A short history of standing armies in England

A Short HISTORY OF Standing Armies IN ENGLAND.

IF any Man doubts whether a Standing Army is Slavery, Popery, Mahometiſm, Paganiſm, Atheiſm, or any thing which they pleaſe, let him read,

Firſt, The Story of Matho and Spendius at Carthage, and the Mamalukes of Egypt.

Secondly, The Hiſtorys of Strada and Bentivolio, where he will find what work nine thouſand Spaniards made in the 17 Provinces, tho the Country was full of fortified Towns, poſſeſſed by the Low Country Lords, and they had aſſiſtance from Germany, England and France.

Thirdly, The Hiſtory of Philip de Commines, where he will find that Lewis the 11th inſlaved the vaſt Country of France with 25000 Men, and that the raiſing 500 Horſe by Philip of Burgundy ſirnamed the Good, was the ruin of thoſe Provinces.

Fourthly, Ludlow's Memoirs, where he will find that an Army raiſed to defend our Liberties, made footballs of that Parliament, at whoſe Actions all Europe ſtood amazed, and in a few Years ſet up ten ſeveral ſorts of Government contrary to the Genius of the whole Nation, and the opinion of half their own Body: ſuch is the influence of a General over an Army, that he can make them act like a piece of Mechaniſm, whatever their privat Opinions are.

Laſtly, Let him read the Arguments againſt a Standing Army, the Diſcourſe concerning Militias, the Militia Reform'd, and the Anſwers to them: but leſt all this ſhould not ſatisfy him, I will here give a ſhort Hiſtory of Standing Armies in England, I will trace this myſtery of Iniquity from the beginning, and ſhow the ſeveral ſteps by which it has crept upon us.

The firſt footſteps I find of a Standing Army in England ſince the Romans left the Iſland, were in Richard the 2d's time, who raiſed four thouſand Archers in Cheſhire, and ſuffered them to plunder, live upon free Quarter, beat, wound, raviſh and kill wherever they went; and afterwards he called a Parliament, encompaſſed them with his Archers, forced them to give up the whole power of Parliaments, and make it Treaſon to endeavour to repeal any of the Arbitrary Conſtitutions that were then made: but being afterwards obliged to go to Ireland to ſuppreſs a Rebellion there, the People took advantage of it, and dethron'd him.

The Nation had ſuch a Specimen in this Reign of a Standing Army, that I don't find any King from him to Charles the 1ſt that attemted keeping up any Forces in time of Peace, except the Yeomen of the Guard, who were conſtituted by Henry the 7th: and tho there were ſeveral Armies raiſed in that time for French, Scotch, Iriſh, other foren and domeſtic Wars; yet they were conſtantly disbanded as ſoon as the occaſion was over. And in all the Wars of York and Lancaſter, whatever party prevail'd, we don't find they ever attemted to keep up a Standing Army. Such was the virtue of thoſe times, that they would rather run the hazard of forfeiting their Heads and Eſtates to the rage of the oppoſit Party, than certainly inſlave their Country, tho they themſelves were to be the Tyrants.

Nor would they ſuffer our Kings to keep up an Army in Ireland, tho there were frequent Rebellions there, and by that means their Subjection very precarious; as well knowing they would be in England when called for. In the firſt three hundred Years that the Engliſh had poſſeſſion of that Country, there were no Armies there but in times of War. The firſt Force that was eſtabliſh'd was in the 14th of Edward the forrth, when 120 Archers on Horſeback, 40 Horſemen, and 40 Pages were eſtabliſh'd by Parliament there; which ſix Years after were reduc'd to 80 Archers, and 20 Spearmen on Horſeback. Afterwards in Henry the Eighth's time, in the Year 1535, the Army in Ireland was 300; and in 1543, they were increaſed to 380 Horſe and 160 Foot, which was the Eſtabliſhment then. I ſpeak this of times of Peace: for when the Iriſh were in Rebellion, which was very frequent, the Armies were much more conſiderable. In Queen Mary's time the Standing Forces were about 1200. In moſt of Queen Elizabeth's Reign the Iriſh were in open Rebellion; but when they were all ſuppreſs'd, the Army eſtabliſh'd was between 1500 and 2000: about which number they continued till the Army rais'd by Strafford the 15th of Charles the 1ſt.

In the Year 1602 dy'd Queen Elizabeth, and with her all the Virtue of the Plantagenets, and the Tudors. She made the Engliſh Glory ſound thro the whole Earth: She firſt taught her Country the advantages of Trade; ſet bounds to the Ambition of France and Spain; aſſiſted the Dutch, but would neither permit them or France to build any great Ships; kept the Keys of the Rivers Maes and Scheld in her own hands; and died with an uncontrol'd Dominion of the Seas, and Arbitreſs of Chriſtendom. All this ſhe did with a Revenue not exceeding 300000 pounds per Annum; and had but inconſiderable Taxes from her People.

No ſooner was King James come to the Crown, but all the Reputation we had acquir'd in her glorious Reign was eclips'd, and we became the ſcorn of all Nations about us, contemned even by that State we had created, who inſulted us at Sea, ſeiz'd Amboyna, Poleroon, Seran, and other Places in the Eaſt-Indies, by which they ingroſs'd that moſt profitable Trade of Spices; fiſh'd upon our Coaſts without paying the cuſtomary Tribute, and at the ſame time prevail'd with the King to deliver up the Cautionary Towns of Brill, Ramekins, and Fluſhing, for a very ſmall Conſideration, tho there were near ſix Millions Arrears. He ſquandred the public Treaſure, diſcountenanc'd all the great Men who were rais'd in the glorious Reign of his Predeceſſor, cut off Sir Walter Raleigh's Head, advanc'd Favorites of his own, Men of no Merit, to the higheſt Preferment; and to maintain their Profuſeneſs, he granted them Monopolies, infinit Projects, proſtituted Honors for Mony, rais'd Benevolences and Loans without Authority of Parliament. And when theſe Grievances were complain'd of there, he committed many of the principal Members without Bail or Mainpriſe, as he did afterwards for preſuming to addreſs him againſt the Spaniſh Match. He pardon'd the Earl of Somerſet and his Wife for Sir Thomas Overbury's Murder, after he had imprecated all the Curſes of Heaven upon himſelf and his Poſterity; and it was generally thought, becauſe the Earl was Acceſſary to the poiſoning Prince Henry. He permitted his Son-in-law to be ejected out of his Principalities, and the Proteſtant Intereſt to be run down in Germany and France, while he was bubled nine Years together with the hopes of the Spaniſh Match, and a great Fortune. Afterwards he made a diſhonorable Treaty of Marriage with France, giving the Papiſts Liberty of Conſcience: and indeed, as he often declared, he was no otherwiſe an Enemy to Popery, than for their depoſing of Kings, and King-killing Doctrin. In Ireland he gave them all the Incouragement he durſt; which Policy has bin follow'd by all his Succeſſors ſince to this preſent Reign, and has ſerv'd 'em to two purpoſes: One is, by this they have had a pretence to keep up Standing Armies there to aw the Natives; and the other, that they might make uſe of the Natives againſt their Engliſh Subjects. In this Reign that ridiculous Doctrin of Kings being Jure Divino was coin'd, never before heard of even in the Eaſtern Tyrannies. The other parts of his Government had ſuch a mixture of Scharamuchi and Harlequin, that they ought not to be ſpoken of ſeriouſly, as Proclamations upon every Trifle, ſom againſt talking of News; Letters to the Parliament, telling them he was an old and wiſe King; that State Affairs were above their reach, and therfore they muſt not meddle with them, and ſuch like Trumpery. But our happineſs was, that this Prince was a great Coward, and hated the ſight of a Soldier; ſo that he could not do much againſt us by open force. At laſt he died (as many have believed) by Poiſon, to make room for his Son Charles the Firſt.

This King was a great Bigot, which made him the Darling of the Clergy; but having no great reach of his own, and being govern'd by the Prieſts (who have bin always unfortunat when they have meddled with Politics) with a true Eccleſiaſtic Fury he drove on to the deſtruction of all the Liberties of England. This King's whole Reign was one continued Act againſt the Laws. He diſſolv'd his firſt Parliament for preſuming to inquire into his Father's Death, tho he loſt a great Sum of Mony by it, which they had voted him: He entred at the ſame time into a War with France and Spain, upon the privat Piques of Buckingham, who managed them to the eternal Diſhonor and Reproach of the Engliſh Nation; witneſs the ridiculous Enterprizes upon Cadiz and the Iſle of Rhee. He deliver'd Pennington's Fleet into the French hands, betray'd the poor Rochellers, and ſuffered the Proteſtant Intereſt in France to be quite extirpated. He rais'd Loans, Exciſes, Coat and Conduct-mony, Tunnage and Poundage, Knighthood and Ship-mony, without Authority of Parliament; impos'd new Oaths on the Subjects, to diſcover the value of their Eſtates; impriſoned great numbers of the moſt conſiderable Gentry and Merchants for not paying his Arbitrary Taxes; ſom he ſent beyond Sea, and the poorer ſort he preſt for Soldiers. He kept Soldiers upon free Quarter, and executed Martial Law upon them. He granted Monopolies without number, and broke the bounds of the Foreſts. He erected Arbitrary Courts, and inlarg'd others, as the High Commiſſion-Court, the Star-Chamber, Court of Honor, Court of Requeſts, &c. and unſpeakable Oppreſſions were committed in them, even to Men of the firſt Quality. He commanded the Earl of Briſtol and Biſhop of Lincoln not to com to Parliament; committed and proſecuted a great many of the moſt eminent Members of the Houſe of Commons for what they did there, ſom for no cauſe at all, and would not let them have the benefit of Habeas Corpus; ſuſpended and confin'd Arch-Biſhop Abbot, becauſe he would not licenſe a Sermon that aſſerted Deſpotic Power, whatever other cauſe was pretended. He ſuſpended the Biſhop of Gloceſter, for refuſing to ſwear never to conſent to alter the Government of the Church; ſupported all his Arbitrary Miniſters againſt the Parliament, telling them he wondred at the fooliſh Impudence of any one to think he would part with the meaneſt of his Servants upon their account: and indeed in his Speeches, or rather Menaces, he treated them like his Footmen, calling them Undutiful, Seditious, and Vipers. He brought unheard of Innovations into the Church; preferred Men of Arbitrary Principles, and inclinable to Popery, eſpecially thoſe Firebrands, Laud, Mountague, and Manwaring, one of whom had bin complain'd of in Parliament, another impeach'd for advancing Popery, and the third condemn'd in the Houſe of Lords. He diſpenſed with the Laws againſt Papiſts, and both encourag'd and prefer'd them. He called no Parliament for twelve years together, and in that time govern'd as arbitrarily as the Grand Seignior. He abetted the Iriſh Maſſacre, as appears by their producing a Commiſſion under the Great Seal of Scotland, by the Letter of Charles the 2d in favor of the Marqueſs of Antrim, by his ſtopping the Succors that the Parliament ſent to reduce Ireland ſix months under the Walls of Cheſter, by his entring into a Treaty with the Rebels after he had ingaged his Faith to the Parliament to the contrary, and bringing over many thouſands of them to ſight againſt his People. It is endleſs to enumerat all the Oppreſſions of his Reign; but having no Army to ſupport him, his Tyranny was precarious, and at laſt his ruin. Tho he extorted great Sums from the People, yet it was with ſo much difficulty, that it did him little good. Beſides, he ſpent ſo much in Fooliſh Wars and Expeditions, that he was always behind-hand; yet he often attemted to raiſe an Army.

