The modern pleas for comprehension, toleration, and the taking away the obligation to the renouncing of the covenant considered and discussed.

The modern pleas for comprehension, toleration, and the taking away the obligation to the renouncing of the covenant considered and discussed.

Table of contents

Title page

A SCHEME OF THE CONTENTS.

ERRATA.

CONSIDERATIONS Concerning Comprehension, Toleration, AND THE Renouncing the COVENANT.

ARTICLE 1.

ARTICLE 2.

ART. 3.

ARTICLE 4.

ART. 5.

ART. 6.

A Postscript to the Reader.

A Brief Catalogue 〈◊〉 Books newly Printted and Repri•ted for R. Royston; Bookseller to His Most Sacred Majesty.

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THE Modern Pleas FOR COMPREHENSION, TOLERATION, AND The taking away the Obligation to the Renouncing of the COVENANT, Considered and Discussed.

LONDON, Printed for R. Royston, Bookseller to His most Sacred Majesty. MDCLXXV.

A SCHEME OF THE CONTENTS.

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How little Cause our Dissenters have, either for Separation or Alteration pag. 1, 4.

An Account of the Design of a Book entituled, Of the Religion of England p. 4

The Design of it inconsistent and unpracticable p. 7, 9

The Terms of Communion, which the Church of England imposeth, are not sinful in the opinion of the most learned among the Dissenters p. 11

There is no sinfulness objected by them as to the

1. Articles p. 15

2. Liturgy p. 17

3. Canons or Ceremonies p. 23

[Page]It is no sufficient objection against our Ceremonies, that they are not by God commanded p. 25

Nor, that they are significant p. 26

Nor, that they grieve a pievish sort of men p. 29

There is no sinfulness, in that the Church imposeth new Bonds and Terms of Communion p. 36

Of the Assent and Consent ibid.

Of renouncing the Covenant p. 40

Certain Articles of the Covenant, that make it dangerous not to be renounced p. 41

Artic. 1. p. 42

Artic. 2. p. 45

Artic. 3. p. 48

Artic. 4. p. 56

Artic. 5. p. 59

Artic. 6. p. 61

Of the Conclusion of it p. 63

An Instance in a known Presbyterian who did renounce publickly the Covenant, as to the most meritorious part of it, voluntarily, long before the Kings [Page] Restauration p. 69

How it comes to pass, that the Presbyterians and other Dissenters, whose Opinions and Pleas are mutually so inconsistent, do agree in their clamours for Liberty of Conscience p. 72

They themselves cannot agree, what Liberty of Conscience is, and what are its true bounds p. 74

Of Comprehension, and how little will be gained by granting it p. 77

Of unlimited Toleration p. 78

The Dissenters own Testimony against Toleration p. 81

Of Comprehension without Toleration p. 92, 135

What the Presbyterians ought to do before they be admitted into the Church by Comprehension p. 94, 140, 178

What shall be done with the private mans Conscience, when it is inconsistent with that which the Conscience of the Governour dictates, whether of the two shall over-rule p. 98

Religion hath very great influence upon the Peace of any Government. 101

Magistrates, not alone in point of Interest but Conscience, are to have great [Page] care of Religion. p. 102

Objections and Authorities against this, answered. p. 105

Of the use of force in propagating Religion. p. 107

Of that Text, 2 Cor. 10. The Weapons of our Warfate are not carnal. ibid.

That Objection, Force may not be used in pulling down Antichrist, therefore not in propagating Religion, retorted. p. 109

Of the Argument drawn from the Example of the Kings of Israel or Judah. p. 112

Testimonies out of Scripture for the Magistrates Authority in using force for the propagating Religion. p. 104, 105

The Apostles when they were brought to to answer before the Governours of that time, did not deny their Authority. p. 118

Universal Toleration contrary to Scripture. p. 121

The Magistrate by becoming Christian, if he hath no addition, hath yet no diminution of his power. p. 131

Of that smalness of Difference, that is [Page] pretended between us and the Presbyterians. p. 136

