A NEW ACCOUNT OF THE Northern-America.

TRƲTH and Sincerity being the chief Qualities, which make a Book of this nature Valuable, the Author of this promises him­self upon that account a favourable Recep­tion from the Publick: and therefore thinks it would be superfluous to make a longer Preface.

Monsieur Cavelier de La Salle, a Native of Roan in Normandy, the chief Under­taker of the Discoveries in the Northern America, which make the Subject-Mat­ter of this Book, was a Man of extra­ordinary Parts, and undaunted Cou­rage. He was the first that formed the Design of Travelling from the Lake of Frontenac in Canada, to the Gulph of [Page 2] Mexico, through a vast unknown Coun­try, in order to bring the Inhabitants to the Knowledge of the Christian Re­ligion, and Extend the Dominions of the King of France. This Gentleman having duly weighed all the Difficulties that were like to cross so Noble a De­sign, came to Court to acquaint his Majesty with it, who was pleased not only to approve his Enterprize, but al­so to Encourage it, by the Liberal As­sistance, and the Power he gave to M. La Salle, to dispose of his New Dis­coveries as he should think fit.

I was then at the Court of France to sollicit some Employment, having served his Majesty both by Sea and Land, and lost one Hand in Sicily by a Granado, and as M. La Salle was upon his departure, the Prince of Conti was pleased to recommend me to him, as fit to accompany him in his Undertaking, whereupon I was easily admitted, the Patronage of His Highness having been very useful to M. La Salle. Every thing being ready for our departure, we set sail from Rochel, July 14. 1678. to the number of 30 Men, amongst whom were Pilots, Carpenters, Smiths and other useful Artists, and arrived at [Page 3] Quebec upon the 15th of September follow­ing; we remained there some days, after which having taken our Leave of Count Frontenac Governor-General of Canada, we sailed up the River St. Laurence to Fort Frontenac, where we landed.

That Fort lyes within 120 Leagues from Quebec, about the 44th Degree of Latitude, on the Mouth of a Lake cal­led likewise Frontenac or Ontario, which is near 300 Leagues about, and has a communication with four other Lakes, much of the same extent. All those Lakes are Navigable, and plentifully stored with Fish; The Mouth, or en­trance of this Lake is defended by a Fort with four large Bastions, which might protect a great number of Vessels against the attempts of any Enemy. As M. La Salle had Erected this Fort, the King had given him the Propriety thereof, and of all the Lakes there­abouts with their dependencies. The Country about it is so Charming, that it is impossible to describe its Beauties: The vast Meadows are intermixed with Woods and Forests, full of all sorts of Fruit-Trees, and watered with fine Brooks and Rivers.

It was in this place that we prepared our selves for our great Voyage, and Glorious Undertaking, of which no bo­dy, I am sure, can give a better ac­count than my self, not only because I accompanied the said M. La Salle, but also because the chief Care and Burthen of that Perilous, tho' Glorious Enter­prize, fell upon me by the untimely Death of that Gentleman. The Ac­count which I offer now to the Publick, is extracted out of the Journal I kept, wherein I set down things as they ap­peared to me: 'Tis true, I am some­times obliged to take things upon Trust, because I could not be always with M. La Salle, but I am so fully convin­ced of the Probity and Honesty of those upon whose Evidence I have advanced any thing, that I may answer as well for their Observations as for my own. The Reader must not therefore expect here Noble and Pompous Descriptions, such as Authors use to adorn their Works with, but a natural simplicity, and a rigid fidelity. If my Stile seems harsh and unpolite, I have no other Apology for it, but that I may have contracted some thing from the Com­merce [Page 5]of the Savages of America, with whom I have so long conversed.

Whosoever considers this Enterprize in it self, the difficulties it was attend­ed with, and the advantages that Eu­rope may reap from the discovery of those vast Countries, which are above eighteen hundred Leagues North and South, will I hope agree, that an ex­act account thereof is worthy of the Cu­riosity of the Reader.

The Ferti­lity of the Soil.That large Country is now called by the name of Louisiana, since the French took possession thereof in the Name of Lewis the Great. The Soil is, generally speaking, so fertile, that it produces Naturally without any Culture, those Fruits that Nature and Art together have much ado to bring forth in Europe: They have two Crops every Year without any great fatigue; the Vines bring extraordinary Grapes, without the Care of the Husbandmen; and the Fruit-Trees need no Gardiners to look after them; the Air is every where temperate; the Country is watered with Navigable Rivers, and delicious Brooks and Rivulets, and diversified with Forests and Meadows; it is stockt with all sorts of Beasts, as Bulls, Orig­nac's, [Page 6]Wolves, Lines, Wild Asses, Stags, Goats, Sheep, Foxes, Hares, Beavers, Otters, Dogs, and all sorts of Fowls, which afford a plentiful Game for the Inhabitants. They have discovered Mines of Lead and Iron, and 'tis not doubted but there are also Mines of Gold and Silver, if they would give themselves the trouble to look for them, but the Inhabitants of those Countries valuing things only as far as they are necessary for Life, are yet unacquaint­ed with the Fanciful Value we put upon those Metals, and have not dig'd up the Earth to look for them.

The Man­ners of the Inhabi­tants,Those Inhabitants have nothing of Man but the Shape and the Name; they live without any Laws, Religion, Superiority, or Subordination, Indepen­dency and Liberty being their Summum Bonum, or the ultimate end they pro­pose to themselves. Their Life is al­ways wandering, having no setled Pos­sessions; they take several Wives, if they please, whom they quit when they will, and leave them to others, just as they do their Habitations, for after having for some time cultivated a piece of Ground, they quit it without any occasion to Cultivate another, and the [Page 7]first comer takes possession thereof, so that they are perpetually changing their Habitations, and by this continual motion, every thing becomes in a manner common amongst them: they know no Superiority, and think the World is made only for them.

Their Reli­gion.I said they have no Religion, tho' it seems they have an obscure Idea of God, because they live as if they thought there was none. They believe in ge­neral that there is a God, but who does not concern himself in what they do. Some Worship the Sun, and others fan­cy that the World is full of certain Spi­rits, who preside over their Actions, and they are so extravagant as to be­lieve, that every thing in the World has a Spirit, and that they are Good or Hurtful according to the Caprice of that Spirit. 'Tis upon this Principle that are grounded all the foolish Super­stitions of their Jugglers or Monitous, who are their Priests or Magicians.

I don't believe that they have car­ried their Reflections so far, as to think on the Nature of their Souls; tho' 'tis true, they seem to believe their Immor­tality, and a kind of Metempsychosis, or Transmigration of Souls; but they have [Page 8]so many extravagant fancies upon this Subject, that it is in a manner im­possible to discover their true Opinion. I may say in general, that they are so stupid in matters of Religion, that they are not convinced of their own Belief, nor of what others believe, and there­fore Laugh at the Instructions of our Missionaries.

Their Good quali [...]ies.However, notwithstanding that bru­tish temper, they have as good a Sense as the rest of Mankind, to know their true Interests, and therefore are capable of Negotiations, Commerce, and Coun­sel. They know how to weigh and consider the Consequences of an Enter­prize, and take Just Measures to com­pass it. When they meet together to consult about some great Design, they sit in a private place, in a profound Si­lence, smoking Tobacco, and every one speaks gravely in his turn. It is to be observed by the by, that they never make any Treaty, Convention or Agree­ment with any body, till they have first of all, mutually exchanged Pre­sents. They give commonly Collars as the Symbol of Union; they have a par­ticular Kettle for Peace, and another for War. They proclaim Peace with [Page 9]the Calumet, and War by great Out­cries, or rather dreadful Howlings.

Their Sci­ence in War.They know likewise how to Incamp, and Fortifie their Camps with Intrench­ments and Pallisadoes. They observe also some Order in their Attacks.

Their Til­lage.This Soil produces indifferently all sorts of Corn and Plants, but as they have observed, that some among them are more proper for their Nourishment than others, they take care to Sow and Cultivate them, and therefore they have great Crops of Indian Corn, of which they make a sort of very delicious and nourishing Pap. They Cultivate also what they call Touquo, of which they make their Cassave, and Turneps, where­with they make Cassamite. These are their own terms, which are not to be translated.Their Phy­sick. There are in their Country several sorts of Trees, from which an excellent Balsam drops, the use where­of the Savages know very well, as also of several Plants against Wounds, and the venomous bitings or stinging of Ser­pents and other Creatures.

Their Astro­nomy.Their Knowledge is not circumscri­bed within those narrow bounds, they carry it as far as Heaven, and have ob­tained a sufficient Knowledge of the [Page 10]Course of the Sun, Moon and Planets, and pretend thereby to foretel the changes of the Weather, Winds, Storms, and other things of this nature.

Their Dex­terity.Besides those qualities already men­tioned, they have a wonderful dexteri­ty at several beautiful and useful Works: Some of them make extraordinary fine Mats for their Coverings, and adorn­ing their Cabins; others have found the way to Dress Leather to make Wastecoats and Shoes; but their great­est dexterity appears, in my opinion, in the structure of their Canoos which can never sink. They make them with the Barks of Elm, Walnut-trees or Elder­trees, about 10 or 12 Foot long, the side being a little turned inward as Gondolas. Instead of Oars they make use of two pieces of Wood, like two Bakers Peals, and term Swimming what we call Row­ing. As their Canoos draw very little Water, because of their lightness, the Savages Swim with an extraordinary swiftness, even against the stream of Rivers, and undertake very long Voy­ages without fearing Rocks or Storms.

Their Tra­vels by Land.Tho' there are neither Road nor Path in that Country, they Travel through these vast Forests and Wildernesses, [Page 11]with the help of certain Marks they make upon the Rind of Trees from place to place; and by these means, the Wo­men and Children are able to find the Men when they go a Hunting, or upon any Expedition. They very seldome bring home what they kill, and it is the Office of their Wives to fetch it and dress it.

Their Ca­bins.I think fit to add, in this Place, a short Account of their Cabins, Hous­hold-Goods, and the like. Many of them are wandring in Woods, where they lie upon the Ground as Beasts; but such who live together, make Cabins, or Huts, with Branches of Trees driven into the ground, interlaced with others, and joined at the top as close as possi­ble, and covered with Reeds, or large Leaves of Trees. The inside looks some­what better, it is well-enough Matted, and most of them have a sort of curious Floor.

Their Beds.Their Bedsteads are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of Wool or Straw; but for their Covering, they use the finest sort of Skins, or else Mats finely wrought.

Their Kit­chin Ʋten­sils.They have Cellars, or rather Holes, to preserve their Corn, their Wood, and other Provisions; but all their Kitchin Utensils consists in some few pieces of Earthen-Ware, which they make with Clay, and harden it with the Dung of Bulls. They have no sorts of Mills, but instead thereof, use to grind their Corn between two Stones, with a great deal of trouble. They make use of a sort of sharp Stones instead of Knives; but this must be understood of such Sa­vages, who never had any Commerce with Europeans.

Their Arms.They use Bows and Arrows with great dexterity, and the extremity of their Arrow is arm'd, instead of Iron, with a sharp Stone, or the Tooth of some Animal. They have besides heavy Clubs, or sharp Sticks, instead of Swords or Halberds. They use also wooden Corslets against Arrows, and make Bucklers with several skins stitch­ed together.

Their Ap­parel.Most of them go stark Naked, and are so inured to Rain, and other Hard­ships, that their bodies are almost insen­sible; and the soles of their Feet so hard, as to resist the sharpness of Thorns and Stones. Their Women [Page 13]have still preserved a shadow of Mode­sty, for they wear commonly about their waste a large Girdle, from which hang two pieces of skin, which cover in some manner their Nakedness. I speak of those Savages who Inhabit a Temperate Climate, for those who live to the Northward of Quebec, and other cold Countries, cover themselves with skins of Bears, Stags, Ellends, and the like. I must observe also, that those who Inhabit toward Mexico, seem more civillized than others; for tho' their Climate is pretty Hot, they cover them­selves with Mats finely wrought.

The care of the Family divided be­tween the Husband & the Wife.The care of the Family lies equally upon the Husband and the Wife: The former goes a Fishing or Hunting for the Family; and the Wife Tills the ground, and gets in what she has sow'd. It is likewise her Duty to fetch Fruit, Herbs, and other things in the Woods. When the Savage is come back from Hunting, he takes first of all his Pipe, and as he smoaks, tells his Wife what he has done, and what he would have her to do, which she must obey without any reluctancy.

Character of the Sa­vages.One may observe in Men a great Gravity and Authority, and in Women [Page 14]an extraordinary Complaisance for their Husbands, and as they follow their Natural Instinct in every thing they do, their Behaviour is always sincere and without any affectation; and one may truly say, That the conjugal Union be­tween them, is the effect of a Natural Inclination, which is common to Men and to Brutes, and not founded upon a true Friendship.

Of Wo­men in par­ticular.The Savages being perpetually in Action, they are free from several Dis­eases that the Europeans are subject to, and 'tis observable, that these Women have not that natural Incommodity that ours are liable unto, and that, which is still more to be wonder'd at, they bring forth without any Pain, or at least without any ceremony as they go along, making no other Provision for it, than their own girdle, and some Skins to wrap up the Child into.

The Breed­ing of their Children.They have a very extraordinary way to bring up their Children, for though they have no Clouts or Swath-Bands, they have found a way to keep them very clean without any great Trouble. They provide themselves with a good quantity of Dust of rotten Wood, which is as soft as any Doun whatsoever, and is [Page 15]very good to preserve them against Hu­midity. They lay their Children upon that Dust, and wrap them into some good Furs, and tie them pretty fast, and have nothing to do for dressing them, but to change that Dust, by means whereof they keep them always clean, till they are able to walk about.

How they feed them.They Feed them with Pap, made with Indian Corn, and give them a Bow as soon as they can walk; so that they use themselves to shoot, and follow their Parents into the Woods, learning thereby betimes the usual Places for Hunting; and having no manner of E­ducation, they are only guided by their Natural Inclination and Sensuality, as Beasts.

I should never make an End, should I undertake to give a particular Account of all the Customs of the Savages; but I think that what I have said is sufficient to convince the Reader, that their In­telligence extends only to what is Ne­cessary for supporting their Natural Life; and that if they have any Law amongst them, it is to observe none at all. Born and bred up in Forrests, Hunt­ing is their greatest Pastime, to which I may add War, Quarrels, and Cruelty, [Page 16]which is such, that they must turn their Arms against harmless Beasts, when they want Pretences or Opportunities, to use them against Men.

Mr. La Salle un­dertakes with 30 Men to Travel through those Na­tions.It was through those Wild Nations that Mr. La Salle undertook to Travel, and discover a Way to the Gulph of Mexico; and whosoever will impartially consider that Enterprise, must agree, that this courageous Design can hardly be parallell'd. But this will appear the better, if they consider what Preparations he made for that great Journey. He had only Thirty Men, as I have already said, without any other Provisions, but Powder and Shot, which were to supply him during his Voyage. We had first of all a Bark, and some Canoos, but we were soon deprived of that help, and forc'd to Travel by Land, and carry our Equipage, crossing large Rivers upon Rafts, or Trees, having no other Guide through those vast unknown Countries but a Compass, and the Genius of our Commander, who (according to the variation of the Needle, and the Knowledge he had in Astronomy) was able to guess at the Climate we were in, and what course we were to follow.

These Difficulties, the Armies of Sa­vages, which we were obliged to Fight to force our way, Hunger, Thirst, and other Wants and Perils, were however surmounted by our Courage and Con­stancy, so that we arriv'd at the Gulph of Mexico, and after several Misfortunes returned Home. But before I proceed any further, I think fit to give an Ac­count of the Four Lakes I have already mentioned.

The upper Lake, or superior Lake.The First lies above the 47 Degree of Latitude, and is called Ʋpper Lake, or of Frontenac, and may be 80 Leagues broad, and 300 in circuit. It has com­munication with the Lake Herie, or of Conti, by a Canal of above 20 Leagues long, interrupted by a Fall of 600 Foot high, known under the Name of Fall of Niagara. This Lake of Conti joins with another called The Lake of the Hurons, or of Orleans, by a Canal or stream which is very Rapid, and this last Lake has communication to the South with a Fourth, called, The Lake of the Islinois, or of the Dauphin: It joins also by the North-side with another Lake, larger than any of the rest, called, The Lake of Conde; but we did not see it.

We Sail from Fort Frontenac.Having Refreshed our selves about a Fortnight at Fort Frontenac, we em­barqued on the 18th. of November, 1678. on Board a Vessel of 40 Tunns, to cross the first Lake I have mentioned, and this was the First Ship that ever Sail'd upon this Fresh Water Sea. The Wind being very contrary, we spent a whole Month before we could arrive at a Village called St. Onnontouane, where Mr. La Salle sent some Canoos to fetch Indian Corn for our subsistance; and from thence we continued our Course towards Niagara, but the Stream being too rapid, and the Wind contrary, we were obliged to cast an Anchor about 9 Leagues from that Place, whither we went by Land. Niagara is a Village of the Iroquois, situated upon the Lake of Conti, near the wonderful Fall I have taken Notice of.

An Ac­count of the Iro­quois.This Nation, the most Warlike and Cruel of all the Americans, is possessed of a Tract of Land from Montreal, or rather from the place where the Two Rivers, which form that of St. Lau­rence, meet, to the further end of the Lake of Conti, which is about Two Hundred Leagues to the South. This Nation is very Ambitious to command [Page 19]their Neighbours; and when they hear of any other Nation which grows powerful, either by the Number of their fighting Men, or by the extent of their Possessions, they march to subdue them, and they make sometimes Excursions three or four hundred Leagues. They are indefatigable, undaunted in the greatest danger; and of such a fierce Courage and Constancy, as to be proof against the most exquisite Torments, When taken by their Enemies, rather than betray the Designs of their Coun­try-men: They never ask, and seldom give Quarter. They drink the Blood of their Enemies, and add to their great Cruelty, all the Stratagems, Subtilty and precaution, that one might expect from Experienc'd Soldiers.

They re­ceive kind­ly the French.This Nation, tho' Fierce and Cruel, as I have represented them, receiv'd us very kindly. We laid one Night in their Village, and went the next Day to view a proper place, above. Three Leagues higher, to Build a Fort, and having found an advantagious Situa­tion, M. De la Salle laid the Foundati­on of it, and ordered his Men to Work upon it with all imaginable Diligence; but the Jroquois taking some Jealousie at [Page 20]it; it was thought fit to desist, to avoid giving Offence to so dangerous an Ene­my; and therefore we contented our selves to fortifie our Magazine with strong Palisadoes.

M. la Salle had given orders for Build­ing a new Ship or great Bark, and our Men workt about it with all the dili­gence that the Season of the Year could permit; but the cold was so excessive, that not only Rivers, but even those vast Lakes were frozen all over, inso­much that they look'd like a Plain pav'd with fine polish'd Marble. We traded in the mean time with the Natives, and got a great number of Furrs; but seve­ral things being wanting to continue our Voyage, this couragious Gentleman resolv'd to return by Land to Fort Fron­tenac, and come back again in the Spring with a new supply of Ammuni­tion and Merchandise, to trade with the Nations he intended to visit. He sent likewise fifteen Men further into the Country, with orders to endeavour to find out the Illinois, and left his Fort of Niagara, and fifteen Men under my com­mand. One of the Recollects contineud with us.

The Winter being over, a Bark arrived [Page 21]from Fort Frontenac, with Ammunition and Merchandises, but it was stav'd to pieces against the Coast, by the fault of the Pilot, however most of the Ef­fects were sav'd; and soon after, M. la Salle arrived, who immediately renew­ed his Commerce with the Iroquois, and endeavoured to give them some Idea of the Power of the King, that they might have some respect for his Subjects. This new Ship being near finished, he sent me with five Men to view the Coast, and the Country to the North side of the Lake, above 120 Leagues from Nia­gara. We Embarked in our Canoos, and having rowed two days, or rather swom, to use the stile of the Savages, ar­rived to the straight of the Lake Heriè.

Lake He­riè.This straight or Canal, by which the Lake Heriè joins with that of the Hu­rons, is about Thirty Leagues long. I landed to the North side, and enquired for the Men M. la Salle had sent before; but hearing they were gone higher, I advanced-into the Country in hopes to find them; and this gave me an oppor­tunity to take an exact survey of that delicious Peninsula, which has almost the form of an Heart, by reason of the three Lakes already mentioned.

Having made all the Observations I thought necessary both as to the Canal between the two Lakes, and the nature of the Soil, I returned to give an ac­count thereof to M. la Salle, who, before my arrival, was gone back to Fort Fron­tenac with a considerable quantity of Furrs, from whence he returned to Nia­gara, on the Seventh of August, 1679, with a fresh supply of Ammunition and Provisions, and three Recollects. The Spring and most part of the Summer were thus spent in frequent goings and com­ings, which however are absolutely ne­cessary in order to make a good and last­ing Settlement.

Our Bark being finished, and every thing ready for our departure, we sail'd towards the middle of August, and ha­ving happily crossed the Lake Heriè, got into that of the Hurons, which, as it has been already said, is much larger than the other two. We met there with a dreadful Storm, as great as any that I ever heard of upon the Ocean, or any other Sea, but we had the good For­tune to find a good Road called Missili­machinac. It is an Isthmus, or neck of Land about Twenty Leagues broad, and 120 long, between the Lake of the Hu­rons [Page 23]and that of the Illinois, which is one of the finest situations in the World; and besides the prodigious fertility of the Soil, and all sorts of Game, the Inha­bitants have an extraordinary plenty of Fish.

Fall S. Ma­ry.M. la Salle took an exact survey of that fine Country, and having marked out a Fort for our security, sent me, with some others, towards the North-East, to observe the Fall St. Mary, and endeavour to discover some of our De­serters. This Fall forms two Canals, and a pretty large Island, which being re-united, make a very Rapid River, by which the Lake of the Hurons has communication with another much lar­ger than all the rest. I went a-shore upon the Northern Coast of the Lake Huron, and advanced through a most delicious Country, as fas as the River Onta, which coming out of that great Lake, runs about a Hundred Leagues, and falls into the River St. Laurence. The charming Prospect of the Banks of that River, made the Fatigues I suf­fer'd very easie to me, tho I had no o­ther Provisions than what I could kill with my Gun. I spent Eight Days in my Journey, and from thence went in­to [Page 24]to the Southern Canal I have spoken of where I Landed. I discover'd there a large Plain between the Lake of the Hurons and that of the Illinois, and a fine Settlement belonging to the Jesuits. I found there also our Deserters, who appear'd, at first, very stubborn and disaffected, but were at last perswaded to return with me to Missilimachinac, where I understood that M. la Salle had Sailed from thence towards the end of September, for the Bay of Puans, where he arriv'd the 8th of October, as I have been informed since.

Bay of Puans.This Bay of Puans is formed by an overflowing of the Lake of the Illinois, occasion'd by a great River, which falls into this Lake. This River call'd Onis­concing comes from another Lake about 100 Leagues distant; from which comes another River, which falls into the Mississipi; and therefore this Lake may be lookt upon as a Communication be­tween Canada and the Gulph of Mexico, as one may see by the Map.

M. la Salle being arrived in that Bay, took some new measures, and sent back his Bark, laden with Furs, to Niagara, and embarked again in Canoos with se­venteen Men and a Recollect, to go to [Page 25]the further end of the Lake of the Illi­nois, where he arrived the first of No­vember, 1679, and landed at the Mouth of the River of the Miamis.

The Coun­try of the Miamis.This Country lies between the 35 and 40 degrees of Latitude; is bounded to the East by Virginia and Florida; and on the other side by the Iroquois and the Illinois. The Soil is very fertile, and produces all sorts of Corn and Fruit; it abounds also in Cattle and Fish. M. la Salle visited the Inhabitants, and find­ing their Temper tractable, endeavou­red to gain their Friendship by Presents. They exchanged some Merchandises, and M. la Salle managed this Trade with so much prudence and dexterity, as to convince them, it would be a great­er advantage for them to Trade with the French than with the English or the Iroquois.

However, as he observed that this Nation was inconstant, and easily im­posed upon, he thought fit to build a Fort for his Security, and to make there a kind of Magazine for the execution of his further Designs, which was accord­ingly done with all convenient speed, M. la Salle having chosen an advantagi­ous Situation at the Mouth of the Ri­ver.

The impatience I had to re-join M. la Salle with the fifteen Men I had brought back to their Duty, obliged me to make all the haste possible, but the want of Provisions, and the contrary Winds obliged us to land within Thirty Leagues of our Fort, where we found Acorns and some Staggs, wherewith we refreshed our selves. My Men were so harassed, that I could never perswade them to imbark again the same day, which obliged me to imbark alone with our Pilots, promising them to return speedily. The Weather being very stormy, we spent six days before we could reach the Fort Miamis, where I gave an Account to M. la Salle of my Discoveries. He received me very kind­ly, but told me withal, that he had been better pleased to see me arrived with all his Men.

These last words seem'd to me a Com­mand, and therefore after having re­freshed my self, I went again into my Canoo, but I was hardly Fifteen Leagues off, that I was met by a vio­lent Storm, in which our Canoo was overturned and then set to rights again, and at last driven upon the shore, from whence we went over Land to meet [Page 27]our Men at the place appointed. We arrived there the next Morning, and having spent the rest of the Day to get them together, embarked again, and came in less than one day to Fort Miamis.

M. la Salle was very glad to see his Men together, looking upon this Re­cruit as a necessary Supply to carry on his Designs, and yet these very Men disappointed them, and some time after put an end to his Discoveries, and to his Life, so that the Men alone, upon whom he grounded his hopes, were the only cause of all the Misfortunes that befell him, and of the Tragical end of his Life.

M. la Salle having in less than two Months put his Fort in a good posture of Defence, as well to protect his Barks, and Canoos, as to defend himself against the Natives on the Land side, and in­gaged the chief of the Nation into his Interests, resolved to advance as far as the Illinois, whose nearest Habitation was above 100 Leagues from our Fort.

River of the Illinois.The only way to go to them, was to Embark upon a River, which springing from a Hill within six Leagues of the Lake of the Illinois, becomes Navigable above Forty Leagues from our Fort, and [Page 28]falls into the Mississipi, after a course of 200 Leagues. We left our Fort and the Country of the Miamis in the begin­ing of December, leaving only ten Men to secure our Magazines; and having carried our Canoos and Equipage over Land, arrived four days after upon the River of the Illinois, where we Embark­ed to the number of Forty four Persons, without reckoning Three Recollects. We fell down the said River, by easie Journeys, the better to observe that Countrey, and supply our selves with Provisions. The Banks of that River are as charming to the Eye, as useful for Life. The Meadows, Fruit-Trees, and Forests, affording every thing that is necessary for Men and Beasts, so that being amused by that agreeable variety, we spent six days from the Portage (that is the place where we Embarked) to the first Village of the Illinois, A Village of the Illinois called Pontdalamia, consisting of above 500 Cabins, where we found no Inhabitants. We went ashore, and viewed their Cab­bins or Cottages, which are made with great pieces of Timber, interlac'd with Branches, and cover'd with Bark. The inside is more neat, the Walls or sides, as well as the Floor, being finely matted. [Page 29]Every Cottage has two Appartments, wherein several Families might lodge, and under every one of them there is a Cave or Vault, wherein they preserve their Indian-Corn, of which we took a sufficient quantity, because we wanted Provisions.

We continued our Voyage, and above Thirty Leagues lower fell into a Lake or Pond above seven Leagues in Circuit, where we caught excellent Fish; and following the stream, fell again into the Channel of the River, and found our selves between two Bodies of Savages, who were Encamped on both sides the River. They had no sooner discovered us, but they run to their Arms,The Illi­nois put themselves in order of Battel. and put themselves in order of Battel, after ha­ving sent their Wives and Children into the Woods. We put our selves like­wise in good posture, and brought our Canoos upon a Line, and advanced to­wards the Shore in that order. The Il­linois observing our Countenance, and being naturally inclin'd to Peace, con­tented themselves to ask us, who we were? We answered by our Interpre­ter, that we were Subjects to the King of France, and come to make them know the Master of Heaven and Earth, and [Page 30]offer them the Protection of our great Monarch; adding, that if they would put themselves under his Protection, they should live happily, and free from the Insults of their Enemies. We told them besides, that though their Coun­try was plentiful, they wanted Indu­stry to enjoy the Advantages of it, and therefore offer'd them our own, pro­vided they would have Commerce with us. The Illinois having heard our An­swer and Proposals, received us not as Savages use to do,They accept our Propo­sals. but as Men well­bred and civiliz'd. They express'd as much as they could, their Veneration for our King; they presented us the Calumet, the Signal or Badge of Peace among all those Nations, as it has been already observed. They use the word of Singing or Dancing the Calumet. When they sing it, they drive a Pole into the Ground, and every one brings in that place what he hath taken from the Ene­my, of which they make a kind of Tro­phy, and sing about it their Warlike Expeditions and glorious Feats. They call Dancing the Calumet, when they Dance about that Trophey after the Singing is over.

We answer'd their Ceremonies and Complements by all the demonstrations of Joy we could think on, and some Presents as tokens of our Friendship. We told them, that Necessity had forc'd us to take some Indian Corn out of their Village,They enter­tain us. for which we gave them some Toys and Brandy. This Convinc'd them of our Sincerity, and sending for their Wives and Children, made prepa­rations to entertain us with all the So­lemnity and Magnificence they are ca­pable of, with Beef and Stag, and all sorts of Venison and Fowls. We were very liberal on our side of our Brandy; so that the Feast lasted three whole days; during which, we made several Dischar­ges of our Arms, at which they were frighted, but our good Words and kind Expressions confirmed them in the good Opinion they had of us. The familiar Titles of Brothers, Friends, and Com­rades were not forgotten; and even some of us were Adopted into the chief Families amongst them; so that through the natural Inconstancy of the Ameri­cans, we discover'd in the Illinois, a great Humanity, and a good dispositi­on to Civil Society.

Character of the Illi­nois.They are naturally Caressing, Flatte­rers, and Complaisant, but on the other side Cunning, and dexterous at all Ex­ercises. They are generally speaking well shaped, strong, and of a brown or tawny Complexion. Hunting is their great Delight, which makes them in­docible. They love Women with ex­cess, and Boys above Women, so that they become by that horrid Vice, very effeminate. 'Tis observable however, that notwithstanding that vitious Incli­nation, they have several Laws to pu­nish that infamous Vice. For as soon as a Boy has prostituted himself, he is degraded in a manner of his Sex, being forbidden to wear the Apparel or Name of Man, and to make any Office or Function fit for Men, even nor so much as to be suffered to go a Hunting. They are therefore look'd upon as Women, and confin'd to their Employments, of whom they are even more slighted and hated than by Men; insomuch that these Wretches become, by their Crime, the scorn and contempt of both Sexes. Thus without any help but natural Rea­son, they are sensible of their Crime, and have made these Laws as a Bridle to master their brutish sensuality, tho', [Page 33]as I have said before, they hate all man­ner of restraint; they marry several Wives, and to preserve Peace and Uni­on in their Families, they marry com­monly Sisters or near Relations. They are very Jealous, and punish the Infide­lity of their Wives with a great severi­ty. Hermaphrodite are very common amongst them, but whether it be an ef­fect of the Climate or no, I do not pre­tend to determine. Women, and the prostituted Boys I have spoken of, work fine Mats for hanging their Cottages, while Men go a Hunting or till the Ground for sowing of Indian Corn. Their Country is situated along the River, which bears their Name, and are dis­persed in several Villages. This con­tains about 1500 Souls, amongst whom we computed 500 fighting Men.

M. La Salle being sensible of the strength of this Nation, thought that nothing was to be neglected to keep them in amity with us; but at the same time that it was necessary to provide our selves against their Inconstancy.A Fort built. There­fore he ordered a Fort to be built upon a rising ground near the River, which was in a little time in a posture of defence. However he was in great pain for his [Page 34]Bark which he had sent back from the Bay of Puans to Niagara, of which he had no manner of News. This, together with the malice of some of our Men, made him so melancholy, that the Pale­ness of his Face betrayed the grief of his Heart; but as he was very Couragious, he concealed it as well as possible, con­tenting himself to manifest it by the Name of Crevecoeur (breaking Heart) which he gave to his Fort.

We had however hitherto no great cause of Complaint; we had happily carried on our Discovery to 500 Leagues beyond Fort Frontenac, and made seve­ral Forts for the Communication and Security of our Settlements. Most of the Savages were entred into our Alli­ance, and the fiercest among them, had not so much as offer'd to stop our Pro­gress, so that we found no Enemies but our selves, and our own Divisions, which proved at last a fatal source of great Misfortunes and Miseries.

Murmu­rings of the French.Most of our Men being discouraged by a long and tedious Voyage, the end whereof they could not see, and weary of a wandring Life in Forests and Desarts, where they had no other Company but Brutes, and Savages, with­out [Page 35]out any Guide, Carriage, and Provisi­ons could not forbear murmuring a­gainst the Author of so tiresome and perillous an Enterprise. M. La Salle, whose penetration was extraordinary, discover'd immediately their dissatisfa­ction, and try'd all possible means to prevent the consequences thereof. The glory of the Enterprise, the exemple of the Spaniards, the hopes of a great Boo­ty, and every thing else that may en­gage Men, we made use of to incou­rage them, and inspire them with better Sentiments; but these Exhortations, like Oil poured upon Fire, served only to increase their dissatisfaction. What said they? must we always be Slaves to his Caprichio's, and be continually bubbl'd by his Visions, and foolish Expectati­ons? and must the Fatigues we have hitherto undergone be used as an Argu­ment to oblige us to go through more Perils, to gratifie the Ambition or Folly of a merciless Man, who upon fair pre­tences has transplanted us into this new World amongst Brutes. We are very far from our Country, without Provi­sions or any other help; but our case shall be ten times worse, if we follow the wandring Inclinations of a Man, [Page 36]who is resolved to go to the further end of the World. He has made himself Rich by our Perils, and to our own loss; what then have we to do, but to put a stop, by his Death, to our further Mi­series, and take possession of what he has gained by our Fatigues? These were the Arguments these Villains used to in­courage themselves to the horrid Crime they had resolved upon; but having, upon second thoughts, considered the consequences of their violent Designs, they thought it would be more safe to incite the Illinois against him, that he might perish by their Hands.

The Artifi­ces of the Malecon­tents.To compass that villainous Design, they made a shew of an extraordinary Friendship to the Savages, and let them know, that by reason of the good En­tertainment they had received from them, they thought themselves oblig'd to acquaint them with the dangers they were threatned with. They told them that M. La Salle was in a strict Alli­ance with the Iroquois, their ancient and implacable Enemies; that he was ad­vanced into their Country to discover their Situation and Strength; that the Fort he had built was to bridle them; and that the Voyage he pretended to [Page 37]make to Fort Frontenac, was in order to acquaint the Iroquois with their Conditi­on, and conduct them into their Coun­try, to destroy altogether their Nation, having agreed together to share the Booty amongst them; concluding, that having revealed to them the wicked De­signs of their Commander, they left it to their own prudence, to take what measures they should think necessary for their Security.

'Tis very easie to guess what impres­sion such a Discovery wrought upon a Weak and Credulous People, who be­lieved without any further Inquiry, whatever our Villains had told them. They broke off immediately their Socie­ty with us, and lookt upon us, but chiefly upon our Chief, as their greatest Ene­mies, and resolved upon our Ruin. M. La Salle suspected the cause of their Mistrust, and was sensible of the dan­ger he was exposed to, but did not know from whence it came. His great Courage was not however cast down, and trusting to his good Conscience, went boldly to the Chief of the Sava­ges, and told them, That he observed such an alteration in their proceedings with him, that he could not but be con­cerned [Page 38]at it; and therefore desir'd them to tell him the Motives of their Mi­strust, and to consider whether they were well grounded, or only an Ar­tifice of their common Enemies, who were jealous of the good Correspon­dence that was between them.

The Illinois could not refuse that rea­sonable Demand,And how they were discovered. and therefore told him, that his own Men had discover'd his Designs against them, in conjuncti­on with the Iroquois. M. La Salle, tho' surpriz'd at the Perfidiousness and Trea­chery of his Men, made use of such con­vincing Arguments, to prove the Ma­lice of his Accusers and his Innocence, together with the impossibility of his League with a Cruel Nation, who is bound by no Law nor Sense of Huma­nity; that the Illinois were perswaded of the sincerity of his Intentions, and of the Motive of his Enemies, and there­fore we became Friends again.

The arrival of Mauso­lea.The Calm was hardly setled, but that it was disturbed by a more dangerous storm than the former, by the arrival of one Mausolea, a secret Emissary of the Iroquois, of the neighbouring Nati­on of the Mascontans, a Cunning Sediti­ous and Eloquent Man. This pretend­ed [Page 39]Embassador arriv'd in the Camp of the Illinois during the Night, and ha­ving gain'd the chief of them, the Coun­cil was called, where Mausolea having displayed his Presents, acquainted the Assembly with the motives of his Em­bassie. He told them that it was not the Interest alone of his Nation and theirs, but rather of all the Americans, His Dis­course. which had occasion'd his Deputation, seeing that they were informed that the French were come with a Design to sub­due the whole Country of the North­ern America to the Gulph of Mexico; that to succeed therein, we pretended not only to make use of our own Forces, but likewise of the Americans themselves; that in order thereunto, we had con­tracted a strict Alliance with the Iro­quois their common Enemies: That the Fort we had erected on their River, was the beginning of our Tyranny, and a place of Refuge 'till the arrival of our Confederates: That if they expected a­ny longer, and gave us time to join to­gether, their Miseries should be past re­medy, and therefore advised them to prevent us, and destroy us whilst it was in their power.

The crafty Contri­vance of the Illinois.These Calumnies of Mausolea made a great impression on the credulous Illinois, and so much the more, because his Ac­cusation agreed exactly with what our own Men had told them. But doubt­less the Reader expects an Account of the Reason that put the Iroquois upon this Villainous trick; and if we remem­ber what has been already said of the Character of that barbarous Nation, 'tis easie to discern, that they were afraid that the Illinois would grow too pow­erful by their Commerce with us, and be enabled by the use of Fire-arms, to make head against them, and therefore they made use of this Mausolea to Ac­cuse us as he did, in order to incense the Illinois against our Nation, and pre­vent thereby our Settlement in the Country.

M. La Salle, who relyed upon the Faith of the late Reconciliation, knew nothing of this new Storm; and having no other Thoughts than to settle his U­nion with the Illinois, rose very ear­ly, and went directly to the Camp of the Illinois with his best Friend, where he was mightily surpriz'd to see a gene­ral Uproar, and that no body would speak with him. The Conjuncture was [Page 41]very nice, and therefore M. la Salle was in a great perplexity, and did not know what to do. Some were of Opinion to re­tire into the Fort 'till this new Treachery was discover'd, but he would not hear­ken to this Advice, lest his Retreat should confirm the Accusation of his E­nemies; and took a Resolution more worthy of himself, tho' more dange­rous. He went up boldly to the Assem­bly of the Chief of the Nation, and ex­pressed himself as well as he could in their own Language, and much to this effect.

Mausolea had certainly no Proof, but endeavoured to make out his Accusation by some Circumstances; as his former Commerce with the Iroquois; the Fort he had built upon the River of the Il­linois; and his return to Fort Frontenac, concluding that though these were no direct Proofs, yet they were substanti­al Indications of his Design. It was very easie for M. la Salle to answer his Arguments, and to shew that the Iro­quois, being jealous of their good Corre­spondence, and sensible that their Union would enable them to make head against them; had hir'd this Emissary to create these Divisions. He advised them to consider every thing, and how the Iro­quois had subdued, by their Artifices, the Miamis, the Quiaquons, and the Mascou­tans, who sent this pretended Advice [Page 43]and therefore exhorted to weigh every thing, and enquire into the Embassie, for he suspected Mausolea was sent by the Iroquois, and not by his own Nation; assuring them, in the mean time, that he was come to protect them against the Iroquois and their other Enemies.

The effect of his Dis­course.These Reasons being accompanied with the assuredness which a good Cause inspires, had all the expected ef­fect; insomuch that Mausolea himself; out of Fear, or remorse of Conscience, confess'd, that the Iroquois had spread those Reports among the Mascontans, on purpose to excite a general Insurrection against us, and owned that the safety of the Illinois, and of his own Nation, de­pended on their Union with us; where­upon the Illinois made us all the Pro­testations in the World, that they would never renounce our Alliance, nor give ear any more to the Suggestions of our common Enemies.

M. la Sal­le divides his Men.This Peace and good Correspondence being thus happily restor'd, M. la Salle turn'd all his Thoughts towards his Enterprise, and finding himself near the great River Mississipi, he resolved to di­vide his Men to carry on at once his Discoveries to the North and to the [Page 44] South, by means of that River, reserv­ing for himself to fall down to the Sea, and to send some body else toward the source of the River. But as he was thus preparing himself, his Treacherous Men plotted to put a stop both to his Journey and to his Life, and to poison him and his best Friends at once. They pitched upon Christmas-day for acting this Villainy, and found means to put some Poison into the Pot, to cut off at one blow, all such as might have aven­ged the Death of their Captain, and likewise to remain the sole Masters of the Fort, and of all the Effects that were therein.

M. la Salle Poisoned by his Men.The Dinner was hardly over, that M. la Salle and his Friends found them­selves very ill. They fell into Con­vulsions and other Symptoms, which discover'd the true cause of them; where­upon they took a Dose of good Treacle, and by this quick remedy, prevented the effect of the Poison, in­somuch that all recover'd.

They run away.This was too plain to be denyed, and too horrid to be forgiven, therefore the Rogues ran away to avoid the just pu­nishment they deserv'd; and tho' M. la Salle sent after them, it was not pos­sible [Page 45]to overtake them, the thick Forests affording them a fair opportunity to make their escape. The desertion of these Villains weaken'd our Band, but we were soon recruited by several young Savages, who engag'd them­selves into our Service, and likewise by some French Men who were dis­pers'd and wandering in the Woods, so that our number was in a little time considerably increased.

Things being thus settl'd, M. la Salle apply'd himself to the execution of his Project,Mr. Dacan appointed for the dis­covery to the North. and appointed Mr. Dacan for the Discovery of the Country along the Mississipi, to the North-east, with four French Men, two Savages, and Father Louis a Recollect, He gave 'em Arms, Ammunition, and some Merchandise to trade with the Nations. They Em­barked on the 28th of February 1680, and fell down the River of the Illinois into the Mississipi, and from thence went up that great River for 450 Leagues together to the North, and came with­in seven Leagues of its Source, landing now and then on both sides to view the Country, and by what Nation it was Inhabited.

The source of the Mis­sissipi.The Mississipi. springs out of a Foun­tain on the top of a Hill in the Country of the Issati, about the 50 degree of La­titude: It receives so many Rivolets, that it becomes Navigable for Boats within six Leagues from its Source. The; Country along its Banks is Inhabited by several Nations, as the Hanetons, Is­sati's Oua, Tintonha, and Nadouestians, who received Mr. Dacan with all the kindness imaginable. He traded with them, and increased his number with several Savages, who offered to accom­pany him. He let up likewise the King's Arms about two Leagues from the source of the River, upon a great Tree in sight of those Nations, as a Mark that they became Subjects to his Ma­ster. He made also several Settlements, and one, among the rest, among the Is­sati's where some French Men desir'd to remain.

M. Dacan takes pos­session of that Coun­try.This Gentleman, charmed with the docility of these Nations, and engaged by the advantagious Trade that he met with there, advanced to the Lake of the Arsenipoits, which is about Thirty Leagues in Circuit. That Nation re­ceived our Men kindly, notwithstand­ing their natural fierceness, and they [Page 47]founded there an Habitation, and ano­ther among the Chongaskabees, or Na­tions of Strong Men, who are Neigh­bours of the Arsenipoits.

M. la Sal­le takes leave of the Illinois.While Mr. Dacan was carrying on his Discoveries, M. la Salle took his leave of the Illinois, to return to Fort Frontenac, in order to get a new supply of Men and Ammunition, and likewise to view in what condition were his Forts, Magazines and Settlements, and hasten the building of a new Ship, which he had order'd to be made. He set out the 8th of November, 1680, and Three days after arrived to the Village of the Illinois, where he resolved to build another Fort on a rising ground, in order to command the Miamis, Ou­tagamis, Kikapous, Aisnous, and Mascou­tans; and to serve likewise for a Place of Refuge to the French. This Design, tho' prudent and advantagious, was however attended with some fatal Con­sequences, as we shall see hereafter.

Having taken all the observations that he thought necessary;A Treache­ry of two of his Men. he continued his Journey, and met, about two Leagues from the Village of the Illinois, two of his Men, whom he had sent two Months before to Missilimachinac, to endeavour [Page 48]to get Intelligence of his new Ship. These Rogues pretended to have done their utmost, without having been able to Discover what was become of her, tho' they had burnt it themselves, after having sold the Effects that were on board to the Iroquois. M. la Salle suspect­ed presently that it was lost, but how­ever, appeared as unconcern'd as before, and sent me in a Letter a Draught of the Fort he had marked out, ordering me to work thereupon immediately.

These V [...]llains, who had already sold us to the Iroquois, made a great haste, in order to improve the absence of our Commander to their advantage, and de­liver'd me the Letter of M. la Salle, which being very pressing, I went immediate­ly to the place I was commanded to, exhorting my Men to Peace and Union; and leaving the Fort under the Com­mand of the most Faithful. The place M. la Salle had pitched upon, was a Rock very high, the top of which was even and of a convenient space, so that it commanded the River, and the Coun­try round about.Our Fort Plunder'd. I had already drawn some Lines, and made other preparati­ons to build it, when I heard that these Villains had seduc'd and perverted most [Page 49]of our men, insomuch that they had plundered our Fort, and carried away what was most valuable in it. I return­ed immediately, and found only seven or eight French Men in the Fort, who had been so honest as to detest the Vil­lany of their Comrades, but not able to prevent it. I confess my Heart was almost broke, when I consider'd the Condition we were in, without any help amongst Savages; but having found a good quantity of Ammunition, with Arms left in the Fort, I thought the Cause was not altogether Desperate, and encouraged my Men, by the hopes of a quick return of M. La Salle, and all other Arguments that I could think on, not forgetting the glory they had gain­ed by their Fidelity, and the Reward they might expect, if they supported this Disgrace with Courage. I took an exact Account of the Dammage we had sustained, and sent it to M. La Sal­le. I redoubled in the mean time my care and application to preserve our Correspondence with the Illinois, and by these means we put our selves ve­ry near in as good a posture as before, the number of Men excepted.

M. La Salle having received these [Page 50]dismal Tidings, made a great search af­ter those Rogues, and pursued them so closely, that part of them surrendred themselves, and the rest were taken. He caused the most Seditious to be Hang'd, and pardon'd the rest. He sent the Messenger back to me, with a promise of a quick Supply, and Or­ders to tarry for him in the Fort. A whole Year however elapsed in this expectation, but our number being in­creased, by the arrival of some French Men, and the conjunction of some Sava­ges, we would have wanted nothing at all, had not a sad and unforeseen Accident disappointed our Measures.

Our loss was hardly repaired, when we fell into a greater danger;The Iro­quois come to attack the Illi­nois. for in the Month of September 1687, we discove­red within a quarter of a League of the Camp of the Illinois, about 600 Iroquois armed with Bows, Swords, Hal­berds, and a great many of them with Fire-arms. This unexpected Army frighted the Illinois, and revived their suspicion of our Correspondence with their Enemies; and I must confess, I was in a great perplexity, knowing not what to do in so nice a juncture. How­ever having determin'd my self, I did [Page 51]whatever I could to encourage the Illi­nois, and told them that I would go to the Camp of the Iroquois, and endea­vour to bring them to Terms; assu­ring them, that if I could not succeed, I would share the danger they were in; but that they had no time to lose, and therefore advis'd them to send their Women and Children away, and put themselves in good posture of defence. This Proposal convinc'd them of the sincerity of our Intentions, and there­fore they gave me an Interpreter, and one of their chief Men to accompany me, and be Witness of my Negotia­tion.

The Army of the Iroquois divided into two Bodies, and commanded by Tagancourte, Chief of Tsonnontouans, and Agoustot Chief of the Desouatages, two experienc'd Generals. That of the Illinois was not 500 strong, and we were not upward of 25 French Men amongst them, divided in their Battalious, to in­courage them by our Example, and keep them in the best order we could, I parted from our Army with my Inter­preter, an Illinois, and two French Men, and advanced toward the Iroquois, whose Left Wing moved, at the same time, to­ward [Page 52]our Right, where our Men ap­peared very resolute, and prepar'd to make a vigorous Defence.

A custom observ'd a­mongst the Savages.As soon as I came near them, they shot at us, but by chance none was wounded, whereupon I sent back the Illinois, and the two French-men, taking upon my self all the peril attending such a Deputation. As soon as I came at a convenient distance, I shewed a Collar, it being the Custom amongst the Sa­vages, to make all their Proposals with Collars, the same being the Symbol of Peace, Union, and Alliance. I advan­ced upon the publick Faith of the Badge, but I was no sooner in the Camp, but I was seized by those Villains, one of whom took my Collar, whilst ano­ther design'd to stab me with a Knife, but it pleased God, that the Knife sli­ded along one of my Ribs, which saved my Life. The most Rational, or rather the least Brutish of? em, rescued me from their Hands, and after having stopt the Blood with a kind of Balsom, conduct­ed me to the middle of their Camp, with my Interpreter; where they ask­ed me the Subject of my coming.

My Depu­tation to the Iroquois.Tho' my strength was considerably abated by the loss of my Blood, my Courage was not cast down, neither was I daunted by their Number and Threats. I complained therefore, first. of their unjust Proceedings, and viola­tion of their Publick Faith; and then of their coming, without any provocation, to attack a Nation, which was in Con­federacy, and under the Protection of the King of France, my Master; there­fore I intreated them to return home, if they had any respect for that Prince; and that they would look upon the Il­linois as their Friends, since they were so united with us, that whatsoever con­spired their Destruction, conspir'd our own. I told them besides, that they ought to consider the danger of their Enterprise; the Illinois being about six Hundred men, and the French above 200; and that my Mediation and Ex­hortation to Peace, were not the effects of any Fear we had for them; conclu­ding, that I intreated them to make Peace with the Illinois in the Name of our King, and of Count Frontenack their Father; and that I should not complain of the loss of my Blood, if t was so hap­py as to succeed in my Negotiation.

While I was thus arguing, the two Armies were skirmishing;The Success of it. and some time after, an Iroquois came to give Ad­vice to the General; that their Right Wing began to give ground, and that they had observed some French men a­mong the Illinois, who had made a great fire upon them. This Advice came very unluckily for me; for the Savages were so incensed against me, that they pre­sently talk'd of killing me. I was pre­paring my self to suffer every thing, but observing a young rash Iroquois stand­ing behind me with a Razor in his Hand, and knowing the Custom of that Cruel Nation, which is to cut off their Enemies Head, and then take off the Hair and Skin like a Cap, which is a­mongst them the greatest Trophy, I did not doubt hue this young Warrior had a great fancy to my Hair, which he touch'd now and then, and lest he should do it too soon, I told him, that he ought, at least, to expect the Orders of his Masters. Tagancourte would have me put to death, but Agoustot being a particular Friend of M. La Salle, oppo­sed the other General, and by a kind of Miracle, Mercy perhaps, for the first time, prevail'd with this Barbarous Na­tion; [Page 55]and it was resolved to send me back to the Illinois, and tell them they were disposed to a sincere Peace and U­nion, giving me a fine Collar of Porce­lain, as a Token of their sincerity. They protested that they would for the future, live in Peace with the Illinois, and look upon them as Brethren, since they were Children of the Governour of Canada, which they did not know before.

The consideration of the danger I had escaped, Cured me almost of my Wound, and gave me sufficient strength to return to our Camp. I met about half the Way, Father Gabriel de la Ri­bonde, and Father Zenoble Membrè, who almost dispaired of seeing me any more, and therefore could hardly express the joy they had for my happy return. We went together to the Illinois, to whom I deliver'd the Message of the Iroquois, but advis'd them withal not to trust too much to their Words and Presents; for I could not perswade my self, that so Cruel and Ambitious a Nation would return Home without any other Advantage, but that of having made Peace with the Illinois, whom they pretended to subdue; which was ra­ [...] a dishonour, and therefore I lookt [Page 56]upon all their Protestations as an Arti­fice to surprize their Enemies.

The Resolu­tion of the Illinois, upon my return, and their Desertion.The Illinois were fully perswaded with what I told them, of the Infide­lity of the Iroquois; and yet they re­solv'd to return the Present by an Em­bassie. They called, in the mean time, a Council, to take the necessary mea­sures for their Defence; but their young Warriors being satisfy'd with the Glo­ry they had gained in the first: Attack, wherein they repulsed their Enemies, would not venture a second Fight, and most of them left their Camp. The others being thus weakened by their Desertion, ran away upon the approach of the Iroquois, who plundered their Camp.

Being thus forsaken by our new Con­federates, we retir'd into our Fort, but the Illinois being re-inforced by fresh Men, appeared again two days after, upon a rising ground in good Order, and resolved to fight; whereupon the Iroquois thinking they were more nu­merous than at first, and having tryed their Valour in the former Attack, de­fir'd me to interpose my mediation for a Peace, which I accepted; and they gave me one of their Chiefs as an Ho­stage. [Page 57]I went to the Illinois with Father Zenoble, Both Par­ties accept my media­tion. and told them the Proposals of the Iroquois; and that I had brought one of their Chiefs for Hostage. The Illi­nois were very well pleased with my Message, and assured me that they were sincerely disposed to make Peace with the. Iroquois; then they gave me a full Power to make it upon what Terms I should please, and promis'd to send immediately an Hostage for confirming what I should say. Both Parties being so well disposed, I took some refresh­ment, and returned to the Iroquois, whom I told that I was empowered to treat with them, and desir'd that we might immediately enter upon the Treaty.

Imprudence of an Illi­nois.They were pleased with it, and the Hostage of the Illinois being arrived at the same time, confirmed every thing that I had said, so that the Treaty would have been concluded in few Hours, had not the Imprudence of this Illinois broken all my measures. This inconsiderate Fellow began to praise the Valour of his own Nation, and their Generals; but owned, that being hardly 400 Men, they lookt upon their Proposals of Peace as a favour, which [Page 58]they would acknowledge by some Pre­sents of Beavers and Slaves. This foo­lish Confession undeceived the Iroquois, who having believed what I had told them of the number of the Illinois, were glad to make Peace, and in some fear of their Enemies. They began then to speak very big, and complained in ve­ry hard words, I had deluded them, and done them a great injury, saying that they would have got a conside­rable Booty, if they had not believed me.

I must confess I was put to a plunge, but having recovered my self, I an­swer'd, That what I had said before, and what, the Illinois said then was true, for the Illinois were above 600 Men up­on their Arrival, and at the first fight, but that a great number having desert­ed since that time, it may be that their Number was reduced to 400. That I had no other intention but to bring both Parties to a right understanding: That they were Masters of the Camp of their Enemies, and might impose upon them what Conditions they pleased, since they offer'd themselves to buye the Peace. They approved, or at least seemed to approve my Reasons, and [Page 59]sent back the Illinois, to acquaint the Chiefs of his Nation; that they desir'd to see them the next day in their Camp, to conclude the Treaty.

The interest between the Iro­roquois. and the Il­linois.They came accordingly the next Morning, with a great quantity of Bea­vers Skins, and several Slaves, which they presented to the Iroquois, who re­ceiv'd them very kindly, and promis'd to restore them their Camp and Habi­tations, which they confirmed by some Presents of three Collars of Porcelain and Furrs. The first Collar signifying that they begged Pardon of the Go­vernour of Canada, for having attacked a Nation who was under his Protection; the second signifying the same civility to M. La Salle; and by the Third, the I­roquois swore an eternal Alliance with the Illinois. These Presents being mu­tually exchanged, both Parties retired.

The Trea­chery of the Iroquois.Whilst these two Nations were gi­ving each other mutual Marks of a sincere reconciliation, I discover'd that the Iroquois were secretly making Canoos, to follow the Illinois along the River, and exterminate them; and being asked by one of the Chiefs of the Illinois, what I thought of their Reconciliation? I told him very frankly, that the Pro­mises [Page 60]and words of that treacherous Na­tion were not to be relyed upon; that I did not doubt but that the Canoos which they were getting ready with so much secrecy, were designed against them; that therefore I advis'd them to retire into another Country with their Families, and fortifie themselves in some advantagious Post, 'till the Iroquois were gone away. The Illinois approved of my Advice, and went back to his Nation, and I retired into our Fort.

The Iro­quois make Presents to the French.The Iroquois having consider'd how they had used me, thought fit to give us some satisfaction, and therefore on the 10th of September, eight days after their arrival, they desir'd me and Father Ze­noble to come to their Council, where being sat, they brought six Packs of Bever-skins, and told me, that their Nation offer'd us those Presents, and desir'd us to give the two first Packs, in their Name to Count Frontenac their Father, and assure him that they would trouble no more the Illinois, knowing they were his Children; that they gave me the third to serve me as a Plaister for my Wound; that the fourth was Oil to rub our Legs during our Voy­age: By the fifth, they exhorted us to [Page 61]Worship the Sun; and by the last, they required us to march away the next day, and retire to our French Habita­tions.

Their An­swer.I returned them our thanks, in the Name of our Nation, for the respects they had expressed for the Count de Frontenac, and Mr. la Salle, and for their good Entertainment, and like­wise for their Oil and Plaister, but I thought fit to ask them when they themselves designed to march away, and when they would restore that Camp to the Illinois, according to their Promise. This Question did not please them, and after a general grumbling, they told me, that since I was so curi­ous, they would satisfie me, and that they would depart, after having de­vour'd some of our Brethren, or else some of the Illinois. As soon as I un­derstood this Answer, I thrusted back their Present with my Foot, and told them, that seeing they had such a De­sign, I would accept none, adding with­al, that I would march away without their. Order or Leave, when I should think fit. The Chiefs of the Iroquois having heard my reply, stood up, and told us that we might retire. There [Page 62]was amongst them one Abenaguis, with whom I had been acquainted, who told me, that they were very much angry with me, and advis'd us to retire with all the haste we could to our Fort; which we did accordingly, and stood all the Night long upon our Guard, being resolved to defend our selves to the utmost extremity.

When we saw our selves safe, Father Zenoble and I made several Reflections, on the Dissimulation and Infidelity of that Nation, and likewise on the dangers we had been exposed to in their Coun­cil; and I remember that that good Father blam'd my proceedings; and said, That in those nice occasions, we ought to be more pliant, in hopes to find a more favourable opportunity. I agreed with him in general, but insist­ed, that this Principle admitted of some exceptions, and that assuredness and vi­gour were more prevailing upon bar­barous men, than a more prudent way. In the mean time we advised what was fit to be done in this juncture;The French quit the Fort. and be­ing unable to defend us against so ma­ny Enemies, we resolved to quit the Fort the next day. I Embarked the next Morning with two Recollects and five [Page 63] French men; the others who were in the Fort, having chosen to go and live among the Illinois rather than to return home.

Having equally divided our Arms, Ammunition, and Goods, we Embark­ed the Eleventh of September 1687, ve­ry early, and about Five Leagues from the Fort, we went ashore to re­pair our Canoo, and dry some Furs, which the Water would have spoiled. As we were busie about it, Father Gabriel told me that he would take a walk along the Shore;Father Ga­briel mur­thered by the Sava­ges. and I ad­vised him to keep in our sight, be cause we were surrounded with E­nemies; but the charming Prospect of that Country ingaged him a little too far, so that seeing he did not return, we began to mistrust that he was fal­len into the Hands of the Savages. Fa­ther Zenoble and I advanced into the Woods to look for him, but could not discover what was become of him, not­withstanding we fir'd our Arms, and made all the Night long a great Fire to give him notice of the place where we expected him. We understood since, that he was met by a Band of Savages called Quicapous, who murther­ed [Page 64]him, and sold, some time after, his Breviary to a Jesuit, from whom we learned these particulars. Thus dyed this Holy Man, in the seventieth Year of his Age, by the Hands of those very Men for the sake of whom he had left his Native Country, and suffer'd so many Fatigues.

We waited for him 'till the next day about Noon, but having no hopes of his Return, we Embarked again, and after one Months Navigation, land­ed within two days Journey of the Lake of the Illinois, into which we car­ried over Land our Equipage. We em­barked again on the 20th of October, and ten days after, were forced to land, by contrary Winds, within 20 Leagues of a great Village, called Potavalamia, where we found no other Provisions but Acorns.

I was sick of an Ague, and my legs were so swoln, that we could not reach the Village I have spoken of 'till the 10th of November. We found no body in it, nor any Provisions, but having, by good chance, advanced into the Coun­try, we met with a good quantity of Indian Corn, which enabled us to Im­bark again. The Winds were so cross, [Page 65]that we were oblig'd to come a, Shore few days, after, where having found some fresh foot-steps, we, followed the Track, and came to another Village of the Pontoualamis, which was likewise abandoned, but however afforded us some Provisions, which were sufficient to maintain us 'till our arrival at the Buy of Puans, which; was towards the latter end of November.

Having already described this Bay, I need not repeat it now, but I must add, that there is a Creek in it called the Creek of the Sturgeons, because of the prodigious quantity of that, sort of Fish that is catch'd in it. We refresh­ed our selves in that place for several days with the Pontoualamis, who en­tertained us with scorched Bees and Stagg. We diverted also our selves in Hunting of Beavers, which afforded us a great satisfaction.

The Country about the Bay, being watered by an infinite number of Ri­vulets, lined with great Trees, and the Woods being full of Aspen-trees, the Branches and Leaves whereof are the dainty food of Beavers. Those Creatures are very numerous in those Parts.

An Ac­couns of Beavers.The Beavers are, as every body knows, Amphibious, Creatures, who cannot live without Air, Water, and Land. They are near as big as Sheep, but not so tall, their legs being very short, but so nimble, that they come nothing short of Apes for dexterity. They have a Muzzle or Nose, and strong Teeth; their Body is covered with thick Hair, and pretty fine, but their Tail is made up of a kind of twisted Hair, Which forms a figure like that of a Triangle, and serves them as a Trowel to beat the soft Earth they make use of to build their Ha­bitations.

The Instinct or Industry of those Creatures is almost incredible, and there­fore I am sensible that many will que­stion the Truth of what I have to say about it, however, I may assure the Reader that I do not Romance in the least. When they have a mind to make a new Settlement or Habitation, and have found a proper place for it, which is commonly in the Channel of a: Ri­ver, provided it be not too deep, or too broad, they look for a Tree on the Bank of the said River, lean­ing a little towards the Water. They [Page 67]meet together in a Circle, and because their number is always odd, it seems that they hold a Council, to know what is fit to be done. The first thing to be done, is to cut down the Tree they have pitched upon, but not hori­zontaly, but in such a manner that it may fall into the very place they have a mind to, that is cross the River, to stop, or at lead to abate the Rapidity of the stream. If the Branches hinder the body of the Tree to lye in die Water. they cut them likewise, and then make a perfect Dike or Bank with Mud and Gravel together, leaving now and then some places open for the Water, lest the River should overflow their Bank. If the Tree cannot reach the other Shore, they fell another Tree over a­gainst it to join that, and make a per­fect Causey or Bridge. This Work being compleated, they build their Ha­bitations or Caves near that place, and employ nothing but mud in the fol­lowing manner; they lay a Lay of it, and beat it very hard with their Tails, and then another, and so on successive­ly, 'till it is about three Foot high; they Arch it and Polish it very handsomly, and divide it into three several Apart­ments, [Page 68]which have communication one with the other; one of them is to lie in, the second for their Provisions, and the third serves them for a necessary House. They make a Canal or subterranean Aqueduct from the River to one of their Apartments, in which they have a kind of Pond, wherein they hold their Tail, for otherwise they could not live. This Canal serves also for a­nother use, for when they hear any noise, they make their escape through that place into the River. Every one is obliged to work, but if any one has his Tail excoriated or other wise hurt, he lays it flat upon his back, to shew that he is unable to work.

How they Hunt Bea­vers.When the Savages go a Hunting, they follow the Rivers, and as soon as they discover any Causey, Bridge or Bank, they may be sure that the Beavers are not far off. They come as near as they can, but as soon as the Beavers see or hear them, they run through their Canal into the River; but as they must breath from time to time, the Savages soon shoot them, if it be in Summer time; for in Winter they use another Art to catch them. They make holes in the Ice and ha­ving [Page 69]beat out the Beavers from their Habitations into the River, they must come to breath through those Holes, and then the Savages catch them a­live by the Tail.

Having refreshed our selves above Ten Days in this place, and taken in Provisions, we Embarked again on the Seventeenth of December for Missilima­chinac, but eight days after were fore­ed back by a contrary Wind. The Savages were gone away, but had left some Provisions, which we wanted ve­ry much; for the Ice and the malady of our Men obliged us to continue in that place, where we suffer'd very much. Finding our selves in that ex­tremity, I advanced into the Woods to endeavour to find some relief, and it pleased God that I met with two Savages, of the Nation of the Outno­vas, who conducted me to a Village belonging to the Pontoualamis, where we met several French-men setled in that place, by whom we were kindly receiv'd, as also by the Savages. Father Zenoble understanding that the Jesuits had a Settlement in the bottom of the Bay, thought it was more becoming his Character, to pass the Winter a­mongst [Page 70]them, than in company of the Savages, and went thither two days after our arrival; but we continued 'till the next Spring in that place, and liv'd very comfortably.

We diverted bur selves at Hunting wild Bulls in the beginning of March, How they Hunt Bulls. the Grass being already grown. Those Bulls are near twice as big as ours, the Hair looks like a fine Fleece, and is very long; their Horns are bent backwards, and extraordinary long; their Eyes are likewise larger and big­ger than those of our European Bulls, which make them look terrible. They go always by Droves of three or four Hundred in each. When the Savages go a Hunting, they encompass a Drove of these Bulls, and one of them comes creeping as near as he can, and then stands up, making an Out-cry, which frightens away the whole Drove; the Savages being in a Circle, they cannot escape without being shot; but as they become very fierce and dangerous when they are wounded, the Savages shoot them in the Thigh or the Shoulder, to prevent their coming upon them, and when they are down, they break their Heads with Clubs. As they are ex­cellent [Page 71]Marksmen, they never miss, and twenty Men will sometimes kill Forty and Fifty Bulls.

That which is wonderful in this, is the havock, which the Shot sent by the Savages makes; for besides the ex­actness and swiftness of the Stroke, the force of it is very surprizing, and so much the rather, because it is nothing else but a Stone, or a Bone, or some­times a piece of very hard Wood, pointed and fastned to the end of an Arrow with some Fishes-glue, that causes this terrible effect. When the Savages go to War, they poison the Point, or extremity of their Dart, so that if that remains in the Body, Death follows of necessity; the only Re­medy in this case, is to draw out the Arrow through the other side of the Wound; if it goes quite thorough, or if not, to make an aperture on the other side, and so to draw it through; after which they know by instinct, cer­tain Herbs, the application of which both draws out the Venom, and Cures 'em.

I stayed all the Month of March in this place: Father Zenoble came back to me at Spring, and we re-embark­ing [Page 72]at the Creek we had left, came to Land at Missilimachinac in the begining of April, with a design to stay there for M. de la Salle. From the 11th of September, 1681, when we took our leaves of the Illinois, to the 1st of April, Seven Months were slipt away; during which time, M. de la Salle, upon the Advice that I had gi­ven him by my Letter, was come down to the Illinois with a good Re­cruit, with intention to help us. The Iroquois having Advice of his Descent, and being afraid of being hemm'd in between two Armies, were retired, and, the Illinois were again entred in­to their Possessions. However M. de la Salle found but some few, the rest being gone to winter in the Woods; he exhorted those that remained, to call their Country-men, assuring them he would build a Fort that should shelter them from the Invasion of their Enemies;The Fort of Creve­coeur he visited the Fort of Crevecoeur, which was strill in the same condition, and placed therein a small Garrison of Fifteen or Sixteen French, and a Commander, with Ammunition and Arms. After this, he went a­gain up the River to the great Vil­lage, [Page 73]whither many Families of the Illinois were returned; he laboured hard upon the inclosure of his New Fort, and having understood by some Scouts, that I had taken my way to­wards Missilimachinac, he set forward again to join me, having left some Soldiers and Pioneers at the intended Fort, to continue his Work and de­fend that Post.

He came not to Missilimachinac 'till about the Fifteenth of August, in the Year 1682. There we took new mea­sures to perfect the Discovery we had begun. We must needs think forth­with of making some new Provision for so long a Voyage. It was with this Design, that after Six Days rest, M. de la Salle set out in a Canoo for Fronte­nac, Father Zenoble and I going along with him; haying sailed happily the first day, we landed at a Village cal­led Trejagou, belonging to the Iroquois. M. de la Salle Traficked there with some Skins, and having ordered me to stay for him there, with Father Zenoble, he went on board the Canoo Frontenac. There he found his Bark ready, and stored her with a­bundance of Ammunition and Provisi­ons; [Page 74]he listed there some new Souldiers, and eight days after, lent me his Bark laden with fresh Men, good Mer­chandise, and such things as were most necessary. The Father and I went on board, and landed the first Day at Niagara, below the Fall of the River: There we were forced to put our Baggage and Merchandise upon Sledges, and so conduct them to the Lake Heriè, where we re-embark'd in a Canoo to the number of Twen­ty Persons, as well Souldiers as Mari­ners, together with our best Merchan­dise. After Three days Sail, we land­ed at the side of the River of the Miamis, where having lodg'd our selves in Huts, I had time to reassem­ble there some French and some Sa­vages, Abenaguis, Loups, Quicapous, and others. There I augmented our Provisions by Hunting, and I bar­ter'd some of our Commodities for In­dian Corn.

There it was that M. de la Salle came to rejoin us towards the end of No­vember; the day of his Arrival we, fell down the River of the Miamis in a Canoo, to the Mouth of another River named Chicacou; and we went [Page 75]up it again to a small Harbour, which is but a League from the great Ri­ver of the Illinois. Having put on Shore in this place, we passed the Night with a very great Fire; for the Cold was so sharp, that the next day the Rivers were froze and un­navigable. We were obliged then to have recourse to the Sledge, to car­ry our Baggage to the Village of the Illinois, where we found things in the same state that M. de la Salle had left them; only the Village was better Peopled; which gave us opportunity to defer our Intrigues a little, and to renew our Provisions.

The Rivers being still block'd up with Ice, we found our selves oblig'd to begin again our Journey by Land; the Third day of January, 1683. we had pusht on our way to Thirty Leagues below. There the Weather grew mild, and the Ice melted, so that Navigation appearing commodi­ous, we went on Board a Canoo, the Twenty Fourth of January, and fell down the River or the Illinois, to the River Mississipi, where we arri­ved the second of February.

The River of the Illi­nois.The River of the Illinois, reckon­ing from its first Carriage to its dis­emboguing into the River, is at least 160 Leagues Navigable. The adja­cent parts are as pleasant as fruitful; one, sees there Animals of all sorts, Stags, Hinds, Linces, Wild Bulls, Goats, Sheep, Hares, and infinite more, but few Beavers. As to the Trees, they are nothing but Forests of High Trees, with great Walks, which seem drawn by a Line; besides Elms, Beech, Plane-trees, Cedars, Walnut and Chesnut-trees; one sees there whole Plains cover'd over with Pomgranate-trees, Orange-trees, and Lemmon-trees; and in one word, with all kind of Fruit-trees.

In many places there are to be seen large Vines, whole tendrels being twisted about the Branches of huge Trees, bear Bunches of Grapes of an extraordinary bigness.

Being Embarked upon the Mississipi, we followed the Course of this great River; six Leagues from the Mouth of the River Illinois, we met with that of the Ozages, Of the Oza­ges. the Banks of which, and places thereabouts, are no less a­greeable and Fertile; 'tis true, its [Page 77]Water carries so great a quantity of Mud along with it, as to change that of Mississipi, and make it all Muddy for more than Twenty Leagues. Its Brinks are bordered with great Wal­nut-trees; one sees there an infinite number of Foot-steps made by the Bea­vers; and the Hunting for them there is very great and common. Going up towards its Source, its Banks are inhabited by Savages, who trade much in Skins; we passed one Night at the Mouth of this River.

The next day, after we had sailed Ten Leagues, we came to the Vil­lage of the Tamaoas, where we met with no body at all, the Savages being retired into the Woods to Winter; we made there however some Marks to let 'em know that we had pass'd by. After that, continuing our Voyage, we arrived, after a Course of 3 Days, at the Mouth of the River of the Ou­abachi, that comes from the East, The River of the Oua­bachi. and throws it self into the Mississipi, Eigh­ty Leagues from that of the Illinois: It is by this River that the Iroquois come to make War upon the Nati­ons of the South. In this place we lay in Huts one Night, and after a [Page 78]Course of Sixty League, following still out great River, we came to land at a Bank Inhabited by Savages, who are called Chicacha. Here it was that we lost a French-man of our Compa­ny, named Preudhomme. The search we made for him during Nine days, gave us an opportunity of discovering several Nations, and of Building a Fort in this place, to serve as a Rest and Habitation for the French in that fine Country.

Hunters well re­ceived of the Sava­ges in Chi­cacha.During this Interval, Two of our Hunters met with two of the Sava­ges Chicacha, who offer'd to conduct 'em into their Village. Our Men, led by a Spirit of Curiosity, follow'd them; they were very well received, and af­ter laden with Presents, and were in­treated by the Principal among them, to procure that our Commander will honour them with a Visit. Our People being very well satisfied with their reception, made their report of it to M. de la Salle, who the next day went himself with Ten of his Company; he received there all the good treat­ment that could be expected from People the most civiliz'd; and had no trouble to inspire 'em with Senti­ments [Page 79]of submission and Obedience to the King. These Ravages also contented freely to the finishing of our Fort.

This Nation is very numerous, and is able to furnish out Two Thousand Men;The Nation of the Chi­cacha. they have all Faces flat like Plates, which is reckoned among them for a stroke of Beauty; it is for this Reason they take care to make the Visage of their Children flat with ta­blets of, Wood, which they apply to their Foreheads, and gird very, hard with Bands: All these Nations to the Sea Shore give themselves this Figure. Every thing is very plentiful with them; Corn, Fruits, Grapes, Olives, tame Hens, Indian Hens, Bustards, &c. M. de la Salle having received such good Refreshment there, and having made 'em, by way of acknowledge­ment, a Present of some Knives and Hatchets, he returned to his own People. At last, after Nine days ex­pectation, Preudhomme, who had lost himself in the Woods, where he had lived upon nothing but Wild Fowl, found us again;Preudhom me lest in the Woods, rej [...]in the French.M. de la Salle entrust­ed him with the care of finishing the Fort, which he called after his Name, and gave him the Command of it; [Page 80]after which he took his Course upon the same River towards the end of the Month of February.

We were three Days without dis­embarking:An Alarm caused by a Drum. The fourth after having made Fifty Leagues, we came to a Village of the Cappa: We had scarce set foot on Land, but we heard a Drum beat; forthwith fancying we saw the E­nemy at our Heels, we threw our selves into our Canoos, and went o­ver to the other side; and so we immediately made a Redoubt to se­cure our selves from any surprize.

The Savages came to view us in a Canoo;The good treatment which the Savages Cappa gave the French. we sent some of our Men to 'em, to present them with the Ca­lumet; they accepted it freely, and at the same time offered themselves to conduct us to their Habitations, and promised us all manner of assistance. M. de la Salle was very ready to go thither; in the mean time one of the two Savages went before, to give no­tice of our arrival to those of his own Nation. Their Prince, accompanied with some of the chief of 'em, came forward to receive us. As soon as he saw M. de la Salle, he saluted him in a very grave and respectful manner; [Page 81]offer'd him any thing that depended upon him or his Nation, and taking him by the Hand, led him towards his Cottage. M. de la Salle walking a­long with him, testified to him how sensible he was of his Civilities, and let him understand his Design and In­tentions, which tended to nothing else but the glory of the true God, and to make known to him the Power of the French King. Being arrived at the Village, we saw a very great mul­titude of People, in the midst of whom were some Archers drawn up in a Line. The Prince making a little halt, declared to all the Assembly, that we were sent by the King of France, to Discover North America, and to re­ceive its People under his Protection. Then there follow'd a general Accla­mation, by which the People seem'd to testifie their Joy: As soon as the Prince had assur'd M. de la Salle, of the perfect submission of all his People to the Orders of the King, he conduct­ed him into his Cottage, and gave him, and those of his Company, all the good treatment possible. Besides this, he made him very considerable Presents, namely, abundance of Indian [Page 82]Corn, and other necessary Provisions, with which M. de la Salle was very well satisfied, as well as with all his other Civilities. This Nation was scarce any thing of Savage;The Man­ners and Customs of the Cappa. they give Judgment according to their Laws and Customs; every one there enjoys his own Goods in particular.

The Nation of the A­kancéas.Eight Leagues from hence are the Akancéas, whose Land is above sixty Leagues over: They are divided in­to several Villages, almost at equal distances. The Cappa gave us two Guides to carry us to the First, which they call Togengan; it stands upon the Bank of a River, and there we were very well received. Two Leagues from this Town, we fell down in a Canoo to that of Torimant; and six Leagues from this last, to another called Ozotoni. We were equally well received in every place; and as our arrival had already made a noise in all the Country, we found a very nu­merous Assembly of People in this place, which caused M. de la Salle to set up the Arms of the King, with a Shot of our Artillery.The Arms of the King set up at the noise of the Ar­tillery. The Noise and Fire of our Arms impress'd such a re­spect upon all the Multitude, and threw [Page 83]'em into such a Consternation, that the Prince, on the part of his Nation,The Cli­mate of this Country. swore to us an inviolable Alliance This Climate and that of the Cappa is the same; it is about the 34th Degree of Latitude. The Country throughout does generally abound in Grain, Fruits, and Wild Fowl of all sorts. The temperature of the Air is won­derful, there is never any Snow to be seen, and but very little Ice: Their Cottages are built of Cedar,The Religi­on of its Inhabitants all mat­ted within: They have no deter­min'd Worship; they Adore all sorts of Animals, or rather they Worship but one Divinity, which discovers its self in a certain Animal, such as it shall please their Jongleur, or Priest, to pitch upon; so that it will be some­times an Ox, sometimes a Dog, or some other. When this visible God is dead, there is an universal Mourn­ing; but which is presently changed into a great Joy, by the choice they make of a new Mortal Deity, which is always taken from amongst the Brutes.

About Sixty Leagues below this Na­tion,Taercas, are the Taencas, a People that give place to none in America, either [Page 84]for Force or Beauty of Climate. The Akanceas gave us Guides to conduct us thither, and going on Board a Canoo, we still follow'd the Course of the great River.Crocodiles in great numbers. After our first days Voyage, we began to see some Crocodiles along the brink; They are in a very great number upon these Banks, and of a prodigious bigness, some being Twenty or Thirty Foot long. To see so monstrous an Ani­mal, who would believe that it comes into the World but like a Chicken, being hatched of an Egg! only it is oserved, that it grows as long, as it lives. We took notice that they fled when we pursu'd 'em, and that when we fled they, pursued us; we disper­sed them with our Fusees, and killed some of 'em. The day following be­ing arriv'd over against the first Vil­lage of the Taencas, M. de. la Salle sent me to the Prince, to give him notice of his Arrival, and gave me two Guides of the Akancéas, and two Abenaguis to be my Interpreters.

As this Village stands on the other side of a Lake, which is Eight Leagues in Circumference, and half a League over, we were forced to take a Ca­noo [Page 85]to cross it, which we perform'd in two Hours. As soon as we land­ed, I was surpriz'd to see the Gran­dure of the Village, and the Order of the Cottages; they are plac'd in di­vers rows, and in a streight Line, round about a large space, being all made of Earth, and coveted over with Mats of Cane:The Gran­dure and Order of the fine Village of the Sa­vages. We presently took notice of two fairer than the rest, one was the Princes Palace, the other the Temple; each of them was a­bout forty Foot square, the Walls ten Foot high, and two Foot thick; the Roof, in the form of a Cupilo, was cover'd with a Mat of divers Colours: Before the Prince's Palace stood a Do­zen Men Armed with Half-pikes. As soon as we came up, an Old Man ad­dressed himself to me, and taking me by the Hand, led me into a great square Hall, the Floor and sides of which were covered with a very fine Mat; at the further end of the Hall, over against the Entrance, was a very handsome Bed, with Curtains of a fine Stuff, made and woven of the Bark of Mulberry-trees.The Prince of the Ta­encas. We saw the Prince of this People upon this Bed, as upon his Throne, in the middle of four [Page 86]handsome Women, and encompassed with above Sixty Old Men, Armed with Bows and Arrows; they were all Cloath'd with very fine White Gar­ments; that of the Prince was adorn­ed with certain Tufts of Wool of dif­ferent Colours;A Descrip­tion of the Women of these Sava­ges. the rest were all plain. The Prince had upon his Head a Diadem of woven Rushes, very curi­ously wrought, and enriched with large Pearls, and rais'd with a Plume of various Feathers; all that were a­bout him were bare-headed: The Women were dress'd in Cloaths of the same Stuff; they had upon their Heads little Rush Hats, adorned with several Feathers, and had all Neck­laces of Pearl, and fine Ear-Pendants of the same; they had Bracelets of woven Hair, and several other Jew­els which set off their Attire: They were not quite Black, but Brown, their Visages something flat, their Eyes Black, sparkling, and pretty large; their Shape line and free; and they all ap­pear'd to me of a smiling and very pleasant Air.

Being surpriz'd, or rather charm'd, with the Beauties of this Savage Court, I address'd my Speech to the vene­rable Prince,A Dis­course ad­dress'd to the Prince of these Sa­vages. and spoke to him in the Name of M. de la Salle. That having the Honour to be sent by the King of France, the most potent of all the Kings upon Earth, to make a Dis­covery of all the Nations of America, and to invite them to live under the Government of so great a Prince; we came to offer them our Friendship and Protection; to which the upper Countries had all freely submitted: That if we did pretend to settle our selves in the Country, it was not so much to bring them under a rigorous Yoke, as to maintain for them, by the power of our Arms, what was alrea­dy in their Possession; and to impart to them our rarest Arts and our Wealth: Not so much to spoil them of their Treasures, as to teach them a more advantagious way of using them. Not to Usurp their Territories, but put them in a way to Cultivate and Improve them, and to instruct them in our Commerce. In short, not to become their Lords and Matters, but [Page 88]to Establish a Brotherly Friendship with them.

The Prince all this while hearken'd with great Attention, (and one of our Abenaguis having given him to under­stand what I said) embraced me, and with a smiling Countenance, told me, That after the Account I had given him of our great Monarch, he could not but conceive the greatest Respect and Veneration for him; that he should the next day see M. de la Salle, and that he would give him more par­ticular assurances of it. Whereupon I presented him in M. de la Salle's Name, with a Sword inlaid with Gold and Silver, some Cases of Razors, Cizars, and Knives, and some Bottles of A­qua vitae. I cannot express the Joy and satisfaction he receiv'd these small Presents with. But I took notice at the same time, that one of his Wives, who had a pair of the Cizars in her Hand, admir'd very much the neat­ness of the Work, and would now and then give me a Smile, which I fancied might be a modest way of asking me for a pair too. I took an opportunity to draw near to her, and pulling out of my Pocket a small steel [Page 89]Case of Filligreen-work, wherein was a pair of Cizars, and a little Tor­toise-shell Knife, and pretending to ad­mire the whiteness and fineness of her Garment, I slipt the Case into her Hand, and she received it, squeez­ing my Hand pretty hard. Which gave me reason to think, that these Women have not Hearts altogether so Savage, but that they might easily be tamed by us, and taught the Politer Arts of Conversation. Another of the Com­pany, who was not less pretty, and neatly accoutred, drawing nearer to us, gave me to understand by the Thorns she shewed me, which she made use of to fasten her Train, that some Pins would be very acceptable to her. I gave her a paper of 'em, together with a Case of Needles and a Silver Thimble. These little Trin­kets she received with a wonderful joy; and then I gave as much to the two others. She who was the finest and the most agreeable of 'em, hav­ing taken notice that I admir'd a Collar of large Pearl that she had a­bout her Neck, took it off, and made an Offer of it to me, with abundance of civility. I refus'd it a good while, [Page 90]but reflecting upon the plenty of Pearls that is among them, and that the fishing for 'em was in the Seas there­abouts, I made no further difficulty, and after a few more offers, I accept­ed of it. But, in return, I gave her ten Yards of Blew Ribbon, which she valued, at least, at as high a rate.

The Night now drawing on, I was going to take my leave of the Prince, but he very earnestly desired me to stay 'till the next day, and gave the charge of me to an Officer, to let me want for nothing. I did not want much Courtship, and the desire I had to see a little of their Manners and Behaviour, made me readily enough accept of the kind offer. I was con­ducted into an Apartment furnished much after the rate of that the Prince was in. There they brought me a Collation of Wild-fowl, and Fruit, and some Liquors, of which I tasted. All that while there was an Old Gentle­man with me, who was very good Company, and especially because he resolved me all the Questions I put to him. As for what concerns their Politicks, he inform'd me, that they were in­tirely [Page 91]govern'd by their Prince's Ab­solute Will. That they obey'd him as their Soveraign; that they own'd his Children his lawful Successors; that when he died, they sacrificed his first or Chief Wife, the first Steward and twenty Men of his Nation, to be his Retinue and wait upon him in the other World. That during his Life, no Man drunk in his Cup, nor eat out of his Dish, or walk'd as he was passing by; that care was al­ways taken, not only to clean the Way for him, but also to strew it with sweet Herbs and Flowers. I observ'd in that little time I was in his Presence, that when he spoke to any body, they made a loud kind of humming before they answer'd him; and I'begg'd this Old Gentleman to tell me the Reason of it: He told me that this was lookt upon as a token of admiration and respect. As to their Religion, he told me that they Worship the Sun; that they had their Temples, their Altars, and their Priests. That in that Temple, there was a Fire which burnt perpetually, as the proper Emblem of the Sun. [Page 62]That at the Decrease of the Moon, they carried a great Dish of their greatest Dainties to the Door of the Temple, as an Oblatory Sacrifice; which the Priests offer'd to their God, and then they carried it home, and feasted themselves with it.

As to their Customs, every Spring they go in a Body to some retir'd place, and there turn up a large space of Land, which they do with the Drums beating all the while. After this, they take care to call it the De­sart, or the Field of the Spirit. And thither they go in good earnest, when they are in their Enthusiastick Fits, and there wait for Inspiration from their pretended Deity. In the mean while, as they do this every Year, it proves of no small advantage to them, for by this means they turn up all their Land insensibly, and it becomes abundantly more fruitful. In Autumn they gather their Indian Corn, and they keep it in great Baskets 'till the New Moon in the next Month of June: Then the Families get to­gether, and every one invites his Friends [Page 93]and Neighbours, to come and eat Cakes, and some Meat they get like­wise; and thus they spend the Day in Feasting.

This is all I could learn that Day of their Religion, their Government and Customs. The next Day I had the Curiosity of seeing their Temple, and the Old Gentleman had me thi­ther. The Structure of it was exact­ly the same with that of the Prince's House. As to the out-side, it is en­compassed with a great high Wall, the space betwixt that and the Tem­ple forming a kind of Court, where People may walk. On the top of the Wall are several Pikes to be seen, up­on which are stuck the Heads of their own most notorious Criminals, or of their Enemies. On the top of the Frontispiece, there is a great Knob rais­ed, all covered round with Hair, and above that, an heap of Scalps in form of a Trophy.

The inside of the Temple is only a Nave, painted on all sides, at top with all sorts of Figures; in the midst of it is an Hearth instead of an Altar, upon [Page 94]which there is continually three great Billets burning, standing up on end; and two Priests drest in White Vest­ments, are ever looking after it, to make up the Fire and supply it. It is round this that all the People come to say their Prayers, with strange kind of Hummings. The Prayers are three times a Day; at Sun rise, at Noon, and at Sun set. They made me take notice of a sort of Closet cut out of the Wall, the inside of which was very fine: I could see only the Roof of it, on the top of which there hung a couple of spread Eagles, which look'd towards the Sun. I wanted to go into it; but they told me that it was the Ta­bernacle of their God, and that it was permitted to none but their High Priest to go into it. And I was told that this was the Repository of their Wealth and Treasures; as Pearls, Gold and Silver, precious Stones, and some Goods that came out of Europe, which they had from their Neighbours.

After I had seen all these Curiosi­ties, I took my leave of all those [Page 95]that were with me, and went back with my two Interpreters, to M. de la Salle; to whom I gave a faithful Account of the good Entertainment I had received from the Prince of the Tacucas; of his Magnificence, and es­pecially of his good Inclinations to acknowledge the King's Authority. Some time after we saw him coming towards us, in a very magnificent Barge, with Drums beating, and the Women that attended him playing on several Instruments: Some of them were in his own Barge, some in others that went along by the side of it. M. de la Salle received him in a respectful manner, and yet with that gravity as best became him, con­sidering the Character he bore. He thanked him for the honour he did him, and told him he did not receive it but in the Name of the Prince his Master; and that as he did not doubt but he was willing to acknow­ledge his Power, so he might safely assure him of his Royal Friendship and Protection. The Prince of the Tacuca's made Answer, That what he had heard of the Grandure of the [...] [Page 96]King, and of the Valour of his Sub­jects, would not permit him to hesi­tate, in paying him in Person the Hommage which he was perswaded was due to him whom he represent­ed; and that tho' he was a Soveraign, he chearfully submitted to our great King's Power; and that he should be glad to merit our Alliance and Pro­tection by his Services. After these mutual Protestations of Friendship, they made each other their Presents. M. de la Salle presented him with two pieces of Ribbon, and some Trinkets for his Wives. The Prince gave him six of his richest Robes, a Collar of Pearl, a Piroque or Barge filled with Ammunition and Provision; after which, there was brought a Dozen of Bottles of Aqua vitae, prepar'd with Sugar and Almonds, and Apricock Kernels. Then the King's Health was drunk, with a discharge of all our Guns, after that of the Prince of the Tacuca's in like man­ner; after which he went again in­to his Piroque, and went away very well satisfied.

We continued all that Day on that [Page 97]Shore, where we took the Altitude, and found our selves at the 25th Degree of Latitude, the next day being the 22d of March 1693, we went and lay ten Leagues off

M. de la Salle perceiving a Pi­roque, that made up towards us, to see what we were, gave me or­ders to chase it; which I did; but as I was just going to lay hold of her, above a Hundred Men straight appear­ed on the Shore, with their Bows ready to shoot us. M. de la Salle, with loud calling after me, made me stop; and being come back to his Company again, we went all and stood over against them with our Muskets ready presented. This posture of ours frighted them, and made them lay down their Arms; and I was immediately ordered to go and carry them the Calumet. Be­ing come up to them, I offer'd them the Collar of Peace; they accepted it very civilly; they embraced me, and gave me to understand, that they would be Friends with us. M. de la Salle seeing in what an ob­liging [Page 98]manner they had received me, came to join us on the same Shore; and as soon as those Sa­vages perceived him to be our Chief, they paid him all kind, of Honours and Respect. He told them that he did not require any thing from them, but a chearful Acknow­ledgment and Submission to our great King's Orders; to which he added, for their encouragement, the Example of the other greater Na­tions, and made use of the Argu­ments he before used on like occa­sions. They answer'd him, that they had their Prince, and that they could determine nothing with­out his Orders, and offer'd either to bring him to us, or to conduct, us to his Dwelling. M. de la Salle, who was always glad of an Op­portunity of seeing the Situation, Manners, and Faculty of those Na­tions, chose the latter. Their Vil­lage was four great Leagues off from the Shore. We were no sooner come into it, but the Prince came to receive us; he had us into his Cottage, where he treated us very [Page 99]handsomly, it was the Prince of the Nation of the Naches. This People is divided into two Provin­ces; this was the least of the two. Their Territories are seldom above Twenty Leagues compass, and their greatest Revenues is the Pearl Fi­shery which they have in the Sea about them.

There is a great many Divers of that Nation, who dive to the bottom of the Water, and fetch up these precious Shells from the lower­most part of the Rocks. On a fair day you may see the Shells on the Rocks open themselves to receive the Dew of Heaven. Which Dew breeds the first Seeds of the Pearl within the Shells, which appear like little white Grain that sticks fast to the Shell. These small soft Grains do in time become hard and white, as we see they are. It is observed that the Pearls which are fetch'd from the bottom of the Sea, are fairer than those which are found on the Rocks, because the Sun [Page 100]tarnishes these, and the Thunder is destructive to their Seeds.

This little Prince presented M. de la Salle with some Dozens of 'em, of a considerable bigness; and in return, we gave him a Hatchet, a Kettle, and some Knives. They gave us besides these, some Provi­sions; and having staid there the whole Day, we went away the next very well satisfied with each other. They gave us a couple of Guides, to shew us the way into the other Nation of the same Name, which is Ten Leagues farther in the Country. In the mean time M. de la Salle sent two of our Men to carry some fresh Provisions to those that waited for us by the Water side, together with Orders to fall Ten Leagues lower down the River, and to stay for him there.

Thus we went under the Con­duct of our Guides, and came that Night to the great Village of Na­ches. This Nation is able to set [Page 101]out Three Thousand Men in any time of War. Their Land is very well Cultivated, and bears Indian Corn, all sorts of Fruit-Trees, O­live-trees, and Vines. There are vast Meadows to be seen there; vast Forests and all sorts of Cattle; Fishing and Hunting being all their Employment and their Wealth.

The Prince received us with a great deal of Joy; made us a great many Presents both of Pearl and Provisions, and treated us very ge­nerously. The next day we plant­ed there the King's Arms, giving a Volley of Shot; after which we took our leaves of the Prince, who assured us of his intire Submission; and we went to meet our Men with new Provisions.

Being got aboard our Canoos, we went forward, and about Eight Leagues off, we came to the Village Coroas, where the Prince receiv'd us as the rest had done, and paid Homage.

The next day being the 27th of March, 1683. we planted our Huts at the Mouth of a great River, which comes from the West, and is called La Sablonniere; Ten Leagues from hence, as we continued our Course, we found the River di­vide it self into three Channels; I took the Right-hand-stream, M. de la Forest took the left, and M. de la Salle the middle way; we fol­lowed each our Course for about Ten Leagues, and in a little time after, we sound our selves re-join'd by the uniting of the Three Streams again into one. We were hardly got together again, and gone for­ward Five or Six Leagues, but we espied some Fisher-men by the Wa­ter-side, who were Quinipissa's. As soon as they saw us come near, they allarmed all the test of their Men, and straight the Drum fell a beating, and the Shore was in an instant lined with Savages, all armed with Bows and Arrows; we were willing to send Four French Men to treat with 'em, but they [Page 103]were severely sent back by a shole of Arows; after which, four of our Savages offer'd to go to see what they could do, but they were used in like manner; in so much that M. de la Salle, not willing to run a­ny further risque here, he bid us leave them in quiet, and trouble our selves no further with them.

Twelve Leagues from the Qui­nipissa's, we fell to the Right, on the Village call'd Tangibao; we found it pillag'd, sack'd, and a great Heap of dead Bodies one up­on another. This sight struck a mighty honour in us, and conclud­ing that it was not good staying there, we went on; and about Ten Leagues further, we be­gun to find the Water brackish; the Shore seemed somewhat more extended, and all strewed with Shells of different shape and figure, some like drinking Cups, some like Snails ending in a spiral point, and all of a most agreeable varie­ty of Colours. We kept on still, and alter an Hours failing, we put [Page 104]our selves into a Canoo, and kept along the Coast, the better to take our Observation of the Shore, and so came back to land at the River's Mouth.

This was on the Seventh of A­pril, 1683. The first thing we then took care to do, was to re­turn our humble thanks to Almigh­ty God, for our good Success, and for that he had carried us in safe­ty to the end of our Voyage, after more than Eight Hundred Leagues, sailing and rowing with so small a handful of Men, and so little Am­munition; and that through so ma­ny barbarous Nations, which we had not only discover'd, but in some measure made subject to us. We Sung the Te Deam; after which, taking our Canoos, and our Equi­page upon Sledges, we went and planted our Huts a little above the Shore, to be out of the reach of the Sea, which wholly overflows it, af­ter six Hours Ebb, during which it's left quite dry.

Having pitched here our New Camp, we sastned a Cross to the top of a large Tree, and set up the Arms of France: After which we raised three or four Huts more, and Entrenched our selves there. Then M. de la Salle took the Alti­tude, to know where the Mouth of the Mississipi was. The Spaniards, who had attempted to find it out, tho' in vain, had already given it the Name of Del Rio Ascondido. Ac­cording to M. de la Salle's Calcu­lation, it is between the Twenty second and Twenty third Degree of Latitude; that it throws it self into the Gulph of Mexico, with a large Channel which is Twenty Leagues wide, and very deep and Navigable.

M. de la Salle would be a little acquainted with its Shores, before he would leave them. It is cer­tain that they are not fit to be in­habited, by reason of the frequent Inundations by the Spring-Tides, [Page 106]and the Barrenness of the Shore; there is nothing but Canes and Reeds, and Woods overthrown. But about a League and a half within the Country, it is the most pleasant in the World, fine large Meadows, fair Woods full of Mulberry-trees, Nut-trees, and Chesnut-trees. The Fields are covered with all sorts of Fruit-Trees, as Orange, Lemmon, Pomegranate, and the sides of the Hills with Vines, and the Fields bear Indian Corn twice a Year. We saw in all their ponds and Ri­vers vast quantities of Water-Fowl, Geese, Ducks, and Teal, Moor-hens, &c. and in the Woods and Fields, Partridges, Pheasants, Quails, and other kind of Fowl; of four Foot­ed Creatures all sorts, especially one large sort of Oxen, which they call Cibola's; these are much larg­er than any hath been mention'd, and are raised like a Cammel from the Chine to the middle of the Back; they feed among the Canes, and go together sometimes no less in number than Fifteen Hundred. [Page 107]They Hunt them them after a par­ticular manner. When they are in the midst of these Canes, where there is no coming at them, the Savages get round about them, and set fire to 'em in several places, es­pecially when the Wind is some­thing high, which makes at first a mighty smoke, which turns all of a sudden into a Flame, and this strikes so great a terrour into the Herd, that they all disperse them­selves, and the Savages, who lie in wait upon Trees, shoot some with Arrows, some with Bullets, and make an incredible Slaughter among them. By good Fortune, the Sa­vages Tangibao, Quinipissas, and Na­ches, had been a Hunting when we were there (for they always join when they Hunt them) and they left us three fine large ones, which we seiz'd, and having drest them, they feasted us all for three Days, and we had some left the day we went away from thence.

M. de la Salle, having a mind to go and give an Account of his Discoveries to Count Frontenac, and to confirm the Nations he had gone through in the good esteem of us, resolved to go up the same River back again to the IIlinois, and thence for the Lakes, in order to get to Quebeck, and from thence set Sail for France, and give the Court a true account of his Suc­cess.

The Eleventh of April of the same Year 1683, we got in a Ca­noo on the said River; we were about Sixty of us. As this River divides it self into three Channels, about Fifty Leagues from the Sea, we came the first day to the place where they met together, and in Six days after that, to the Point where it divides it self: There our Victuals failing, it was highly necessary to look about us. The first Relief we met with, were some Crocodils; we kill'd two of 'em [Page 109]in a little while, that were pretty large: The flesh of them is good, white, firm, and very well tasted. It is as firm as Tunny, and near in taste to Salmon, and we feasted on it for some days. The Stream of our River began now to grow stronger against us, so that we were forced to get on Shore, and use our Sledges, as far as Quini­pissa's. As this People had given us a scurvey welcome as we came down, we were forced to consult how we should do to make them a little more tractable, wherefore we sent two Abenaguis, and two Loups towards them. They met with four Women only, which they brought to us that Night. This Prize pleased us very well, hoping that by their means, we should best compass our Designs. We used those Women with all the Civility and Prudence imaginable; and being come near to their Village, the next morning we sent one of them home with some small Pre­sents, to shew that we did not [Page 110]come in an Hostile manner, only wanted their Friendship, and what was chiefly necessary, some Recruits of our Provisions. She shewed them all the little Gewgaws we had given her, and related to them what good Entertainment she had received from us, and what Designs we came upon. Immediately they sent four of the Chief of their Nation to us, who brought along with them some Provisions, and invited us to come and be merry with them. We then restored the Three Wo­men into their Hands, and we came nearer to them, but still standing upon our Guard. When we were come into their Village, they pre­sented us some of their Fruits, and some Water-Fowl pretty well drest. After this Refreshment, we retired about a Hundred Paces from them, and lodged in our Huts that Night, be­tween the Village and the River. By break of Day these treacherous Rogues surrounded, and attacked us: But they mist of their aim; for we had set Sentinels, all that Night, [Page 111]and with their first Approach, we were prepared to receive them. We killed five or six the very first blow, upon which the rest fled; and we pursued them a little way, and having killed three or four more, we thought that was enough, and we took their Scalps with us to serve for a Trophy.

From thence we went forward to the Naches; we had hid some In­dian Corn there, as we went down, and we found it again in very good condition. The Prince came straightway to receive us; M. de la Salle, after the first Compliments pass'd, presented him with the Scalps of the Quinipissa's we had brought with us, who were his greatest Enemies. Which made it the more grateful, and served to shew him that we were not Men to be fool'd with.

The first thing he did, was to give order for something to be fetch'd to refresh us; which we [Page 112]freely accepted of. All this while we observed that we saw no Wo­men in the Village, which made us suspect some Roguery. Not­withstanding we kept eating and drinking, and never seem'd to take any notice of any thing, but we kept our Arms all the while. A little while after we spied a great number of Men in Arms drawing towards us, and we in an instant put our selves in a posture of de­fence. But the Prince bid us fear nothing, and assured us that we never needed to entertain any sus­picion of them; he went up to 'em and commanded them to halt. Af­ter which, he told us, that it was a Party of his Men who had been against the Iroquois, but that they for their own part were resolved ever to maintain a firm Friendship with us. His words he confirmed by some Presents that followed, as also some Provisions, which we heartily and thankfully received, leaving them, by way of return, some of our Canoos, which indeed [Page 113]were but cumbersome to us; and that we came off safe and sound, but we attributed our safety to our care and watchfulness.

After this, we continued our Course toward the Tacuca's, and the Akancéa's, who received us very handsomly at our Landing.

Thus, passing through so many different Nations, we made try­al of the faithfulness of some, and the treachery of others; and by a due mixture of mildness and seve­rity, and a constant care, we did not only frustrate their Designs, and avoid their Ambush, but we brought them to Terms, and made them submit to us.

On the Twelfth of May, 1683, we left the Akancéa's, and pushed forward to the Mouth of the Ri­ver of the Illinois; after which we went on along the Shore, quite up to the Fort Preudhomme, where M. de la Salle fell dangerously ill. Father Gabriel staid with him, with a good many of his Men; and I was commanded to go with Twen­ty of his Men to Missilamachinac, [Page 114]to look after his Affairs. I left him there the Fifteenth of May.

I went the first Day to lie at Ouabaches; where I was made very welcome.

Twenty Leagues further, I met with some Iroquois. These Sava­ges, who are the most barbarous of all others, are sneakingly sub­missive when their Party is the weakest, but most unmerciful when they have an advantage. There was but Five of them that met us; and they told us we should not go far e're we should meet a Company of above Four Hundred Men well Armed. This Advice made us take care to stand upon our Guard, for truly it is not very safe to fall into the Hands of these Barbarous People when they march in a Body. We had not gone a quarter of a League, but we spied a little Army, which we took at first to be Iroquois, but they were Tavaroa's who had joined themselves with some Illinois. They seeing our Fire-Arms, took us for Iroquois, and were going to surround us, with a Design to burn us, for that [Page 115]is the usual way of dealing with those barbarous Fellows, whensoe­ever they get any of them; so great is the abhorrence which all Nations have against them. But the Illinois having discover'd who we were, they unbent their Bows, and gave us part of their Provisi­ons. We pursued our Road to the River Chicacou, and after Twenty Days Journey, we at length arri­ved at Missilimachinac, in the begin­ing of July; where we staid for M. de la Salle, who came and join­ed us in September the same Year. He stayed there but three Days, to give some necessary Orders. He gave me the command of Fort St. Louis, with orders to see it fi­nished, and a full power to dis­pose of the Lands adjacent, and left all his Men under me, except six French Men he took with him to Quebeck. We went away the same Day, he for Canada, I for the Il­linois.

I went directly to Miamis, at the head of Forty Men, French and Savages. I came to it on the 6th [Page 116]of January, 1684, and visited the Fort, which was in a very good condition. There I left Ten of my Men well Armed, and pursu­ing my Journey, I got, by the end of the Month, to Fort St. Louis. I set Men at work about it imme­diately, and in less than two Months time I compleated it. Presently af­ter this, I invited all the Neigh­bouring Nations to come to it.

There needed no great pains or Art to get them thither. The beauty of the Country, the fruit­fulness of the Land, the convenien­cy of a fine Navigable River; the nearness of about a Hundred diffe­rent Nations, and of those little Lakes, or rather little Seas, which make it a fit Seat of Commerce for all North America; and reach from the River St. Laurent to the Gulf of Mexico. In short, the ad­vantagious Scituation of this Fort, which was design'd as a Bulwark for all the Nations that should come to settle there, against Nations, was a sufficient Invitation and Induce­ment [Page 117]to them to come and dwell there. So that in a little time, there was above Five Hundred Huts made up, and in less than two Months, there was a wonder­ful great concourse of People of all Nations. By this it is easie to be seen, with how little difficulty the Savages might be tamed, and po­lished, by planting here and there some Colonies of Europeans. For how few soever they be, they are, as it were a oiment of Concord and civil Society amongst the most bar­barous Nations.

In the mean while M. de la Salle being arriv'd at Quebec, had the dis­satisfaction not to meet with M. la Comte de Frontenac; for he had been re-manded to France by an Order from Court, and was gone thither. After his Arrival, he did not fail to acquaint all the City with the Discoveries he had made, and with the News of so many Nations yielding themselves subject to the King's Power. The Te De­um was sung, as an acknowledg­ment of this happy Addition of [Page 118]glory and Honour to the Crown. The earnest desire which M. de la Salle had, to go to give the King and his Ministers an Account of the success of his Travels, made him hasten his Departure. He went from Canada in the beginning of October, 1684. But before he set Sail, he sent the Chevalier de Bogia to me, as a Person that had been highly recommended to him. He came to me to St. Louis's Fort. I received him as well as I could, and gave him the best Entertain­ment that my Condition would per­mit me.

On the Twentieth of March, in the same Year; having received Ad­vice, that the Iroquois, being jea­lous of our new Establishment, were coming against us with con­siderable Forces; I sent an Express to M. de la Durontai, Governour of the Fort Missilimachinac, for some assistance. In the mean while I raised new Fortifications, and by means of good Ditches, Rampires, and other Works, I put the Vil­lage into a good posture of De­fence. [Page 119]They came on the 28th of March, and lay before us, to the number of Five Hundred; we beat them back bravely in their very first Attacks; at last, after Six Weeks, we raised the Siege, and forced them to retire with the loss of Fourscore of theirs, and not of one of ours. They took a few Slaves in the Neighbourhood, that they might have something to Brag of, and might not be thought to come back empty; but as they were just a going to flea their Scalps, the poor Wretches were happily so cunning as to get away, and came to us in our Fort.

About the 15th of April, M. de la Durontai, and Father de Loy a Jesuit, with Sixty French came to assist me, but it was needless then. In the mean, while M. de la Barre was come to Quebeck, to succeed the Count de Frontenac. This Change was a dreadful blow to New France in general, which look'd upon Count de Frontenac as their Patron. But it proved no less severe, in respect to my own par­ticular. [Page 120]For no sooner was this new Governour come over, who was a Friend and Relation of the Chevalier de Bogia, but he gave him the command of St. Louis's Fort; the rise and perfection of which were all owing to me. He directed his Orders to M. de la Du­rontai, to deliver to me; who in­formed me with the new Gover­nour's Orders, to give up my Command of the place, and to in­vest the Chevalier therewith. I could do no other but obey the Orders. I left some considerable Ef­fects in the Fort, whereof I made an Inventory, which the Chevalier was so kind as to set his Hand to; and I left the place the same day, taking with me what was of most moment and use. I first took the Road of Montreal, and thence went to Quebeck, where I arriv'd in the beginning of July. I could do no less than go and wait on the Governour, and give him a faithful Account of the Condition and Importance of the place, which I had left by his Order, and of the state of the Country in general. He [Page 121]he heard me very courteously, and very civilly offer'd me any other Post I should desire in America. I thank­ed him for his kind Offers, and told him, I was not willing to take any Employment until M. de la Salle came back; and so we parted.

As soon as I arriv'd, I did not fail to write to M. de la Salle, and give him an Account how I was served, and how I thought my self wronged, by being thus put out of the Command he had given me. Adding, that I really thought there might be some Danger of the Peoples sitting uneasie under a new Governour, and forsa­king their new Habitations, or com­mitting some Disorder. I writ besides to M. de la Forest, a Friend of mine, to support my Interests with our com­mon Protector. These Letters had all the good effect I could wish or hope for. I received an Answer to my Bu­siness by M. de la Forest himself, who came back to Quebeck in the latter end of July 1684. I had the satisfaction to learn from him what a gracious reception M. de la Salle had met with at Court, and what considerable For­ces [Page 122]the King had granted him to set­tle the Colonies in the New-found-lands; and withal that he was im­bark'd for the Gulf of Mexico; but what compleated my joy was, that I triumphed over mine Enemies, by my restitution to St. Louis's Fort, in the Quality of Governour, and Cap­tain; for which this Gentleman brought me the Letters which M. de la Salle had obtain'd from the King in my favour.

I equipp'd my self straightway with Arms and all Materials necessa­ry, as well for the Fortification of the place, as for the raising of my Company. And after we had spent some days together at Quebeck M. de la Forest and I, went away toge­ther the First of Novebmer, he for Frontenac, of which place he was go­ing Governour, and I for the Illinois.

The Ice putting a stop to our Voy­age on the River of St. Laurence, we were forced to stay and Winter at Montreal, until the next Spring, in 1685.

In the beginning of April, we got up the River again as far as the Fort [Page 123] Frontenac, where I took my leave of M. la Forest. I went in a Canoos on the first Lake to Magara, where af­ter I had shot the fall of the River, I got to Missilimachinac, and then to Miamis, and being come to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, I went to Fort St. Louis, about June 15 in the same Year.

The Chevalier de Bogia, immedi­ately entertain'd me with all pos­sible marks of Joy, Friendship, and Respect; and I endeavour'd to make a suitable return to his Kindness; but at last, after having inform'd him of M. de la Salle's Embarking, and of all other News then stirring; I found my self oblig'd to shew him the Let­ters Patents, to be Commander in Chief, and Governour of Fort St. Lou­is, with which the King thought sit to honour me. He receiv'd this Or­der with a great deal of submission, and put me again in possession of the place, with all the Effects with which I had entrusted him, assuring me, at the same time, that nevertheless he should still be ready to do me ser­vice upon all occasions, and always [Page 124]to perform the Office of a faithful Friend. We spent the rest of the day together in amicable Conversation, and the next Morning he departed a third time for the Town of Quebeck.

In the mean while the Miamis and the Illinois, neighbouring Nations and our Allies, being at variance about, cer­tain trivial pretensions; I endeavour'd to reconcile them; having, receiv'd from both Parties Hostages and Pledges of their Fidelity. In the be­ginning of August, being much di­sturb'd that I had heard no News of M. de la Salle, I pass'd over to Missili­machinac, to make some Enquiry after him. There I was inform'd that the Marquess d'Enonville succeeded M. de la Barre, M. D' E­nonville nominated in the place of M. de la Barre. in quality of Governour of New France; and I had also the Ho­nour to receive a Letter from him; in which he was pleas'd to express his desire of entring into a Conference with me, about the Design he had to make War with the Iroquois; at the same time he gave me to understand, that M. de la Salle, having been for a long time at Sea, had, without doubt, already enter'd the Gulf with four [Page 125]tight Ships, given him by the King, and that apparently he must needs have arriv'd at the Mouth of the Ri­ver Mississipi, or in some other Port.

This Letter serv'd only to increase the Earnest desire I had to meet him, insomuch that I immediately took care to provide what Supplies I could for him; fitted out Twenty Canadi­ans, and returning to the Illinois, with my new Recruits; I arriv'd within a Month, at St. Louis's Fort: Where, after having given necessary Orders, I left the Command of the Place to the Sieur de Bellefontaine; and set for­ward with Forty Men for the Gulf of Mexico. Thus we pass'd down our River into the great one of Mississipi, follow'd its Course to the Sea, and spent about two Months in perform­ing this Voyage.

Upon our Arrival on the Sea shore, not meeting with what I sought for, nor any Person who could give me any Information about the matter, I sent out two Boats, viz. one to the Easty and the other to the South-west, to endeavour to make some Discove­ry: They row'd up and down about [Page 126]Twenty Leagues from one side to a­nother, along the Coast, and having descry'd nothing, were oblig'd to stand in for some Port for want of Fresh Water, and return'd to join our Fleet, after a Course of two days; without being able to get any notice of what I expected. All that I receiv­ed from them by way of Consolation, was only a Porpoise, and some very sine Shells of Mother of Pearl, which they took on a Rock.

Therefore perceiving that it would be to no purpose to wait there any longer, I advis'd with the most prudent Men of our Company, about the Course we ought to steer at our re­turn. I was inclin'd to follow the Coast as far as Menada, hoping by that means, continually to discover some new Country, or to take some good Prize: But the most part were of the contrary Opinion; affirming it was safer to keep a known Road, rather than to take one that was not so, and which otherwise could not but be of very difficult passage; as well by rea­son of the High Lands along the Coasts, as for the great number of Rivers that [Page 127]unload themselves into the Sea; so that we were oblig'd to take a Reso­lution to return the same way that we came.

Before our Departure, having ob­serv'd, that the Tree on which M. de la Salle had caus'd a Cross, with the Kings Arms to be set up, was ready to be thrown down by the boistrous­ness of the Winds and Waves, we got up a little higher, where having E­rected a large Pillar, we fixt a Cross upon it, and underneath the Arms of France. We lodg'd that Night in the same place, but the next Morning being Easter Monday, A. D. 1685. we set forward on our Journey, tra­velling by Land along the Banks of the River Mississipi.

On the Sixth day, being arriv'd in the Country of the Qinipissa's; The Quini­pissa's re­conciled with the French. their Commander in Chief came to meet us, and having offer'd us the Calumet, begg'd pardon for their ill usage of us, during our last Voyage; entreat­ing us that we would vouchsafe to admit 'em into the number of our Al­lies. However we answer'd their submissive Addresses very magisterial­ly, and having refresh'd our selves a [Page 128]little among 'em, we pursu'd our Journey. Four Leagues above, we discover'd in the Country a certain Nation,Ouma's a Savage People. that had escap'd from us at our first Descent, I mean that of the Ouma's, who are the most valiant of all the Savages; altho' it be true indeed, that as soon as they saw us and our Arms, they were struck with a kind of Astonishment, accompani­ed with a panick Fear, that quite curb'd their fierceness, and oblig'd them to promise an entire Obedience to our Injunctions: They offer'd us some new Refreshments, and to serve us to the utmost of their power.A strange Beast. In those Territories we ob­serv'd an extraordinary rare Animal, that partakes of the nature of a Wolf and a Lion; as having the Head and size of a large Wolf, but the Tail and Claws of a Lion: He devours all sorts of Beasts, yet never sets upon Men: He sometimes carries his Prey on his Back, eats part of it, and hides the rest under the Leaves of Trees; but the other Animals have so great an Antipathy against this Beast, which is call'd Michibichi, that they never touch what he leaves.

Akanceas a Nation.After the Oumas we met with the Akanceas. Indeed all these Countries are so pleasant, and so extremely en­rich'd with the Productions of Nature, that we could not sufficiently admire 'em: The Trees in the Woods, which are of an extraordinary heigth, seem'd to be artificially planted in Rows: The Soil brings forth good Grain, with great variety of Fruit-Trees, and the Fields are every where stor'd with all sorts of Game, both for Hawk and Hound; but there is also abundance of huge wild Cats, which devour every thing that they can find. Our French Men charm'd with the Beauty of this Climate, desir'd leave of me to settle there; and forasmuch as our Intention was to civilize the Savages, and to render 'em sociable by our Conversati­on, I readily consented to their Re­quest. Whereupon I made the Draught of a House for my self among the Akan­ceas, and left Ten French Men of my Retinue with Four Savages, to carry on the Building of it; granting 'em a License to lodge there themselves, and to cultivate as much Land as they could grub up, and clear of Trees: Insomuch, that this small Colony was in Process [Page 130]of Time so extremely increas'd and improv'd, that it serves as a Place of Rendez-vous to the French, who travel into these Parts.

From thence I continu'd my Course along the River of the Islinois, and af­ter Three Days Journey arriv'd at St. Lewis's Fort, on the Festival of St. John, being less tir'd with the Fatigues of my Travels, than perplexed about the Uncertainty of M. De La Salle's De­stiny. Forasmuch as I had not as yet paid my Respects to our new Gover­nour; after having pass'd some Days in refreshing my self, I left the Islinois in the end of the Month of June, and arriv'd at Montreal, July 15. Then I went forthwith to salute the Gever­nour,War de­clar'd a­gainst the Iroquois. and receiv'd Orders from him to cause the War against the Iroquois to be declar'd amongst our Allies, and to summon 'em to appear at St. Lewis's Fort, to carry on such an Expedition.

Having receiv'd this Commission, I soon took leave of Monsieur D' Enon­ville, and arriv'd in the Country of the Islinois, Septemb. 4. from whence I spee­dily dispatch'd divers Couriers from all Parts, to give notice to the Neighbour­ing Nations of our Design, and to ex­hort [Page 131]'em to appear betimes at the place of Rendez-vous. Whereupon all the People met together in the end of the Month of March, A. D. 1686. as well Islinois, as Chianous and Niamis. The whole Multitude consisted of about 400 Men; to whom I joyn'd 60 French Men of my Company, leaving 40 in the Fort under the Command of M. De Bellefontaine. This small Army encamp'd within a quarter of a League of the Village; where having caused the whole Body to stand to their Arms, I declar'd to 'em the King's Pleasure, and the Governour's Orders; exhort­ing 'em to signalize their Valour, and to exert their utmost Force, to repress the Insolence of the Iroquois, our com­mon Enemies.

This Speech was follow'd with the general Acclamations of all the People; whereupon I immediately put my self at the Head of 'em, and began to march to the Canal that joyns the two Lakes of the Suvrons and the Islinois. In that Place stands a Fort that bears the Name of St. Joseph, St. Joseph's Fort. and which serves to defend those small Seas. Monsieur De la Durontay was the Commander of it, to whom I sent one of our French-Men [Page 132]to give him notice of our Arri­val. Upon which Information he im­mediately commanded his Lieutenant to meet me with 30 Men, and the next day he himself led up the like num­ber. Then we encamped on the Banks of that Streight, and Provisions were brought to us thither from all Parts. Two Days after M. de la Foret, Gover­nour of the Fort of Frontenac, and M. de Lude, Commander of that of the Mia­mis, each at the Head of his Company march'd to joyn our Army. All the Forces being thus assembled, we held a Council of War, to consult what Measures ought to be taken, and it was determin'd, to divide the Army in­to two Bodies, one of which should be commanded by the Sieurs de la Duron­tay, and de Lude, to secure the Avenues of Missilimachinac, and to defend the Coasts of the Lake Herie, as far as Nia­gara; where we design'd to erect a Fort, which was already begun to be built, to curb the Iroquois, who always made some Opposition on that side: And that M. de la Foret and my self should be Commanders of the other Body, to invade the Enemies Country.

The management of Affairs being thus dispos'd of, M. de la Durontay march'd along the Coasts of Missili­machinac, and met with a considerable Party of the Enemies, compos'd of a­bove 500 Men, as well English as Iro­quois, (here it may be observ'd by the way, that those two Nations main­tain a strict mutual Amity,The En­glish and Iroquois are uni­ted to make War with the French. when en­gag'd together against the French) and attack'd 'em so vigorously, that above half of 'em were kill'd on the spot; some Prisoners were taken; and the rest were put to flight.

On our side, at the distance of 20 Leagues from Niagara, we found Means to meet with a numerous Party of English, Iroquois, and Ouabaches, who under the Conduct of Major Gregory, were conveying a great quantity of Brandy, Provisions, Ammunition, and Merchandizes, to the Inhabitants of the Iroquois. We fell upon 'em; and after having kill'd the greatest part of the Iroquois, and of the other Savages, we seiz'd on their Baggages and Mer­chandizes, took a great number of Slaves, and carry'd away above 25 English Men Prisoners. After this small Victory we continued our March [Page 134]to Niagara, where we compleated the Building of the Fort in sight of the Iroquois, and even at the very Foot of their Habitations.

The prosperous Success of our Arms in the beginning oblig'd us to send a Messenger to the Governour, to give him an Account of every thing that had pass'd, and M. de la Foret, who was very desirous to accept of this Commissi­on, set forward with all possible speed. M. D'Enonville receiv'd the Informati­on with a great deal of Satisfaction; caus'd it to be communicated to the whole Continent of Canada; and sent us fresh Supplies of Hurons, Plononteaus and Ouatoua's; who came to meet us at the Rise of the Cataract, with a Bark very well mann'd.

Thus being re-enforc'd with these new Recruits, I march'd further into the Territories of the Enemies; but we entertain'd in our Camp a certain Iro­quois, who feigning to be disgusted at the Proceedings of his own Nation, seem'd to be extremely well affected to ours; nevertheless this treacherous Re­negado took an Opportunity to abandon us to return w the Enemies Army, and gave 'em notice of our March, as also of the [Page 135]Marks of bur Savages, so as they might be certainly discover'd. Thus as we were continually advancing forward, we arriv'd on the other side of a Mo­rass, at the distance of Three Leagues from the Camp of the Iroquois; where some of 'em lay in Ambush, expect­ing our Approach, and kill'd Seven of our Men, among whom was my Sub-Lieutenant: However we soon rally'd, repuls'd 'em vigorously, and after having cut off above Thirty of their Party, pursu'd 'em to the Woods; but not being able to come up with 'em, and not judging it safe to ad­vance any further, lest we should fall into another Ambuscade, we contented our selves to plunder their Villages, where we put to the Edge of the Sword every one whom we met in our way.

We encamped for some Days in that Place, and the Army under the Com­mand of M. de Lude and M. de la Du­rontay came to joyn ours. The next day after their Arrival we did not stay a moment, e're we took a Resolution to force the Enemies Camp; who being inform'd of bur Design, by their Spies, did not think fit to wait for our [Page 136]Approach, but decamp'd with great Precipitation. We found in their Camp some Remainders of Indian Corn, and other Provisions, which we made use of to our Advantage, and we spent the Night in their Tents, or rather Huts; the Season being already very far advanc'd. The next Morning we sent back all our Allies to their several Ter­ritories, with Orders to meet together again upon the first Summons; while the Sieurs de la Lude and de la Durontay repair'd to their Respective Stations.

As I was marching to mine, I met with certain Hurons, who gave me to understand, that I was ready to be sur­rounded with the whole Army of the Iroquois. There was no longer any Means to have recourse to M. de Lude, and de la Durontay, who were already embark'd in Canoos on the Lakes; insomuch, that I was oblig'd to cause my small Band of Men to halt, and instantly to dispatch a Courier to Nia­gara to demand speedy Succours of the Commander of the new Fort. It hap­pen'd accidentally, that M. de la Val­romè, the Governour of it, supposing us to be engag'd with the Iroquois, was leading up Fifty Fusileers to our Relief, [Page 137]and in the mean while the Messenger whom I sent, having met with him, inform'd him of our present Distress, which caus'd him to hasten his March: His Arrival inspir'd us with new Cou­rage, so that the Enemies appearing, we set our small Army in Battel-array; yet when we had advanced towards 'em within Musket-shot, they had not the Courage to stay for our com­ing up, but suddenly turn'd their Backs upon us: Whereupon we pursued 'em for some time, till about 100 of them perish'd on the spot, and the rest found Means to escape into the Woods. Then I immediately caus'd a Retreat to be founded; and having convoy'd M. de Valromè on part of his way, I judg'd it expedient to take up our Winter-Quarters at Missilimachinac, and to re­side there till the next Campaign, in case the War should continue.

The Iro­quois forc'd to submit.The Scene of Affairs began now to be chang'd; for the Iroquois resign'd to us their Habitations that were near Niaga­ra; made a Present of their best Skins to the Governour; and engag'd that for the future they should not disturb the Tranquillity of the Nations that were under our Protection, and who were [Page 138]our Allies. A Treaty of Peace being thus concluded, I set forward in my Journey to the Country of the Islinois in the Month of April, 1687. and should have been very well satisfied with the Success of the Campaign, if I had not been continually troubled, by reason of M. De la Salle's long Absence, not knowing what might have befallen him: For he for out from America, A. D. 1683. and we did so in 1687. so that Four Years were almost past, without having any other News of him, than that of his re-embarking or his Departure from Rochel for the Gulph of Mexico, but without getting the least Information concerning his Return Indeed I knew not what to think. Did he not perish (said I to my self) by Shipwreck, or ra­ther did he not land on some Coast, inha­bited by Barbarians, who perhaps might have dispatch'd him out of the way? Thus being perplex'd with such distracting Thoughts, I could take no Rest, ner­ther could I Steer any certain Course, but suffering my self to be conducted by my Attendants, rather than leading 'em my self, I arriv'd as St. Lemis's Fort in the end of the Month of May.

As soon as I enter'd my House, I was extremely surpriz'd, there to meet with M. Cavelier, M. De La Sall's sown Brother, and indeed, I did not discern in his Countenance that free and spright­ly Air, which usually appears at the first Meeting of two Friends, after a long In­terval of Separation: However, the first Transports of my Joy, not permitting me to make long Reflections, I incon­tinently embrac'd him, and at the same time enquir'd of him about his Brother's Welfare. Upon this Address, he appear'd to be altogether put to a stand; so that a sad Look up to Hea­ven, a deep Sigh, and a certain Effort, which he seem'd to make within him­self, were taken by me as so many ill Omens; I earnestly entreated him to conceal nothing from me, and after he had recover'd himself a little, he told me very positively, ‘That M. de la Salle his Brother was in perfect Health; but that the ill Success of his Naviga­tion had so far pull'd down his Spirits, that he had scarce Courage to conti­nue his Course; that in returning by small Voyages, he took delight in trading with the different Nations, whom he met with; and that ha­ving [Page 140]charg'd him to go before, to give me notice of his Arrival, he de­termin'd still to reside among the Na­ches and Akanceas for some time, to purchase certain Merchandizes of both those Nations.’

The Assurance, with which he spoke to me, joyn'd with a Shew of downright Integrity, which was na­tural to him, besides the Deference due to a Person of his Character; for he was a Priest, would not suffer me in the least to call in Question the vera­city of his Relation, and serv'd a lit­tle to encourage me against my sad Presages. Therefore I entreated him to give me an Account of his Voyage, and to let me know when they re-em­bark'd, and at what time they landed. Since then I gave him a great deal of Scope, to deliver his Mind ingenuously, and without Constraint, he began to relate the particular Circumstances with so much the more Freedom.

He told me at first, ‘That the whole Court of France, being charm'd with the great Discoveries made by M. de la Salle, the King made no scruple at all to grant him the Supplies he de­sir'd; not to mention the Titles of [Page 141]Honour, that procur'd him greater Authority in his new Plantations: That they set out from France, July 24. A. D. 1684. with four Vessels, very well provided of all things ne­cessary, and above 200 Men, as well Soldiers as Artificers of all sorts of Trades, and that nevertheless by a Complication of Misfortunes, their whole Fleet was reduc'd to a few Boats, and that great number of Per­sons, to Seven or Eight French Men, who serv'd as a Convoy to his Bro­ther during his Return.’

Forasmuch as these Remarkable Crosses afforded Matter of Wonder, I could not choose but be very desirous to be inform'd of all the Particulars of their Adventures: Whereupon M. Cavelier resuming his former Narra­tive from the beginning of their Navi­gation, told me, ‘That after a Calm which continued for some Days, in the Latitude of St. Domingo, they were suddenly surpriz'd with a vio­lent Storm; insomuch, that one of their Ships, laden with Merchandizes, to the value of above Thirty Thousand Livres, was hurry'd away with a furious Blast of Wind, and afterwards [Page 142]taken by certain Spanish Piroques. Rovers: That the rest of the Fleet cast Anchor before the same Island, where they were soon refitted, and supply'd with fresh Provisions, which with the Mer­chandizes there bought, serv'd for the Cargo of these Vessels, but that the greatest part of the Mariners, by li­ving somewhat too licentiously, con­tracted very dangerous Diseases.’

‘That they cruis'd about from thence towards the Islands of Caimant, and took in fresh Water on that of Cuba; where, having found many Tuns of Canary, good Brandy, Sugar, and Indian Corn left unguarded, they seiz'd on the whole Cargo, and got such Reprisals as were sufficient to make 'em amends for the loss of every thing that the Spaniards had taken from them before: That afterwards being supply'd with all manner of Provisions, they set Sail again; and that having always had a favourable Gale of Wind, they would have en­ter'd the Gulph of Mexico; but that perceiving the Currents to be very rapid, and the Shelves to be nume­rous, they were oblig'd to stand off from the Shoar, which hinder'd M. [Page 145]de la Salle from lighting on the exact degree of Latitude, for the Mouth of the River Mississipi; insomuch, that to avoid the exposing of the Men to greater Dangers, he order'd 'em to land at the Bay of Spiritu Santo, 50 Leagues below the River they sought for: But two Days after, hoping to discover it, they got on Board their Ships again, and always taking care to steer into the Main, to shun the Rocks and Shelves, they at last ar­riv'd a great deal higher in a Bay, afterwards known by the name of St. Lewis. This Bay is of a very con­venient Depth for a Harbour; but 'tis dangerous landing there, as well by reason of the Shelves of Sand that encompass it; as for the Rocks with which 'tis beset on all sides.’

‘Indeed the missing of the Entrance of the River (continued he) would have been no great Detriment to us; for after having once arriv'd so near its Mouth, it would have been difficult to descry it, at least by Land; after­wards to convey our Ships thither; to form a kind of Harbour, to pre­vent Mistakes for the future; and e­ven to build a regular Port; but ill [Page 144]Luck would have it, that after M. de Beaujeu, who commanded one of the three Vessels, was come on Board our Ship; the two others were lost, as well by the ill Management of the Pilot, as by the Carelesness of the Mariners; for the first ran upon a shelf of Sand in the Mouth of the Bay, from whence it was impossible to get her off, notwithstanding our utmost Endeavours; altho' indeed we were so fortunate as to save the Men, and the best of our Effects. The other Ship was dash'd in pieces a­gainst a Rock, even in the very Har­bour, with the loss of the most part of the Mariners; but we had luc­kily unloaded it of all our Pro­visions and Merchandizes: Besides, that the greatest part of our Compa­ny and Goods were set ashoar by M. de Beaujeu, who after having been a Witness of our Misfortunes, set Sail to return for France.’

M. Cavelier having thus related the Disasters that befel their Fleet, pro­ceeded to give the following Narration of the other Adventures and Occurren­ces that happen'd during their Voyage. ‘To reckon (said he) from July 24. [Page 145] A. D. 1684. the Day of our Depar­ture from Rochel, to Feb. 18. in the next Year 1685. when we disimbark'd at St. Lewis's Bay, about Seven Months were pass'd; at what time my Brother having gather'd together the Frag­ments of our Vessels, and after ha­ving discover'd the advantageous Si­tuation of the Country at the Mouth of a very fine River,The River of Cows. call'd the River of Cows, in the midst of many others that fall into the same Bay, with a great number of populous Nations, and the delightful Prospects caus'd by the enamell'd Verdure of the Lands, the Abundance of Fruit, and the nume­rous Herds of Cattle, was soon in­duc'd to cause a fine Seat to be built for himself in those Parts; having at first made the Draught of a Fort, and delineated the Compass of it; giving Orders at the same time for putting his Design in Execution: And indeed, the necessity of building some Apart­ments for Lodging, and the conveni­ency of procuring Timber and Mor­ter contributed so far to the carrying on of the Work, that it was entire­ly compleated within the space of Two Months.’

‘In the mean while, M. de la Salle growing more impatient than ever to recover the River of Mississipi, made Incursions on all sides to descry it. Forasmuch as that whole. Country is divided by a great number of Ri­vers that empty themselves at divers Intervals into the Bay; he sometimes travell'd by Land, and sometimes in a Canoo, accompanied with Ten or Twelve French Men, arm'd with good Fusees: At every one of those Di­stances he met with several Habita­tions of the Savages, and every where abundance of all sorts of necessary Pro­visions, even so much as tame Fowl.’

‘At last after Fifteen Days search he met with a spacious River, and follow'd the Course of it for Seven or Eight Leagues to the Place, where it rolls into the Sea, and perceiv'd it to be really that which he had so long sought for, and the Mouth of which he was not able to discover: There­fore he took an Observation of its La­titude again, that he might not miss it, in case he should have occasion to pass thro' the Gulph at any other time. Thus being well satisfied with this Discove­ry, and yet more delighted with the [Page 147]Fruitfulness of the adjacent Territo­ries, he return'd to his new Colony, but as an addition to his former Mis­fortunes, he soon found that some of his Men died, quite worn our with those lingering Diseases, which they had contracted at St. Domingo, and that above Forty of them were assassi­nated by the Savages. He was ex­tremely afflicted at so great a los [...]; but having fortify'd himself against immoderate Grief, he summon'd those that were left (the number of whom did not amount to 100) encourag'd 'em, and exhorted 'em to take care that by the Means of their Labour, mu­tual Concord, Industry and good Cor­respondence with the Barbarians, they might make Advantage of the Riches that Nature afforded 'em, in great Abundance.’

‘Since the newly discover'd Coun­tries appear'd to M. de la Salle, to be so many conquer'd Provinces; and in regard that all the Losses he might sustain seem'd to him to be of no ac­count, in comparison of one Nation, that was voluntarily subdu'd; he en­deavour'd to comfort himself with the Hopes of better Success in the Un­dertaking [Page 148]of some other Voyages, and thus having taken a new Resolution, he determin'd to discover those vast Territories which are situated between the River Mississipi, and the Gulph of Mexico, to the South-east. On the 22d. Day of April, 1685. he set out from St. Lewis's Bay for this new Voyage, tak­ing along with him only Twenty Persons, among whom were our two Nephews, Cavelier and De Moranget, a Father of the Order of Recolet and my self. Our whole Equipage con­sisted only in two Canoos, and as many Sledges to carry our Provisions and Merchandizes.’

‘On the first Day we pass'd above 20 Rivers, the Territories lying round about which, appear'd to us to be as it were an inchanted Country, and conversed with a very obliging sort of People, who deny'd us nothing. 'Tis also remarkable that in those Parts a­mong the horned Beasts, in the Mea­dows we saw a great number of Hor­ses: but so wild, that one cannot come near 'em.’

‘On the second Day, we began to get our living by hunting; we kill'd a Roe-Buck, and lay that Night, in the o­pen [Page 149]Fields, in the middle of a small Retrenchment: Ever since that time we made an Agreement to use the like Precaution in every Place, where we should have occasion to take up our Lodging.’

The Meet­ing of four Booted Horsemen. ‘On the third Day, about Noon, we met with Four Booted Horse-men, who accosted us in a very respectful manner, asking us who we were, and where we were going? We declar'd to 'em, that we were French Men, and we were only Travelling through those Countries, with a Design to dis­cover the several Nations of America, and to offer 'em the Protection of the King of the French, one of the greatest Monarchs in the Universe: And that if they were willing to submit to his Power, they should soon be sensible of the Effects of his Favour, by the means of his numerous Fleet: They on the other side immediately entreat­ed us to accept of a Lodging in their Cottages, and to accompany 'em to their Village: We readily consented to their Request, and were very kindly entertain'd by them.’

Quoaquis a Nation of the Sa­vages.This was the Nation of the Quoaquisor Mahis: ‘The Men are of a very swarthy Complexion, neither are the Women more fair; they have very fine black Hair; their Eyes being also black, their Face and Nose flat, and their Teeth very white: Other­wise, their Carriage is free and unaf­fected. The Men in those Parts are cloath'd with Corslets of double Lea­ther, which are Arrow-proof; wear­ing from the Waste to the Knees a kind of Pantaloon Breeches, made of the Skin of a Bear, Stag, or Wolf, and their Head is cover'd with a sort of Turban of the same Skins: They have also Boots or Buskins of the Skins of an Ox, Elk or Horse, very artifi­cially dress'd. For the Horse-Furni­ture, besides their Corslets, Buskins and Bucklers, cover'd with the hard­est Skins; they have Saddles made of many pieces of Leather, fitted and glu'd one upon another; as also Wooden Stirrups; Bridles like ours, and Bits made of the Teeth of a Bear or Wolf.Their Wo­men. As for their Women, they wear instead of a Bonnet a Contexture of Rushes or Reeds, of divers Colours; their Hair being sometimes braided, [Page 151]and sometimes tied in Knots: Their Body is cover'd with a Vest of very fine Wool, reaching half way down their Thighs: They are shod almost after the same manner as the Men, and wear Buskins on their Legs.’

‘We only lodg'd with 'em one Night, but always stood upon our Guard, watching by Turns from time to time. The next day, the chief Commander came to meet us with certain Presents, as Indian Corn, and to assure us, &c. That they should be always very willing to keep an amicable Correspondence with us, and to live under the Laws of that Prince, whom we acknow­ledged: On the other side we made 'em a Present of some Knives, with Glasses, and other Toys, for their Wives; after which we took Leave of 'em, and continu'd our Journey.’

‘About Two Leagues from thence we found our selves on the Banks of a very fine River, which we call'd Riber from one of our Retinue,Riber Ri­ver, why so call'd. so nam'd, who was drown'd therein. There were numerous Herds of Cibo­las, feeding along the sides of this River, of which we instantly kill'd three, and caus'd 'em to beBoucanez. salted, [Page 152]to serve for our Provision. At the distance of a League from the same River we got up another, that is more rapid, and on which we imposed the name of Hieus, The River Hieus. that of a certain German of our Company, who con­tinued Three Days lost thereabouts, having ventured to go too far into the Woods, by reason of the great Delight he took in hunting.’

Biscaton­ges, a Na­tion of the Savages, sirnamed Weepers. ‘Thus in pursuing our Journey, sometimes in the Plains, and some­times across the Torrents and Rivers which we pass'd in our Canoos, we arriv'd in the midst of a very extra­ordinary Nation, call'd the Bisca­tonges, to whom we gave the Name of Weepers, in regard that upon the first Approach of Strangers, all these People, as well Men as Wo­men, usually fall a weeping bitterly: The reason of their Practice is very particular; for these poor People i­magining that their Relations or Friends deceased are gone a Journey, and continually expecting their return; the remembrance of 'em is reviv'd upon the Arrival of new Passengers; but forasmuch as they do not find in their Persons those whose Loss [Page 153]they lament, it serves only to encrease their Grief. That which is yet more remarkable, and perhaps even very reasonable in that Custom, is, that they weep much more at the Birth of their Children, than at their Death; because the latter is esteem'd only by 'em as it were a Journey or Voyage, from whence they may return after the Expiration of a certain time; but they look upon their Nativity, as an Inlet into an Ocean of Dangers and Misfortunes. Let the case be how it will, this first Torrent of Tears be­ing once over, nothing was to be seen among the whole Multitude of these People, but a serene Aspect, and an engaging Air, full of Kindness and Respect: They conducted us into their Huts that were neatly matted, where they offer'd us some powder'd Beef and Venison, with some Sagavite, Sagavite, a sort of Bread. their ordinary Bread; which they make with a certain Root, call'd Toquo, be­ing a kind of Bramble. After having wash'd, dry'd, and beaten it to Pow­der, they make it up into a Paste; which being bak'd, is of a very good taste, but of an Astringent Quality. We added to their Treat a little of our [Page 154]Brandy, and gave 'em a Couple of Bottles full of that Liquor: Whereup­on they made us a Present of divers Skins, well dress'd, which serv'd to make us good Shoes. These People worship no other Deity but the Sun, and that is the peculiar God of almost all those Nations: Upon which occa­sion we told 'em, That our Prince was the Sun of other Kings; that his Lustre was spread abroad throughout the whole Continent of Europe, and even in divers Parts of America: That if they would submit to his Authority, they should ere long be sensible of some of the Effects of his Grandeur and Generosity. Whereupon they readily submitted, and took an Oath to maintain a mutual Friendship with us for ever.’

‘Having spent two Days among that weeping Nation, we set forward a­gain in our Journey. On the first Day we travell'd Ten large Leagues, almost continually in the Woods, and afterwards we arriv'd within sight of a great Village, in the en­trance of which we espy a huge Roe-Buck, which a Chaouanous of our Retinue, aim'd at, and kill'd with one [Page 155]Fusee-shot. The Report of the Gun,A Fusee let off, strikes a Terror into the Minds of the Sa­vages. and the Flame that accompany'd it appear'd so dreadful to those Inhabi­tants, that at the very sight of our Com­pany and Arms, they were all ex­tremely terrify'd, and betook them­selves to flight. The chief Comman­der, and three of his Sons, having shew'd more Resolution, brought 'em out of their Panick Fear; so that they advanc'd towards us, to offer us some Refreshment; and the use of some of their Huts for our Lodging, during the Night. But my Brother not judging it convenient to trust 'em, we took up our Quarters a little fur­ther off, according to our usual Cu­stom. It was well for us that we were so cautious; for the next Morn­ing, at break of day, we discern'd a great number of that Rabble, lying in Ambush among the Reeds, and arm'd with Bows and Arrows. M. De la Salle immediately caus'd 'em to be rudely attack'd, and oblig'd 'em to call for Quarter. But they were re­leased for a certain quantity of Indian Corn, which the Son of their Com­mander brought to us, and we im­mediately took a resolution to decamp.’

‘At the distance of six Leagues from thence we came to another Village, consisting of above 300 Huts, inhabi­ted by the Chinonoas, The Chi­nonoas know how to distin­guish the French from the Spaniards. who receiv'd us very favourably. All these Countries are situated almost on the Eastern Coast of the Sea of Mexico; so that the Spainards frequently make Inrodes in­to them, and abuse the Natives after a most outragious manner: Insomuch that these Savages knew how to di­stinguish us from them, by the Air of our Countenance, our Language and Deportment; and the Antipathy they had against all those of that Nation, serv'd only to encrease their Friendship and Kindness towards us.’

‘We soon gave 'em to understand, that there was no manner of Corre­spondence between the Spaniards and us, and that they were our declar'd Enemies: Whereupon having offer'd us every thing that was in their Pos­session, they entreated us to unite with them, in order to maintain a vigorous War against the Spanish Nation: We reply'd, That we were not at pre­sent in a condition to do it, but that we would speedily return, with great­er numbers to assist 'em, insomuch, [Page 157]that having spent the Night very peaceably among those People, we departed the next day, laden with a great deal of Indian Corn, and very fine Skins.’

‘We had scarce march'd League on the Road, when a certain Person of our Company found himself stung by a Viper,A Man stung by a Viper. and suddenly made a hi­deous Outcry: Within less space than half a quarter of an Hour, his Body swell'd prodigiously, and became all over livid. We immediately made large Incisions on the part affected, bathing it with Brandy and Salt of Vipers, and gave him some Orvietan; so that after Two Days he was per­fectly cur'd.’

The Pas­sage over a rapid River. ‘Then we continu'd our Journey, and after Two Days march we arriv'd on the Banks of a very rapid River: It was requisite to pass it, and we were then destitute of Canoos; for those we made use of before were so leaky, that they took in Water on all sides, and we were forc'd to leave 'em, as being no longer ser­viceable to us. Therefore we could find no other Expedient, but to make aCaie [...] little Boat of Canes, and many [Page 158]Twigs of Trees, twisted one within another, and cover'd with our best Skins. My Brother and our two Ne­phews first went on board with two Savages to steer it, whilst I stay'd with the rest of our Company on the side of the River. They were scarce got into the middle of the Current, when the Swiftness of the Stream hur­ry'd 'em away in a moment, and took 'em out of our sight: But by singular good Luck the Boat was stopt about half a large League from thence, by a great Tree that floated on the Water, being half pluck'd up by the Roots; so that grappling the Branches, by the means of certain Poles, they at last made a shift to get over to the o­ther side, otherwise the extreme Swift­ness of the River would undoubtedly have carry'd 'em into the Sea.’

‘In the mean while, we were very sol­licitous to know what was become of 'em; we incessantly follow'd the Course of our Bank, looking forward as far as possibly we could, and cry­ing out with all our force to endea­vour to recall, or to discover 'em. We spent a whole Day and a Night in this Anxiety, and the next Day we began [Page 159]the same Toil again, till at last they answer'd us, and we descry'd 'em on the other side. 'Twas absolutely neces­sary to joyn 'em, and to that end we were forc'd to expose our selves to the same Danger. There­fore we set about the making of a new Boat, (for the first was unjoynt­ed, and no longer capable of holding any thing) and having provided strong Poles, we all pass'd over at se­veral times, with as much safety as could be wish'd for. Our whole Com­pany being thus re▪united, we pursu'd our Course under the Conduct of my Brother, who had no other Compass to steer by than his Genius. In the mean while one of our Hunters strag­ling to follow the Game, we lost him a whole Day. But the next Morning, we saw him again laden with two Roe-Bucks: He had also kill'd another at the same time, and left it at the Distance of half a quarter of a League: Therefore, after hav­ing given us the two, he went back, attended with an Abenaguis, to fetch the other, and having brought it, we feasted our selves with part of his Ve­nison, and kept the rest for our Pro­vision.’

A Savage on Horse-back de­mands who we are. ‘Having pass'd from thence into the most delightful and most populous Countries of all the others, after a March of Six of Seven Leagues, we saw making up towards us a certain Savage on Horse-back, with his Wife behind him, attended with four Slaves, who were well mounted. This Man accosting us, enquir'd who we were, and what we sought for in that Coun­try? My Brother gave him to understand, as well by his own Mouth, as by that of the Savages of his Retinue, that we were French Men, and that our Design was only to offer to all the People of their Con­tinent, as far as the Gulph of Mexico our Alliance, and the Protection of the King of France. Whereupon the same Savage immediately alighted, presented his Horse to my Brother, and even constrain'd him by his ear­nest Entreaties to accept of it, and to go to the Place of their Habitation; assuring him, that he should be very welcome, and that his Proposals should be favourably heard. My Brother, after having return'd him many Thanks for his Kindness, told him, that before he proceeded so far, [Page 161]he would very willingly be inform'd of the Opinion of his whole Nation, by an Envoy, sent to them to that pur­pose. The Savage receiv'd this An­swer very favourably, and by a Sur­plusage of Civility left his Wife and one of his Slaves for Hostages: My Brother on the other side gave him his Nephew Cavelier and two Chaoua­nous. The Savage mounted on a Horse that belong'd to one of his Slaves, and my Nephew Cavelier on that which was given my Brother. The next Day our Envoy return'd with our two Chaouanous, both moun­ted on fine Horses, laden with all sorts of Provisions, and made a Re­port no less agreeable than surpriz­ing, of the kind Entertainment he had receiv'd from those People, who are call'd Cenis. Cenis, a Nation of the Sava­ges. The place of their Ha­bitation is extended 20 Leagues in com­pass, and divided into many Hamlets, si­tuated near one another. Their Cottages are 40 or 50 Foot high, being made of thick Branches of Trees, which meeting together in a point at the top, form a kind of arched Roof; the inside of 'em is well matted, and al­ways kept very neat, even to Admira­tion.’

‘M. de La Salle being inform'd of their good Intentions, did not fail to convey himself thither the next Day, and saw the principal Elders of the Nation, who were all adorn'd with Plumes of Feathers, and cloath'd with their richest Skins, coming to meet him, and the distance of 200 Paces from the Village. My Brother receiv'd 'em at the Head of his Company, and the first Salute being given with Reciprocal Compliments, he was conducted to the Village by the Com­mander in chief a-cross a very fine Body of young Men, drawn up in Arms, and thro' a very great concourse of People: Afterwards he and his Company were led into a Quarter, which seem'd to constitute a separat­ed Hamlet, and were there nobly en­tertain'd. The Commander was con­vinced of the Magnificence of our Prince, by the Character he receiv'd of him from M. de la Salle, acknow­ledg'd him as his Sovereign, and made my Brother a Present of six good Horses, and of his finest Skins; who on the other side presented the said Com­mander with divers Hatchets, Sizers, Knives, and Razors, which he ac­cepted with a great deal of Compla­cency [Page 163]and Satisfaction. At that time the Ambassadors of a certain Nation call'd the Choumans, resided there,Ambassa­dors of the Chou­mans. and the occasion of their Embassie was to propose the making of a League with 'em, to carry on a War against the Spaniards, their Enemies, and Ty­rannical Persecutors: They gave us a Visit, and sollicited us to enter into the same League; insomuch, that we promised to assist 'em, after we had made an end of our Voyage; and they took an Oath, as the others had done, to maintain an inviolable Friend­ship with our Nation.’

‘The Nassonis have their Habitations at the distance of a Days Journey from the Cenis, Nassonis, a Nation of the Sava­ges. and we thought fit also to pass into their Territories, were we receiv'd the like Entertainment, meet­ing with the same Acknowledgments, and the same Protestations of Amity. And indeed, all these Nations have an equal Antipathy against the Spaniards. The Pastures in those Parts afford Fod­der to numerous Herds of Oxen and Horses, and in all the Enclosures be­longing to their private Families are to be seen many fat Capons, Hens, Pullets, and large Indian Pigeons. We could discern among them, as well as [Page 164]among the Cenis, some Tincture of the Christian Religion. For some of 'em made the Sign of the Cross, and others express'd to us by certain Marks the manner of celebrating the Mass; in­somuch, that we clearly perceiv'd it to be the Effect of some Spanish Missi­ons: But 'tis not to be doubted, the Increase would be much greater; if these first Seeds of Religion were sow'd among 'em by Persons, to whom they have less Aversion. And indeed our Father Recolet, by the means of some Images, Crosses and Agnus Dei's, which he distributed up and down, easily made 'em comprehend and be­lieve every thing that he taught 'em; so great is the Docility of the People of that Country.’

‘Notwithstanding the great satisfa­ction we had among those Savages,Sad Dis­asters. yet we met with two sad Disasters; one of which was the Desertion of Four of our French Men, and the other was my Brother's Sickness. As for the four Deserters, it is not known whe­ther they were excited by the Plea­santness of those Countries, to endea­vour to settle themselves among some of the Neighbouring Nations; or whe­ther [Page 165]being entic'd by the alluring Baits of the Savagesses, they return'd to the Cenis; or whether they retir'd to the Nassonis. However, 'tis certain, that as soon as they had Horses in their Possession, they did not any longer imagine themselves to be among the Savages; so that we were not able to retain 'em, neither could we have any Tidings of 'em ever since that end.’

‘As for my Brother's Indisposition, it was undoubtedly the Effect of Grief occasion'd by the Desertion of some of his Attendants. He fell sick, August 24. in the same Year 1685. After three Months travelling, and within 200 Leagues of St. Lewis's Bay. His Sickness was follow'd almost at the same time with that of De Moranget, our Nephew. However, during that Affliction, we had the good Luck to find among the Savages all the Help that could have been procur'd in Eu­rope, except Physitians: For we had every thing that we could wish for, particularly Veal, Mutton, Pullets, Pigeons and Ring-doves; besides, all sorts of wholesome Herbs, as well for Pottage, as for Ptisans, Decoctions, [Page 166]and other Remedies necessary for sick Persons. Our two Surgeons were al­so present, and were very serviceable to us upon this occasion; nay, the very Savages themselves, as well Men as Women, gave us Meat, Fowl, and other sorts of Venison; insomuch, that at last (thanks be to the Divine Provi­dence) by the Means of our diligent Care, both our Patients recover'd their Health, after a Months Indisposition.’

‘As soon they had regain'd their Strength, my Brother being of Opi­nion that he ought to improve his last Discoveries; and not being able to go any farther, without entring the Ter­ritories of the Spaniards, from whence according to all probability, we should never have come back; took a Resolu­tion to return to his new Colony. Therefore we set forward again in our Journey in the end of the Month of September, 1685. But we had this Ad­vantage, that we were now in a ca­pacity to return on Horseback, where­as we came on Foot; That which was most surprizing in our new Fur­niture is that our Horses without be­ing shod, had so hard a Hoof, that they could go any where; and had so [Page 167]tender a Mouth, that they gave way to the Curb, as if they had been train'd up to it: Every one of our Compa­ny was reasonably well mounted, and our supernumerary Horses serv'd either for Change, or instead of Pack-Horses, to carry our Provision, Ca­noos, and other Equipage; which was no small Consolation to us.’

‘However, since the most useful things sometimes prove the most fatal, it happen'd either accidentally, or for want of Skill, that one of our Horses occasion'd the Loss of a Savage belonging to our Retinue. For on the Banks of the River La Maligne, A Croco­dile drags a Man into the Water, and de­vours him. on which my Brother run the hazard of being lost, a Horse prancing at the sight of a huge Crocodile, threw his Rider into the Water. He had scarce fallen, when that ravenous Beast drag­ged him away, and devour'd him in our sight. We were extremely trou­bl'd at this sad Spectacle; but in such Voyages 'tis difficult to avoid the sad Accidents, to which those who undertake 'em are sometimes liable. Therefore the safest way for a Tra­veller is to prepare for such Disasters, by quieting his Conscience, and by [Page 168]putting himself under the Protection of Almighty God, who is our Guide, and constant Preserve.’

‘Forasmuch as no Remedy could be found for this Misfortune, we con­tinu'd our Journey; and after Three Months march, we arriv'd at St. Le­wis's Bay in the beginning of the Month of January, 1686. As soon as we came near our Colony, we perceiv'd that all the Fields thereabouts were clear'd of Trees, and well cultivated. We there met with a great number of Women, and Cottages, fill'd with new Families, each Family having its peculiar Store of Provisions, with a Garden, and other Apartments. In a word, every thing seem'd to pro­mise a happy Improvement, and a nu­merous Increase. My Brother was receiv'd there as the Father of this little Common-wealth, and we took great Delight in observing these beginnings of the Incorporation of our French Men with the Savages, and the good Use that every one made of the Ad­vantages of this new Plantation.’

‘In regard that my Brother's Pre­sence in that Country, was necessary, as well for the compleating of the [Page 169]Fort, as for the modelling of this new State, we sojourn'd there about Three Months longer; after the expirati­on of which time, he determin'd to return to France to get new Supplies at that Court, and to procure some Re­cruits of Tradesmen, Artificers and Labourers, as well in favour of this last Colony, as for all the others that are planted in divers parts of Northern America. After having taken leave of every one, he set out, accompany'd with 20 French Men for Canada, and travell'd by Land to the Country of the Islinois, in the end of the Month of March, A. D. 1686.’

‘Altho' this Road was the most trou­blesome, yet it serv'd not only to dis­cover the Course of the Rivers,Many Ri­vers. of which we only saw the Mouths, in passing down the Mississipi; but also to give us a nearer View of all the People, who inhabit along the Banks; so that we might take frequent Op­portunities to contract new Alliances with 'em. At first we cross'd the River of Ducks, so call'd, by reason of the numerous Flocks of wild Ducks, with which it is cover'd. Afterwards we pass'd La Sablonniere, or the River [Page 170]of Sand, with only has for its Bed a vast Sandy Country; then the Robec, the Banks of which are inhabited by certain People, who all speak in the Throat,Quanoati­nos; a Nation of the Sa­vages. and at last the Malignant Ri­ver, in the Territories lying about with are the Quanoatinos, a People as formidable to the Iroquois, upon account of their Valour, as for their Cruelty. For besides that they fight furiously, without giving Quarter, they made a Law among themselves to cause as many to be burnt as they can take Prisoners. As we continually went forward, we met with the Tara­has the Cappas, and the Palaquessons all declar'd Enemies of the Spaniards.’

The Fruit­fulness of overy Country.I shall not here give a large Descri­ption of the particular Rarities of all those Countries and Nations; but I shall content my self only to declare, that altho' the said Countries are very fine, generally speaking; yet in every one of 'em, its peculiar Nature and Beauty may be more especially ob­serv'd. For some abound in Indian Corn, of which Frumenty is made; others in Tonquo, and others in Cassave, of which the Natives make a kind of Bread.

‘An innumerable Multitude of Cibo­la's is to be seen amongst those People who live nearest to the Sea-Coast. There are also vast numbers of Bea­vers amongst the Ouadiches, the Akan­ceas, the Iroquois, and in many other Quarters of America: And Bears are very frequent in the Northern Parts. As for Horses, they are only found among the Nations who are Neigh­bours to the Spaniards, but one may almost every where see Orignas; Staggs, Elks, Wolves, Ounces, large Rams, Weathers, and Sheep, that have a much finer Wool than ours.’

‘In traversing all these Plains we discover'd a prodigious Number of Savages, who all entertain'd us with a great deal of Courtesie, and with an entire Submission to the Laws of our Monarch. Whilst we were tra­velling between the Palaquessons, and the Nouadiches, our Provisions fail'd, and we were oblig'd to have recourse to hunting; so that three or four of our Men, most expert in that Exercise, usually lest their Companions to re­pair to the Woods, where they did not continue long, without bringing us good store of Venison. The ad­vantageous [Page 172]and most delightful Si­tuation of the Territories that lie be­tween two Nations,A pleasant Country si­tuated be­tween two Nations. who are well affected to ours, is much to be ad­mir'd, the whole Country being ex­tremely fertile in Indian Corn, and all kinds of Fruits, affording also great variety of Game, and the Pastures a­bounding in Cattel of all sorts, but more especially in Horses. All these great Advantages induc'd my Brother to endeavour to plant a Colony in those Parts. In order to carry on this Design, he judg'd it expedi­ent that I should be sent before to the Islinois, as well to inform you of his Arrival, as for some other Reasons, of which I shall hereafter give you an Account. He gave me for my Reti­nue Father Anastasius, Cavelier, my Nephew, M. de la Marne, four other French Men, and two Slaves to serve me as Interpreters, with two Canoos, two Pack-Horses, and necessary Pro­visions. We parted May 15. A. D. 1686. and travell'd by Land, as well for the Conveniency of our Horses, as for the frequent Supplies we might get from the Savages, who shew as much zeal for the promoting of our [Page 173]Interest, as they are the professed Ene­mies of the Iroquois and Spaniards.’

Nouadi­ches, a Nation of the Sava­ges. ‘On the first Day we took up our Quarters among the Nouadiches, who receiv'd us with extended Arms, and invited us to joyn with 'em, in main­taining a War against the Spaniards: They assur'd us, That there was a great deal of Gold and Silver amongst 'em; that they would willingly leave us all their Wealth, and that they would only reserve to themselves the Women and Children, to make Slaves of 'em: However, notwithstanding the little Respect we had for the Spa­niards, we must needs have an Aver­sion to that Proposal; for we could not give our Consent, that the Chri­stians should become Slaves to the Sa­vages. Therefore to colour our De­nial, we reply'd, That our number was not sufficient to be capable of assisting 'em in that War, but that we would go in quest of Captain Tonti, to whom we would not fail to represent the same Conditions they offer'd us, and that without doubt he would accept of 'em. This Answer gave Satisfaction to the Savages, who supply'd us with a­bundance of Provisions, and caus'd us to lodge in their best Cottages.’

‘Divers o­ther Peo­ple.The next day, we pursu'd our Jour­ney to the Cenis and Nassonis. The latter gave us Guides to conduct us to the Country of Nabari, and these last in like manner took care to provide other Guides to convey us to the Na­ausi. We were equally well receiv'd by all those People, and we every where found the same Dispositions to make an Alliance with us, and to live under the Protection of our Prince. The Lands thereabouts are fruitful, and the Cli­mate very proper for the planting of Vineyards;The fruit­fulness of those Coun­tries. for Vines often spring up there spontaneously; so that one may see clusters of Grapes growing amongst the Elms, and flourishing under the shadow of their Leaves. One cannot travel three Leagues without meeting with some River or Brook. There are also Herds of Beavers: All the People are generally addicted to the Adoration of the Sun, and have no o­ther Cloaths than a certain Contexture of Rushes, or of very sine Mats, which are set out with Paintings of several Colours, representing the Sun, Birds, Flowers, &c. For matter of Arms, they are altogether unknown to 'em, except the Bow and Arrow; insomuch, [Page 175]that the discharge of a Fusee or Pistol would appear to them, as it were a Clap of Thunder, preceeded by its Lightning.’

Cadoda­ches, their Reception of the French. ‘Afterwards we pass'd from the Ter­ritories of the Naausi to those of the Cadodaches, where we were enter­tain'd after a very generous manner, so that our Reception might well he styl'd a splendid Triumph. For the principal Elders of the Nation came forth to meet us, and conducted us thro' two Ranks of their armed Youth into very neat Cottages. The rest of our Entertainment was as pleasant and diverting, as the manner of ma­naging it was Savage and Fantasti­cal; at first, certain tawny Women, but well shap'd, and half naked, were very officious in washing our Feet in Wooden Troughs, and then we were serv'd with different Messes, very well dress'd: For besides boil'd Meat, Broth and Venison, the ordinary Mess a­mong those People; they presented us with a large Dish of Roasted Tur­keys, Geese, Ducks, and Ring-doves, not to forget another Dish of broil'd Pigeons. But we were disturb'd in the midst of our Jollity, by a very sad [Page 176]Accident, which happen'd to M. de la Marne, one of our Company: Foras­much as the Heat of the Weather was excessive, occasion'd as well by the Climate,M. de la Marne washing himself in a River it drown'd. as the Season of the Year; that unfortunate Gentleman had a mind to wash himself in a River that runs thro' the Village. To which pur­pose, having chosen a shady place for greater Convenience, he threw him­self into the Water, and unhappily fell into an Abyss, where he was swallow'd up in a Trice; some time after, perceiving that he did not re­turn, we were desirous to go to the Place, where he retir'd; but he was not to be found, and we began to su­spect that perhaps he might be de­vour'd by some Crocodile: However, the Inhabitants having seen the Place, where he threw himself in, no longer doubted that he was lost in that Gulph. And indeed, after having made a search at the very instant, he was taken up dead, and quite disfigur'd.’

‘I cannot sufficiently express how much we were transported with Grief at the sight of so sad a Spectacle. The Wife of the chief Governour came her self to bury him; and after having per­form'd [Page 177]the Funeral Obsequies, de­cently Interring his Body, we set up a Cross over his Tomb: In the mean while, the Savages, who were Wit­nesses of our Ceremonies, joyn'd their Tears with ours, and endeavour'd to comfort us, by doing us all the good Offices that lay in their Power.’

Other Sa­vage Peo­ple. ‘The next day we met with the Narchoas and the Ouadiches on the Banks of the same River, and about five Leagues lower we had a sight of the Cabinvio's and Mentons. These Peo­ple not knowing what our Arms were, took us for the Masters of Thunder, and were much afraid of us at the same time. The Beavers are very nu­merous in their Country, and more especially in the Territory of the Ozo­theon's, where they are so common, that the Inhabitants are oblig'd to burn their Skins. These People pro­vided Guides to conduct us to the A­kanceas, Akanceas. on whose Jurisdiction they depend. There we began to know our selves; for we saw a Cross erected, on the middle of which the King's Arms were fixt, and some few Paces farther we met with a fine House, built after the French Fashion, [Page 178]and inhibited by a certain Person, nam'd Coustute, who receiv'd us very kindly, and gave us to understand, that that Seat, with all its Dependen­cies, was under your Jurisdiction. After having rested there two Days, we went to the Villages of the Tori­mans, Doginga's and Cappu's, to get up to the River Mississipi. These last Peo­ple accommodated us with aA sort of Boat. Piroque for two Horses that we gave 'em in Exchange.’

‘Thus being wearied with out Tra­vels by Land, I determin'd to passon the Mississipi again, to the River of the Islinois, and Father Anastusius was very glad that he had an Opportunity to go on board the same Canoo with me. M. Cavelier, my Nephew, took five other French Men to accompany him, and contenting himself with one Sa­vage, left me another, to serve for an Interpreter and Rower. Having met at our Place of Rendez vous, in the Country of the Miamis, we parted; so that he travell'd lover the Plains, and I embark'd on the River Mississipi, August 15. A. D. 1686.’

‘It were needless to give a particular Account of all the Nations that we [Page 179]met, and therefore I shall only make mention of those whom we did not discover in our Descent.Chicacha's. The Chica­chas were the first that we found at the Distance of 30 Leagues from the Akanceas: They are a very docil, industrious, valiant and warlike Peo­ple, and sufficiently numerous to raise an Army of 2000 Men upon all oc­casions. We continu'd our Course from thence to the Ouabaches, within ten Leagues of their River, and saw that of the Massourites and Ozages, which is no less rapid and deep than the Mississipi. We pass'd on it during two Days, as well with a Design to discover the Nations inhabiting on its Banks, as to get some fresh Provisions, and in our Passage we descry'd the Villages of the Panivacha's, Pera's, Panaloga's, Matotantes, and Ozages, all gallant, numerous, and good-na­tur'd People, who among the several Messes and varieties of Fruits, with which they treated us, caus'd us to eat some Grapes of an admirable taste.’

‘On the third Day, after having row'd on that River, we endeavour'd to recover the Mississipi; on which, be­ing embark'd in a Canoo, we steer'd [Page 180]our Course on it for some Days, even as far as the River of the Islinois; and after Thirty Days Navigation we ar­riv'd at the Foot of Crevecoeur Fort, from whence we return'd to that of St. Lewis.’ Indeed we were then so un­fortunate, as nto to meet with you there, (which was no small trouble to us); but at present we have the Consolation to see you in good Health.

M. Cavelier having thus concluded his Relation, we renew'd our Embra­ces, but I continu'd for some time speechless, without being able to make any Application to him; for, to say the Truth, I did not well know my self, nor in what condition I was at that time. On the one side, the loss of our Fleet, and of the greatest part of the French Mariners, was a very great Mortification to me; and on the other side, the Assurance that was given me of M. de la Salle's Welfare, and of the Success of so many sine Discoveries, oblig'd me to turn my Sorrow into Joy. I was also extremely furpriz'd at the strangeness of his Adventures; but at the same time, the Absence of a Per­son, for whom I had so particular a Respect, and whose Return I had so [Page 181]long expected with the utmost Impa­tience; besides, the Regret upon re­flecting, that I was not an Eye witness, and a Companion of his Travels, pierc'd my Heart with so sensible a Grief, that I was not by any means able to sur­mount it. Neither could I any longer contain my self, or forbear easing my Mind a little, by uttering these mourn­ful Expostulations. ‘Alass! (said I to M. Cavelier) how could it so fall out, that M. de la Salle, my Patron, and my only Support, should spend Two Years in returning to America, and that during that whole Term, I should not be only depriv'd of the Pleasure of seeing him, but also should not find Means to hear any▪ Tidings of him? Or how is it possible that I should not be permitted to embrace him? I must freely declare to you, that not­withstanding the Joy which your Pre­sence affords me, I find my self seiz'd in beholding you, with a more In­tense Grief, since the more I look up­on you, I am so much the more trou­bled that I have not a sight of him. Heavens! (continu'd I) has M. de la Salle resided in America Two Years, and cannot I as yet lay hold of some [Page 182]Op­portunity to meet him, or to speak with him? Alass! 'tis not my Fault; for as soon as I could judge, that he had touch'd at any of the Coast of the Gulph of Mexico, I made a descent on those Countries; I search'd about all the Capes and Shoars of that Sea, as well on the side of Malcolina, as on that of Mexico; I visited all the Peo­ple, who inhabit those Coasts, viz. The [...]ichenos, Ozembogus, Tangibaos, Osto­noos, Mansoleas, and Mousa's, and en­quir'd of them after M. de la Salle, but none could give me any manner of Account concerning him▪ Hence then you may take some estimate of my excessive Trouble and Sorrow.’

‘How was it possible (reply'd M. Ca­velier for you to meet us? You went to seek for us at the Mouth of the Ri­ver Mississipi, and or the adjacent Coasts; whereas we only landed 25 Leagues above it: You follow'd the Course of that River, both in your De­scent, and at your Return; but we al­ways kept at a distance from thence, steering to the South-east, and along the Gulph of Mexico. By what means could you expect to meet with us, in following so contrary Courses?’ At [Page 183]least (said I to him) he ought to have sent some Messenger, to give me notice of his Return. ‘'Tis true indeed, (said he) and he would certainly have done it, if it had lain in his Power: But who of those new Comers could find out the Roads that lay cross the Territo­ries of so many Barbarians or would be willing to make such an Attempt at so great a distance? Or could he spare me, or either of his two Ne­phews for that purpose? Besides, the Hopes he had of seeing you ere long in Person, made him continually defer to inform you of his Arrival. It must be confess'd (said I then) there is no Remedy for what is past▪ that which revives my Spirits is, to hear that he is in good Health, and whereabouts he is: It will not be long (by the help of God) are we shall go again to find him out. In the mean while (conti­nu'd I) I call to mind, that you have somewhat else more particular to com­municate to me from him, and there­fore I would entreat you to declare it to me, that I may make due Prepa­ration, even as soon as it's possible for my intended Voyage.’

‘Take it thus (reply'd M. Cavelier my Brother being impatient to pro­cure the necessary Supplies, for the Establishment and Maintenance of his new Colony, and to cause two Ports and two Havens to be built, viz. One on St. Lewis's Bay, and the other at the Mouth of the River Mississipi, the bottom and sides of which he has very accurately observ'd, deputed me for this Employment, only with a Design that I should incontinently return to France, as well to inform the Court of his last Settlement, and of his great Discoveries, as to prepare their Minds, and to induce 'em to grant what is requisite upon so emergent an occasi­on. For that very Reason he also sent me to Quebec, and gave me a particu­lar Charge to wait upon you, in or­der to borrow some Money, upon the Receipt of which I will give you an Acquittance, and my Brother will place it to Account.’

After this Discourse he presented me with a Letter, which was well seal'd with M. de la Salle's Seal. As for the Writing, I did not examine it; and be­sides, the Characters us'd by those two Gentlemen, who wrote almost the same [Page 185]Hand, are so like, that 'twould be dif­ficult to find out the difference. How­ever, I read that Letter with extreme Delight; in which, the same Request was contain'd, with Protestations of an entire Trust, and of a most sincere Friendship. The Joy with which I was transported, to hear Tidings of so intimate a Friend; the Candour of the Person who deliver'd the Letter to me; and the Devotion I had made of every thing that I possess'd, to the disposal of a Person, to whom I thought my self infinitely indebted; did not suffer me to take the matter into Consideration. I immediately ask'd M. Cavelier how much Money he desir'd? Whereupon he told me, that he believ'd his Brother had mention'd the Sum of 7000 Livers. 'Tis true indeed (said I) but if you have occasion for more, you need only demand it of me, since all that I have is at your Ser­vice. He thank'd me heartily, and told me, that in case he should stand in need of somewhat more, he might procure it in France. Therefore I paid him the Sum of Money agreed upon, at that very Instant, and he insisted to give me his Receipt, according to the Order, which (as he said) he had from his [Page 186]Brother. I readily consented, and for­asmuch as he protested to me, that he determin'd to set out on his Journey the next day, I gave some Refreshment to his Attendants, and recruited his Pro­visions. We spent the Remainder of the Day as pleasantly as we could, and very early the next Morning he took leave of me, departing with a Franciscan Recolet, and a Slave, with a design to pass into the Country of the Miamis.

I was also preparing to pass on the River the next day, and every thing was dispos'd for my Departure. Hav­ing spent the rest of the Day, with much uneasiness, the next Morning I was potting my small Cargo on board, when about Nine a Clock I espy'd co­ming towards me the Sieur Constur [...], my Lieutenant, in the Country of the Akanceas, where both the Caveliers, viz. the Uncle and the Nephew re­fresh'd themselves for some time: In­deed at first I was very glad to see him, but in a moment after he threw me into a terrible Consternation: I immediately erquir'd of him, where he left M. de La Salle? M. de La Salle, (said he) do not you know that he is dead? The Death of M. de La Salle. How! (cry'd I) is M. de La Salle dead? [Page 187]'Tis too true (reply'd he) he is certainly dead; for he was assassinated by his own Party, in the Territories situated between the Palaquessons and the Nouadiches. ‘Hey! what d'ye say? (said I) is it possible? Why! M. Cavelier his own Brother but now took Leave of me, and was so far from telling me any thing of this matter, that he gave me a Letter under his Hand, and did not seem to shew the least mark of Grief or Concern.’ Sir (said he) I had the Information from his own Mouth; his Tears, and those of his Nephew were too evident a proof of the Truth of what they asserted; and I an very sorry that I should be the first that [...] to bring you so bad News. I was extremely surpriz'd at this Answer, and quite over whelm'd with Grief, insomuch, that for a while I was not able to speak nor weep; nei­ther did I know how to dispose of my self: However, some Moments after I rose up, and spoke to this Effect; M. de La Salle my only Protector, is dead (as you say) and murder'd too by his Attendants! O Heavens! can this be? But may I know who are those Miscreants that durst imbrue their Hands in the Blood of so excellent a Patron? They are [Page 188]two Ruffians (reply'd M. Cousture) nam'd Dan and Lancelot.The Au­thors of his Death. Ah! wicked Wretch­es (said I) by what Motive, or rather, by what Demon were they excited to com­mit so execrable a Fact? Then I entreat­ed him to tell me all that he knew con­cerning that Matter. ‘Alass! Sir, (said he) not to trespass too long on your Patience, I shall proceed to give you an Account of every particular Circumstance of his Death, as it was related to me.’

‘M. de La Salle being recover'd of a very dangerous Disease, repair'd to his last Colony at Fort St. Lewis, and departed from thence, March 26. A. D. 1686. with a Design to visit his old Plantations, accompany'd with about 30 Persons; among whom were his Brother, his two Nephews, the two Lantelots Brothers, Dan, a Savage, nam'd Choonanou; two Eng­lish Free-Booters; and one Hieus, a German by Nation.’

‘On the first Day of their March, M. de La Salle perceiving that the younger Lancelot, being still weak af­ter his Recovery from a violent Fit of Sickness, was not able to follow the rest of the Company, determin'd to [Page 189]send him back to the Bay; neither could he be prevail'd upon by any means to alter his Mind, notwith­standing the earnest Entreaties made by his Brother, that they might not be parted; insomuch, that young Lan­celot was at last oblig'd to return to the place appointed. These Proceed­ings which appear'd to be Arbitrary, and Imperious, were hard to be di­gested by a Man of Courage. In the mean while it unfortunately hap­pen'd, that this young Man was met on the Road by certain Savages, who cut his Throat,The young­er Lance­lot kill'd by the Sa­vages. and the News was brought the same Day to his elder Brother, who could not restrain the Excess of his Grief. He immediately laid the Blame on M. de La Salle, and from that very moment, being tran­sported with Rage and Passion, he swore his Destruction. After having given himself up for some time to Complaints and Lamentations, he suddenly stifled his Indignation, de­signing to [...]et it break forth again with greater Vehemency upon some fa­vourable Opportunity. Therefore he follow'd the rest of he Company; but after Two Months march, their [Page 190]Provisions failing, between the Terri­tories of the Palaquessons and the Noa­diches; Dan and Lantelot made an Agreement to go a hunting in the Woods, and sollicited the Sieur de Moranget, to accompany 'em. The unfortunate Gentleman, without mi­strusting any thing, condescended by way of Complaisance, to grant their Request. But the two Ruffians, who being excited as well by Envy, upon Account of his singular Merits, as by the implacable Hatred that they bore his Uncle, had long ago form'd a Design upon his Life; having now insensibly drawn him aside, reek'd their Malice upon him, to which pur­pose they gave him a blow on the Head with a Hatchet, of which he died two Hours after,De Mo­ranget knockt on the Head with a Hatchet. like a good Christian, heartily forgiving his Ene­mies; of whose Revenge this was the first Effort.’

‘The Day being ended, and M. de La Salle not seeing his Nephew return, nor his Companions, spent the Night in a strange Perplexity: The next day he went himself to the Place, where he judg'd that they might have been, and was soon follw'd by Father A­nastasius, [Page 191]his Brother and his Lacquey, neither was much time spent, ere he sound the Person whom he sought for. For being arriv'd in a Meadow, situated on the side of the River Missis­sipi, he espy'd Lantelot's Footman thro the Grass, which was very high, and instantly ask'd him what was become of De Moranget his Nephew? The Villain impudently answer'd that he might go look him on the Bank; and indeed the Body of that unfortu­nate young Gentleman lay extended there, and two Vulturs were flutter­ing over it, to get their Prey. In the mean while those two perfidious Wretches lay hid in the Grass, with their Fusees ready cockt; and as M. de la Salle was drawing near the Foot­man, to chastise him, he was shot in the Head with three Balls, which Lante­lot had discharg'd against him; where­upon he fell to the Ground with his Face all over bloody. Father Ana­stusius and his Brother having heard the Report of the Gun, immediately ran to him, and found him dying, but not as yet altogether destitute of Sense and Knowledge. Neither did their Grief hinder 'em from assisting [Page 192]him at his last Gasp, at least with re­spect to the Salvation of his Soul: For he had Time and Strength suffi­cient to make his Confession, and to offer up himself to God, as it were a solemn Sacrifice. This was the last Effect of their Rage, and the Tragical end of our Illustrious Hero, and of your good Friend.’

‘These last Words struck me to the very Heart,M. de la Salle's Death much la­mented insomuch, that I had no Strength left to complain: I continu'd dumb and unmoveable for some time; but at last the violence of my Grief, causing me to come out of my Con­sternation by the means of a suddain Flood of Tears: 'O Heavens! (said I) shall I never see M. de la Salle again? Alass! what Hope, what Help is there now left me? What will be­come of all those blooming Families, of which he was the common Father, the main Support, and the only Con­solation? What a desperate Condition are they in? How many brave Under­takings are now spoil'd, and how many Persons are ruin'd by the Loss of one single Man? Alass! is it possi­ble that a Person so venerable for his Virtue; and so useful to France, upon [Page 193]Account of his great Discoveries; or that a Man so universally respected, and beloved even by the most barba­rous People, should be massacred by his own Followers? Is there any Pu­nishment severe enough for these Mur­derers; I say, for those wretched C [...]i­tifs? But where shall we find 'em? Oh! that I could discover 'em, and bring 'em to condign Punishment. Their Business is already done (then said Conture) those Villains are alrea­dy punish'd, if their Death may be thought sufficient to expiate their Guilt. After what manner (said I) did the Earth open to swallow 'em up; or did Heaven strike 'em dead with Thunder? No, Sir, (reply'd he) their Comerades did 'em Justice. These profligate Wretches, after they had perpetrated that horrid Fact, de­termin'd in like manner to destroy all the rest, that they might not leave any Witnesses of their Crime; but the two English Men seigning to e­spouse their Interest, and to justifie their wicked Action, obtain'd a Par­don for the Brother, and the Nephew that surviv'd their Kinsman, with Leave to bury the two dead Bodies.’

Whilst these two afflicted Relations, and the good Monk were employ'd in performing their last Devoirs to the Deceased, those perfidious Villains ran to seize on the rest of M. de La Salle's Effects; the whole Cargo consisting in Ten Horses, some pieces of Linnen-Cloth and Merchandizes, to the value of about 2000 Crowns. As soon as they had taken Possession of all the Goods, the rest of the Company was oblig'd to make a Vertue of Necessity, and to joyn with 'em. The Brother and the Nephew, who had redeem'd their Life by silence, and by a volunta­ry Resignation of every thing, were likewise forc'd to follow the Torrent. Afterwards they arriv'd at the Village of the Nouadiches, among whom dwelt certain French Men, who had deserted M. de La Salle in his Life-time. These People perceiving the Arrival of this new Company, very well arm'd, and moderately accoutred, were no less o­verjoy'd to see 'em, than the French were, entertain'd 'em very honourably; and at the first Salute invited 'em to be their Companions in their Expedition against the Quoanantino's. It being requisite to suit themselves to the Time; and to [Page 195]comply with the present Exigency of Affairs, they all enter'd into that Asso­ciation, except the two Caveliers, and the Father Recolet.

‘In the mean while Lantelot and Dan, who set up for Commanders in chief of the Company, took up their Lodging apart; absolutely dispos'd of all the Effects of M. de La Salle, at their Pleasure; diverted themselves at his Cost; and made good Cheer. But the departure of the Savages was dai­ly expected. The English Man and the German, that had no share in the Spoils of the Deceased, and who ne­vertheless stood in great need of neces­sary Accoutrements, went well arm'd to meet their pretended commanders in their Tent, and entreated 'em to take Care that they might be supply'd with some Linnen for their new Expe­dition. Lantelot treated 'em rudely; the English Man re-iterated his De­mands; and the former made him a second Denial, with much more Re­fractoriness than before.Lantelot and Dan assassinat­ed by an English Man and a German Whereupon the English Man upbraiding him, said, Thou art a vile Traytor; thou hast kill'd thy Master and mine; and at that very Instant, drawing a Pistol from his [Page 196]Girdle, he shot three Balls into his Reins, and laid him sprawling on the Ground. Dan immediately ran to his Fusee, but the German soon stopt his Career, broke his Head, and kill'd him outright. Some of the Company hearing the Noise, ran towards 'em forthwith, and Father Anastasius found one stone-dead, and the other dying: He confess'd Lante­lot, who was M. de La Salle's Mur­derer, and had scarce given him Ab­solution, when a certain French Man burnt his Hair with a Pistol-Shot, without Ball; insomuch, that the Fire instantly taking hold of his Shirt, which was very greasie, the misera­ble Wretch expir'd amidst the Elames.’ Thus thove wicked Murderers perish'd according to their Deserts, whose Crime was of too deep a Dye, to remain long unpunish'd, and 'tis not to be doubted that those who shall read this Narrative, will conceive a just Indignation against the like bloody Assassins.

‘Afterwards the English Man and the German made themselves Masters of their Spoils, and offer'd 'em all to the discretion of the two M. Caveliers, who only took as much as was neces­sary [Page 197]for their Journey; and having left 'em the rest, came to me in the Country of the Akanceas. They were the Uncle and the Nephew, accom­pany'd with M. de la Marne, and M. Joustel, and a Chaouanou savage, and I had all that I have related from their own Mouth: I was also an Eye wit­ness of their Lamentations and Tears; they rested Two Days in your House, and on the third following they set out for the Islinois. Thus, Sir, I have given you a particular Account of what you desir'd, according to the best of my Knowledge.’

‘I only convers'd (said I then) with the Uncle and the Father Recolet, but as for the Nephew, M. Joustel and the Chaouanou, I had no sight of 'em. As for M. de la Marne, I remember that M. Cavelier told me, that he was drown'd; nevertheless, I cannot re­cover my self from my Surprize, when I reflect on the Constancy and Tran­quillity of Mind, with which he relat­ed to me the particular Circumstances of his whole Voyage, and all his Adven­tures. 'Tis a common Saying, that deep Sorrow is dumb, and I dare not call in question the Sincerity of his; [Page 198]but I am certain, that he has made no Scruple to cross the Proverb.’ He had some occasion to use Dissimulation (re­ply'd Cousture) ‘He was willing some­what to allay his Grief, by the telling of long Stories; and besides, he had some By-ends, and some particular Reasons for such a Deportment at that time.’

‘I very well comprehend your mean­ing (said I) he was desirous to bor­row Money of me, and he was afraid, lest I should refuse to lend him any, if he inform'd me of his Brother's Death. But alass! I was too much indebted to his Name and Family, to deny him any thing. Would to God I had nothing left in the World, and had not lost my honoured Protector, my dear Patron, and my most faithful Friend! But alass! all our Lamentations are to no purpose; and since we cannot repair so great a Loss, let us at least arm our selves with Patience; let us also endeavour to bring to Perfection what he has so happily begun.’

At that very instant I encourag'd my self in my Resolution to make another Voyage, with a Design not only to carry Relief to those poor French Men, [Page 199]who were abandon'd on the Sea-shoar, but also to undertake some new Enter­prize, that might afford me some Con­solation for the Loss I had sustain'd. To that purpose I made Preparations for a new Descent to the Seas, and to visit all those Nations that were late­ly discover'd by M. de La Salle, and mention'd to me by his Brother.

In the mean while I receiv'd a Letter from the Marquis D'Enonville, our Governour; the Purport of which was to inform me, That we were engag'd in a War against the Spaniards, War with the Spa­niards. and by which he gave me free Liberty to make what Attempts I could upon 'em. This Letter, in Conjunction with what M. Cavelier had told me concerning those Nations, who were ready to make War with 'em, animated me so much the more to hasten my Journey. Therefore I set out Decemb. 3. A. D. 1687. accompany'd with five French Men, four Chaouanous, and some other Savages, and left my Cousin De Liette, Commander of Fort St. Lewis. My first Journey ended in the Village of the Islinois, and I found 'em lately come back from an Expedition against di­vers [Page 200]Neighbouring People, from whom they carry'd away 130 Prisoners.

From thence I pass'd to the Cappa's, who gave me very good Entertain­ment, and some time after the Toginga's and Torimans receiv'd me with the like Demonstration of Friendship and Re­spect. Then the Course of my Jour­ney brought me to the Ossotoues, where I built an House for the Convenience of Traffick. There I spent five or six Days, during which, I made new Pur­chaces, and encreas'd my Store of Pro­visions. I departed from my House in the Month of February, 1688. and after some Days travelling I got up again to the great Village of Taensas. As we were pursuing that Journey, one of my Chaouanous being attack'd by three Cha­chouma's, kill'd one of them, and him­self receiv'd a slight Wound on the Pap, with the glancing of an Arrow. But a far greater Disaster befel us during that Journey. For two French Men of my Company stragling in the Woods to hunt, were assaulted by a Party of Naches, and unfortunately kill'd. We were so much the more sensible of this Indignity, in regard that 'twas im­possible for us to revenge it, not being [Page 201]able to come up with those Sa­vages.

A quarrel between the Taen­sa's and the Nachi­toches a­bout Salt.Upon our Arrival among the Taen­sas, the principal Elders of that Na­tion inform'd me of the Contest they had with the Nachitoches, about Salt, of which, the latter would not suf­fer 'em to have any share, and entreat­ed me to be Mediatour for the making up of their Differences. I readily ac­cepted of the Office; so that Thirty Taensas having joyn'd our Company, we arriv'd after Eight Days march, at the Village of the Nachitoches. This Nati­on constitutes only one State with two others, viz. the Ouasita's and the Capi­chis. The chief Commanders of these three sorts of People being met toge­ther, they caused me to sit down in the middle of 'em; but the Thirty Taensa's, before they took their place, desir'd Leave to go to the Temple, to implore the Assistance of their God, for the obtaining a firm Peace. (Here 'tis observable by the way, that the Sun is the Deity which is most com­monly ador'd among all those People.) Therefore these Taensa's were actually conducted to the Temple; and after having said their Prayers, were brought [Page 202]back to the Assembly, where they call'd their God to witness the Sincerity of their Intentions, as to the matter of Peace; made their Presents to the three several Nations; and nominated me for Guarantee of their Treaty. Whereup­on I promoted their Interest as far as it lay in my Power, making the best of their Claim, and at last brought Matters to a good Accommodation; insomuch, that the Nachitoches promis'd to supply 'em with Salt, in exchange for their Skins and Grains. Upon the breaking up of the Convention, they took a reciprocal Oath to maintain Peace and an Amicable Correspondence one with another, and danc'd the Calu­met, according to the usual Custom of the Americans. Afterwards I took my leave of both those Nations.

The Nachitoches provided Five Guides to conduct me to the Village of the Yataches, and to go thither; I was oblig'd to pass on the River Onoroyste, about 30 Leagues. During our Course we found fifteen Cottages of the Naches, and took up our Lodging amongst 'em that Night, continually standing upon our Guard. The next day, having met with Twelve of 'em apart, we did not [Page 203]spare 'em, but reveng'd the Death of our French Men, whom they had bar­barously assassinated. After having travell'd for some Days, we arriv'd in the Territories of the Yataches, who are united to two other Nations, that make three Villages together, viz. the Yata­ches, the Onodo's, and the Choyo's. As soon as they had notice of our Arrival, they came three Leagues to meet us, and brought us good Provisions for our Refreshment. Afterwards we went out of the Champion Country to their Village, and the chief Elders enter­tain'd us at several Feasts. Then I made 'em some Presents, and desir'd that I might have Guides to conduct me to the Quodadiquio's. They made a great deal of difficulty to grant me any, by reason that three Days ago they massacred three of their Ambassa­dors; nevertheless, by the means of Entreaties and Protestations to defend 'em, they were at last prevail'd upon to furnish us with five.

When we drew near the three Vil­lages, we discern'd the Tracts of Horses and Men on the Road, and indeed in the Morning divers Horsemen appear'd, and offer'd to convey us thither. I [Page 204]was attended with 20 Fusileers, well arm'd, and so in a Condition to keep those Savages in awe. I had no sooner enter'd the Village, but a certain Wo­man, who held the first Rank in that Country,A remark­able Ad­venture. made an Address to me, and importun'd me to revenge her Hus­band's Death, who was kill'd by the Yataches. A little while after another Woman came to me, to make the same Complaint, and they apparently were the Wives of those Ambassadors, whom the Yataches had assassinated not long before. All the People seem'd to be concern'd at their Death; and forasmuch as they were very sollicitous about that Affair, I made a Promise both to the Widows, and to the People, to take Vengeance for the Murder of their Husbands and Ambassadors. Then they conducted me to their Temple, wash'd my Face with Water, before they permitted me to enter; and after having pray'd to God for the space of one quarter of an Hour, they led me back into the Cottage of one of those Women, where I was magnificently entertain'd. There I was inform'd, that the Seven French Men, who were separated from Cavelier, after the Death [Page 205]of M. de la Salle, were still living among the Nouadiches. I was extremely delight­ed with this piece of News, and hop'd to put an end to my Evils, if I could once find means to meet 'em again. Therefore having pass'd the rest of the Day among the Quadodiqui's, I en­treated 'em to furnish me with Guides, and assur'd 'em, That at my Return I would either oblige the Yataches to give 'em Satisfaction, or I would require Blood for Blood at their Hands.

People u­nited toge­ther.The Quodadiquio's are united to two other Nations, viz. the Napgitoche's and the Nassonis, whose Territories are si­tuated on the red River. These three Nations speak the same Language, yet their Assemblies are not conven'd by Villages, but by Habitations, very re­mote one from another. Their Coun­tries are very fine, affording abundance of Game, and variety of Fish; but there are very few Oxen. These People maintain cruel Wars against their Neigh­bours; insomuch, that their Villages are not very populous. They all have ve­ry sine Horses, which they call Cavalli­o's. The Men and Women have their Faces prick'd, and even all the other Parts of their Bodies: And indeed the [Page 206]Fantastical Humours of Men is altogether unaccountable, since that which in look'd upon as Deformity in one Country, pas­ses for Beauty in another. Their Ri­ver is call'd the Red, because it actually throws up abundance of Sand,The Red River. which renders it as red as Blood.

I set out from thence April 6. A. D. 1690. with two Slaves, who were my Guides, for the Country of the Noua­diches. As we were travelling on the Road, we met with certain Savages of that Nation a hunting, who assur'd us, that they had left our French Men at home, which was very joyful News to me, but at the same time I had the Misfortune to lose a young French Man of my Retinue: He found means to return three Days after, but without his Snap-sack, where I had put the best part of my Provisions, which created me a great deal of trouble. However, not thinking fit to take any notice of his Neglect, we took up our Quarters that Night within half a League of the Village of the Nouadiches, where the principal Elders came forth to meet us. I instantly enquir'd of 'em after our French Men, and they answer'd, that they were in good Health; but foras­much [Page 207]as they were not to be seen, I could promise my self no Good by it. The next day, being arriv'd at their Village, and none of 'em appearing, my Suspicion was still increas'd. The chief Governors of the Nation did not fail to offer me the Calumet; but I re­fus'd to accept of any thing at their Hands, till they had produc'd the French Men. When they perceiv'd that I per­sisted in my Resolution, they confess'd that our French Men having accompa­ny'd 'em in the War against the Spani­ards, were surrounded by the Horse; that three of 'em were kill'd; and that the other four retiring to the Quoanan­tino's, they never heard any Tidings of 'em since that time. I reply'd, That certainly they themselves had murder'd 'em; they deny'd it stiffly, and foras­much as I incessantly accus'd 'em, their Wives fell a weeping, and made me understand by their Tears, that the In­formation concerning their Death was too true.

The Nouadiches us'd their utmost Ef­forts to clear themselves, and offer'd me the Calumet a second time; I told 'em that I would not accept of it, till I were thoroughly convinc'd of their In­nocence [Page 208]as to that Point, and that never­theless if I could be serviceable to 'em in any thing, they should find my Fi­delity inviolable. The chief Com­mander answer'd my kind Expressions, with a Present of Ten sine Horses, well harness'd, and I gave him seven Hat­chets, with a Set of Glasses.

We left their Country May 29. and advanc'd within a Days Journey of the Palaquessons, where we were inform'd that the last Colony establish'd by M. de la Salle, on the Coast of the Gulph of Mexico, not having been able to maintain it self in a perfect Union, was quite dispers'd; that some were inter­mixed with the Savages, and that o­thers found Means to get to the French Plantations in other Places. There­fore not judging it expedient to seek for 'em where they were no longer to be found, I took a Resolution to re­turn the same way I came. In the mean while I endeavour'd to pass to the Village of Coroas, but a prodigious Inundation happening, by reason of the extraordinary Rains, which continu'd for Three Days successively, we were involv'd in the greatest Streight imagi­nable: For the Water every where [Page 209]rose up to the middle Leg at least; in­somuch, that we were forc'd to sleep, and to make Fires on thick Trees, and we thought our selves happy, in being then provided with Cassave, Beef and Veni­son: We continu'd three or four Days in this forlorn Condition, but as good Luck would have it, we discover'd a small Island, which the Waters had not as yet overflow'd, and we retir'd thi­ther for a Day and a Night: Our Hor­ses were somewhat recruited there, and the Ground being suddenly dry'd by the excessive Heat of the Season, and of the Climate, we got up in a Days Journey to the Village of Coroas. Coroas, a Savage People. I cannot suf­ficiently express the noble Entertain­ment we met with among those People, who employ'd several Persons every day in fishing and hunting, on purpose to treat us, and supply'd us with abun­dance of Pullets, Geese, Pigeons and Turkeys. But that which redoubled my Joy is, that two of those French Men, whom I sought for among the Nouadiches, were luckily found here; and that I had so favourable an Oppor­tunity to re-unite 'em to my Com­pany.

I took my leave of the Coroas, July 20th. and arriv'd on the 31th. in the Ter­ritories of the Akancea's, where I was seiz'd with a Fever, which oblig'd me to stay there till August 15. After I had a little recover'd my Strength, I set forward again in my Journey to the Country of the Islinois, and arriv'd there in the Month of September. Thus the Treaty of Peace concluded between the Taensa's and the Nachitoches; the pleasure of being most kindly enter­tain'd by all the Savage People; and the Satisfaction of bringing back two French Men, whom I had given over for lost; were the Fruits of my last Voyage.

By this Relation one may take an estimate of the Riches and Beauty of all those Countries, inhabited by so many People, that are all in a manner already brought under Subjection, and who have a perfect Idea of the Gran­deur of our Monarch. It cannot be conceiv'd how much that Continent a­bounds, as well in all sorts of Grain and Fruit, as in variety of Cattel. 'Tis surrounded on all sides with great Seas, the Shoars of which are very deep, and seem to present us with natural [Page 211]Ports; insomuch, that three or four Havens on the Gulph of Mexico would undoubtedly secure for us the Possession of those Territories. The French are generally so well belov'd, that to make themselves Masters of 'em, they have nothing to do but to settle there incon­tinently, and to plant their Colonies. What is wanting, may be transported thither by our Vessels; as in like man­ner, what is wanting in our Country, may be brought us from thence. For from those Parts we have our principal Stores of Skins; we might also get Silks, Timber for Ships, and divers o­ther Commodities. If there be a scarci­ty of Corn and Wine, 'tis less occasion'd by the defect of the Soil, than for want of the Improvement of Husbandry. Lastly, to procure all the Treasures of Nature, 'tis only requisite to bestow some Pains in seeking for 'em, and to improve 'em when found. Such is the State of Affairs in that Country: God grant that a happy and lasting Peace may soon put us in Possession, and se­cure us in the Enjoyment of these Ad­vantages.

A RELATION OF THE VOYAGE OF THE Sieur de Montauban, Captain of the French Privateers, on the Coasts of Guinea, A. D. 1695.

AFTER having been so often made sensible of the Malignant Influences of the Planet that governs at Sea; and having, by the means of a cross For­tune, lost all the Goods which I had gather'd together, with so great Care and Pains, I should take no Delight in calling to Mind the Misfortunes that put an end to my last Expe­dition; were it not that the Desire of being still more serviceable to the Publick, and to Private Persons, as also to testifie to his Ma­jesty the fervent Zeal I had for his Service, did not oblige me to set Pen to Paper, to [Page 8]give some Account of my Observations to M. Phelipeaux, in which he may discern with what Earnestness I penetrated into the most remote Colonies of the Enemies, to destroy 'em, and to ruin their Commerce.

I was not willing to enlarge this Relation with an Account of all the Voyages I made, and of all the particular Adventures that be­fell me on the Coasts of the New Spain, Car­thagena, Mexico, Florida, New-York, New-England, Newfoundland, the Canary Islands, and Cape Verd, where I cruis'd up and down above Twenty Years, having begun to fol­low the practice of Navigation at the Age of Sixteen. I might also add the Expedition of the Year 1691. in which, being Commander of the Ship, call'd The Machine, I ravag'd the Coasts of Guinea, enter'd the great River of Serrelion, seiz'd on the Fort of the English, in which there were 80 pieces of Cannon, and caus'd 'em to be blown up, that they might not be refitted: But I will confine my self to the Narrative of my last Voyage, be­cause 'tis the latest, and that which is still fresh in Memory, as having been made known buplickly by the Report that was spread abroad in France and elsewhere, about the firing of my Ship, and the blowing me up into the Air, after so prodigious a man­ner.

In the Year 1684. after having ravag'd the Coast of Carrack I got the Wind to Santa Cruz, and was inform'd there, that a Con­voy of Ships was to set out from the Islands [Page 9]of Barbadoes and Nevi [...] for England. Where­upon I was oblig'd to go to the Latitude of Bermudas, with a Design to seize on that small Fleet, and in hopes of getting a good Prize. I was no sooner arriv'd, but they appear'd steering directly towards me, with­out any manner of Fear; but I attack'd the Convoy, call'd the Wolf, with two other Merchant-Ships, laden with Sugar; the rest having found means to escape, during the Fight. As I was carrying off this Prize, I met with another English Vessel of Sixteen Guns, that came from Spain, and was like­wise sailing for England: She surrender'd after a slight Engagement, and I convey'd her to Rachel, where the Court of Admiralty adjudg'd her to me as lawful Prize. After having sold her, I brought my three other Ships to Bordeaux, where I arriv'd in the Month of September, A. D. 1694. These were in like manner allow'd to be good Prize, and I immediately sought for Mer­chants to dispose of 'em.

In the mean while my Free-Booters, who had not seen France for a long time, being now arriv'd in a great City, in which Vo­luptuousness and Luxury are predominant, were desirous to make themselves some a­mends for the Fatigues they had endur'd, during so long an Absence from their Na­tive Country: Insomuch, that they rio­tously wasted vast Sums of Money, and gave way to all Actions of Extravagance. The Merchants and Victuallers made no [Page 10]scruple to trust 'em, or to supply 'em with whatever they desir'd, upon the Reputation of their Wealth, and the Report that was given out in the City, with reference to the great Prizes in which they had a Share. Thus they pass'd all the Nights in variety of Divertisements, and the Days in running about the Streets in Masquerade, causing themselves to be carry'd in Chairs, with lighted Torches at Noon-day: This Ex­cess of Debauchery destroy'd some of 'em, and four others deserted me; so that per­ceiving that I lost my Men, notwithstanding all my Precaution, and all the Prohibitions that I could make, I determin'd to retire from the City as soon as 'twas possible, to preserve the rest of my Company.

At first I fill'd up again the Vacancy of those that were lost, by an equal number of young Men of Bordeaux, who in a short time were as capable of playing their Parts as the oldest. And indeed, I always take a particular Care to instruct my Men in the best manner of firing a Piece, and the fre­quent Exercise, with which I usually train 'em up, within a little while, renders 'em as expert in shooting right at a Mark, and in handling their Arms, as the most ancient Free-booters of the Sea, and the most skil­ful Hunters on Land.

After having victuall'd my Ship, which carry'd about 34 Pieces of Ordnance, I set out from Bordeaux in the Month of Februa­ry, A. D. 1695. with a Design to cruise on [Page 11]the Coasts of Guinea, in Africa. To that purpose I pass'd to the Islands Azores, which lie in the 37th. Degree of Latitude, and rov'd up and down during Eight Days, without discovering any thing. From thence I steer'd to the Canary Islands, situated in the 25th. Degree, and descry'd the Pike of Te­neriff at a very great distance, which is reput­ed to be the highest Mountain in the World. 'Tis reported that those Islands took their Name from Doggs, call'd Canes in Latin, great Numbers of which were found there by the Portugueses. I sail'd round about 'em for Fourteen Days, to wait for certain Dutch Vessels, which (as I was inform'd) were to come that way; and indeed, they actually appear'd, but enter'd the Port be­fore I could come up with 'em; which Dis­appointment oblig'd me to steer my Course for Cape Blanc, and the Islands of Cape Verd, which lie between the 14. and the 18. Degree of Southern Latitude. Upon my Arrival, I met with two English Ships riding at Anchor in the Road of the Island of May. I sent out my Shallop to discover 'em; and forasmuch as she brought me word, that they were Pri­vateers or Interlopers, of 30 Guns apiece, I took a Resolution to take 'em by boarding; and therefore tack'd about, to make up to 'em: But whilst I was running a Course on one of the Points of the Island, those Vessels did not stay till I had tack'd about again; but suspecting my Design, they speedily set sail, leaving their Cables, Anchors and Shal­lops on the Road.

I pursu'd 'em all that day; but the Night approaching, I lost the sight of 'em, and re­turn'd to the Road, from whence they set out, to hoist up the Cables and Anchors, and to sink the Shallops, to which they were fasten'd. Afterwards I steer'd my Course to the Island of St. Vincent, to pay my Ship, and to take in fresh Water and Wood. This Island is one of those of Cape Verd, or Green-Head, where I stay'd Eight Days, and at the end of that Term, having receiv'd Information from a Portuguese Bark, that there were two English Privateers of 20 or 30 Guns at the Island of Fuogo, one of which was refitting, by reason of an En­gagement she had with another Privateer, I immediately weigh'd Anchor, and made that Island, which is not very far distant from those of St. Vincent, hoping to meet with the Enemies there; but upon my Arrival I was inform'd by the Portugueses, that they had left the said Island de Fuogo, five Days before, in the Night, without giving any notice of their Course. Whereupon I steer'd mine to the Coasts of Guinea, and touch'd first at the Cape of three Points, where I met with the Guard-Ship which was a Dutch Frigat of 34 Pieces of Ordnance, and was cruising on the Main. She did not fail to descry me, and forthwith sail'd directly towards me, to make a Discovery: Forasmuch as I also had a sight of her, and wish'd for an Opportu­nity to fight her, I caus'd a Dutch Flag to be set up, to avoid disheartning her, and to [Page 13]give her Liberty to draw near within my Cannon-Shot. When I perceiv'd her to be near enough, I put out the French Colours, and made a Signal co her to strike Sail [...] but she incontinently let fly a Broad-side at me with a great deal of Courage and receiv'd mine in like manner. Thus we continu'd battering one another, from Morning, till Four a Clock in the Afternoon:Neither was I able to get the Weather gage, nor to come to a close Engagement, to make use of my B [...]anier Fusees to good purpose, in which consists the principal Force of our Privateers, nor to hinder her, by the means of the Advantage of the Wind, which she still kept over me, from casting Anchor under the Fort of the Cape of the three Points; where there were also two ther Dutch Men of War, one of which carry'd 14 Guns, and the other 18.

I was apt to believe at first, that those three Ships would joyn together in quest of me; so that I tack'd round about during a whole Day, to wait for 'em, and cast An­chor within a League of the Road, hoping that at last the Shame of seeing themselves insulted over, after such a manner, would excite 'em to endeavour to revenge the Af­front. But all these Efforts were in vain, and apparently the Guard-Ship was too much disabled to stand in need of a second Engagement. A small Portuguese Vessel that pass'd by soon after, gave me to understand, that those Ships were the same, that had [Page 14]oblig'd the Sieur [...] Roy, Commander of the King's Pink, call'd the Deep, to abandon the Coast, which was afterwards confirm'd by the Sieur Roy himself, at the Prince's I­sland, where we happen'd to meet.

Thus having perceiv'd, that the Enemies refus'd to sight, and judging that in would be disadvantageous to me to attack 'em un­der the Cannon of the Fort; I took a Reso­lution to go to Cape de Lopez, and to the Islands of the Prince, and of St. Thomas. By the way, I went to discover St. John's Cape, which is on the Continent of Guinee, as well as that of this three Points, and I lucki­ly met with an English Ship of 20 Guns, la­den with 350 Negro's, Elephants Teeth, and Wax. It cost me no great trouble to take her, and the Captain told me that he came from Ardra, where he took on board 550 Negro's, some of whom he caus'd to be put to Death, for revolting against the Ship's Crew, and others made their Escape to Land in his Shallop, which they had ta­ken away. Ardra is one of the principal Towns of Guinee, situated on the Sea-shoar, being the usual Place of Residence of a Prince, who governs a large Tract of Land in that Country.

From thence I pass'd to the Prince's I­sland, in the sight of which I took a small Caper of Brandenburg, arm'd with Eight Pieces of Cannon, and 70 Men: She was wont to cruise in that Latitude, and to seize on small Barks that pass'd by that way, [Page 15]without any Distinction of Nation or Co­lours. Afterwards I enter'd the Harbour, to cause my Ship, which was very soul, to be cleans'd, and to dispatch the English Prize, I had taken just before: I sent her to St. Do­mingo, in America, to be condemn'd there, under the Command of the Sieur de Nave, with a sufficient number of Men, whom I took out of my own Ship. But I was inform'd some time after, that she was retaken by certain English Men of War, who were be­fore the lesser Goeree.

In the mean while, not to suffer my Ma­riners to lead an idle kind of Life, I gave Orders to the Officers to cause my Ship to be careen'd, and with the Brandenburg Caper I had taken, and 90 Men, whom I put on boards her, we steer'd our Course, during a Month and half, cruising up and down the Coasts of Guinee, or round about the Islands of the Prince, and of St. Omer, with­out meeting any Enemy. Afterwards I re­turn'd to the Road of the former of those Islands, where I caus'd my Ship to be victu­all'd with all possible speed; and having made every thing ready, I weigh'd Anchor, and stood in directly for St. Thomas's Island, with a Design to sell or to truck away the Caper I had taken. And indeed, I barter'd her for Provisions, not having a sufficient Store to serve us whilst we cruis'd along the Coasts of Angola, where I determin'd to pass five or six Months, to avoid a Privateer which the English were building in those Parts of [Page 16] Guinee: They actually fitted out three Men of War and a Fire-Ship, to seek for me in the Road of St. Thomas, where they judg'd that I was to continue for some time. At my departure from that Island I descry'd a Ship riding at Anchor, and making towards her, I gave her Chafe for a long time, but I could not by any means hinder her from getting a-shoar, and falling in with the Island of St. Omer. I mifs'd in not taking her 150 Pounds of Gold Dust, which that Dutch Interloper had traded for on the Coast.

Afterwards I steer'd to the Coasts of An­gola, which are situated above 250 Leagues beyond the Equinoctial Line. I arriv'd there September 22. and got Information at the distance of three Leagues from the Port of Gabin [...]la, that there were two En­glish Vessels, laden with Negro's. Foras­much as I lay under the Wind of that Port, I kept off from the Shoar, hoping that the next day the South-west Wind, that usually blows from the Main, would convey me di­rectly into the Port. That Morning, very early, I descry'd a Ship with English Co­lours making up towards me, yet I did not at first take her to be a Man of War, but dis­cover'd some time after, that she carry'd 54 Pieces of Ordnance. I us'd all the Pre­caution imaginable not to fright her away, and set up Dutch Colours to make up to her with greater Facility: The English Ship on the other side did almost the same thing, [Page 17]and by the Cannon-Shot, which she boldly discharg'd from time to time, endeavour'd to draw near us. Having perceiv'd her Design, I feign'd to wait for her coming up steering very slowly, to induce her to believe that my Ship was over loaded, or that our Course was hinder'd for want of Sails, or a sufficient Complement of Men. We pass'd after this manner from Break of Day, till Ten a Clock in the Morning: She incessantly maintain'd her Flag with Cannon-shot without Balls; but perceiving at last that I did not do the like to make good mine, and that we were already come within Gun-shot one of another, she let off a Cannon load with Ball, which oblig'd me to put out French Colours, and to an­swer her Salute. At the sight of that Flag, the English Man of War, without endea­vouring to get the Wind of us, let fly two Broad-side, which I receiv'd without so Men kill'd: I stop'd that being come a little nearer, I might render her uncapable of making an Escape; using my utmost Ef­forts to get close within Fusee-shot, deter­mining to embolden her to come on Board, since I was not in a condition to board her, because we were to the Leeward. At last, having approach'd by little and little, and seeing her within the reach of my Fusileers, who lay hid under Deck, I caus'd 'em to get up, and they made so continual a Fire, that they soon abated that of the Enemies.

In the mean while, forasmuch as their Company consisted of above Three Hun­dred Men, and they were also sensible that their Design could not be accomplish'd by the discharging of their Cannon, a Reso­lution was taken to board us, which they did with hideous Outcrys, and Threats, to give us no Quarter, unless we surren­der'd: But their Grappling-Irons not being able to lay hold on the Stern of my Ship, theirs ran in such a manner, that she dash'd her Poop against my Boltsprit, and broke it in pieces.

Than my Men taking the Advantage of the Hurry and Disorder, lost none of their aim, and fir'd so furiously for an Hour and half, that the Enemy being no longer able to resist; and having lost many of their Mariners, began to despond, and retir'd underneath the Decks. I also perceiv'd almost at that very instant that they made me a sign with their Hats to give 'em Quar­ter. Whereupon I caus'd my Men to de­sist from firing, and commanded the English to embark in their Shallops, in order to surrender themselves on board my Ship. At the same time I appointed some of my Attendants to leap into that of the Ene­mies, to seize on it, and to prevent all manner of Surprize. I was already over­joy'd at the taking of so considerable a Prize; and so much the rather, in regard that after having master'd that Vessel, which was the Guard-Ship of Angola, and [Page 19]the largest that the English had in those Seas; I should be in a condition to ge [...] better Prizes, and to attack any Man of War whatever: My Men were no less joyful than my self; some of whom were going from on Board, and others were employ'd in veering the Cable, with a great deal of sa­tisfaction, when on a suddain Fire, having taken the Powder in the Gun-room, by the means of a Match, which the Captain had left there, hoping to escape with his two Shallops; the Ships being grappl'd to­gether, were both blown up into the Air, and made the most dreadful Noise that e­ver was heard. 'Tis impossible to make a lively Representation of that sad Spectacle; for since the Spectators were themselves the Actors in so bloody a Tragedy, they knew not whether they saw it or not, and were not able to judge, but of what they them­selves had felt: Therefore leaving it to the Reader to imagine the Horror that might arise from the sight of two Ships that are blown up into the Air with Gun­powder, above the height of 200Toises. Fathoms, forming as it were an huge Mountain of Fire, Water, Fragments of the Ships, Cords, pieces of Ordnance and Men, with a deadly Havock; during which, amidst the noise of the Guns that were let off in the Air, and of the roaring Waves that swell'd upon all sides; one might also hear the horrible crashing of the shatter'd Masts and Ta­bles, of the torn Sails and Cords; of the [Page 20]Men crying out, and of the broken Bones, leaving all that I say to the Imagination of the Reader, I shall only declare here what befel my self, and by what good Fortune I escap'd.

When the Fire took, I stood on the Deck of my Ship in the Fore-Castle, where I was giving Orders, and was blown up with some part of the Deck so violently, that (as I take it) the extreme Height, to which I was hurry'd, hinder'd me from being involv'd among the Fragments of the Ships, where I must inevitably have been crush'd in a thousand pieces: I fell back into the Sea, quite stunn'd, and continu'd for a long while under Water without being able to recover my self; till at last strug­gling in the Water, as a Man, who is a­fraid of being drown'd, I got above it, and caught hold of a piece of Mast that say near me. Then I cry'd out to some of my Men whom I saw swimming round about me, and exhorted 'em to be of good Courage, hoping that we might save our selves if we could find some of our Shallops. But that which troubl'd me more than my own Misfortune, was the sight of two half Bo­dies, in which there was still some Re­mainder of Life, floating on the Water, and leaving the Place where they sunk stain'd with their Blood; as also to see round a­bout me an infinite number of Limbs and Members torn from Bodies, and the greatest part of 'em spitted on the Sprinters [Page 21]of Wood. In the mean while, one of my Men having espy'd an entire Shallop amidst the Wreck, that swam on the Water, told me that 'twas requisite to endeavour to stop a Hole therein, and to take out a small Boat, which was enclos'd within it. Whereupon about Fifteen or Sixteen of us, who had escaped, made up to the Shallop, every one on his piece of Wood, and took so great Care to clear our Boat, that at last our Attempt prov'd successful. Thus we all got into it, and not long after sav'd our Master-Gunner, who had one of his Legs shot off in the Fight. We took up three or four Ours, or pieces of Planks, that serv'd us for the same use. Then we sought for somewhat to make a Sail, and a small Mast; and after having fur­nish'd our selves in the best manner we pos­sibly could, we entirely rely'd upon the Di­vine Providence, which alone was able to secure our Life and Safety.

As soon us I had ceas'd from Work, I found my self all over besmear'd with Blood that run our of a Wound I receiv'd in my Head, and which was apparently occasion'd by my being blown up. There fore Lint was made for me with my Handkerchief, and a Band with a piece of my Shirt, having first wash'd the Wound with Urine. The same thing was done for others of our Company, who were wounded, whilst our Shallop sail'd without any sight of Land, neither did we know whither we were steering; but that [Page 22]which added to our Affliction was, that we had no Provisions, and had already pass'd three Days without either eating or drink­ing; insomuch, that one of our Men, quite worn out with Hunger and Thirst, drank so great a quantity of salt Water, that he burst. The greatest part of our Company vomited continually, whether they receiv'd any Injury from the Water they swallow'd upon their falling into the Sea, as if befel me, or from that which they were nocessi­tated to drink. As for my self, I was a long time indispos'd, so that my Body swell'd extremely, and a great number of small Pimples broke forth throughout my Body: But I am apt to believe, the cure of my Dropsie, and the Health that I have in some measure recover'd, and which is by degrees more and more restor'd, to be chiefly owing to a Quartan-Ague, that seiz'd on me a little while after that Mis­fortune. I do not reckon up the other In­conveniences that were occasion'd by so desperate a Blow, it being impossible that they should not befal any Person under my Circumstances. The Fire of the Powder burnt all my Hair, my whole Face, and all over one side of my Body, and I became sensible of that Accident, which commonly happens among the Cannoniers, who serve at Sea; that is to say, I voided Blood thro' the Nose, Ears and Mouth. I know not whether the Blast of the Gun-powder pro­duces that Effect, by excessively dilating the [Page 23]Vessels that contain the Blood in our Body, so that the ends of the Branches let it out, or whether the great Noise and Commotion that it causes in those Organs, opliges the Veins to open: But let the case be how it will, 'tis of no great moment, since this is not a proper Place to hold a Consultation of Physitians, as long as we are ready to be starv'd with Hunger; nor to enquire what became of all the English Men, when we had much ado to save our selves.

We continu'd our Course by rowing up the Current, because we knew it came from the Port of Cabinda; but forasmuch as the Wind was contrary, we could never reach it; and we were forc'd to content our selves only to make Cape Corsa if it were possible, which is distan. Twelve Leagues from that of Cathersna, where we were not able to land, by reason of a Bar, which renders the Coast inaccessible. That was our Design, but Hunger hinder'd us from putting it in Execution, and 'twas requisite to overcome the Obstacles that Nature laid in our way, by getting a-shoar notwithstanding the Ba [...] which we did at last, with a great deal of Difficulty, hoping to meet with some Ne­gro, who might supply us with Victuals. Therefore one of our Company being de­tach' to seek for somewhat to appease our Hunger, had the good Luck to find in a Pond that the Sea had form'd hard by, good store of Oysters sticking to certain Branches, and immediately ran to give us notice of [Page 24]this Discovery. Whereupon we all got up the Channel, to that Pond; and being arriv'd there, eat Oysters with a very good Appetite; opening 'em with Knives we had in our Pockets, which we lent one to ano­ther very charitably. After having spent two Daye there, I divided my Men into three small Bands, and sent 'em to seek for Provisions and Habitations farther up the Land, with Orders to return to the Shallop in the Evening. I also went forth with the rest, but we did not meet with an Habitati­on, nor any Footsteps of Men. We only saw many Herds of Buffies, of the bigness of an Ox, which fled from us as we drew near 'em . Thus the whole Day being spent, without finding any thing, we all came back to the Shallop to feed upon Oysters, and took a Resolution to depart from that Place the next day, to go to Cape Corsa, to the Lee­ward of which is situated a large Port, where the Vessels that come from Cruising, take in fresh Water and Wood. The Ne­gro's who inhabit the Country as soon as they are inform'd of the Arrival of any Vessels, by the discharging of their Cannon, instantly repair to the Shoar, bringing Pro­visions to be exchang'd for Brandy, Knives, Hatchets, and other Toys. They are oblig'd to take up their Habitation far from the Sea, by reason that all those Coasts are sur­rounded with Marshy Grounds. We were no sooner arriv'd at that Cape, but we heard a great noise made by the Negro's, [Page 25]who came to self Wood to the Ships that lay at Anchor in the Port, and I made enqui­ry among 'em, endeavouring to find out some of my Acquaintance: For since they had very frequently supply'd me with ne­cessary Refreshments, Wood and other Com­modities in my other Voyages; I hop'd to meet with some Persons that had Know­ledge of me; but altho I knew many of 'em, nevertheless 'twas almost impossible to perswade 'em, that I was Captain Mon­tauban, in regard that I was so much dis­figur'd; and they all took me for an Impostor that design'd to impose on their Credulity. However, I took the Liberty to tell 'em in their Language, which I understood a little, that I was ready to starve with Hunger, and that I entreated 'em to give me some­what to eat: But I could not prevail by any means whatever, and 'twas absolutely requisite for me to beg the favour of 'em to conduct me to Prince Thomas, who is the Son of the King of that Country, hoping that he would call to mind the good Offices I had formerly done him.

At last I found means to introduce my whole Company into the Presence of that Prince. We pass'd at first thro the Habita­tions of those Negro's, and began by lit­tle and little, to make some Impressions on their Mind; insomuch, that they gave us some Banna's, which are a kind of Figs, longer than ones Hand. The next day we arriv'd at Prince Thomas's Seat, but I was [Page 26]in so sorry an Equipage, that I could not make him take any Cognizance of me, by all the signs I gave him, either in the Moor­ish Language, or in that of the Portugueses, which he speaks very fluently. Forasmuch as in bathing with him one day, he had seen a Scar occasion'd by a Musquet-shot I had receiv'd in my Thigh; he told me that 'twas requisite at that very Instant to know whether I really were Capt. Montau­ban; and if I were not the Person, he would take Care that I should lose my Head. Whereupon he ask'd me whether I had not such a Scar; so that after having shew'd it to him, he immediately embrac'd me, and told me that he was very much concern'd to see me in so deplorable a Condition. At first he caus'd wholsome Victuals to be distributed to all my Retinue, and caus'd 'em to be lodg'd in separate Apartments, giving particular Or­ders to the Negro's, with whom they were quarter'd, to take all possible Care of 'em. As for my self, he retain'd me in his Court, and caus'd me continually to eat at his own Table. When I was a little refresh'd, he acquaint­ed me with his Intention to conduct me to his Father, whose usual Place of Residence was five or six Leagues distant from thence; that is to say, ten or twelve from the Sea­shoar. Whereupon I gave him to under­stand, that I was very sensible of the Ho­nour he did me, with extreme Satisfaction, and humbly entreated him at the same time to give me leave to take my Free-Booters a­long [Page 27]with me, and to bestow on us some Pieces of Stuff to put us in an Equipage fit to appear before so great a Monarch: He condescended to grant every thing that I desir'd, so that three Days after, we set out altogether in a large Canoo, and pass'd up the River of Cape de Lopez, by reason that the Country is so full of Fenns and Marshes, that one cannot travel thro' it by Land.

Upon our Arrival at the King's Court, in a Village, consisting of three Hundred Cot­tages, cover'd with Palm-Tree-Leaves, where the King keeps his Wives and Relati­ons, with some other Negro Families, that have obtain'd the greatest Share of his Favour; a Lodging was provided for me in Prince Thomas's Apartments, and all my Attendants were dispos'd of in others. We found the Inhabitants making great La­mentation and Mourning, because the chief Priest of their Religion, whom they call'd Papa, dy'd that very Day; and in regard that the Funeral Pomp was to commence, which is usually continu'd for Seven Days, for Priests of his Quality. Indeed he was in great Veneration and Esteem among those People, who look'd upon him as a Holy Man. Forasmuch as during the whole time of that doleful Solemnity, the King was in Mourning, and admitted none to pub­lick Audience, Prince Thomas advis'd me to wait patiently, and not to stir out of my Lodging, unless it were to visit his Majesty, because it was the Custom of his Nation.

However, I could not forbear going to take a view of the Funeral Procession, yet could discern nothing but a great Concourse of People round about the Corps of the De­ceased Person. In the mean while, I was well entertain'd by the Order of Prince Thomas, who was gon to see his Father. Indeed there was no want of Banana's, Elephants Flesh, and River-Fish; but we had neither Bread nor Wine, nor any kind of Sawce, as it may be easily imagin'd. My Men were treated in like manner in their Apartments, during the whole time of our Abode in that Place.

At the end of Eight Days Prince Thomas came to us, and introduc'd as into the Pre­sence of the King his Father; he is a portly Negro, of a tall Stature, well shap'd, and aged about Fifty Years; who, to do me greater Honour, upon his Son's Recommen­dation, went out of his House, on purpose to receive me, and advanc'd some Paces for­ward to meet me. He leant on four or five Women, who supported him on all sides, shewing a certain Grandeur, after a very confused and odd manner. He was surrounded with a great number of Negroes, arm'd with Lances and Fusees, which they discharg'd from time to time with very lit­tle Order: Many Trumpeters and Drum­mers march'd before him, and at the Head of that Company were carry'd divers Stan­dards, of the Colour of those of Holland. He had no other Cloaths than a piece of Cot­ton-Cloth, [Page 29]with white and blue Stripes, with which some Parts were only cover'd by several Folds made round about his Body.

He was pleas'd to make me sensible of his Amity and Respect for me, by many Demon­strations; and having stretch'd out his Hand, told me, that 'twas the first time he gave it to any Man. When we were arriv'd at his House, he sat down at the Door, and caus'd me to be placed on one side, and his Son on the other. Then he ask'd me several Que­stions about the Grandeur and Power of the King my Master; and after I had acquaint­ed him, that he alone at present carry'd on a War against the English and Hollanders, (of whom his Majesty had some knowledge, as having often seen 'em at Cape de Lopez) and that he likewise maintain'd it against the Germans and Spaniards, more potent Na­tions than the former, he told me that he was well satisfied with my Narrative, and that he had a mind to drink a Health to the King of France. Whereupon some Palm-Wine was immediately brought to him, which was not very disagreeable to the Pa­late, and his Female Attendants ferv'd him with it in a large Crystal-Glass. As soon as he began to take the Glass, the Negroes and Negresses, who attended in great numbers, held up his right Arm, and continually kept it steady in the same posture, till he had made an end of drinking. Afterwards a great noise was made with the Trumpets and Drums, and a Volley of Musket, or rather Fusee-shot.

Then Prince Thomas ask'd me what was the Name of the King of Frande; and after I had made Answer that he was call'd Lewis the Great, he told me he was desirous that I should stand God-father to a Child he had, aged only seven or eight Months, and that I should name him Lewis the Great; whereupon I could not forbear smiling a little. He pro­mis'd me likewise that at the first Voyage I should make to his Country he would deli­ver him into my Hands, to be convey'd to France, and presented to the King, for whose Service he design'd him; being well pleased that his Son should be educated after the manner of that Nation, and in the Court of so great a Monarch. I also engag'd on the other side, that the very first time I should come back to Guinee, I would not fail to put him in mind of his Promise, to the end that at my Return to France I might set before the King the greatest Present that could pos­sibly be made; namely, the Son of Prince Thomas. Pray assure him (said that Prince) that I am one of his particular Frineds, and that if he stand in need, of my Service I will pass over into France, with all the Lances and Fusees belonging to the King my Father; that is to say, with all the Forces of the Kingdom. Then the King resuming his Discourse gave me to understand, that he also would take a Progress thither in Person, if it were requi­site, and immediately all the Negroes and Negresses made so hideous an Out-cry, that I was extremely surpriz'd: That Cry no [Page 31]sooner ceas'd, but the Fusileers discharg'd a Volley of all their Fire-arms, the Trumpets sounding, and Drums beating; and the Lance-men fell a running from one side to another backward and forward, with great Shouts; so that I could not choose but be somewhat frighted: And indeed, I did not know the meaning of that Uproar, neither was I able to recover my self, till I per­ceiv'd that the King drank a Health to the King of France a second time, with the some Ceremonies as before; that; Prince Thomas pledg'd his Father, and that 'twas order'd that we should all drink at the same time. Which being done accordingly, the King caus'd two Loaves of Wax to be brought to him, made me a Present of 'em, desiring me to accept of 'em as a Mark of his Friendship, and afterwards enter'd his House.

This Audience being thus concluded, Prince Thomas conducted me thro' all the Quarters of the Village, where he went to visit his Friends, and on the following Days we pass'd to divers other Villages, situated farther up the Country at the distance of five or six Leagues one from another. These People, the greatest part of whom never tra­vell'd to the Sea-shoar, and consequently never had a sight of white Men, ran from all parts to see us, and brought us greater quantities of Fruit, and of Flesh, of Buffles and Elephants, than we could eat. The E­lephants of that Country are not altogether like those of the East-Indies; being but of [Page 32]one kind, as also are those of Cofala, near Zanguebar, on the Eastern Coasts of Ethio­pia. The Negroes eat 'em with a great deal of Delight, and esteem their Flesh beyond any other: They make their most sumptu­ous Feasts with 'em, and those who were de­sirous to do us most Honour, presented 'em to us instead of Buffles; on which, never­theless I set a greater Value.

Forasmuch as they were not able to com­prehend the difference of Colour between our Complexion and theirs, they stroak'd our Faces with their Hands, to see whether the white Colour would pass away; nay, divers of our Company had their Hands scrap'd with Knives, sometimes even till they were hurt, yet we durst not complain of that rough usage: However, Prince Thomas perceiving it, commanded his At­tendants not to suffer 'em thus to rub and scratch our Fingers, and spoke aloud to the People that ran after us, telling 'em that all Foreigners were white, and that if the Ne­groes travell'd into other Countries, they would appear as strange to those Natives, as we did among them in Guinee. Nay, he of­ten smil'd to see the Multitude continually running after us, as if we had been some un­known Animals; and I know not whether he were displea'd to see us thus pester'd by the Importunity of the Negroes, or whether he might not take some Delight in observing the Sottishness of those People: And indeed, I had sometimes an opportunity to take notice of all their extravagant Fopperies.

At last, after three Days Journey, accom­pany'd with variety of Divertisements, the Prince convey'd me thro' another Road to take leave of his Father. The King caress'd me in a most obliging manner, according to the Custom of his Nation, and made me promise to visit him the first time I return'd to Guinee. Afterwards we embark'd in his Canoo, and arriv'd the next day at Prince Thomas's Village, where he continu'd the no­ble Entertainments, with which he was wont to treat us. Then he told me that he was desirous that I should perform the Office of a Godfather to his Son, and I comply'd so much the more willingly, in regard that I had an Opportunity of contributing some­what to the making of a Christian, and the sanctifying of a Soul.

But forasmuch as I doubted whether the Priest of the Village knew how to baptize, or remember'd the Words that ought to be pronounc'd in the Administration of that Sa­crament, I entreated the Prince to provide some of those Priests who were in the Portu­guese Vessels, and he accordingly sent for one to Cape de Lopez, who arriv'd two Days af­ter. The Christian Religion was first in­troduc'd into that Country by the Portugue­ses, altho' it be true indeed, that they do not maintain it therein as much as it is requisite: But the Obstacles that hinder the Propagati­on of it, proceed without doubt from the dif­ficulty of inhabiting an almost wild and bar­ren Country, where the Air and Provisions [Page 34]are not natural to Foreigners: Therefore in order to its firm Establishment in those Parts, 'twould be expedient for the Europe­ans to have settled Habitations, or to build Towns there, to instruct the Negroes in the Articles of Faith, and Mysteries of the Gos­pel, and to send Missions thither from time to time; which might be done with great Facility, by reason that those People are ex­tremely docil, and very capable of imbibing good Principles, and of embracing any Do­ctrine that one would go about to teach 'em, since they have liv'd for a long time without any manner of Belief, or any Idea of ano­ther Religion. These Negroes being thus converted to Christianity, some of 'em might be ordain'd Priests, who might be furnish'd with Rituals, and other Books relating to the Ceremonies of the Church, and a Catechism for the regulating of their Faith, till they were capable of reading the New Testa­ment. It would also be requisite to establish a Bishop in that Town, who should take care to send Priests into the several Habita­tions of the Negroes throughout the Coun­try, and to cause Oratories to be built in the most populous Places.

Thus the Christian Religion might be propagated in Guinee, and would be less lia­ble to be extirpated by the Wars that the Natives make with foreign People. A Re­formation might also be effectually carry'd on among the Christians, who reside in the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, and a mutu­al [Page 35]Correspondence might be maintain'd be­tween the Priests of that Nation, and those of Guinee, to the end that they might assist one another in the Preservation of Religion throughout all the Coasts of Africa. Indeed Christianity was planted almost after the same manner among the Gentiles, who had a much greater Aversion to our Faith, than the Negroes of Guinee have at present. The Priests, who are to be found thereabouts, are not for the most part real Priests; not having been ordain'd by any Bishop, and having only substituted themselves in the room of those who died in their Country: Neither have they retain'd any thing that sa­vours never so little of Christianity, altho' they perform may Ceremonies, and have some Appearance of the Administration of the Sacraments.

But to return to our private Christening; upon the Arrival of the Portuguese Priest, Prince Thomas's Son was actually Baptiz'd, and nam'd Lewis the Great, according to his Father's Intention: A certain Negress of his Relations stood Godmother, and I my self was Godfather. I was told that that Lady bore the name of Antonia, which she receiv'd from the Wife of a Portuguese Captain, who held her at the Baptismal Font. Two or three Days after the Celebration of this So­lemnity, which was perform'd with all the Magnificence that could be expected among the Negroes; some of prince Thomas's Guards, who were posted, at Cape de Lopez, [Page 36]to give notice of the Arrival of the Ships, came to acquaint him with that of an English Vessel. Whereupon I entreated him to give me leave to embark therein, to return to my native Country, in order to my perfect Recovery from that illness, under which I still labour'd. But he was not willing that I should put my self into the Hands of my Enemies; and desir'd me to have a little Patience, till the Arrival of some Portuguese, with whom he would readily permit me to go. However, he went to Cape de Lopez, to truck away Elephants Teeth, Wax, and Negroes, for Iron, Arms and Brandy, and return'd after ten or twelve Days, when he told me, that a Portuguese Vessel lay at An­chor at Cape de Lopez; that 'twas requisite to cause my self to be convey'd in Canoos, to embark there; that he had recommended me to the Captain; and that I should want nothing that was necessary for me during my Voyage to Europe.

Then I took care to get all my Men to­gether, except two, whom I did not think fit to wait for, because they had taken a Pro­gress into the Country for five or six Days, and I knew not where to find 'em. There­fore we embark'd in the Canoos of that Prince, after having solemnly taken my leave of him; and being arriv'd at Cape de Lopez; I perceiv'd that the Portuguese Com­mander was an old Acquaintance of mine, with whom I had contracted Friendship at the Island of St. Thomas. Whereupon I took [Page 37]Ship with him, and three Days after, we cast Anchor before the same Island; the Go­vernour of which shew'd me a world of kind­ness, and did the like to all my Men, during a whole Month that we were oblig'd to stay in that Port. At the expiration of that time, an English Ship arriv'd, which had been steering her Course on the Golden Coasts. I soon got into the Acquaintance of the Captain, and at last we became so in­timate Friends, that I thought my self bound in Honour to accept of the kind Of­fers he made me, He entreated me to em­bark with him, and assur'd me, that at Bar­badoes, to which place he was bound, I should meet with all the Supplies, necessary for the recovering of my Health; because there were certain able Jewish Physitians, who were his particular Friends. Therefore I went on board his Ship, with all my Men, notwithstanding all the Reasons alledg'd by the Governour of the Island, to induce me to suspect the English Captain, who was without doubt one of the most courteous and upright Men of his Nation: He was so kind as to resign his Cabbin to me, and to afford me all the Delights and Divertisements that can be imagin'd, to mitigate the Pains I en­dur'd from time to time.

Ten Days after our Departure from St. Thomas, having lost the Rudder of our Ship, we were oblig'd to set up a Mast in its place, which was put thro' the Port-holes of the Gun-room, and we were forc'd to steer [Page 38]with it, during the whole time of our Voy­age, which continu'd three Months. When we stood in for Barbadoes, our Provisions be­gan to fail, and there only remain'd what was sufficient for three Days, insomuch, that the Captain being much offended at his be­ing overcharg'd with my Men, order'd three quarters of their Allowance to be retrench'd; and as soon as we arriv'd in the Port, went to salute M. Russel, who was Governour of the Island. He gave him a particular Ac­count of the Engagement I had with the Guard-Ship of Angola, and was very much blam'd for bringing me to Barbadoes. After­wards, returning to his Ship, he related to me every thing that was discours'd between him and the Governour, who forbid him un­der pain of Death, to suffer me to land: However, he did not acquaint me with the Prohibition, but contented himself only to advise me not to go a-shore, to avoid giving any cause of Suspicion to M. Russell, which Order I promis'd punctually to observe, not being sollicitous to take any further Cognizance of a Place, which was well known to me a long time ago, and being un­willing to give the least Offence to my Cap­tain.

The next day, many Jews, who were turn'd out of Martinica, came to visit me up­on the Report of my Arrival; and perceiv­ing me to be very much indispos'd and weak­en'd, they sent to me divers Physitians of their Nation, who told me that I could not [Page 39]be cur'd, unless I were brought a-shoar, proffering at the same time to sollicite the Governour on my behalf, to give leave, that I might be convey'd into a House on the Port. Whereupon I drew up a Petition to M. Russel, in which I entreated him to grant me such a License, promising that I would not stir out of the Chamber that should be appointed for my Lodging, only to re-em­bark, and to cause my self to be transported to Martinica. However, the Physitians them­selves were oblig'd to be my Bail, and I was at last conducted to the House of one M. Ja­cob Lewes, where great Care was taken of me during the whole time of my Abode in that Place.

Three Days after I was carry'd thither, the Major-General came to see me by the Go­vernor's Order; very generously promis'd me his Protection, and offer'd his Service, especially to procure me any thing that might be necessary for the Restauration of my Health: Yet I was visited from time to time by the same Major, and every day by a Captain of the Garrison; who came not so much to enquire after the State of my Health, as to observe, whether I should ere long be in a condition to be transported out of the Island. M. Russel himself came in like man­ner ten or twelve Days after my Arrival, to know whether it were true that I was really so ill as it was reported: He also gave me a second Visit seven or eight Days after, in the Evening, and caus'd me to be remov'd [Page 40]from the Jew's House where I lodg'd, to that of an English Merchant: He told me at the same time, that I should be better ac­commodated there than I had been at M. Ja­cob Lewis's; but the real Intention was, that I should be better guarded, and that I might not have an Opportunity of discoursing with so many People. The next day he came a­gain to see me, and ask'd me how I lik'd my new Quarters. I heartily thank'd him for the good Offices he had done me, and to the end that he might not have cause to su­spect my Men, I entreated him to give Orders, that they should be confin'd in the Cittadel, to prevent them from straggling about the Island, and from making their Escape.

Then M. Russel told me, that he intended to do so; but that I ought to understand that they were Prisoners of War, as well as my self. I reply'd, That I was not ignorant of it; and that I thought my self happy in fal­ling into his Hands; but that the English Captain, who brought me to Barbadoes, had pass'd his Word that I should not be retain'd nor any of my Company: That upon his Protestations of inviolable Fidelity, and the Offers of Service he made me, I ventur'd to embark, relying on the marks of Friendship, which he had already shewn: Then I ad­ded, that my Request to him was only to grant me my Liberty, and that of my Men, promising that I would ever be mindful of the Favour, either, in restoring the Prisoners whom I might carry off from the Islands, if I [Page 41]should take up Arms again, or in paying him what Ransom he should think fit to re­qire.

No, Sir, (said M. Russell) I will neither have your Ransom, nor your Prisoners; for you are so gallant a Man, that your Misfortune and Ill­ness cannot but be pitied, and therefore on the contrary, I would entreat you to accept of Forty Pistoles, of which I make you a Present, to sup­ply you with Necessaries. He gave 'em me in a Purse, which without doubt he brought for that very purpose, and at his Departure acquainted me that he was going to give Orders, that my Men should be got together again. The next day he sent me two of 'em, who told me, that they did not know what was become of the rest, and that they had Orders from the Governor to stay with me: I had the Liberty to send 'em abroad, to procure any thing that I stood in need of, and at last finding my self somewhat strengthen'd by the means of the extraordinary Care that my Landlord took of me, I acquainted the Officer, who visited me every day, that I would beg leave of the Governour to em­bark in the first Vessel that should set out from Martinica.

Three Days after there arriv'd a Bark, which the Count de Blenac, General of the French Islands, sent for the exchanging of Prisoners. M. Russel gave me notice of its Arrival, and that I should prepare for my embarking therein. Then I had the Liber­ty to go to his House to thank him for all [Page 42]the Kindnesses he had shewn me. He told me that he was sorry he was oblig'd by the Law of Arms not to allow me more Free­dom than I had, and that he entreated me to afford a favourable Entertainment to the English Men who should fall into my Hands. Afterwards I went on board the French Bark, which was commanded by the Sieur Courpon, formerly an Inhabitant of St. Christophers; but I could not regain any of my Free-boot­ers, except those two, who were sent to me by M. Russel, as I have already hinted.

We disimbark'd at the Royal Fort of Martinica, and I repair'd with my two Men to the Town, to give a Visit to M. de Blenac, who was feiz'd with the last Fit of Sickness, of which he died. I gave him a particular Account of all my Adventures, and I per­ceiv'd him to be much surpriz'd to hear a Relation of so great Disasters. Forasmuch as he was desirous that I should lodge in his House all the time that I stay'd at Martinica, he made me every day repeat the particular Circumstances of my Engagement with the English Ship; and at last having found an Opportunity of conveying me to France, he sent to enquire after the Captain of a Vessel that was bound for that Kingdom, and recommended me to his Care. He de­termin'd likewise to give me Recommenda­tory Letters for M. Phelipeanx, to procure me, some Employment; but the day before my departure, he fell into so great weakness, that he was no longer in a condition to [Page 43]write, and died that very Evening, June 10. Indeed I had all the reason in the World to be very much concern'd at his Death; for M. De Blenac, who was a Person of sin­gular Qualities, took delight in being ser­viceable to all Mankind; and more especi­ally had a tender Compassion for those that were in a distressed Condition, or lay under the Pressures of ill Fortune, as my Case was at that time: He always endeavour'd to be beforehand with 'em, relieving 'em in their Necessities, as soon as they came to his Knowledge, and made a voluntary Proffer of the Favours he was ready to bestow, even before they could well be sued for. In a word, he was a Man of an Heroick Courage, and a skilful Navigator, well vers'd in Ma­ritim Affairs; knowing all the Coasts and Latitudes of the Continent of America, and highly esteem'd by the King for his Integri­ty, Jestice and Prudence, and for all the signal Services he had done the State, in matters relating to Trade, and the discove­ry of the Islands.

The next day after his Death, I went on Board the Virgin, a Vessel of Bordeaux, which was also built there, and after a few Days Passage; at last I arriv'd safe in the Port of that City, with many different and contrary Sentiments. I know not whe­ther I shall bid adieu to the Sea for ever, having been so much dishearten'd by my last Misfortune; or whether I shall embark once again to revenge the Indignities put upon [Page 44]me by the English; or whether I shall under­take another Voyage, to get a small Estate; or whether I shall stay at home in Tranquil­lity, contenting my self with the peaceable Enjoyment of what my Relations have left me. However, 'tis certain, that Maritim Voyages are apt to create in Men almost the same Passions as Gaming: For as the losing Gamester, notwithstanding the ill Luck he has so often had before, does not believe that he shall always be unfortunate, but is still egg'd on by I know not what Impulse to venture farther; so we Mariners, whate­ver Disasters may have befallen us at Sea, are continually boy'd up with the hopes of meeting with a fair opportunity to indem­nifie our selves for all our Losses. Upon the whole, I am apt to believe, that into whose Hands soever my Narrative may happen to fall, they will find it very difficult to give me Advise as to the Matter in Debate, and even to take it themselves.