Upon pretence of the Spaniſh and French War he rais'd many thouſand Men, who liv'd upon free Quarter, and rob'd and deſtroy'd wherever they came. But being unſucceſsful in his Wars abroad, and preſt by the Clamors of the People at home, he was forc'd to disband them. In 1627 he ſent over 30000 l. to Holland to raiſe 3000 German Horſe, to force his arbitrary Taxes; but this matter taking wind, and being examin'd by the Parliament, Orders were ſent to countermand them. In the 15th year of his Reign he gave a Commiſſion to Strafford to raiſe 8000 Iriſh to be brought into England: but before they could get hither, the Scots were in Arms for the like Oppreſſions, and marched into Northumberland, which forcing him to call a Parliament, prevented that deſign, and ſo that Army was disbanded. Soon after he rais'd an Army in England to oppoſe the Scots, and tamper'd with them to march to London, and diſſolve the Parliament: but this Army being compoſed for the moſt part of the Militia, and the matter being communicated to the Houſe, who immediatly fell on the Officers that were Members, as Aſhburnham, Wilmot, Pollard, &c. the deſign came to nothing. After this there was a Pacification between the King and the Scots; and in purſuance of it both Armies were disbanded. Then he went to Scotland, and indeavor'd to prevail with them to invade England; but that not doing, he ſent a Meſſage to the Parliament, deſiring their concurrence in the raiſing 3000 Iriſh to be lent to the King of Spain; to which the Parliament refuſed to conſent, believing he would make another uſe of them. When he came back to London, he pick'd out 3 or 400 diſſolute Fellows out of Taverns, gaming and brothel-Houſes, kept a Table for them; and with this goodly Guard all arm'd, he entred the Houſe of Commons, ſat down in the Speaker's Chair, demanding the delivery of 5 Members: But the Citizens coming down by Land and Water with Muſquets upon their Shoulders to defend the Parliament, he attemted no further. This ſo inrag'd the Houſe, that they choſe a Guard to defend themſelves againſt future Inſults, and the King ſoon after left London. Som time before this began the Iriſh Rebellion, where the Iriſh pretended the King's Authority, and ſhew'd the Great Seal to juſtify themſelves; which, whether true or falſe, raiſed ſuch a jealouſy in the People, that he was forced to conſent to leave the management of that War to the Parliament: yet he afterwards ſent a Meſſage to them, telling them he would go to Ireland in Perſon; and acquainted them, that he had iſſued out Commiſſions for raiſing 2000 Foot and 200 Horſe in Cheſhire for his Guard, which they proteſted againſt, and prevented it. By this we may ſee what Force was thought ſufficient in his Reign to inſlave the Nation, and the frequent Attemts to get it.

Then the Civil Wars broke out between him and his People, in which many bloody Battels were fought; two of the moſt conſiderable were thoſe of Newbury and Naſeby, both won by new Soldiers, the firſt by the London Militia, and the latter by an unexperienc'd Army, which the King uſed to call in deriſion the New Nodel. And ſom years after, the Battel of Worceſter was in a great meaſure won by the Country Militia, for which Cromwel diſcharged them with anger and contemt, as knowing them Inſtruments unſit to promote his Tyrannical Deſigns. At laſt by the fate of the War the King became a Priſoner, and the Parliament treated with him while in that condition, and at the ſame time voted that ſom part of the Army ſhould be disbanded, and others ſent to Ireland to reduce that Kingdom; upon which the Army choſe Agitators among themſelves, who preſented a Petition to both Houſes, that they would proceed to ſettle the Affairs of the Kingdom, and declare that no part of the Army ſhould be diſbanded till that was don. But finding their Petition reſented, they ſent and ſeiz'd the King's Perſon from the Parliaments Commiſſioners, drew up a Charge of High Treaſon againſt eleven principal Members for indeavoring to disband the Army, entred into a privat Treaty with the King: but he not complying with their demands, they ſeized London; and notwithſtanding the Parliament had voted the King's Conceſſions a ground for a future Settlement, they reſolved to put him to Death, and in order therto purged the Houſe, as they called it, that is, placed Guards upon them, and excluded all Members that were for agreeing with the King; and then they cut off his Head.

After this they let the Parliament govern for five years, who made their Name famous thro the whole Earth, conquered their Enemies in England, Scotland and Ireland; reduced the Kingdom of Portugal to their own Terms; recovered our Reputation at Sea; overcame the Dutch in ſeveral famous Battels; ſecured our Trade, and managed the public Expences with ſo much frugality, that no Eſtates were gained by privat Men upon the public Miſeries; and at laſt were paſſing an Act for their own Diſſolution, and ſettling the Nation in a free and impartial Commonwealth; of which the Army being afraid, thought it neceſſary to diſſolve them, and accordingly Cromwel next day called two Files of Muſqueteers into the Houſe, and pulled the Speaker out of the Chair, behaving himſelf like a Madman, vilifying the Members, and calling one a Whoremaſter, another a Drunkard, bidding the Soldiers take away that fools bauble the Mace; and ſo good night to the Parliament.

When they had don this Act of violence, the Council of Officers ſet up a new form of Government, and choſe a certain number of Perſons out of every County and City of England, Scotland and Ireland: and theſe they inveſted with the Supreme Power, but ſoon after expelled them, and then Cromwel ſet up himſelf, and framed a new Inſtrument of Government by a Protector and a Houſe of Commons, in purſuance of which he called a Parliament. But they not anſwering his Expectations, he excluded all that would not ſubſcribe his Inſtrument; and thoſe that remained, not proving for his purpoſe neither, he diſſolved them with a great deal of opprobrious Language. He then divided England into ſeveral Diſtricts or Diviſions, and placed Major Generals or Intendents over them, who governed like ſo many Baſhaws, decimating the Cavaliers, and raiſing Taxes at their pleaſure. Then forſooth he had a mind to make himſelf King, and called another Parliament to that purpoſe, after his uſual manner ſecluding ſuch Members as he did not like. To this Aſſembly he offered another Inſtrument of Government, which was by a Repreſentative of the People, a 2d Houſe compoſed of 70 Members in the nature of a Houſe of Lords, and a ſingle Perſon; and left a Blank for what name he ſhould be called, which this worthy Aſſembly filled up with that of King, addreſſed to Cromwel that he would be pleaſed to accept it, and gave him power to nominat the Members of the Other Houſe. This the great Officers of the Army reſented, for it deſtroyed all their hopes of being Tyrants in their turn, and therefore addreſſed the Parliament againſt the Power and Government of a King, which made Cromwel decline that Title, and content himſelf with a greater Power under the name of Protector. Afterwards he nam'd the Other Houſe, as it was called, for the moſt part out of the Officers of the Army; but even this Parliament not pleaſing him, he diſſolved them in a fury, and govern'd the Nation without any Parliament at all till he died.

After his death the Army ſet up his Son Richard, who called a new Parliament; but their procedings being not agreable to the humor of the Soldiery, they forced the Protector to diſſolve them: then they depoſed him, and took the power into their own hands; but being unable to weild it, they reſtored the Commonwealth, and ſoon after expelled them again, becauſe they would not ſettle the Military Sword independent of the Civil; then they governed the Nation by a Council of War at Willingford-Houſe, and thoſe a Committee of Safety for the executive part of the Government; but that Whim laſted but a little time before they choſe Conſervators of Liberty; and that not doing neither, they agreed that every Regiment ſhould chooſe two Repreſentatives, and this worthy Council ſhould ſettle the Nation; when they met, ſomtimes they were for calling a new Parliament, ſomtimes for reſtoring the old, which was at laſt don. By this means all things fell into Confuſion, which gave Monk an opportunity of marching into England, where he acted his part ſo dexterouſly, that he reſtor'd the King with part of that Army which had cut off his Father's Head.

This is a true and lively Example of a Government with an Army; an Army that was raiſed in the cauſe, and for the ſake of Liberty; compoſed for the moſt part of Men of Religion and Sobriety. If this Army could commit ſuch violences upon a Parliament always ſucceſsful, that had acquired ſo much Reputation both at home and abroad, at a time when the whole People were trained in Arms, and the Pulſe of the Nation beat high for Liberty; what are we to expect if in a future Age an ambitious Prince ſhould ariſe with a diſſolute and debauched Army, a flattering Clergy, a proſtitute Miniſtry, a Bankrupt Houſe of L—ds, a Penſioner Houſe of C—ns, and a ſlaviſh and corrupted Nation?

By this means came in Charles the Second, a luxurious effeminat Prince, a deep Diſſembler, and if not a Papiſt himſelf, yet a great favorer of them: but the People had ſuffered ſo much from the Army, that he was received with the utmoſt Joy and Tranſport. The Parliament in the Honymoon paſſed what Laws he pleaſed, gave a vaſt Revenue for life, being three times as much as any of his Predeceſſors ever enjoyed, and ſeveral Millions beſides to be ſpent in his Pleaſures. This made him conceive vaſter hopes of Arbitrary Power than any that went before him; and in order to it he debauched and enervated the whole Kingdom: His Court was a ſcene of Adulteries, Drunkenneſs, and Irreligion, appearing more like Stews, or the Feaſts of Bacchus, than the Family of a Chief Magiſtrate: and in a little time the Contagion ſpread thro the whole Nation, that it was out of the faſhion not to be leud, and ſcandalous not to be a public Enemy: which has bin the occaſion of all the Miſeries that have ſince happened, and I am afraid will not be extinguiſhed but by our ruin. He was no ſooner warm in his Seat, but he rejected an advantageous Treaty of Commerce which Oliver made with France, as don by a Uſurper; ſuffer'd the French to lay Impoſitions upon all our Goods, which amounted to a Prohibition, inſomuch that they got a Million a year from us in the overbalance of Trade. He ſold that important Fortreſs of Dunkirk, let the French ſeize St. Chriſtophers and other places in North America.

He began a fooliſh and unjuſt War with the Dutch; and tho the Parliament gave him vaſt Sums to maintain it, yet he ſpent ſo much upon his Vices, that they got great advantages of us, and burnt our Fleet at Chatham. At laſt he made as diſhonorable a Peace with them, as he had don a War; a perpetual reproach to our Country, that our Reputation at Sea ſhould be ſunk to ſo low an eb as to be baffled by that Nation, who but a few years before had ſent a blank Paper to the Parliament, to preſcribe to them what Laws they pleaſed. During this War the City of London was fired, not without violent ſuſpicions that the Firebals were prepared at Whitehall. Soon after this he entred into the Triple Alliance to oppoſe the growing greatneſs of France, and received a great Sum from the Parliament to maintain it, which he made uſe of to break the ſame League; ſent Mr. Coventry to Sweden to diſſolve it; and entred into a ſtrict Alliance with France, which was ſealed with his Siſter's blood. In conjunction with them he made a new War upon Holland, to extirpat Liberty and the Proteſtant Religion; but knowing the Parliament were averſe to the War, and would not ſupport him in it, he attemted before any War declared to ſeize their Smirna Fleet, ſhut up the Exchequer, and became ſo mean as to be a Penſioner to France, from whence his Predeceſſors with Swords in their hands had ſo often exacted Tribute. He not only ſuffered, but aſſiſted them to arrive at that pitch of Greatneſs, which all Europe ſince hath ſufficiently felt and lamented. He ſent over ten thouſand Men to aſſiſt in ſubduing Flanders and Germany, by whoſe help they did ſeveral conſiderable Actions. He ſent them Timber, Seamen, Ship-Carpenters, and Models, contrary to the Policy of all Nations; which rais'd their Naval Force to a degree almoſt equal to our own: and for their exerciſe, he ſuffered them to take multitudes of Engliſh Ships by their Privateers, without ſo much as demanding ſatisfaction.

During this War he iſſued out a Declaration ſuſpending the Penal Laws, which appears to be deſigned in favor of the Papiſts, by his directing a Bill afterwards to be ſtolen away out of the Houſe of Lords, for indulging Proteſtant Diſſenters, whom he perſecuted violently moſt of his Reign, while he both countenanced and preferred Papiſts, broke the Act of Settlement in Ireland, reſtored them to their Eſtates, iſſued forth a Proclamation giving the Papiſts liberty to inhabit in Corporations, and married the Duke of York not only to a Papiſt, but one in the French Intereſt, notwithſtanding the repeated Addreſſes of the Parliament to the contrary. It was in this Reign that that curſed and deteſtable Policy was much improved of bribing Parliaments, by diſtributing all the great Imployments in England among them, and ſupplying the want of places with Grants of Lands and Mony. No Man could be preferred to any Imployment in Church or State, till he had declared himſelf an open Enemy to our Conſtitution, by aſſerting Deſpotic Power under that nonſenſical Phraſe of Paſſive Obedience, which was more preach'd up than all the Laws of God and Man. The Helliſh Popiſh Plot was ſtifled, proved ſince too true by fatal experience; and in the room of it Proteſtant ones were forged, and Men trapan'd into others, as the Meal-Tub, Fitz Harris's, the Rye-Houſe, Newmarket, and Black-Heath Plots: and by theſe Pretences, and the help of packt Judges and Juries, they butchered ſom of the beſt Men in England, ſet immoderat Fines upon others, gave probable ſuſpicion of cutting the Lord Eſſex's Throat: and to finiſh our deſtruction, they took away the Charters, as faſt as they were able, of all the Corporations in England, that would not chooſe the Members preſcribed them.

But he durſt not have dreamt of all theſe Violations if he had not had an Army to juſtify them. He had thoughts at firſt of keeping up the Parliament-Army, which was ſeveral times in debate. But Chancellor Hyde prevailed upon him by this Argument, that they were a body of Men that had cut off his Father's Head; that they had ſet up and pulled down ten ſeveral ſorts of Government; and that it might be his own turn next. So that his fears prevailing over his ambition, he conſented to disband them; but ſoon found how vain and abortive a thing Arbitrary Power would prove without an Army. He therfore try'd all ways to get one; and firſt he attemted it in Scotland, and by means of the Duke of Lauderdale, got an Act paſſed there, wherby the Kingdom of Scotland was obliged to raiſe 20000 Foot and 2000 Horſe at his Majeſty's Call, to march into any part of his Dominions; and this Law is in being at this day. Much about the ſame time he rais'd Guards in England (a thing unheard of before in our Engliſh Conſtitution) and by degrees increas'd them, till they became a formidable Army; for firſt they were but very few, but by adding inſenſibly more Men to a Troop or Company, and then more Troops or Companies to a Regiment, before the ſecond Dutch War he had multiplied them to near 5000 Men. He then began that War in conjunction with France, and the Parliament gave him two Millions and a half to maintain it, with part of which Mony he rais'd about 12000 Men, which were called the Black-Heath Army (appointing Marſhal Shomberg to be their General, and Fitz Gerald an Iriſh Papiſt their Lieutenant-General) and pretended he rais'd them to attack Holland; but inſtead of uſing them to that purpoſe, he kept them encamped upon Black-Heath, hovering over the City of London, which put both the Parliament and City in ſuch confuſion, that the King was forced at laſt to diſband them. But there were ſeveral accidents contributed to it: Firſt the ill ſucceſs he had in the War with the Dutch, ſuch Gallantries being not to be attemted but in the higheſt Raptures of Fortune: Next, the never to be forgotten Generoſity of that great Man General Shomberg, whoſe mighty Genius ſcorn'd ſo ignoble an Action as to put Chains upon a free People; and laſt of all, the Army themſelves mutini'd for want of Pay: which added to the ill Humors that were then in the Nation, made the King willing to disband them. But at the ſame time, contrary to the Articles of Peace with the Dutch, he continu'd ten thouſand Men in the French Service, for the moſt part under Popiſh Officers, to be ſeaſon'd there in ſlaviſh Principles, that they might be ready to execute any Commands when they were ſent for over. The Parliament never met, but they addreſs'd the King to recal theſe Forces out of France, and disband them; and ſeveral times prepar'd Bills to that purpoſe, which the King always prevented by a Prorogation; but at laſt was prevail'd upon to iſſue forth a Proclamation to recal them, yet at the ſame time ſupply'd them with Recruits, incourag'd ſom to go voluntarily into that Service, and preſs'd, impriſon'd, and carri'd over others by main Force: beſides, he only diſbanded the new rais'd Regiments, and not all them neither, for he kept up in England five thouſand eight hundred and ninety privat Men, beſides Officers, which was his Eſtabliſhment in 1673.

The King having two great deſigns to carry on together, viz. Popery and Arbitrary Power, thought this Force not enough to do his Buſineſs effectually; and therfore caſt about how to get a new Army, and took the moſt plauſible way, which was pretending to enter into a War with France; and to that purpoſe ſent Mr. Thyn to Holland, who made a ſtrict League with the States: and immediatly upon it the King call'd the Parliament, who gave him 1200000 Pounds to enter into an actual War, with which Mony he rais'd an Army of between twenty and thirty thouſand Men within leſs than forty Days, and ſent part of them to Flanders. At the ſame time he continued his forces in France, and took a Sum of Mony from that King to aſſiſt him in making a privat Peace with Holland: So that inſtead of a War with France, the Parliament had given a great Sum to raiſe an Army to enſlave themſelves. But it happen'd about this time that the Popiſh Plot broke out, which put the Nation into ſuch a Ferment, that there was no ſtemming the Tide; ſo that he was forc'd to call the Parliament, which met the 23d of October 78, who immediatly fell upon the Popiſh Piot and the Land Army. Beſides, there were diſcover'd 57 Commiſſions granted to Papiſts to raiſe Men, counterſigned J. Will—ſon; for which, and ſaying that the King might keep Guards if he could pay them, he was committed to the Tower. This ſo inrag'd the Parliament, that they immediatly proceded to the disbanding of the Army, and paſs'd an Act that all rais'd ſince the 29th of September 77 ſhould be disbanded, and gave the King 693388 pounds to pay off their Arrears, which he made uſe of to keep them up, and diſſolv'd the Parliament; but ſoon after called another, which purſu'd the ſame Counſels, and paſs'd a ſecond Act to disband the Army, gave a new Sum for doing it, directed it to be paid into the Chamber of London, appointed Commiſſioners of their own, and paſs'd a Vote, That the continuance of any Standing Forces in this Nation other than the Militia, was illegal, and a great Grievance and Vexation to the People; ſo that Army was disbanded. Beſides this, they complain'd of the Forces that were in France, and addreſs'd the King again to recal them, which had ſom Effect; for he ſent over no more Recruits, but ſuffer'd them to wear out by degrees. The Eſtabliſhment upon the Diſſolution of this Army, which was in the Year 1679/80, were 5650 privat Soldiers, beſides Officers. From this time he never agreed with his People, but diſſolved three Parliaments following for inquiring into the Popiſh Plot; and in the four laſt Years of his Reign call'd none at all. And to crown the Work, Tangier is demoliſh'd, and the Gariſon brought over, and plac'd in the moſt conſiderable Ports in England; which made the Eſtabliſhment in 8¾ 8482 privat Men, beſides Officers. It's obſervable in this King's Reign, that there was not one Seſſions but his Guards were attack'd, and never could get the leaſt Countenance from Parliament; but to be even with them, the Court as much diſcountenanc'd the Militia, and never would ſuffer it to be made uſeful. Thus we ſee the King huſbanded a few Guards ſo well, that in a ſmall number of Years they grew to a formidable Army, notwithſtanding all the endeavors of the Parliament to the contrary; ſo difficult it is to prevent the growing of an Evil, that dos not receive a check in the beginning.

He increas'd the Eſtabliſhment in Ireland to 7700 Men, Officers included; wheras they never exceded in any former Reign 2000, when there was more occaſion for them: the Iriſh not long before having bin intirely reduced by Cromwel, and could never have held up their Heads again without his Countenance. But the truth of it was, his Army was to ſupport the Iriſh, and the fear of the Iriſh was to ſupport his Army.

Towards the latter end of this King's Reign the Nation had ſo intirely loſt all ſenſe of Liberty, that they grew fond of their Chains; and if his Brother would have ſuffer'd him to have liv'd longer, or had followed his Example, by this time we had bin as great Slaves as in France. But it was God's great Mercy to us that he was made in another Mould, Imperious, Obſtinat, and a Bigot, puſh'd on by the Counſels of France and Rome, and the violence of his own Nature; ſo that he quickly run himſelf out of breath. As ſoon as he came to the Crown, he ſeiz'd the Cuſtoms and Exciſe without Authority of Parliament: He pick'd out the Scum and Scandals of the Law to make Judges upon the Bench; and turn'd out all that would not ſacrifice their Oaths to his Ambition, by which he diſcharg'd the Lords out of the Tower, inflicted thoſe barbarous Puniſhments on Dr. Oates, Mr. Johnſon, &c. butcher'd many hundreds of Men in the Weſt after they had bin trapan'd into a Confeſſion by promiſe of Pardon, murder'd Corniſh, got the Diſpenſing Power to be declar'd in Weſtminſter-Hall, turn'd the Fellows of Magdalen-College out of their Freeholds to make way for a Seminary of Prieſts, and hang'd Soldiers for running away from their Colors. He erected the Eccleſiaſtical Commiſſion, ſuſpended the Biſhop of London, becauſe he would not inflict the ſame Puniſhment upon Dr. Sharp for preaching againſt Popery. He cloſeted the Nobility and Gentry, turn'd all out of Imployment that would not promiſe to repeal the Teſt, put in Popiſh Privy-Counſellors, Judges, Deputy Lieutenants, and Juſtices of Peace; and to get all this confirm'd by the ſhew of Parliament, he proſecuted the Work his Brother had begun in taking away Charters, and new model'd the Corporations by a ſort of Vermin call'd Regulators. He receiv'd a Nuntio from Rome, and ſent an Ambaſſador thither. He erected a Popiſh Seminary at the Savoy to pervert Youth, ſuffer'd the Prieſts to go about in their Habits, made Tyrconnel Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, turn'd all the Proteſtants out of the Army and moſt of the Civil Imployments there, and made Fitton (a Papiſt, and one detected for Perjury) Chancellor of that Kingdom. He iſſu'd out a Proclamation in Scotland, wherin he aſſerted his Abſolute Power, which all his Subjects were to obey without reſerve; a Prerogative I think, never claim'd by the Great Turk, or the Mogul. He iſſu'd out a Declaration for Liberty of Conſcience, order'd it to be read in all Churches, and impriſon'd and try'd the ſeven Biſhops becauſe they humbly offer'd their Reaſons in a Petition againſt it: and to conſummat all, that we might have no hopes of retrieving our Misfortunes, he impos'd a counterfeit Prince of Wales upon the Nation.

Soon after he came to the Crown, the Duke of Monmouth landed, and in a few weeks got together ſix or ſeven thouſand Men: but they having neither Arms or Proviſions, were eaſily defeated by not many more than 2000 of the King's Troops. Which leaves a ſad proſpect of the conſequence of a Standing Army: for here was a Prince, the Darling of the common People, fighting againſt a bigotted Papiſt that was hated and abbor'd by them, and yet defeated by ſo ſmall a number of Men, and many of them too his Friends; ſuch is the force of Authority. King James took occaſion from hence to increaſe his Army to between fifteen and ſixteen thouſand Men, and then unmask'd himſelf, call'd his Parliament, and in a haughty Speech told them, He had increas'd his Army, put in Officers not qualifi'd by the Teſt, and that he would not part with them. He ask'd a Supply, and let them know he expected their compliance. This was very unexpected to thoſe Loyal Gentlemen, who had given him ſuch a vaſt Revenue for Life, who refus'd to take any Security but his Majeſty's neverfailing Word for the Proteſtant Religion, and indeed had don for him whatever he ask'd; which yet was not very extraordinary, ſince he had the chooſing of moſt of them himſelf. But even this Parliament turn'd ſhort upon an Army: which puts me in mind of a ſaying of Macchiavel, viz. That it is as hard a matter for a Man to be perfectly bad as perfectly good; tho if he had liv'd at this time, I believe he had chang'd his Opinion. The Court labor'd the matter very much; and to ſhew that good Wits jump, they told us that France was grown formidable, that the Dutch Forces were much increas'd, that we muſt be ſtrong in proportion for the preſervation of our ſelves and Flanders, and that there was no dependence upon the Militia. But this ſhallow Rhetoric would not paſs upon them. They anſwer'd, that we had defended our ſelves for above a thouſand Years without an Army; that a King's trueſt Strength is the Love of his People; that they would make the Militia uſeful, and order'd a Bill to be brought in to that purpoſe. But all this ſerv'd only to fulfil their Iniquity; for they had don their own Buſineſs before, and now he would keep an Army up in ſpite of them: ſo he prorogu'd them, and call'd no other Parliament during his Reign; but to frighten the City of London, kept his Army encamp'd at Hounſlow-Heath when the Seaſon would permit, which put not only them but the whole Nation into the utmoſt Terror and Confuſion. Towards the latter end of his Reign he had increas'd his Army in England to above twenty thouſand Men, and in Ireland to eight thouſand ſeven hundred and odd.

This King committed two fatal Errors in his Politics. The firſt was his falling out with his old Chronies the Prieſts, who brought him to the Crown in ſpite of his Religion, and would have ſupported him in Arbitrary Government to the utmoſt; nay, Popery (eſpecially the worſt part of it, viz. the Domination of the Church) was not ſo formidable a thing to them, but with a little Cookery it might have bin rendred palatable. But he had Prieſts of another ſort that were to riſe upon their Ruins; and he thought to play an eaſier Game by careſſing the Diſſenters, imploying them, and giving them Liberty of Conſcience: which kindneſs lookt ſo prepoſterous, that the wiſe and ſober Men among them could never heartily believe it, and when the Prince of Orange landed, turn'd againſt him.

His ſecond Error was the diſobliging his own Army, by bringing over Regiments from Ireland, and ordering every Company to take in ſo many Iriſh Papiſts; by which they plainly ſaw he was reforming his Army, and would caſhire them all as faſt as he could get Papiſts to ſupply their room. So that he violated the Rights of the People, fell out with the Church of England, made uncertain Friends of the Diſſenters, and diſoblig'd his own Army; by which means they all united againſt him, and invited the Prince of Orange to aſſiſt them: which Invitation he accepted, and landed at Torbay the 5th of November 1688. publiſhing a Declaration, which ſet forth all the Oppreſſions of the laſt Reign [but the keeping up a Standing Army] declared for a free Parliament, in which things were to be ſo ſettled that there ſhould be no danger of falling again into Slavery, and promis'd to ſend back all his foren Forces as ſoon as this was don.

When the News of his Landing was ſpread thro England, he was welcom'd by the univerſal Acclamations of the People. He had the Hands, the Hearts, and the Prayers of all honeſt Men in the Nation: Every one thought the long wiſh'd for time of their Deliverance was com. King James was deſerted by his own Family, his Court, and his Army. The Ground he ſtood upon mouldred under him; ſo that he ſent his Queen and Foundling to France before him, and himſelf followed ſoon after. When the Prince came to London, he disbanded moſt of thoſe Regiments that were rais'd from the time he landed; and King James's Army that were disbanded by Feverſham, were order'd to repair all again to their Colors: which was thought by ſom a falſe ſtep, believing it would have bin more our Intereſt to have kept thoſe Regiments which came in upon the Principle on which this Revolution is founded, than Forces that were rais'd in violation of the Laws, and to ſupport a Tyrannical Government: beſides, the miſerable Condition of Ireland requir'd our ſpeedy Aſſiſtance, and theſe Men might have bin truſted to do that work.

Within a few days after he came to Town, he ſummon'd the Lords, and not long after the Members of the three laſt Parliaments of King Charles the 2d, and was addreſs'd to by both Houſes to take upon him the Adminiſtration of the Government, to take into his particular care the then preſent Condition of Ireland, and to iſſue forth Circulatory Letters for the chooſing a Convention of Eſtates. All this time Ireland lay bleeding, and Tyrconnel was raiſing an Army, diſarming the Proteſtants, and diſpoſſeſſing them of all the Places they held in Leinſter, Munſter, and Connaught: which occaſion'd frequent Applications here for Relief, tho it was to ſend them but one or two Regiments; and if that could not be don, to ſend them Arms and Commiſſions, which in all probability would have made the Reduction of that Kingdom very eaſy: yet tho the Prince's and King James his Army were both in England, no relief was ſent, by which means the Iriſh got poſſeſſion of the whole Kingdom but Londonderry and Inniskilling, the former of which Towns ſhut up its Gates the ninth of December, declaring for the Prince of Orange, and addreſs'd for immediat Relief, yet could neither get Arms or Ammunition till the 20th of March; and the Forces that were ſent with Cunningham and Richards arrived not there till the 15th of April, and immediatly after deſerted the Service, and came back again, bringing Lundy the Governor before appointed by his Majeſty with them, and alledg'd for their Excuſe, that it was impoſſible to defend the Town. But notwithſtanding this Treachery, ſuch was the reſolution of the Beſieged, that they continu'd to defend themſelves with the utmoſt bravery, and ſent again for Relief, which under Kirk came not to them till the 7th of June; nor were theſe poor Creatures actually reliev'd till the 30th of July, tho there appears no reaſon why he might not have don it when he firſt came into the Harbor, which was more than ſeven Weeks before. Thus we ſee the Reſolution of theſe poor Men weari'd out all their Diſappointments.

When the Convention met, they reſolv'd upon twenty eight Articles, as the Preliminaries upon which they would diſpoſe the Crown; but this deſign dwindled into a Declaration of our Rights, which was in thirteen Articles, and the moſt conſiderable, viz. That the raiſing and keeping up a Standing Army in times of Peace is contrary to Law, had tag'd to it theſe words, without Authority of Parliament; as if the conſent of the Parliament would not have made it Legal without thoſe words, or that their Conſent would make it leſs dangerous. This made the Jacobites ſay in thoſe early days, that ſom evil Counſellors deſign'd to play the ſame game again of a Standing Army, and attributed unjuſtly the neglect of Ireland to the ſame Cauſe, becauſe by that omiſſion it was made neceſſary to raiſe a greater Army to reduce it, with which the King acquainted the Parliament the 8th of March, when ſpeaking of the deplorable Condition of Ireland, he declar'd he thought it not adviſable to attemt the reducing it with leſs than 20000 Horſe and Foot. This was a bitter Pill to the Parliament, who thought they might have manag'd their ſhare of the War with France at Sea; but there was no remedy, a greater Army muſt be rais'd, or Ireland loſt; and to gild it, all the Courtiers uſher'd in their Speeches with this Declaration, That they would be the firſt for disbanding them when the War was over; and this Declaration has bin made as often as an Army has bin debated ſince during the War, and I ſuppoſe punctually obſerv'd laſt Seſſions. At laſt the thing was conſented to, and the King iſſu'd forth Commiſſions for the raiſing of Horſe, Foot, and Dragoons. In this Army very few Gentlemen of Eſtates in Ireland could get Imployments, tho they were in a miſerable Condition here, and made their utmoſt Application for them; it being a common objection by ſom Colonels, that a Man had an Eſtate there, which in all likelihood would have made him more vigorous in reducing the Kingdom. It was long after this Army was rais'd, before they could be ready to be tranſported; and even then it was commonly ſaid that Shomberg found many things out of order; and when they were at laſt tranſported, which was about the middle of Auguſt, they were not in a Condition to fight the Enemy, tho lately baffled before Londonderry, eſpecially their Carriages coming not to them till the 24th of September, when it was high time to go into Winter-Quarters. By this means the Iriſh got Strength and Courage, and three fourths of our Army periſh'd at the Camp at Dundalk.

But tho our Army could do nothing, yet the Militia of the Country, almoſt without Arms or Clothes, performed Miracles, witneſs that memorable Siege of Londonderry, the defeat of General Mackarty, who was intrench'd in a Bog with ten thouſand regular Troops, and attack'd by fifteen hundred Inniskilling men, defeated, himſelf made a Priſoner, and three thouſand of his Men kill'd; and a great many other gallant Actions they perform'd, for which they were diſmiſs'd by Kirk with Scorn and Ignominy, and moſt of their Officers left to ſtarve. Thus the War in Ireland was nurs'd up either thro Chance, Inadvertency, or the neceſſity of our Affairs (for I am unwilling to think it was Deſign) till at laſt it was grown ſo big, that nothing leſs than his Majeſty's great Genius, and the uſual Succeſs that has always attended his Conduct, could have overcom it.

When the Parliament met that Winter, they fell upon the examination of the Iriſh Affairs; and finding Commiſſary Shales was the cauſe of a great part of the Miſcarriages, they addreſs'd his Majeſty that he would be pleas'd to acquaint the Houſe who it was that advis'd the imploying him, which his Majeſty did not remember. They then addreſs'd, that he would be pleas'd to order him to be taken into Cuſtody, and it was don accordingly; upon which Shales ſent a Letter to the Speaker, deſiring he might be brought over to England, where he would vindicat himſelf, and juſtify what he had don. Then the Houſe addreſs'd his Majeſty again, that he might be brought over with all convenient ſpeed; and the King was pleas'd to anſwer, that he had given ſuch Orders already. Then the Houſe refer'd the matter to a privat Committee; but before any Report made, or Shales could be brought to England, the Parliament was prorogu'd, and after diſſolv'd; and ſoon after he fell ſick and died.

The neglect of Ireland this Year made it neceſſary to raiſe more Forces, and increaſe our Eſtabliſhment, which afterwards upon pretence of invading France was advanc'd to eighty ſeven thouſand ſix hundred ninety eight Men. At laſt by our great Armies and Fleets, and the conſtant expence of maintaining them, we were too hard for the Oeconomy, Skill, and Policy of France; and notwithſtanding all our Difficulties, brought them to Terms both Safe and Honorable.

It not being to be purpoſe of this Diſcourſe, I ſhall omit giving any account of the Conduct of our Fleet during this War, how few Advantages we reap'd by it, and how many Opportunities we loſt of deſtroying the French. Only thus much I will obſerve, that tho a great part of it may be attributed to the Negligence, Ignorance, or Treachery of inferior Officers, yet it could not ſo univerſally happen thro the whole courſe of the War, and unpuniſh'd too, notwithſtanding the clamors of the Merchants, and repeated complaints in Parliament, unleſs the cauſe had laid deeper: What that is, I ſhall not preſume to enquire; but I am ſure there has bin a very ill Argument drawn from it, viz. That a Fleet is no ſecurity to us.

As ſoon as the Peace was made, his Majeſty diſcharg'd a great part of the foren Forces; and an Advertiſment was publiſh'd in the Gazet, that ten Regiments ſhould be forthwith disbanded; and we were told, as ſoon as it was don, that more ſhould follow their example. But theſe Reſolutions, it ſeems, were alter'd, and the modiſh Language was, that we muſt keep up a Standing Army. Their Arguments were turn'd topſy turvy: for as during the War the People were prevail'd upon to keep up the Army in hopes of a Peace; ſo now we muſt keep them up for fear of a War. The Condition of France, which they had bin decrying for many Years, was now magnifi'd: we were told, that it was doubtful whether the French King would deliver up any of his Towns; that he was preparing a vaſt Fleet upon the Lord knows what Deſign; that it was impoſſible to make a Militia uſeful; that the warlike King Jemmy had an Army of eighteen thouſand Iriſh Hero's in France, who would be ready when call'd for; and that the King of Spain was dying. The Members of Parliament were diſcours'd with as they came to Town; 'twas whiſper'd about, that the Whigs would be all turn'd out of Imployments: a new Plot was ſaid to be diſcover'd for murdering the King, and ſearches were made at Midnight thro the whole City to the diſcovery of plenty of Fornication, but no Traitors. The Placemongers conſulted among themſelves, and found by a wonderful Sympathy they were all of one Opinion; and if by any means they could get a few more to be of the ſame, the day was their own: ſo they were poſitive of ſucceſs, and very ſure they ſhould carry it by above a hundred Voices.

The Houſe had not ſat a week, but this matter came to be debated; and the queſtion in the Committee was, Whether all Forces rais'd ſince the year 80 ſhould be disbanded? which was carried in the Affirmative, the Court being not able to bring it to a diviſion; and the next day when it was reported, they did not attemt to ſet aſide the Vote, but to recommit it, upon pretence it tied the King to the old Tory Regiments, (tho by the way, none of thoſe Regiments have bin ſince disbanded) and ſom ſaid they thought the Forces in 80 too many. I can ſafely ſay, tho I had frequent diſcourſe with many of them, yet I never heard any one of them at that time pretend to be for a greater force than this Vote left the King: but let what will be their reaſons, it was carried againſt them by a majority of 37, the Affirmatives being 185, and the Negatives 148. I will not here take notice of what ſom People have ſaid, viz. That of the 148 who were for recommitting the Vote, 116 had Places, becauſe I doubt the fact; nor do I believe their Places would biaſs them.

This was a thorow Victory, and required great skill and addreſs to retrieve. The fears of France were again multiplied; 'twas ſaid there was a privat Article that King James was to Ieave France, which the French refuſed to perform; that Boufflers and the Earl of Portland had given one another the Lie; that ſom of the latter's Retinue had bin kill'd; that the French Ambaſſador was ſtop'd, the King of Spain dead, and abundance more to this purpoſe. The Club was ſet up at the R—, great Applications made, the Commiſſion of the Exciſe was declared to be broke (by which nine Commiſſioners Places were to be diſpoſed of, and above 40 Perſons named for them) and many of the Country Gentlemen were gon home. Thus recruited, they were ready for a new Encounter: and ſince by the Rules of the Houſe they could not ſet aſide the former Vote directly, they would try to do it by a ſide wind; which was by moving, that directions might be given to the Committee of Ways and Means to conſider to a ſupply for Guards and Gariſons: but the other ſide, to obviat this, offered theſe words as an Amendment, viz. According to the Vote of the 11th of December. This matter was much labored, and the Gentlemen that were againſt the Army explain'd themſelves, and declar'd they were not for obliging the King to the Regiments in 80, but that they inſiſted only on the number, and he might chooſe what Regiments he pleaſed. By this means they carried it, but not without great oppoſition (tho I preſume from none of thoſe Gentlemen whodeclared in all Places they were for recommitting the former Vote only for the reaſons before given) beſides, they were forced to explain themſelves out of a conſiderable part of it, for they allowed the King the Dutch Regiments, and the Tangeriners; which in my opinion could not be well underſtood by the former Vote, the meaning of which ſeems to be, that the King ſhould have all the Forces that Charles the 2d had in 80 in England, and theſe were not then here; the Holland Regiments being paid by the States, and their Soldiers; and the others 500 Leagues off at Tangier. But all this advantage would not ſatisfy the Army-Gentlemen: for in the Committee they indeavored again to ſet aſide the Vote, by moving for a ſum of 500000 pounds per annum for Guards and Gariſons, without naming any certain number (which would have maintain'd above 20000) but this could not be carried; therfore they came to a fort of Compoſition, to have but 10000, wherof a great number were to be Horſe and Dragoons; and the Sum given to maintain them was 350000 pounds: but notwithſtanding this they moved afterwards for 3000 Marines (alledging that theſe were not a Land-Force, but a Water-Force) which was carried.

Here I will beg leave to obſerve one thing, that nothing would ſatisfy the Courtiers at the beginning of the Winter but to have the Forces eſtabliſh'd by the Parliament, and upon other Terms they would not accept them; and in all Companys ſaid, that any Miniſter that advis'd the King to keep them up otherwiſe, or any Officer that continued his Commiſſion ought to be attainted of High Treaſon: about which I ſhall nor differ with theſe Gentlemen, nor do I arraign them for altering their opinion; for perhaps they may conceive that a Vore to give 350000 pounds for Guards and Gariſons, is a ſufficient Authority againſt Law to quarter Soldiers in all parts of England, as well out of Gariſons, as in 'em, and as well at a diſtance from the King's Perſon, as about it.

This what our Courts for above a thouſand years together had never Effrontery enough to ask; what the Penſioner Parliament could not think of without aſtoniſhment; what King James's Parliament (that was almoſt choſen by himſelf) could not hear debated with patience, we are likely to have the honor of eſtabliſhing in our own age, even under a Deliverance.

Now we will examin how far they have complied with the Reſolutions of the Houſe of Commons. Having ſo far gained upon the firſt Vote by the means before related, 'twas not eaſy to be imagined but they would nicely perform the reſt, without any art or evaſion: but inſtead of this, they reform'd a certain number of Men out of every Troop and Company, and kept up all the Officers, who are the moſt eſſential and chargeable part of an Army, the privat Soldiers being to be rais'd again in a few days whenever they pleaſe. This is ſuch a disbanding as every Officer would have made in his Company for his privat advantage, and always did in Charles the 2d's time, and even in this Reign when they were not in action: ſo that all the effect of ſuch a Reform is to hinder the Officers from falſe Muſters, and ſave the pay of a few common Soldiers.

But this would not ſatisfy the People, and therfore they diſbanded ſom Regiments of Horſe, Foot and Dragoons, and thought of that profound Expedient of ſending a great many more to Ireland; as if our grievance was not the fear of being enſlav'd by them, but leſt they ſhould ſpend their Mony among us. I am ſorry the Nation is grown ſo contemtible in theſe Gentlemens opinions, as to think that they can remove our fears of a Standing Army by ſending them threeſcore miles off, from whence they may recal them upon a few days notice. Nay an Army kept in Ireland, is more dangerous to us than at home: for here by perpetual converſe with their Relations and Acquaintance, ſom few of them perhaps may warp towards their Country; wheras in Ireland they are kept as it were in a Gariſon, where they are ſhut up from the communication of their Countrymen, and may be nurs'd up in another Intereſt. This is ſo true, that 'tis a common Policy among Arbitrary Princes often to ſhift their Soldiers Quarters, leſt they ſhould contract friendſhip among the Natives, and by degrees fall into their Intereſt.

It may be ſaid perhaps, That the People of Ireland will pay them; which makes the matter ſo much the worſe, for they are leſs likely to have any regard to their Country. Beſides, if we conſider the Lords Juſtices Speech to that Parliament, wherin they are let know that his Majeſty EXPECTS that they will continue the Subſiſtence to the disbanded Officers, and ſupport the preſent Eſtabliſhment (which by the way is near three times as great as Charles the 2d's) and this without any other ceremony or qualification of Time (with which his Majeſty was pleas'd to expreſs himſelf to his Engliſh and Scotch Parliaments) we may be convinc'd that they are not in a condition to diſpute this matter; eſpecially at a time when they apprehend Hardſhips will be put upon them in relation to their Trade: and therfore we may be ſure they will gratify the Court to the utmoſt of their Power, in hopes, if they can't prevent the paſſing a Law againſt them, to obtain a connivance in the execution. We may add; by this means they will keep their Mony in their own Country, a great part wherof came formerly to England, and have an opportunity of returning the Complement we deſign'd them laſt Year, if we don't prevent it by disbanding the Army there, as Strafford's Army in Ireland was formerly in the 15th of Charles the firſt, and lately another in 78 by our Engliſh Parliaments.

I can't avoid taking notice here, how different the modiſh Sentiments are in Ireland and England: for there the Language is, We muſt comply with the Court in keeping up the Army, or otherwiſe the Woollen Manufacture is gon; and here the Men in faſhion tell us, that an Army muſt be kept in Ireland to deſtroy the Woollen Manufacture, and execute the Laws we make againſt them; and in order to it the People of Ireland are to pay them.

This project of ſending Men to Ireland was ſo tranſparent, that they durſt not rely upon it; and therfore they told us, that as faſt as Mony could be got, they would disband more Regiments. The People were in great expectation when it would be don, and ſeveral times it was taken notice of in Parliament; and the Courtiers always aſſur'd them that nothing hindred it but the want of Mony to pay them off 'Twas conſidently ſaid in all public places, that eighteen Regiments more would be disbanded, and the Regiments were nam'd; and I have heard it with great Aſſurance affirm'd by the Agents and Officers themſelves, that the King had ſign'd it in Council. Thus the Seſſion was worn out, till the Houſe of Commons tir'd with Expectation, addreſs'd his Majeſty, That be would be pleas'd to give order that a Liſt be laid before the Houſe of the Army disbanded, and intended to be disbanded, and of the Officers Names who are to have half pay; and his Majeſty was pleas'd to anſwer, That he would comply with the deſires of the Houſe as ſoon as conveniently be couid: but the Parliament ſitting not above a Month afterwards, his Majeſty ſent them no farther anſwer.

At laſt the Parliament roſe, and inſtead of disbanding they brought over a great many foreign Regiments, and ſent them to Ireland, as well as three more Engliſh ones. But even all this would not bring their Army in England down to ten thouſand Men; ſo that they made another Reform, and ſince have incorporated the Officers of the disbanded Regiments in Ireland into the Standing Troops, by which means they have not an Army of Officers: wheras if theſe Gentlemen deſign their Army to defend us againſt a ſudden Invaſion, or to be in readineſs againſt the King of Spain's Death, in my poor opinion they ſhould have kept up the privat Soldiers, and disbanded all the Officers but ſuch as are juſt neceſſary to exerciſe them; for Officers will be always ready to accept good Imployments, whereas the privat Soldiers will be very difficultly liſted again in a new War, tho we all know they are eaſily to be got together when they are only to inſult their Countrymen.

One good effect of this Army has already appear'd; for I preſume every body has heard how prevailing an Argument it was in the late Elections, That if we chooſe ſuch a Man, we ſhall be free from Quarters: and I wiſh this Argument dos not every day grow ſtronger. Nay, who knows but in another Reign the Corporations may be told that his Majeſty expects they will chooſe the Officers of the Army, and the Parliament be told that he expects they will maintain them?

But to ſet this matter in a full view, I will here put down the Eſtabliſhment of King Charles the Second in 88, which was the foundation of the Vote of the 11th of December, as alſo his preſent Majeſty's: and in this, as well as my other Computations, I do not pretend but I may be miſtaken in many Particulars, tho I have taken what care I could not to be ſo; nor is it material to my purpoſe, ſo the variation from Truth is not conſiderable.

I ſhall alſo ſet down King William's Eſtabliſhment as the Regiments were before the Reform, becauſe all the Officers ſtill remain, and a great part of the privat Soldiers, which I take to be in effect full Regiments; the reſt being to be rais'd again in a few days, if they are deſign'd for home Service, but, as I ſaid before, the hardeſt to be got if they are deſigned for Spain or Flanders. But herein if any Man differs from me, he may make his own deductions.

The Eſtabliſhment of Charles the 2d in England in the Year Eighty.

Horſe and Dragoons in England. Troops and Companies. Commiſ. Officers. Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. Troops of Guards 3 48 15 600 663 The Royal Regiment of Horſe 8 34 40 400 474 A Troop of Dragoons raiſed in July, 1680. 1 4 8 40 52 Total Horſe and Dragoons 12 86 63 1040 1189 Foot in England. Gentlemen Penſioners 1 6 0 40 46 Yeomen of the Guard 1 7 0 100 107 The firſt Regiment of Foot-Guards 24 75 192 1440 1707 The Coldſtream Regiment 12 39 96 720 855 The Duke of York's Regiment. 12 39 96 630 765 The Holland Regiment 12 39 96 600 735 Independent Companies 26 78 208 1260 1546 Total Foot in England 88 283 688 4790 5761

King Charles the Second's Eſtabliſhment in Ireland in the Year Eighty.

Troops and Companies. Commiſ. Officers. Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. Troops of Horſe 24 96 196 1080 1372 His Foot in Ireland. Yeomen of the Guard 1 3 0 60 63 A Regiment of Guards 12 40 99 1120 1259 Single Companies 74 222 444 4440 5166 Total Foot in Ireland 87 265 543 5620 6428 I have not here put down the Gariſon of Tangier, which was about three thouſand Men, becauſe that place is now loſt, and conſequently wants no Gariſon. I will now ſet down his preſent Majeſty's Eſtabliſhment, and then compare them both together. Horſe and Dragoons upon the Engliſh Eſtabliſhment. Three Troops of Horſe Guards 3 48 15 600 663 One Troop of Dutch Guards 1 15 5 200 220 One Troop of Horſe Granadiers 1 11 20 180 211 Lord Oxford's Regiment 9 40 45 531 616 Lord Portland's Horſe Dutch Regiment 9 42 54 603 699 Lumley's Regiment 9 40 45 531 616 Troops and Companies. Commiſ. Officers. Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. Wood's 6 28 36 354 412 Arran's 6 28 36 354 412 Windham's 6 28 36 354 412 Schomberg's 6 28 36 354 412 Macclesfield's 6 28 36 354 412 Raby's Dragoons 8 37 72 480 589 Flood's Dragoons 8 37 72 480 589 Lord Eſſex's Dragoons 8 37 72 480 589 Total Horſe and Dragoons in England 86 447 580 5855 6876 Foot on the Engliſh Eſtabliſhment. Gentlemen Penſioners 1 6 0 40 46 Yeomen of the Guard 1 7 0 100 107 Lord Rumney's four Battalions 28 99 222 2240 2563 Lord Cutt's two Battalions 14 51 112 1120 1283 The blew Guards a Dutch Regiment, four Battalions 26 96 208 2366 2670 Earl of Orkney's a Scotch Regiment 26 88 208 1560 1656 Selwin's 13 44 104 780 928 Churchil's 13 44 104 780 928 Trelawny's 13 44 104 780 928 Earle's 13 44 104 780 928 Seymour's 13 44 104 780 928 Colt's 13 44 104 780 928 Mordant's 13 44 104 780 928 Sir David Collier's 13 44 104 780 928 Sir Charles Hero's Fuſileers in Jerſey 13 46 104 780 930 Troops and Companies. Commiſſion Officers. Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. Collingwood's 13 46 104 780 928 A Company at Ʋpnor Caſtle 1 2 6 50 58 Total Foot in England 227 793 1796 15276 17865 Horſe and Dragoons upon the Iriſh Eſtabliſhment. Luſon's 6 42 30 354 412 Langston's 6 42 30 354 412 Lord Gallaway's a French Regiment 9 113 45 531 689 Roſs's Dragoons 8 37 72 480 589 Ecklins's 8 37 72 480 589 Cunningham's 8 37 72 480 589 Mermon's a French Regiment 8 74 144 480 698 Total Horſe and Dragoons in Ireland 53 338 465 3159 3962 Foot upon the Iriſh Eſtabliſhment, with the disbanded Officers incorporated. Fairfax's 13 66 104 780 950 Collumbine's 13 66 104 780 950 Webb's 13 66 104 780 950 Granvill's 13 66 104 780 950 Brewer's 13 66 104 780 950 Jacob's 13 66 104 780 950 How's 13 66 104 780 950 Steward's 13 66 104 780 950 Hanmore's 13 66 104 780 950 Titcomb's 13 66 104 780 950 Stanley's 13 66 104 780 950 Bridges's 13 66 104 780 950 Fr. Hamilton's 13 66 104 780 950 Ingoldsby's 13 66 104 780 950 Piſar's 13 66 104 780 950 Bellaſis's 13 66 104 780 950 Guſtavus Hamilton's 13 66 104 780 950 Tiffany's 13 66 104 780 950 Martoon's a French Regiment 13 83 104 780 967 Lamellioneer's a French Regiment 13 83 104 780 967 Beleaſtle's a French Regiment 13 83 104 780 967 Holt's Regiment in the Weſt-Indies which is not upon the Iriſh Eſtabliſhment 13 44 104 780 928 Total Foot in Ireland 286 1481 2288 17160 20929

I will now compare both Eſtabliſhments together. Troops and Companies. Commiſſion Officers. Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. Charles the 2d's Horſe in Eighty in England 12 86 63 1040 1189 His Foot in England 88 283 688 4790 5761 His Horſe and Foot in England 100 369 751 5830 6950 His Eſtabliſhment in Ireland. His Horſe in Ireland 24 96 196 1080 1372 His Foot in Ireland 87 265 543 5620 6428 His Horſe and Foot in Ireland 111 361 739 6700 7800 All his Army in England and Ireland. Troops and Companies. Commiſſion Officers Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. His Horſe in England and Ireland 36 182 259 2120 2561 His Foot in England and Ireland 175 548 1231 10410 12189 All his Army in England and Ireland 211 730 1490 12530 14750 King William's Eſtabliſhment. His Horſe in England 86 441 580 5855 6876 His Foot in England 227 793 1796 15276 17865 All his Forces in England 313 1234 2376 21131 24741 His Eſtabliſhment in Ireland. His Horſe in Ireland 53 338 465 3159 3962 His Foot in Ireland 286 1481 2288 17160 20929 All his Forces in Ireland 339 1819 2753 20319 24891 All his Army in England and Ireland. His Horſe and Dragoons in England and Ireland 139 779 1045 9014 10838 His Foot in England and Ireland 513 2274 4084 32436 38794 All his Army in England and Ireland 652 3053 5129 41450 49632

So that his preſent Majeſty in England and Ireland alone has above three times as many Troops and Companies as Charles the Second had in the Year eighty, almoſt five times as many Commiſſion Officers, near four times as many Non-Commiſſion Officers; and when the Commanders ſhall have Orders to recruit their Companies, will have more than three times the number of common Soldiers, beſides the disbanded Officers which are not incorporated into other Regiments; and upon the Eſtabliſhment they now ſtand, are as much Creatures to the Court, as if their Regiments were in being.

His Majeſty's Forces in Scotland, which in the Year Eighty conſiſted of 2806 Men.

Troops and Companies. Commiſſion Officers Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. The Troop of Guards 1 15 5 120 140 The Royal Regiment of Dragoons 8 37 72 320 429 Jedborough's Dragoons 6 27 54 240 321 The Royal Regiment of Foot Guards 16 51 128 912 1091 Rew's Fuſileers 16 51 128 640 819 Collier or Hamilton's 16 51 128 640 819 Maitland's 16 51 128 640 819 In Gariſons 4 12 24 295 331 All his Forces in Scotland 83 295 667 3807 4769

Theſe Forces are as they are now reduc'd and allow'd by the Parliament of Scotland, for Reaſons beſt known to themſelves; which without doubt muſt be very good ones, ſince 'tis commonly ſaid, that ten Privy Counſellors of that Kingdom, who appear'd againſt the Army, are turn'd out of the Council; which, if true, I preſume will be a ſufficient warning to our Gentlemen at home.

However, there is this uſe in the Scotch Army, that if the Parliament of England ſhall be prevail'd on to think any Forces neceſſary, a leſſer Number will be ſufficient.

His Majeſty's Forces in Holland. Troops and Companies. Commiſſion Officers Non-Commiſ. Officers. Private Men. Total Number. Lawder's 13 44 104 780 928 William Collins 13 44 104 780 928 Murray's 13 44 104 780 928 Ferguſon's 13 44 104 780 928 Stranaver's 13 44 104 780 928 13 44 104 780 928 All the Forces in Holland 78 264 624 4680 5568 ☞ SO that his Majeſty's whole Army conſiſts of 813 3612 6420 49937 59969

Of theſe ſeven thouſand, eight hundred, and ſeventy ſeven, are Foreigners, which is the firſt foreign Army that ever ſet foot in England but as Enemies.

Since the writing of this I am informed, that Brudenall's Regiment is in being, and that Eppinger's Dragoons are in Engliſh Pay, which if true, will make the whole Army ſixty odd thouſand Men: but in this as well as many other Parts of the Liſt I may be miſtaken, for which I hope I ſhall be excuſed, when I acquaint the Reader that I was forced to pick it out from accidental Diſcourſes with Officers, having apply'd to my Lord R—'s Office without Succeſs, tho I made ſuch Intereſt for it as upon another occaſion would not have bin refuſed.

If the Prince of Orange in his Declaration, inſtead of telling us that we ſhould be ſettled upon ſuch a foundation that there ſhould be no danger of our falling again into Slavery, and that he would ſend back all his Forces as ſoon as that was done, had promis'd us that after an eight Years War (which ſhould leave us in Debt near twenty Millions) we ſhould have a Standing Army eſtabliſh'd, a great many of which ſhould be Foreigners, I believe few Men would have thought ſuch a Revolution worth the hazard of their Lives and Eſtates; but his mighty Soul was above ſuch abject thoughts as theſe; his Declaration was his own, theſe paltry Deſigns are our Undertakers, who would ſhelter their own Oppreſſions under his Sacred Name.

I would willingly know whether the late King James could have inſlaved us but by an Army, and whether there is any way of ſcouring us from falling again into Slavery but by disbanding them. It was in that ſenſe I underſtood his Majeſty's Declaration, and therfore did early take up Arms for him, as I ſhall be always ready to do. It was this alone which made his aſſiſtance neceſſary to us, otherwiſe we had wanted none but the Hangman's.

I will venture to ſay, that if this Army dos not make us Slaves, we are the only People upon Earth in ſuch Circumſtances that ever eſcap'd it with the 4th part of their number. It is a greater force than Alexander conquer'd the Eaſt with, than Caeſar had in his Conqueſt of Gaul, or indeed the whole Roman Empire; double the number that any of our Anceſtors ever invaded France with, Ageſilaus the Perſians, or Huniades and Scanderbeg the Turkiſh Empire; as many again as was in any Battel between the Dutch and Spaniards in forty Years War, or betwixt the King and Parliament in England; four times as many as the Prince of Orange landed with in England; and in ſhort, as many as have bin on both ſides in nine Battels of ten that were ever fought in the World. If this Army dos not inſlave us, it is barely becauſe we have a virtuous Prince that will not attemt it; and 'tis a moſt miſerable thing to have no other Security for our Liberty, than the Will of a Man, tho the moſt juſt Man living: for that is not a free Government where there is a good Prince (for even the moſt arbitrary Governments have had ſomtimes a Relaxation of their Miſeries) but where it is ſo conſtituted, that no one can be a Tyrant if he would. Cicero ſays, tho a Maſter dos not tyrannize, yet 'tis a lamentable conſideration that it is in his power to do ſo; and therfore ſuch a Power is to be truſted to none, which if it dos not find a Tyrant, commonly makes one; and if not him, to be ſure a Succeſſor.

If any one during the Reign of Charles the Second, when thoſe that were call'd Whigs, with a noble Spirit of Liberty, both in the Parliament Houſe and in private Companies, oppos'd a few Guards as Badges of Tyranny, a Deſtruction to our Conſtitution, and the Foundations of a Standing Army: I ſay, if any ſhould have told them that a Deliverer ſhould com and reſcue them from the Oppreſſions under which they then labor'd; that France by a tedious and conſumtive War ſhould be reduc'd to half the Power it then had; and even at that time they ſhould not only be paſſive, but uſe their utmoſt Intereſt, and diſtort their Reaſon to find out Arguments for keeping up ſo vaſt an Army, and make the Abuſes of which they had bin all their lives complaining, Precedents to juſtify thoſe Procedings; whoever would have told them this, muſt have bin very regardleſs of his Reputation, and bin thought to have had a great deal of ill nature. But the truth is, we have lived in an Age of Miracles, and there is nothing ſo extravagant that we may not expect to ſee, when ſurly Patriots grow ſervil Flatterers, old Commonwealthſmen declare for the Prerogative, and Admirals againſt the Fleet.

But I wonder what Arguments in nature our Hirelings will think of for keeping up an Army this year. Good Reaſons lie within a narrow Compaſs, and might be gueſſed at; but nonſenſe is infinit. The Arguments they chiefly inſiſted upon laſt year were, That it was uncertain whether the French King would deliver up any of his Towns if we disbanded our Army; that King James had 18000 Men at his devotion kept by the King of France; that a great Fleet was preparing there upon ſom unknown Deſign; that the King of Spain was dying; that there was no Militia ſettled; and that they would keep them up only for a year to ſee how the world went. This with a few Lies about my Lord Portland's and Bouffler's quarrelling, and ſom Prophecies of our being invaded in ſix months, was the ſubſtance of what was ſaid or printed.

Now in fact the French King has deliver'd up Giron, Roſes, Belver, Barcelona, and a great part of the Province of Catalonia: The Town and Province of Luxemburg, and the County of Chiny; the Towns of Mons, Charleroy, Courtray, and Aeth in the Spaniſh Provinces, to the King of Spain.

The Town of Dinant to the Biſhop of Leige.

The Towns of Pignerol, Cazal, Suſa, Montmelian, Nice, Villa Franca, all Savoy, and part of Piemont to the Duke of Savoy.

The Cities of Treves, Germenſheim, and the Palatinat; the County of Spanheim, Veldentz, and Dutchy of Deuxponts; the County of Mombelliand, and ſom Poſſeſſions of Burgundy; the Forts of Kiel, Friburg, St. Peterfort, Deſtoile; the Town of Philipsburg, and moſt of Alſace, Eberenburg, and the Dutchy of Lorrain to the Empire: has demoliſhed Hunningen, Montroyal and Kernburg.

He has delivered up the Principality of Orange to the King of England.

Theſe are vaſt Countries, and contain in bigneſs as much ground as the Kingdom of England, and maintained the King of France above 100000 Men; beſides, he had laid out vaſt Sums in the Fortifications he delivered up and demoliſhed. Add to this, his Kingdom is miſerably impoveriſhed and depopulated by this War; his Manufactures much impaired; great numbers of Offices have bin erected, which like Leeches draw away the Peoples blood; prodigious Debts contracted, and a moſt beneficial Trade with England loſt. Theſe things being conſidered, there can be little danger of their ſhewing over much wantonneſs, eſpecially for ſom years: and yet ſtill we muſt be bullied by the name of France, and the Fear of it muſt do what their Power could never yet effect: which is a little too groſs, conſidering they were inſlaved by the ſame means. For in Lewis the 11th's time, the French gave up their Liberties for fear of England, and now we muſt give up ours for fear of France.

Secondly, Moſt of King James's Engliſh and Iriſh Forces which we have bin ſo often threatned with, are disbanded; and he is ſaid to ſubſiſt upon his Majeſty's Charity, which will be a ſufficient Caution for his good behaviour.

Thirdly, The French Fleet, which was another Bugbear, exceeded not this year 20 Sail, nor attemted any thing, tho we had no Fleet out to oppoſe them.

Fourthly, The King of Spain is not dead, nor in a more dangerous Condition than he has bin for ſom years; and we are not without hopes that his Majeſty by his extraordinary Prudence has taken ſuch care as to prevent a new War in caſe he ſhould die.

Fifthly, As to the Militia, I ſuppoſe every Man is now ſatiſfied that we muſt never expect to ſee it made uſeful till we have disbanded the Army. I would not be here underſtood to throw the whole odium of that matter upon the Court; for there are ſeveral other Parties in England, that are not over-zealous for a Militia. Firſt, thoſe who are for reſtoring K. James's Trumpery, and would have the Army disbanded, and no Force ſettled in the room of it. Next, there are a mungrel ſort of Men who are not direct Enemies to the King, yet becauſe their fancied merit is not rewarded at their own price, they are ſo ſhagreen that they will not let him have the Reputation of ſo noble an Eſtabliſhment. Beſides theſe, there are others that having no notion of any Militia but our own, and being utterly unacquainted with antient and modern Hiſtory, think it impracticable: and ſom wretched things are againſt it becauſe of the Charge; whereas if their Mothers had taught them to caſt account, they would have found out that 52000 Men for a month will be but the ſame charge to the Subject as four thouſand for a year, ſuppoſing the pay to be the ſame; and reckoning it to be a third part greater, it will be equivalent to the charge of 6000: and if we ſhould allow them to be out a fortnight longer than was deſigned by the laſt Bill for exerciſing in leſſer Bodies, then the utmoſt Charge of ſuch a Militia will be no more than to keep up 9000 Men the year round. None of the Parties I mention'd will openly oppoſe a Militia, tho they would be all glad to drop it: and I believe no body will be ſo hardy as to deny, but if the Court would ſhew as much vigor in proſecuting it, as they did laſt year to keep up a Standing Army, that a Bill would paſs; which they will certainly do if we disband the Army, and they think it neceſſary; and if they do not, we have no reaſon to think an Army ſo. When they tell us we may be invaded in the mean time, they are not in earneſt; for we all know if the King of France has any deſigns, they look another way: beſides, he has provided no Tranſports, nor is in any readineſs to make an Invaſion; and if he was, we have a Fleet to hinder him; nay, even the Militia we have in London and ſom other Counties, are moderatly exercis'd: and I believe thoſe who ſpeak moſt contemtibly of them will allow 'em to have natural Courage, and as good Limbs as other People; and if they will allow nothing elſe, then here is an Army of a hundred or ſixſcore thouſand Men, ready liſted, regimented, horſed and armed: and if there ſhould be any occaſion, his Majeſty can put what Officers he pleaſes of the old Army over them, and the Parliament will be ſitting to give him what Powers ſhall be neceſſary. We may add to this, that the disbanded Soldiers in all probability will be part of this body; and then what fear can there be of a ſcambling Invaſion of a few Men?

I have avoided in this place diſcourſing of the nature of Militia's, that Subject having been ſo fully handled already; only thus much I will obſerve, that a Standing Army in Peace will grow more effeminat by living diſſolutely in Quarters, than a Militia that for the moſt part will be exerciſed with hard labor. So that upon the whole matter, a Standing Army in Peace will be worſe than a Militia; and in War a Militia will ſoon becom a diſciplin'd Army.

Sixthly, The Army has bin kept up for a Year, which is all was pretended to; and notwithſtanding their Prophecies, we have had no Invaſion, nor danger of one.

Laſtly, The Earl of Portland and Marſhal Boufflers were ſo far from quarrelling, that perhaps no Engliſh Ambaſſador was ever received in France with more Honor.

But further, there is a Criſis in all Affairs, which when once loſt, is never to be retrieved. Several Accidents concur to make the disbanding the Army practicable now, which may not happen again. We have a new Parliament, uncorrupted by the Intrigues of the Courtiers: beſides, the Soldiers themſelves hitherto have known little but the Fatigues of a War, and have bin ſo paid ſince, that the privat Men would be glad to be diſbanded; and the Officers would not be very uneaſy at it, conſidering they are to have half Pay, which we muſt not expect them hereafter when they have lived in Riot and Luxury. Add to this, we have a good Prince, whoſe Inclinations as well as Circumſtances will oblige him to comply with the reaſonable Deſires of his People. But let us not flatter our ſelves, this will not be always ſo. If the Army ſhould be continued a few years, they will be accounted part of the Prerogative, and 'twill be thought as great a violation to attemt the disbanding them, as the Guards in Charles the Second's time; it ſhall be interpreted a deſign to dethrone the King, and be made an Argument for the keeping them up.

But there are other Reaſons yet: The public Neceſſities call upon us to contract our charge, that we may be the ſooner out of debt, and in a condition to make a new War; and tis not the keeping great Armies on foot that will inable us to do ſo, but putting our ſelves in a capacity to pay them. We have had the experience of this in eight years War; for we have not bin ſucceſsful againſt France in one Battel, and yet we have neighed it down by mere natural Strength, as I haxe ſeen a heavy Country Booby ſometimes do a nimble Wreſtler: and by the ſame Method (not our Policy, Occonomy, or Conduct) we muſt encounter them hereafter, and in order to it ſhould put our ſelves in ſuch Circumſtances, that our Enemies may dread a new Quarrel, which can be no otherwiſe don, but by leſſening our Expences, and paying off the public Ingagements as faſt as we are able. 'Tis a miſerable thing to conſider that we pay near 4000000 l. a year upon the account of Funds, no part wherof can be apply'd to the public Service, unleſs they deſign to ſhut up the Exchequer; which would not be very prudent to own. I would therfore ask ſom of our Men of Management; Suppoſe there ſhould be a new War, how they propoſe to maintain it? For we all now know the end of our Line, we have nothing left but a Land-Tax, a Poll, and ſom few Exciſes, if the Parliament can be prevailed upon to conſent to them. And for once I will ſuppoſe, that all together, with what will fall in a Twelvemonth, will amount to 3000000 l. and a half, which is not probable; and we will complement them, by ſuppoſing they ſhall not in caſe of a new War give above fourteen or fifteen per cent. for Premiums and Intereſt, then the Remainder will be 3000000 l. I believe I may venture to ſay, they will not be very fond of leſſening the Civil Liſt, and loſe their Salaries and Penſions. Then if we deduct 700000 pound per annum, upon that account there will be 2300000 pound per annum for the uſe of the War, if the People pay the utmoſt penny they are able; ſo that the Queſtion will not be as in the laſt War, how we ſhall carry it on againſt France at large, but how 2300000 pound ſhall be diſpoſed of to the greateſt advantage; which I preſume every one will believe ought to be in a good Fleet.

This leads me to conſider what will be the beſt, if not the only way of managing a new War in caſe of the King of Spain's death, and a new Rupture with France; and I will ſuppoſe the Nation to be as perfectly free from all incumbrances as before the War. Moſt men at this time of day, I believe, will agree with me that 'tis not our buſineſs to throw Squibs in Flanders, ſend out vaſt Sums of Mony to have our Men play at bopeep with the French, and at beſt to have their brains beat out againſt ſtone Walls: but if a War is neceſſary there, 'tis our Intereſt to let the Dutch and Germans manage it, which is proper for their Situation, and let our Province be to undertake the Sea; yet if we have not wit and honeſty enough to make ſuch a bargain with them, but that we bring our ſelves again to a neceſſity of maintaining Armies there, we may hire Men from Germany for half the price we can raiſe them here, and they will be ſooner ready than they can be tranſported from hence, that Country being full of Men, all Soldiers inured to Fatigue, and ſerving for much leſs pay than we give our own: beſides, we ſhall carry on the War at the expence of others blood, and ſave our own People, which are the ſtrength and riches of all Governments; we ſhall ſave the charge of providing for the Officers when the War is don, and not meet with ſuch difficulties in disbanding them.

There are ſom Gentlemen that have ſtarted a new method of making War with France, and tell us it will be neceſſary to ſend Forces to Spain to hinder the French from poſſeſſing that Country; and therfore we muſt keep them up here to be ready for that ſervice: which by the way is acknowledging the Horſe ought to be disbanded, ſince I preſume they don't deſign to ſend them to Spain. But to give this a full Anſwer, I believe it is every ones opinion that there ought to be a ſtrong Fleet kept up at Cales, or in the Mediterranean, ſuperior to the French; and then 'twill be eaſier and cheaper to bring the Emperor's Forces by the way of Final to Spain, than to ſend Men from hence: and they are more likely to be acceptable there, being of the ſame Religion, and Subjects to the Houſe of Auſtria; whereas 'tis to be feared our Men would be in as much danger from that bigotted Nation as from the French: beſides, the King of Potugal is arming for his own defence, and a ſum of Mony well diſpoſed there, will enable him to raiſe double the Forces upon the ſpot as can be ſent from hence with the ſame charge.

But for once I will admit it neceſſary we ſhould ſend Forces both to Flanders and Spain; yet 'tis no conſequence that we muſt keep up a Standing Army in England till that time coms. We may remember Chrles the 2d rais'd between 20 and 30000 Men to fight againſt France in leſs than forty days; and the Regiments this King raiſed the firſt year of his Reign were compleated in a very ſhort time: fart I am of opinion, that a new Army may be raiſed, before Ships and Proviſions will be ready for their tranſportation, at leaſt if the management is no better than 'twas once upon a time; and perhaps it may happen that the King of Spain will not die in the ſummer time, and then we ſhall have the winter before us. We may add to this, that the King of France has disbanded a great many men, that his Country now lies open in a great many places; that the Germans and Dutch keep great numbers of Men in conſtant pay; and in all probability there will be a Peace with the Turks: That Portugal and the Italian Princes muſt enter into the Confederacy in their own defence; and that the French will lie under an equal neceſſity to raiſe Forces with a much leſs Country than in the former War, to oppoſe ſuch a mighty Union of Princes, who will attach him upon the firſt attemt he makes upon Spain.

And after all, what's the mighty Advantage we propoſe by keeping this Force? Why forſooth, having a ſmall number of Men more (for the Officers will always be ready, and now a great part of the private Soldiers are to be rais'd in caſe of a new War) ready ſix Weeks ſooner to attack France. And I durſt almoſt appeal to theſe Gentlemen themſelves, whether ſo ſmall a Balance againſt France is equivalent to the hazard of our Liberties, deſtructiion of our Conſtitution, and the conſtant Expence of keeping them up, to expect when the King of Spain will be pleaſed to die.

If theſe Gentlemen are really afraid of a new War, and don't uſe it as a Bugbear to fright us out of our Liberties, and to gain their little party-Ends, the way to bring the People into it heartily, is to ſhew them that all their Actions tend to the public Advantage, to leſſen the National Expences, to manage the Revenue with the greateſt frugality, to poſtpone part of their own Salaries, and not grow rich while their Country grows poor, to give their hearty Aſſiſtance for appropriating the Iriſh Lands gain'd by the Peoples Blood and Sweat to the public Service, as was promis'd by his Majeſty, and not to ſhew an unhappy Wit in puniſhing ſom Men, and excuſing others for the ſame fault, and ſpend three Months in Intrigues how to keep up a Standing Army to the dread of the greateſt part of the Nation: for let them fancy what they pleaſe, the People will never conſent to the raiſing a new Army till they are ſatisfied they ſhall be rid of them when the War is don; and there is no way of convincing them of that, but the disbanding theſe with willingneſs. When we ſee this don, we ſhall believe they are in earneſt, and the People will join unanimouſly in a new War; otherwiſe there will always be a conſiderable part of the Nation (whatever perſonal Honor they have for his Majeſty, or fears of France) that will lie upon the Wheels with all their weight, and do them more harm than their Army will do them good.

To conclude, we have a wiſe and virtuous Prince, who has always indeavor'd to pleaſe his People by taking thoſe Men into his Councils which they have recommended to him by their own Choice; and when their Intereſt has declin'd, he has gratified the Nation by turning them out. I would therfore give this ſeaſonable advice to thoſe who were once call'd Whigs, that the way to preſerve their Intereſt with his Majeſty is to keep it with the People; that their old Friends will not deſert them till they deſert their Country, which when they do, they will be left to their own proper Merits: and tho I am not much given to believing Prophecys, yet I dare be a Prophet for once, and foretel that then they will meet with the fate of King Phys. and King Ʋſh. in the Rehearſal, Their new Maſters will turn them off, and no Body elſe will take them.

THE END.