A Comparison between the Severities used now against the Covenant, and those used by them in imposing it p. 142

How far they approve of Episcopacy and Liturgy p. 144

The Inconveniencies that attend Liberty of Conscience p. 146

How much Toleration is better than Comprehension p. 149

Conscience absolutely taken, no safe Rule either of Actions or Tenets. p. 152

Of the Mischiefs Liberty of Conscience is like to bring to

Religion p. 153

Of new Light p. 159

Government p. 162

By what means this Liberty is dangerous to Government p. 166

The private Consciences of men are not ordinarily trusted in their common dealings p. 169

What ends they propose to themselves, that promote Liberty of Conscience p. 177

[Page]Their unwillingness to renounce the Covenant, shews how little they repent of it p. 180

Objections answered p. 183

taken from their

1. Number Ibid.

2. Merit p. 189

3. Assistance against Popery p. 190

4. Their hindering Trade p. 196

5. France & Holland have good experience of it. p. 218

6. Civil Penalties in Religion, make men Hypocrites p. 232

An Apostrophe to the Dissenting Brethren p. 235

A Postscript p. 247

ERRATA.

Page 71. line 25. for what may the meaning, r. what may be the meaning, p. 120. l. 14. for into his, r. in this.

CONSIDERATIONS Concerning Comprehension, Toleration, AND THE Renouncing the COVENANT.

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HE who endeavours to make any Alteration in a setled Government either of Church or State, is obliged by all the Rules of Justice and of Prudence to alledge some very good cause, why it is that he doth do so; Alteration being in it self so great an Inconvenience, as that it ought not by any means to be attempted, but for some weighty Reason.

Now as to the Church, as it is by Law established (not withstanding all the fearful Outcries which of late have been made against it) I would fain have any of our Dissenting Brethren to answer directly, Whether there be any one thing sinful in her [Page] Communion, or only some things (as they conceive) inexpedient? If only inexpedient (as there is good cause to believe, that the most considerable Persons, and those in no small numbers among them, do suppose no more) then I would fain know, whether inexpediency alone is a sufficient and just cause of Separation? And how well soever any particular man among them may think of the Grounds of his own Separation; there is very good evidence, that there are abundance among themselves who do plainly perceive, and much lament it, that by the means of this present Separation, there hath been an entrance made for such Doctrines and Practices into this Nation, which are chargeable with (to phrase it modestly) the very highest degrees of inexpediency. When the rule and measures of inexpediency are well considered of, and regard is had to that great variety of Respects in which one and the same thing may be both expedient and inexpedient; it will then be found, that inexpediency is a thing, which private [Page] persons cannot easily determine, indeed are no competent Judges of: Besides if it were a clear case, that in the present settlement there were something not altogether so expedient as were to be wished: Is this a sufficient warrant for any not only to mislike so much of the Law as they think capable of being mended, but withall openly and avowedly to separate, to unite and joyn in great Combinations against the Publick Constitutions, only because they are not arrived, in their esteem, at all possible degrees of perfection? He who can submit to no Law but such a one as is exactly made to his own mind in all particulars, must resolve, for any thing I know, never to obey, as long as he lives, any Law which is not of his own making; and not only so, but he will find that he must not obey many Laws of his own making for any long time neither: If therefore a supposed inexpediency be the utmost of the charge, as I suppose in the end it will appear to be, then all wise men should consider with themselves, Whether [Page] any fancied Alteration can be secure from equal, if not greater dangers? And before that any such Alteration be made, it seems to be but just and equal that the New Model be agreed upon by those who do design it, and that it be proposed either to our Governours, or to the publick view, that it may be examined, before admitted; and seeing that it is to be of lasting Consequence, it is to be hoped that it will not be too hastily concluded upon.

A late ingenious Person set forth an handsome Discourse upon this Argument, entituled, Of the Religion of England, asserting, that Reformed Christianity setled in its due Latitude is the Stability and Advancement of this Kingdom. Wherein he hath attempted something like a Model of a future Settlement; his Discourse is plausible, and desires seem to be bent on Peace, and many of his Principles look as if they did seem to tend much that way, but there seems to be this one thing very observable in his whole way of Writing, that with [Page] great Art he doth very dexterously take care not to come too close up to the Argument, and he brings his Reader even to the very Point where the business lies, and almost unperceivably steals by and passeth on to something else; and to a narrow view it will appear plainly, that he keeps himself within the compass of such wide Generalities, that he leaves the Reader in the same uncertainties in which he found him. The Draught of his Design is to be seen, Sect. 14. pag. 28. which doth consist in these three Contrivances. First, That there is to be an established and approved Order: But, because that this alone he finds not to be sufficient; therefore in the second place, there is to be a Provision for a sort of men who cannot come within the establishment, and they are to be tolerated under certain Restrictions: Nor is this all; for neither the establishment alone is sufficient, neither will a Toleration of Dissenters from it suffice; and therefore in the third place, there are another sort of men, who must be only connived[Page]at. Each of these Particulars are afterwards considered: The establishment hath the honour of the first place, and hath, as it well deserves, incomparably the greatest part of the pains bestowed upon it, and of this he tells us, Sect. 15. That it must not be loose and in [...]herent, but well compacted, that it may attain the ends of Discipline, which are to promote sound Doctrine and Godly Life, and keep out Idolatry, Superstition, and all wicked Errour and Practice that tends to the vanquishing of the power of Christianity: Now these things do not require a constitution of narrower bounds than things necessary to Christian Faith and Life, and godly Order in the Church,

Now is it not very plain, that such a Comprehension as is here described, that it shall be enabled to attain all these great and publick ends here provided for, hath left no place for Toleration or Connivance? and accordingly both those things are hudled together, and in a very few words dispatched, Sect. 18. pag. 38. I shall lay them down and leave the Reader [Page] to judge upon them: As for others that are of sound Belief and good Life, yet have taken in some Principles less congruous to National Settlement, I would never be a means of exposing them to oppression, Contempt and Hatred, but would admit their Plea as far as it will go, &c. Nevertheless, their Liberty pleaded for is not to be inordinate but measured and limited by the safety of true Religion in general, and of the publick and established Order, &c.

And now I shall take leave to desire those Persons, who cannot come within the Comprehension, to consider with themselves, how very little they are beholding to this their Advocate; he hath not in the least intimated to us what kind of Principles those are which he would have connived at, as being only less congruous to a National Settlement; nor given us any manner of mark whereby to know them: Besides, whatever Favour he doth intend for these dissenting Brethren, he hath so clogged it with many Qualifications and Limitations, that he hath rendred it so [Page] plainly useless, that I much doubt whether he did ever really intend them any favour at all. First, They must be of sound Belief and good Life, Secondly, Their Plea must be admitted as far as it will go; Now how far that is he hath not told us: Thirdly, Their Liberty must not be inordinate, but must have two measures; First, The safety of Religion in general: Secondly, The safety of the publick established Order. Upon these Terms, and upon the whole matter, I think, that it is no easier a thing to understand the Nature and Bounds of that Settlement which our Author is here designing, by the placing of several sorts of men in the three Ranks of, First, an establishment; Secondly, a Toleration; and thirdly, a Connivance, with this Reason, for the two latter; For if God hath received them, why should their fellow-servants reject or afflict them causlesly? Every true Christian should be tender of all that love the Lord Iesus in sincerity; I understand, I say, as little by all this, what those Particulars are which he [Page] would have from us, as if he had contented himself with Mr. Sterry's three Forms of Believers; and methinks the one Harangue is as edifying and intelligible as the other: Let us receive one another into the Glory of God, as Christ receiveth us, though that cloathing of the outward form be not on the same fashion in all, nor on some so well shaped as on others, to the proportion of the Body, which is Christ. The Lord Iesus hath his Concubines, his Queens, his Virgins; Saints in remoter jorms, Saints in higher forms, Saints unmarried to any Form, who keep themselves single for the immediate embraces of their Love, in his Epistle before England's Deliverance from the Northern Presbytery.

Now In these two Gentlemen of very differing Dispensations, there are three sorts of People proposed to our Care, and it is not unlikely that they may be suited each to one another: But this one thing is remarkable in that Discourse of Mr. Sterry, that the Presbyterians can, at the very best, hope for no higher Rank than [Page] that of Christ's Concubines, as being according to the tenor of that Sermon, if at all Saints, at the very best, Saints in the remoter Forms. The more moderate sort of Independents may indeed by him be accounted Queens, as being Saints in higher forms, but for Christ's Virgins, who are unmarried to any form, and keep themselves single for the immediate embraces of their love; I cannot imagine who these should be, unless those Saints who are above Ordinances: And for my own part, I must freely profess, that for all the account which our Author hath given us of his three Contrivances of Comprehension, Toleration and Connivance, I cannot at all perceive but that Mr. Sterry's way of sorting out the several Ranks of Saints, doth well suit with, and is proportioned to it: And here let any sober man judge, whether the Settlement pretended for in the first of these three Proposals be not absolutely unsetled again in the two other.

But in the next place I must go on to consider a Pretence, much oftner [Page] supposed than owned, and that is this; Suppose that the Terms of the Communion of the Church are not only inexpedient, but really sinful; if so, then I shall readily grant, that the Church ought not to be communicated with, while the Terms of her Communion are such. But in this part of the Argument I shall presume to say with some confidence, and I hope without offence, that however the Teachers of the separated Congregations may sometimes slily insinuate some such Jealousies into the Heads of their unwary Hearers; yet it is not easie to find a considerable man amongthem, who will not be ashamed to own it publickly, or who doth himself really believe it.

Now though this Assertion may seem to carry something of uncharitableness in it; because that the Separation from the Church is so avowed and pressed upon the People, as if that it were highly necessary, and that Communion with the Church was highly criminal▪ at least in the Opinion of the Teachers. It being a plain [Page] case that the People are wheedled into Separation, upon the account that they suppose their Teachers know it to be unlawful: Now as to this, I must needs say, it is shrewdly to be suspected, that there is in this case a very great Cheat imposed by the Preachers and the People upon one another, and by both upon the whole Nation; because that it is as often evident as there is occasion for making it so, that among the Pastors and the Flock there are not many, who in a time of Tryal approve themselves to be in good earnest; I have been credibly informed (not to say that I am able to make it good) that Mr. Calamy did before His Majesty, and divers Lords of the Council profess, that there was not any thing in the Constitutions of the Church to which he could not conform, were it not for the scandalizing of others; so that in his Esteem the Constitutions of the Church were in themselves Innocent, and the whole Objection against them lay in the mistakes of other men. Mr. Tombs the Leader of the Anabaptists, [Page] hath writ a Book to shew the lawfulness of resorting to the Publick Congregations. The Author which I before mentioned assures us in behalf of the Presbyterians, that they not only maintain the Doctrine of the Church of England, but likewise communicate in her Publick Worship, in his second Discourse of the Religion of England, pag. 17. By which acknowledgment we may take an estimate of the Honesty of their Separation.

Nay, I shall venture to say thus much farther, that the lawfulness of joyning in the Publick Worship is understood by the Layety as well as Clergy amongst them, is evident from these three Things: First, that there are those Persons to be named, who came to Church before the Act of Oblivion, who never did since: Secondly, that immediately after the Act of Uniformity, whilst the Hopes of Toleration were very uncertain, there was a much greater Conformity both in the City of London, and over the whole Nation than ever hath been since: Thirdly, that I have enquired [Page] and could never learn that there was so much as one example to be given of any one of all the Patrons or Proselytes of the Conventicles who did leave the smallest Office whatever, rather than he would, in obedience to a late Act of Parliament, joyn in the Prayers and receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the Order of the Church of England: From which it doth appear plainly, that in these mens esteem, either there is no sin in communicating with the Church of England, or else, that these Gentlemen of so extreamly tender Consciences, can deliberately commit a sin, and that when they are performing the most solemn Act of Adoration of Almighty God, and with all the shews of Devotion imaginable: And seeing that these things are so, is it not huge pitty that a setled Church, and a Church in great Reputation over all the Reformed Parts of Christendom, should be run down by a meer noise of Conscience, when it is very plain that when ever there is a real Case put, [Page] where Conscience ought to shew it self, that then no such thing appears, neither is there the least evidence that it is so much as thought upon.

If there be any Objection against the present Constitution; it must be either against the Articles, the Liturgy, the Canons or the Ceremonies; As to the Articles, there is scarce so much as one Objection pretended against them, farther than as they relate to the following Heads; and if there were, such an Objection could not easily be alleadged by the People as a just excuse for their Non-conformity, because they are not at all concerned for to subscribe them, unless they bring upon themselves a voluntary Obligation by some Act of their own, as taking a Degree in the University: But in this Point many words are needless; for besides the Testimony of all Churches abroad, we have at home two Witnesses beyond all exception to the Innocency and Honour of the Articles, even the two late celebrated Advocates, the one for Comprehension, the other for Toleration: [Page] The former assures us in the behalf of those whose Cause he pleads, that they do receive the Doctrine of Faith contained in the Articles of Religion, pag. 2. and again pag. 22. That they heartily embrace the English Reformation established by Law, &c. and that they do assent to the Doctrine of Faith contained in the Articles of the Church of England, and worship God according to that Faith, pag. 22. The Peace-offering doth likewise bear witness for us of that great esteem which is bore unto the Articles of the Church of England in all the Reformed Churches abroad, and withal doth assure us in behalf of the Independents at home, that as to all which is purely doctrinal in them they do fully embrace and constantly adhere to, &c. And accordingly he undertakes to profess in the name of them all; We have no new Faith to declare, no new Doctrine to teach, no private Opinion to divulge, no Point or Truth do we profess, no not one, which hath not been declared, taught, divulged and esteemed as the common Doctrine of the Church of [Page] England, ever since the Reformation, pag. 13.

Thus far therefore our way is clear, that the Doctrine of the Church is sound and esteemed to be so in the Opinion of its greatest Adversaries. In the next place therefore we are to consider, whether any reasonable Plea for Separation can be drawn from any just Exception which may be taken against the Liturgy; and here there are two sorts of men to be considered: First, those who dislike all Forms of Prayer in general: Secondly, those who are only disgusted at some particular things in ours.

As to those who are against all Forms of Prayer; I believe that the number of them, among considering Persons, is not so great, as that any great regard ought to be had unto them; and this must needs be so, for a reason which can never fail; For it cannot choose but seem strangely absurd and infinitely unbecoming the great distance which is between us and Almighty God, and that great awe which we ought to bear unto him; [Page] that all the Expressions of the Publick Devotion of every Congregation in the whole Nation should be left to the arbitrary, and especially the extemporary conception of each single Person, who is bold enough to venture upon the taking so much upon him. It were very strange if this Kingdom should at this day be ignorant, how very frequently Folly, Heresie, nay and Blasphemy, hath been uttered in such kind of Prayers; and it is utterly impossible, that upon the indulgence of any such Liberty, such Extravagancies, can with any security be provided against; And it is not unlikely that the greatest Pretenders to the highest Attainments in that way would be not a little out of Countenance; If so be that their own Prayers were faithfully taken from their Mouths, and after some reasonable space of time, when they might be supposed to have forgot them, presented to their view. And that which renders this evil utterly intolerable, is this, that these Prayers which either really are extemporary [Page] else only pretended to be so) are under that pretence recommended and regarded by the People as the only way of praying by the Spirit; and by that very means the ever blessed Spirit is, as far as these mens endeavours can be succesful, entituled to all the Follies, Vanity, and Weaknesses, all the Sin and Errour, and even those very Blasphemies which are every day committed against him. And I think all good Christians are concerned to endeavour, that if a Liberty must be given to these Persons to go on and to abuse the People, yet however that it may be done some other way, and they not permitted to bely the Holy Ghost.

As for Forms of Prayers, the great reasonableness and even necessity of them is very apparent, and in Scripture it self there are Examples enough to be produced; and if any man pleaseth to enter upon that Argument, I no way doubt but there will be those found who will debate it with him. It shall suffice at present only to say, that our Saviour Christ [Page] did compose a Form of Prayer, and gave it to his Disciples to use: Now if, as great numbers of the People are brought to believe, that there is no praying by the Spirit, besides praying Ex tempore, then no man ever did, or ever could say Christ's Prayer by the Spirit of Christ.

Now, as to the other sort of Persons, who have some exceptions against some expressions in our Liturgy; those things have been so fully examined, that of late we have heard very little of them: And the matter of it is all along so clearly unexceptionable, and so fitted for the common use of all Christians, that all controversial Expressions were designedly avoided: Insomuch that I do not know of any considerable Sect amongst us which may not joyn with us in every expression in it, except the Socinians. Now here perhaps some Jealousies may arise in the minds of men, that if there were not some real exception against the Liturgy, then so many good Teachers would not lay it aside; nay, and not only so, but, as far as mens Intentions [Page] can be guessed at by their words and actions, very much abhor it.

Now, as to the behaviour of our dissenting Brethren in this particular, I shall desire their admirers to remember this one thing, that His Majesty not long after His Happy Restauration did put [...]orth a Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affaires, wherein He did very graciously indulge, much to the dissatisfied Part of the Clergy, in hopes thereby to win upon them; and in that Declaration He did propose this unto them, as a way whereby they might shew their Gratitude for so great a Condescention, That they would read so much of the Liturgy as themselves had no exception against: But with many of them He could not prevail for so much as one Syllable, not one Collect, no nor so much as one Chapter according to the Rubrick; So much doth yielding work upon that good-natur'd Generation. Now whether this Refractoriness, as to the whole Book, and every part and parcel of it, could possibly proceed solely and altogether [Page] from Conscience, and not very much, if not altogether, from Design or Humour, let their best Friends speak.

In the next place, now as to the Canons, I do not know that there doth or can [...]ly any Objection against them which our present Debate is concerned about; because they are no immediate Parts of the Publick Worship, and therefore can be no cause of the present Separation, especially as to the People. As to the Canons made in the year 1640. I must needs confess, that the Scotch Commissioners did complain much against them, and some English Gentlemen made witty Speeches upon them; but they had both of them the ill luck to confess the real cause of the Pique which they had against them, viz. The acknowledgement of His Majesties Authority as being Independent, and above all Coercion, either Papal or Popular. A Doctrine which I must needs say was very inconsistent with those Designs which those angry Patriots were at that time carrying on. And I am very much mistaken if, at this [Page] very day, a great part of that Quarrel which is taken up against the Church be not founded upon this, that it is too faithfully devoted to the Interests of the Crown; and that many Persons are Presbyterians, Independents, Fifth-Monarchy-men, &c. as so many sanctified disguises under which they act the Part of Common-wealths-men.

In the next place come we therefore to the Ceremonies; and there indeed the noise is very great. An Excellent Person, who for his pious labours upon a noble Argument, and much more worthy of his Pen, deserves much honour, hath in this part of the Question exprest much more Concern, than, I hope, himself upon a serious review will admit the Cause to bear, in a Book entituled, Liberty of Conscience upon its true and proper Grounds asserted and vindicated, &c. hath thus expressed himself, p. 49. How may we lament over the present Imposition of the Ceremonies now enjoyn'd among us in England, which are no part of divine Truth, nor any of Christ's [Page]Institutions, but things perfectly Humane in their Creation; and yet are enforced by the Civil Power upon the Practice and Consciences of men. