by the Priests mightily, and think to get 200000l. advance money, and a Pension for your self, and make your self somebody for the present, and Secretary of State for the future? If you will make any defence for your self, or call in Witnesses, we will hear them; say what you can; for these vain inconsequential discourses signifie nothing.

Pris.

I have Witnesses to prove I was in Warwick-shire.

L. Ch. Just.

(to Boatman a Witnesse.) Where was Mr. Coleman in Aug. last?

Boatm.

In Warwick-shire.

L. Ch. Just.

How long?

Boatm.

All August, to my best remembrance.

L. Ch. Just.

Can you say that he was in Warwick-shire all August? that he was not at London?

Boatm.

I am not certain what time of the Month he was in London.

L. Ch. Just.
[Page 75]

That he was there in August, may be very true; I do not ask how long he was in Warwick-shire, but was he no where else? (To which the Witness could make no positive answer.)

Pris.

I was at the Lord Denby's, and at Mr. Francis Fisher's; I was there at least twenty days.

L. Ch. Just.

Have you any more Witnesses?

Pris. Ans.

None.

L. Ch. Just.

If you have a mind to say any thing more, say what you can.

Pris.

I can say nothing more than what I have said. Posi­tively I say (and upon my Salvation) I never saw these Wit­nesses, Oates but once, and Bedlow never before.

Sir Francis Winnington, his Majesty's Sollicitor General, sums up the Evidence, as followeth.

May it please Your Lordship, and you Gentlemen of the Jury,

THE Cause before you (I dare adventure to say) is a Cause of as great a Nature, and includes as great Crimes, as ever came to this Bar.

It is not a Cause of a particular Treason, but' tis a Treason that runs to the whole, the King, the Government, and the Protestant Religion, all are comprehended in it.

The defence the Prisoner has made is so very short, and of so slight a Nature, that I shall contract my self very much in what I had to say, and only state to the Court, and Jury, the princi­pal things I rely upon.

The first Crime laid in the Indictment, is the design of killing and destroying the Royal Person of his Majesty. The second, the subverting of the Government, and in doing that, the de­struction of the Protestant Religion.

And these Treasons have been punctually proved, as well by two Witnesses, as by Letters under Mr. Colemans own Hand, whereby he corresponded with Monsieur Le Chese, the French Kings Confessor, as also by the Answers which were sent by Mon­sieur Le Chese to Mr. Coleman.

As to the Proofs made by the Witnesses, the substance of them is this. Mr. Oates swears, that in April last Old Style, and May New Style, there was a General Consult or Meeting of the Jesuites, at the White-Horse-Tavern in the Strand; and afterwards they divided themselves into several Companies, or Clubs; and in those Consults they conspired the Death of the [Page 76] King, and contrived how to effect it. The manner of it was thus, (as Mr. Oates positively swears) That Grove and Pick­ering were imployed to murther the King; and their design was to Pistol him in St. James's Park. Grove was to have Fifteen hundred Pounds in Money, and Pickering [(being a Priest) was to have Thirty thousand Masses, which was com­puted to be of equal value to Fifteen hundred Pounds, accord­ing to the usual price in the Church of] Rome. And this Conspiracy and Contrivance Mr. Coleman was privy to▪ and did well approve of the same, as Mr. Oates affirmeth upon his Oath. So that here is a plain Treason proved upon the Pri­soner, by his assenting to the Fact to be done, the Law not al­lowing any Accessaries in Treason. And this in Law makes the Prisoner as guilty as any of the Assassinates, who designed to kill the King with their own Hands.

If this design should fail, Mr. Oates swears, that the Con­spirators intended a farther attempt upon the Royal Person of the King, when be should be at Windsor; and four Irish As­sassinates were provided by Doctor Fogarty, whose Names he would not tell, and fourscore Guinneys were provided by Fa­ther Harcourt (a Jesuit) to maintain the Assassinates at Wind­sor, till they should have effected their wicked design.

While the Conspiracy was thus in agitation, Mr. Coleman, the Prisoner, went to visit Harcourt the Jesuit at his House in Town; but finding him not at home, and being informed that he was at Wild-house, Mr. Coleman went thither and found him there; and Mr. Coleman asking what Provision Harcourt had made for the Gentlemen at Windsor; Harcourt replyed, that there were fourscore Guinneys, which then lay upon the Table, which were to be sent to them; and said, that the Person who was in the Room was to carry them. To which Mr. Coleman replyed, he liked it very well; and gave a Guinney out of his own Pocket to the Messenger who was to carry the Money to Windsor, to encourage him to expedite the Bu­siness. But in case the design of killing his Majesty at Wind­sor should be any ways prevented, then there was a further Conspiracy, to destroy the King by Poison. Mr. Oates swears, that in July last, Ashby (a Jesuit) brought instructions to London from Flanders, that in case Pickering and Grove could not kill the King at London, nor the four Irish Assassi­nates at Windsor, then Ten thousand Pounds was to be pro­posed to Sir George Wakeman to poyson the King. But it did appear by the Letters that passed between White the Provincial [Page 77] (here in London) and Ashby, that Mr. Coleman said, he thought ten thousand Pounds was too little; and therefore thought it necessary to offer five thousand Pounds more, which afterwards was assented to by the Jesuites abroad. And Mr. Oates swears, he saw Letters from the Provincial at London, to the Jesuites at St. Omer, signifying, that Sir George Wakeman had accepted of the Proposition, and received five thousand Pounds of the Money. By which Testimony, of Mr. Oates, it plainly appears, that Mr. Coleman, the Prisoner at the Bar, was privy to the Conspiracy, and aiding and abetting to the wicked and damnable design of murdering the King.

The second Witness is Mr. Bedlow, who swears that he was imployed by Harcourt, the Jesuit, to carry Pacquets of Letters to Monsieur Le Chese, the French Kings Confessor; and fur­ther says, he was at a Consult in France, where the Plot was discoursed on for killing the King; and did bring back an an­swer from Le Chese to Harcourt in London, and swears par­ticularly, that on the 24th or 25th of May, 1677. he was at Colemans House with Father Harcourt, and some other Per­sons, where Mr. Coleman, discoursing of the great design in hand, said these Words following. That if he had a Sea of Blood, and an hundred Lives, he would lose them all to carry on the design; and if to effect this, it were necessary to destroy an hundred Heretick Kings, he would do it. So that here is another positive Oath to an Act of Treason committed by Mr. Coleman, in relation to the murthering the King.

The other part of the Evidence consists of Papers and Let­ters, which generally relate to prove the latter part of the In­dictment; to wit, The Extirpation of the Protestant Religi­on, and introducing of Popery, and the subverting of the Government. And this appears by a Letter written by Mr. Coleman, dated 29. Septem 75. and sent to Monsieur Le Chese, the French [Kings Confessor; wherein he gives him an account of the Transactions of several years before, and of the Correspondence between Mr. Coleman and Monsieur Ferrier, Predecessor to Le Chese; wherein he does also assert, that the true way to carry on the Interest of France, and the promoting of the Popish Religion here in England, was, to get this Parlia­ment dissolved; which (says he) had been long since effect­ed, if three hundred thousand Pounds could have been obtained from the French King; and that things yet were in such a po­sture, that if he had but Twenty thousand Pounds sent him from France, he would he content to be a Sacrifice to the utmost malice of his Enemies, if the Protestant Religion did not re­ceive] [Page 78] such a blow as it could not subsist. And the receipt of this Letter was acknowledged by Monsieur Le Chese, in an an­swer which he wrote to Mr. Coleman, dated from Paris Oct. 23. 75. in which he gives him thanks for his good Ser­vice, in order to the promoting the Popish Religion.

Several other Letters have been produced and read, which were written by Mr. Coleman to Monsieur Ferrier and others, and more particularly one Letter dated August 21. 74. writ­ten by Coleman to the Popes Internuntio at Brussels, wherein he says the Design prospered so well, that he doubted not but in a little time the businesse would be managed, to the ut­ter ruine of the Protestant Party.

And by other Letters he writes to the French Kings Confessor that the assistance of his most Christian Majesty is necessary, and desires Money from the French King to carry on the De­sign.

But there is one Letter, without Date, more Bloody than all the rest, which was written to Monsieur Le Chese in some short time after the long Letter of September 29. 1675. where­in, amongst many other things, Coleman expresses himself thus. We have a mighty Work upon our Hands, no less than the Conversion of three Kingdoms, and the utter subduing of a Pestilent Heresie, which hath for some time domineer'd over this Northern part of the World; and we never had so great hopes of it since our Q. Mary's days. And in the Conclusion of the Letter he implores Monsieur Le Chese to get all the aid and assistance he can from France, and that next to God Almighty, they did rely upon the mighty mind of his most Christian Majesty, and therefore did hope le Chese would procure Money and Asistance from him.

Now any Man that considers the Contents of these Letters, must needs agree, that the latter part of the Indictment, to wit, the Treason of endeavouring the Subverting the Govern­ment and the Protestant Religion, is fully proved upon Mr. Coleman, the Prisoner at the Bar; and that these Letters were written by him, and the Answers received he does not de­ny. But all he has to say for himself, is that it was to make the King of England great; whereas the contrary is most ma­nifest, because the Jesuits who love Force and Tyranny, al­ways adhere to those Princes that are greatest in Strength and Power. For it appears in History, that when the House of [Page 79] Austria were in their greatness, and like to arrive to the Ʋni­versal Monarchy in these parts of the World, the Jesuits all adhered to that House; But since the French King hath grown more mighty in Power and Greatness, they declined the Interest of the Austrian Family, and do now promote the Coun­cels of France, thinking that now that King will become the Ʋniversal Monarch.

I shall therefore now conclude the Evidence, only observing to the Jury, that the several Treasons in the Indictment are fully proved. The first as to the destruction of the Royal Person of the King, by two Witnesses, Mr. Oates, and Mr. Bed­low; the other part of it, viz. the subversion of the Govern­ment, and extirpation of the Protestant Religion, by the seve­ral Letters which have been before remembred, which have not been denyed by the Prisoner to be his. Therefore I hope Gen­tlemen, when you meet with Offenders that are guilty of such stupendious Crimes, you will do Justice upon them, which will be a great Comfort and Satisfaction to the King and all his good Protestant Subjects.

Serj. Pembert.

Gentlemen, You hear the Crime is of the highest nature, it's the subversion of three Kingdoms and the subduing of that Religion which he defames by the name of Pestilent Heresie. It concerns us all to look about us, and all the Kingdom, when there shall be a Design ma­naged in this manner, to destroy our King, and to take a­way our Religion, and to enslave us all to the Pope, and make us all truckle to the Priests.

It is wonderful it is capable (at this day) of so great Evi­dence, there is Digitus Dei in it, or else it would be im­possible such a thing should be made so manifest: All the rest that is said in the Indictment are but Circumstances that declare it: There is a strong Evidence of many matters of Fact in this Design, which declare the Intention hatched in his Breast for many years together: Here hath been a Design to kill the King, and he doth not only consent to it, but commend it; what can be said to his giving the Money to him that was to pay the fourscore pieces of Gold to those Ruffians sent to Windsor? and adding 5000 l. to the 10000l. for the Doctor that was to poyson the King? He denies all.

No question but a Man that hath had a Heart to design such Contrivances, will have the Face to deny it publickly: It's a thing to be acted in the dark, but there's both Mr. Oates and Mr. Bedlow plainly prove it upon him, that he consent­ed to the acting the Kings death What's the Sence of his Let­ters, [Page 80] but to shew his design, and to beg the Assistance of France to them in their necessities? the whole Current is to destroy our Religion. I think you Gentlemen of the Jury have had such Evidence as will satisfie any Man.

Pris.

I deny all Mr. Oates his Testimony, for his saying to the Council he did not know me because he could not see me, when I was as near as the next Gentleman but one, but knew me when I spake, and I spoke to almost all the matters asked. He accuseth me of a thing in August, but names not the day: Now if there be one Error in his Testimony it weakens all the rest. I went out of Town the 10th of August, it was the latter end I came home, about the middle of Bartholomew Fair, the last day of August.

L. Ch. Just.

Have you any Witness to prove that?

Pris.

I cannot say I have a Witnesse.

L. Ch. Just.

Then you say nothing.

Pris

People cannot speak to a day, to a thing they neither imagined or thought of.

L. Ch. Just.

I ask your Servant, do you know when Mr. Coleman went out of Town?

Coleman's Serv.

In August, I cannot say particularly the day.

L. Ch. Just.

Do you know when he came home?

Serv.

I cannot remember.

Just. Wild.

Where was you the last Bartholomew day?

Serv.

I was in Town.

Just. Wild.

Where was your Master?

Serv.

I do not remember.

L. Ch. Just.

You say you went out of Town the 10th, and came home the last of August; you say it is impossible that he should say right, but yet you do not prove it.

Pris.

I have no more to say, but I entered down all my Expences every day in a Book, which Book will shew where I was.

L. Ch. Just.

Where is your Book?

Pris.

At my Lodging in Vere-Street by Covent-Garden: in a Trunck that came by the Carrier, that will shew when they were sent.

L. Ch. Just.

If the Cause did turn upon that matter, I would be well content to sit untill the Book was brought, but I doubt the Cause will not stand upon that Foot, but if that were the Case it would do you little good.

Observe what I say to the Jury.

My Lord Chief Justice his Speech to the Jury upon his summing up of the Evidence.

Gentlemen of the Jury; My Care at this time shall be to con­tract this very long Evidence, and to bring it within a short compass, that you may have nothing before you to consider of, as near as I can, but what is really material to the Acquitting or Condemning of Mr. Coleman.

The things he is Accused of are of two sorts; the one is, to subvert the Protestant Religion and to introduce Popery: the other was to destroy and kill the King. The Evidence likewise was of two sorts; The one by Letters of his own hand writing, and the other by Witnesses Viva voce. The former he seems to confess, the other totally to deny.

For that he confesseth, he does not seem to insist upon it, that the Letters were not his, he seems to admit they were; And he rather makes his Defence by expounding what the mean­ing of these Letters were, than by denying himself to be the Author.

I would have you take me right, when I say he doth ad­mit; he doth not admit the Construction, that the Kings Coun­cil here makes upon them: but he admits that these Letters were his. He admits it so far, that he does not deny them. So that you are to Examine what these Letters import in them­selves, and what Consequences are naturally to be deduced from them.

That which is plainly intended, is to bring in the Roman Ca­tholick, and to subvert the Protestant Religion. That which is by Consequence intended, was the Killing the King, as being the most likely means to introduce That, which as 'tis apparent by his Letters, was designed to be brought in.

For the First part of the Evidence. All his Great long Let­ter that he wrote, was to give the present Confessor of the French King an Account of what had passed between him and his predecessor; By which Agency, you may see that Mr. Cole­man was In with the former Confessor.

And when he comes to give an Account of the three years Transactions to this present Confessor, and to begin a Corre­spondence with him, About what is it? Why, the substance of the Heads of the long Letter comes to this. It was to bring in the Catholick as he call'd it, (that is) the Romish Catholick Re­ligion, [Page 90] and to establish that here; and to advance an Interest for the French King, be that Interest what it will.

It's true, his Letters do not express what sort of Interest, neither will I determine: but they say it was to promote the French Kings Interest, which Mr. Coleman would expound in some such sort, as may consist with the King of Englands, and the Duke of York's Interest. But this is certain, it was to sub­vert our Religion, as it is now by Law established. This was the great end thereof, it cannot be denyed: To promote the Inte­rest (I say) of the French King, and to gain to himself a Pen­tion as a reward of his service, is the Contents of his First long Letter, and one or two more concerning that Pention.

His last Letters expound more plainly what was mea [...]t by the French Kings Interest. We are (saith he) about a great work, no less than the Conversion of three Kingdoms, and the totall and utter subversion and subduing of that pestilent Heresie (that is the Protestant Religion) which hath reigned so long in this Northern part of the World; and, for the doing of which, there never was such great hopes since our Queen Maries Days, as at this time.

Now this plainly shews, that our Religion was to be subvert­ed, Popery established, and the three Kingdoms to be convert­ed; that is indeed, to be brought to confusion.

For I say, that when our Religion is to be subverted, the Nation is to be subverted and destroyed, that is most apparent: For there could be no hope of subverting or destroying the Pro­testant Religion, but by a Subversion, not Conversion of the three Kingdoms.

How was it to be done otherwise? Why, I would have brought this Religion in (says he) by dissolving of the Parlia­ment. I would have brought it in by an Edict and Proclama­tion of Liberty of Conscience. In these ways I would have brought it in.

Mr. Coleman knows it is not fit for him to own the introducing of his Religion by the Murder of the King, or by a Forein Force. The one was too black and the other too bloody, to be owned. And few people (especially the English) will be brought to save their Lives (as he may do his) by confession of so bloody and barbarous a thing, as an intention to Kill the King, or of Levy­ing a War; which though it be not a Particular, is a General Mur­der. I say, it was not convenient for Mr. Coleman, when he seem [...] to speak something for himself, to give such an Account, how he would have done it; Therefore he tells us, he would have [Page 91] done it by the dissolving of the Parliament and by Toleration of Religion. Now I would very fain know of any man in the World, whether this was not a very fine and artificial covering of his design for the Subversion of our Religion?

Pray, how can any man think, that the Dissolving of the Par­liament could have such a mighty influence to that purpose? It is true, he might imagine it might in some sort contribute towards it: Yet it is so doubtful, that he himself mistrusts it. For he is sometimes for the Dissolving of the Parliament, and other times not, as appears by his own papers: For which we are not beholding to him, so much as for any one, more than what were found by accident, and produced to the King and Coun­cil. But in truth, why should Mr. Coleman believe that ano­ther Parliament (if this Parliament were Dissolved) should com­ply with Popery? That is to say, That there should be great hopes of bringing in of Popery by a new Parliament? Unless he can give me a good reason for this, I shall hold it as insignificant and as unlikely to have that effect, as his other way by a Gene­ral Toleration.

And therefore next, Upon what ground does he presume this? I do assure you, that man does not understand the inclinations of the English people, or knows their Tempers, that thinks, if they were left to themselves and had their Liberty, they would turn Papists.

It's true, there are some amongst us that have so little Wit as to turn Fanaticks, but there is hardly any, but have much more wit than to turn Papists. These are therefore the Coun­terfeit pretentions of Mr. Coleman.

Now if not by these means, In what way truly did he intend to bring in Popery? Why his own Letters plainly convict him of one step towards it, in endeavouring with Foreign powers to bring in that Religion, and to Subvert ours. And for the other way of doing it, by killing the King; I leave it to you whether there were any more probable way than that indeed to do it.

And could he think, that the French King would not have thought himself cozened of his Money, if he had not given him hopes that he would use the most probable Methods that he could, to effect his Design?

Therefore there must be more in it; for he that was so earnest for that Religion, would not have stuck at any Violence to bring it in; he would not have stuck at blood. For we know their Doctrines and their Practises, and we know well, with what zeal [Page 92] the Priests push them forward to venture their own Lives, and to take away other mens, that differ from them, to bring in their Religion, and to set up themselves. For indeed in the Kingdoms and Countries where Popery reigns, the Priests have Dominion over mens Consciences, and power over their purses. And they use all Arts imaginable of making Proselites, and take special Care, that those in their Communion, shall know no more than the Priests shall give them leave to understand. And for this Reason they prohibit the use of all Books without their License. This blind Obedience begets blind Ignorance, and this is a great subtilty of theirs to keep them in it, that they may perfectly sub­mit to them,

What cannot they Command, when they have made others slaves in their understandings, and that they must know no more, then what they give them leave to know? But in England it is not so Mr. Coleman; and therein you would have found a great disap­pointment. For if Liberty of Conscience had been tollerated here, That the Consequence of it would have been Popery, I deny.

Nothing is more unlikely, for though in the short Reign of Queen Mary, Popery came in for some time, which was but for a little time, and then the people were not so well grounded in the Protestant Religion, nor in the principles of it: But now they are, Insomuch, that scarce a Cobler but is able to baffle any Roman Priest that ever I saw or met with.

And Thanks be to God we have a Preaching Ministry, and the free use of the Scriptures allowed amongst us, which they are not permitted to have.

And after this I wonder, that a man, who hath been bred up in the Protestant Religion (as I have Reason to believe that you Mr. Coleman have been) for (if I am not misinformed) your Father was a Minister in Suffolk. For such a one to depart from it, is an Evidence against you, to prove the Indictment. I must make a Difference between Us, and Those who have been always educated that way, and so are under the prepossessi­on of their Education, which is a difficult thing to be overcome.

And I do assure you, there are but two things, that I know of, can make one do it, Interest, or gross Ignorance.

No man of understanding, but for By-ends, would have left his Religion to be a Papist. And for you Mr. Coleman, who are a man of Reason and Subtilty, I must tell you (to bring this to your self) upon this account, that it could not be Conscience, [Page 93] I cannot think it to be Conscience. Your Pention was your Con­science, and your Secretaries place your Bait.

For such men (I say) as have been bred up in the Protestant Religion, and left it, I can hardly presume that they do it out of Conscience, unless they do it upon a mighty search, not leaning upon their own understanding and abilities, nor hearing of one side alone.

Conscience is a tender thing, Conscience will tremble when it leaves the Religion it has been bred in, and its sincerity is shown by being fearful, least it should be in the wrong. No man may pretend to Conscience truly, that takes not all Courses imaginable to know the Right, before he lets his Religion slip from him.

Have we so soon forgot our Reverence to the late King, and the pious advice he left us? A King that was truly A DEFENDER of the FAITH, not onely by his Title, but by his Abilities and Writings. A King, who under­stood the Protestant Religion so well, that he was able to defend it against any of the Cardinals of Rome. And when he knew it so throughly, and died so eminently for it, I will leave this Characteristical Note, That whosoever after that, departs from His Judgment, had need have a very good one of his own, to bear him out.

I do acknowledge, Many of the Popish Priests formerly, were learned men, and may be so still, beyond the Seas: but I could never yet meet with any here, that had other Learn­ing or Ability but Artificial onely, to delude weak Wo­men, and weaker Men.

They have indeed, ways of Conversion, and Conviction, by Enlightning our Understandings with a Faggot, and by the powerful and irresistable Arguments of a Dagger: But there are such wicked Soloecisms in their Religion, that they seem to have left them neither Natural Sense, nor Natural Conscience. Not Natural Sense by their Absurdity, in so an unreasonable a belief, as of the Wine turned into Blood: Not Natural Conscience, by their Cruelty, who make the Protestants Blood as Wine, and these Priests thirst after it.

[Page 94] Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum?

Mr. Coleman, in one of his Letters, speaks of rooting out our Religion, and our Party; And he is in the Right, for they can never root out the Protestant Religion, but they must kill the Protestants. But let him and them know, if ever they shall endeavour to bring Popery in, by de­stroying of the King, they shall find, that the Papists will thereby bring destruction upon themselves, so that not a man of them would escape.

Ne Catulus quidem relinquendus.

Our Execution shall be as quick as their Gunpowder, but more effectual. And so Gentlemen, I shall leave it to you, to consider, what his Letters prove him guilty of directly, and what by Consequence; What he plainly would have done, and then, how he would have done it; And whether you think his Fiery Zeal had so much Cold Blood in it, as to spare any others?

For the other part of the Evidence, which is by the Te­stimony of the present Witnesses, You have heard them.—I will not detain you longer now the day is going out.

Mr. J. Jones.

You must Find the Prisoner Guilty, or bring in two Persons Perjured.

L. C. J.

Gentlemen, If your Consultation shall be long, then you must lie by it all night, and We'l take your Ver­dict to Morrow Morning. If it will not be long, I am con­tent to stay a while.

Jury.

My Lord, We shall be short.

J. Wyld.

We do not speak to you to make more haste, or less, but to take a full Consultation, and your own time; There is the Death of a Man at the Stake, and make not too much haste, We do not speak it on that Account.

The Jury went from the Bar, and returned.

Court.

Are you all agreed of your Verdict?

Jury.

Yes.

Court.
[Page 95]

Who shall Speak for you?

Jury.

The Foreman.

Court.

Edward Coleman, hold up thy hand.

Court.

Is Edward Coleman Guilty of the High Treason, whereof he stands Indicted, or not Guilty?

Jury.

Guilty, my Lord.

Court.

What Goods Chattels, &c.

Prisoner.

You were pleased to say to the Jury, that they must either bring me in Guilty, or two persons perjured: I am a Dying man, and upon my Death, and expectation of Salvation, declare, That I never saw these two Gentlemen, excepting Mr. Oates, but once in all my Life, and that was at the Council Table.

L. C. J.

Mr. Coleman, Your own papers are enough to condemn you.

Court.

Capt. Richardson, You must bring Mr. Coleman hi­ther again to morrow morning, to receive his Sentence.

The Day following, being November the 28th. Mr. Coleman was brought to the Bar, to re­ceive his Sentence, and the Court proceeded there­upon, as followeth.

L. C. J.

ASk him what he can say for himself; Make Si­lence Cryer.

Court.

Edward Coleman, Hold up thy hand, Thou hast been Indicted of High Treason, thou hast thereunto Pleaded, Not Guilty; thou hast put thy Self upon God and thy Coun­trey, which Countrey; hath found thee Guilty; What canst thou say for thy Self, wherefore Judgment of Death should not be given against thee, and an Execution Awarded accord­ing to Law?

Mr. Coleman.

May it please you, my Lord, I have this to say for my self; As for my Papers, I humbly Hope, (setting aside oral Testimony) that I should not have been found guilty of any crime in them, but what the Act of Grace would have par­doned, and I hope, I shall have the benefit of that: The Evidence against me, namely Oral, I do humbly beg, that you would be pleased, to give me a little time to shew you, how impos­sible it is, that those Testimonies should be true; For that Te­stimony of Mr. Oates in August, my Man, that is now either in the Court or Hall, hath gotten a Book that is able to make it appear, that I was out of Town, from the 15th of August to the 31 of August late at night.

L. C. J.

That will not do, Mr. Coleman.

Coleman.

I do humbly offer this, for this Reason; because Mr. Oates, in all his other Evidences, was so punctual, as to distinguish between Old Stile and New, he never mist the Month, hardly the Week, and often times put the very Day; for his Testi­mony that he gave against me, was, that it was the 21 of August.

L. C. J.

He thought so, but he was not possitive, but onely as to the Month.

Coleman.

He was certain it was the latter end of August, and that about Bartholomewtide.

L. C. J.

He conceived so, he thought so.

Coleman.

Now if I was always out of Town from the 15 Day of August, to the 31 late at night, it is then Impossible, [Page 97] My Lord, That that should be a true Testimony, your Lordship was pleased to observe, that it would much enervate any mans Testi­mony, if to the whole he could be proved false in any one thing; I have further in this matter to say, besides my mans Testimony, the King hath since I have been seized on, seized on my Papers and my book of Accounts where I used punctually to set down where I spent my money; and if it doth not appear by that book that I was all those days and times, and several other days in August, to be out of Town, I desire no favour. You cannot suppose my Lord, nor the world be­lieve, that I prepared that book for this purpose in this matter; and I can make it appear by others, if I had time; but I only offer this to your Lordship, that seeing Mr. Oates did name so many particulars and circumstances, it's very strange that he should fail in a particular of such Importance as about killing the King; and no man living of common sense would think or believe that I should speak about such a thing in company that I did not well know, and this to be done fre­quently and oftentimes as he asserts it, when Oates seem'd to the King and Council (and I believe the King himself remembers it) when I was examined, that he did not know me, that he knew nothing of me, so that here is two things against this witness that can hardly happen again.

My Circumstances are extraordinary, and it is a great providence, and I think your Lordship and the whole world will look upon it as such, if for any Crimes that are in my Papers, if there be any mercy to be showed me by the Kings Gracious Act of Pardon, I humbly beg that I may have it.

L. C. J.

None.

Col.

If none I do humbly submit; but I do humbly hope with sub­mission, that those Papers would not have been found Treasonable Papers.

L. C. J.

Those Letters of yours Mr. Coleman, were since the Act of Pardon, your Papers bear date 1674.1675. and there hath been no Act since. But as for what you say concerning Mr. Oates, you say it in vain now Mr. Coleman, for the Jury hath given in their Verdict, and it is not now to be said, for after that Rate we shall have no End of any mans Trial; but for your satisfaction Mr. Coleman, to the best of my remembrance, Mr. Oates was positive only as to the month of August, he thought it might be about the 21st. day or about Bartholomew-Fair time; but he was absolute in nothing but the month.

Col.

He was punctual in all his other evidences, but in this he was not, and when I was examined at the Council Table, he said he knew little of me.

L.C.J.
[Page 98]

He charged you positively for having held Conspiracy to poison the King; and that there was Ten Thousand Pounds to be paid for it, and afterwards there was Five Thousand Pound more to be ad­ded; and he positively charges you to be the person that amongst all the Conspirators was reputed to pay the Five Thousand Pound.

Col.

He said it after such a fashion.

L. C. J.

He said it after such a fashion that Sir Robert Southwell and Sir Thomas Doleman satisfied us that he did the thing, and that plainly to his understanding; and what say you he said?

Col.

That he did not know me.

L. C. J.

Neither of them say so, that he said he did not know you, they deny it.

Col.

He said so upon my death.

L. C. J.

'Tis in vain to dispute it further, there must be an End.

Cryer,

make O yes, Our Soveraign Lord the King doth straightly Charge and Command all persons to keep silence while Judgment is given upon the Prisoner Convict, upon pain of Imprisonment.

L. C. J.

You are found guilty Mr. Coleman of High Treason, and the Crimes are several that you are found Guilty of. You are found Guilty of Conspiring the death of the King; you are likewise found Guilty of endeavouring to subvert the Protestant Religion as it is by Law Established, and to bring in Popery, and this by the aid and as­sistance of Forraign Powers. And I would not have you Mr. Coleman in your last apprehension of things, to go out of the World with a mistake if I could help it, That is, I would not have you think, that though you only seem to disavow the matter of the death of the King, that therefore you should think your self an Innocent man. You are not Innocent I am sure, for it is apparent by that which cannot deceive, that you are guilty of Contriving and Conspiring the Destruction of the Protestant Religion, and to bring in Popery, and that by the aid and assistance of Forraign Powers, and this no man can free you in the least from. And know, that if it should be true, that you would disavow, that you had not an actual hand in the Contrivance of the Kings death (which two witnesses have sworn positively against you): yet he that will subvert the Protestant Religion here, and bring in con­sequentially a Forraign Authority, do's an act in derogation of the Crown, and in Diminution of the Kings Title and Soveraign Power; and endeavours to bring a Forraign Dominion both over our Conscien­ces and Estates And if any man shall endeavour to subvert our Religion to bring in that, though he did not actually contrive to do it by the Death of the King, or it may be not by the death of any one man, yet whatsoever follows upon that contrivance, he is guilty of; Insomuch, it is greatly to be fear'd, that though you meant only to bring it in by [Page 99] the way of Dissolving of Parliaments, or by Liberty of Conscience, and such kind of innocent ways as you thought, yet if so be those means should not have proved Effectual, and worse should have been taken (though by others of your Confederates) for to go through with the work, as we have great reason to believe there would, you are guilty of all that blood that would have followed. But still you say you did not design that thing; but to tell you, he that doth a sinful and unlawful Act, must answer, and is liable both to God and man for all the consequences that attend it, therefore I say you ought not to think your self innocent. 'Tis possible you may be peni­tent, and nothing remains but that. And as I think in your Church you allow of a thing called Attrition, if you cannot with our Church, have Contrition, which is a sorrow proceeding from Love, Pray make use of Attrition, which is a sorrow arising from Fear. For you may as­sure your self, there are but a few moments betwixt you and a vast Eternity, where will be no dallying, no arts to be used, therefore think on all the good you can do in this little space of time that is left you, all is little enough to wipe off (besides your private and secret of­fences) even your publick ones. I do know that Confession is very much owned in your Church, and you do well in it; but as your offence is publick, so should your Confession be; and it will do you more service then all your Auricular Confessions. Were I in your case, there should be nothing at the bottom of my heart that I would not disclose; Per­chance you may be deluded with the fond hopes of having your sen­tence respited. Trust not to it Mr. Coleman, you may be flatter'd to stop your mouth, till they have stopt your breath, and I doubt you will find that to be the event. I think it becomes you as a man, and as a Christian, to do all that is now in your power, since you cannot be white, to make your self as clean as you can, and to fit your self for another world, where you will see how vain all resolutions of obstina­cy of concealment, and all that sort of bravery which perhaps may be instil'd by some men, will prove. They will not then serve to lessen but they will add to your fault. It concerns Us no farther than for your own good, and Do as God shall direct you, for the truth is, There are perswasions and inducements in your Church to such kind of Re­solutions and such kind of Actions, which you are led into by false Principles and false Doctrines (and so you will find when you come once to experiment it, as shortly you will) that hardly the Religion of a Turk would own. But when Christians by any violent bloody Act attempt to propagate Religion, they abuse both their Disciples and Religion too, and change that way that Christ Himself taught us to follow him by. 'Twas not by blood or violence; By no single mans undertaking to disturb and to alter Governments; To make hurly [Page 100] burlies, and all the mischiefs that attend such things as these are.

For a Church to perswade men even to the Committing of the highest Violences, under a pretence of doing God good service, looks not (in my Opinion) like Religion, but Design; like an Engine, not a Holy in­stitution; Artificial as a Clock, which follows not the Sun but the Setter; Goes not according to the Bible but the Priest, whose Interpretations serve their particular ends, and those private advantages which True Religion would scorn, and Natural Religion it self would not endure. I have Mr. Coleman said thus much to you as you are a Christian, and as I am one, and I do it out of great Charity and Compassion, and with great sense and sorrow that you should be mislead to these great offen­ces under pretence of Religion. But seeing you have but a little time, I would have you make use of it to your best advantage; for I tell you, that though death may be talkt of at a distance in a brave Heroick way, yet when a man once comes to the minute, death is a very serious thing; then you will consider how trifling all Plots and Contrivances are, and to how little purpose is all your concealments. I only offer these things to your thoughts, and perhaps they may better go down at such a time as this is then at another; and if they have no effect upon you, I hope they will have some as to my own particular, in that I have done my good will. I do remember you once more, that in this matter you be not deluded with any fantastick hopes and expectations of a Pardon, for the Truth is Mr. Coleman, you will be deceived; therefore set your heart at Rest, for we are at this time in such disorders, and the people so continually Alarm'd either with secret Murthers, or some Outrages and Violences that are this day on foot, that though the King, who is full of mercy almost to a fault, yet if he should be inclined that way, I verily believe both Houses would interpose between that and you. I speak this to shake off all vain hopes from you; for I tell you I verily be­lieve they would not you should have any Twigg to hold by to deceive you; so that now you may look upon it, there is nothing will save you, for you will assuredly dy-as now you live, and that very suddenly. In which I having discharged my Conscience to you as a Christian, I will now proceed to pronounce Sentence against you, and do my duty as a Judge.

You shall return to Prison, from thence be drawn to the place of Exe­cution, where you shall be hanged by the Neck, and be cut down alive, your bowels burnt before your face, and your Quarters sever'd, and your Body disposed of as the King thinks fit; and so the Lord have mercy upon your Soul.

Coleman.
[Page 101]

My Lord, I humbly thank your Lordship, and I do ad­mire your Charity, that you would be pleased to give me this admira­ble Councel, and I will follow it as well as I can, and I beg your Lord­ship to hear me what I am going to say, your Lordship, most Christian like, hath observed wisely, that Confession is extreamly necessary to a dying man, and I do so too; but that Confession your Lordship I sup­pose means, is of a guilty evil Conscience in any of these points that I am condemn'd for, Of maliciously contriving, &c. if I thought I had any such guilt, I should assuredly think my self damn'd now I am go­ing out of the world by concealing them, in spite of all Pardons or In­dulgencies, or any act that the Pope or the Church of Rome could do for me, as I believe any one Article of Faith. Therefore pray hear the words of a dying man, I have made a Resolution, I thank God, not to tell a lie, no not a single lie, not to save my life. I hope God will not so far leave me as to let me do it; and I do renounce all manner of mer­cy that God can sh [...]w me, if I have not told the House of Commons, or offer'd it to the House of Commons, all that I know in my whole heart toward this business; and I never in all my life either made any propo­sition, or received any proposition, or knew or heard directly or indi­rectly of any proposition towards the supplanting or invading the Kings Life, Crown or Dignity, or to make any Invasion or Disturbance to intro­duce any New Government, or to bring in Popery by any Violence or Force in the world; if I have, my Lord, been mistaken in my method, as I will not say but I might have been; for if two men differ, one must be mistaken; therefore possibly I might be of an Opinion, that Popery might come in if Liberty of Conscience had been granted, and per­haps all Christians are bound to wish all People of that Religion that they profess themselves; if they are in earnest, I will not dispute those ills that your Lordship may imagine to be in the Church of Rome; if I thought there was any in them I would be sure to be none of it. I have no design my Lord at all in Religion but to be Saved; and I had no manner of Invitation to invite me to the Church of Rome, no not one, but to be Saved; if I am out of the way, I am out of the way, as to the next world as well as this; I have nothing but a sincere Consci­ence, and I desire to follow it as I ought. I do confess I am guilty of many Crimes, and I am afraid all of us are guilty in some measure, of some failings and infirmities; but in matters of this Nature that I now stand condemn'd for, though I do not at all complain of the Court; for I do confess I have had all the fair play imaginable; and I have no­thing at all to say against it; but I say as to any one act of mine, so far as acts require Intention to make them acts, as all humane Acts do, I am as Innocent of any Crime that I now stand charg'd as guilty of, as when I was first born.

L. C. J.
[Page 102]

That is not possible.

Coleman.

With submission, I do not say Innocent as to any Crime in going against any Act of Parliament, then it is a Crime to hear Mass, or to do any Act that they prohibit; but for Intending and Endeavou­ring to bring in that Religion by the Aid and Assistance of the King of France, I never intended nor meant by that Aid and Assistance, any Force in the world, but such Aids and Assistances as might procure us Liberty of Conscience. My Lord, if in what I have said no body believes me, I must be content; if any do believe me, then I have wip'd off those scandalous Thoughts and abominable Crimes, that, &c. and then I have paid a little Debt to Truth.

L. C. J.

One word more and I have done, I am sorry Mr. Coleman, that I have not Charity enough to believe the words of a dying man; for I will tell you what sticks with me very much, I cannot be perswaded, and no body can, but that your Correspondence and Negotiations did continue longer than the Letters that we have found, that is after 1675. Now if you had come and shown us your Books and Letters, which would have spoke for themselves, I should have thought then that you had dealt plainly and sincerely, and it would have been a mighty Motive to have believed the rest; for certainly your Correspondence held even to the time of your apprehension, and you have not discovered so much as one Paper, but what was found unknown to you, and against your will.

Coleman.

Upon the words of a dying man, and upon the expecta­tion I have of Salvation, I tell your Lordship, that there is not a Book nor Paper in the World, that I have laid aside voluntary.

L. C. J.

No, perhaps you have burnt them.

Coleman.

Not, by the Living God.

L. C. J.

I hope Mr. Coleman you will not say no manner of way.

Coleman.

For my Correspondence these two last years past, I have given an account of every Letter; but those that were common Letters, and those Books that were in my House, what became of them I know not; they were common Letters that I use to write every day, a Com­mon Journal what past at home and abroad, my men they writ e'm out of that Book.

L. C. J.

What became of those Letters?

Coleman.

I had no Letters about this business, but what I have de­clared to the House of Commons, That is, Letters from St. Germans, which I owned to the House of Commons; and I had no methodical Correspondence, and I never valued them nor regarded them, but as they came, I destroyed them.

L. C. J.

I remember the last Letter that is given in evidence against you, discovers what mighty hopes there was, that the time was now come wherein that pestilent Heresie, that hath domineer'd in this Northern [Page 103] part of the World, should be Extirpated; and that there never was greater hopes of it since OUR Queen Maries Reign. Pray Mr. Cole­man, was that the concluding Letter in this affair?

Coleman.

Give me leave to say it upon my dying, I have not one Letter, &c.

L. C. J.

What though you burnt your Letters, you may recollect the Contents.

Coleman.

I had none since.

L. C. J.

Between God and your Conscience be it, I have other appre­hensions; and you deserve your Sentence vpon you for your offences, that visibly appear out of your own Papers, that you have not, and cannot deny.

Coleman.

I am satisfied. But seeing my time is but short, may I not be permitted to have some immediate Friends, and my poor Wife to have her freedom to speak with me, and stay with me that little time that I have, that I might speak something to her in order to her living and my dying.

L. C. J.

You say well, and it is a hard Case to deny it; but I tell you what hardens my heart, the Insolencies of your Party, the Roman Catho­licks I mean, that they every day offer, which is indeed a proof of their Plot, that they are so bold and Impudent, and such secret Murders Committed by them, as would harden any mans heart to do the Common favours of Justice and Charity, that to mankind is usually done: they are so bold and insolent, that I think it is not to be endured in a Prote­stant Kingdom; but for my own parlicular, I think it is a very hard thing for to deny a man the Company of his Wife, and his Friends, so it be done with Caution and Prudence; Remember that the Plot is on foot, and I do not know what Arts the Priests have, and what Tricks they use; and therefore have a care that no Papers nor any such thing, be sent from him.

Coleman.

I do not design it I am sure.

L. C. J.

But for the Company of his Wife and his near Friends, or any thing in that kind, that may be for his Eternal good, and as much for his present satisfaction that he can receive now in the condition that be is in, let him have it, but do it with Care and Caution.

Cap. Richardson.

What, for them to be private alone?

L. C. J.

His Wife, only she, God forbid else.

Nor shall you not be deny'd any Protestant Minister.

Coleman.

But shall not my Cosin Coleman have Liberty to come to me.

L. C. J.

Yes, with Mr. Richardson.

Col.
[Page 104]

Or his Servant; Because it is a great Trouble for him to at­tend always.

L. C. J.

If it be his Servant, or any he shall appoint, 'tis all one, Mr. Richardsson, use him as Reasonably as may be, considering the Condition he is in.

Court.

Have a care of your Prisoner.

On Tuesday the Third of December following, (being the Day of his Execution) Mr. Coleman was Drawn on a Sledge from Newgate to Tyburn; and being come thither, he declared, That he had been a Roman Catholick for many years; and that he thanked God▪ he died in that Religion. And he said, he did not think that Religion at all prejudicial to the King and Government. The Sheriff told him if he had any thing to say by way of Confession or Con [...]ion, he mig [...] proceed, otherwise it was not Seasonable for him to go [...] Expressions. And being asked if he knew any thing of the [...] of Sir Edmondbury Godfry, he declared upon the [...] he knew not any thing of it; for that he was [...]. Then after some private Prayers and Ejaculations to [...] [...]he Sentence was Executed, he was hanged by the Neck, Cut [...] alive, his Bowels burnt, and himself [...].

FINIS.

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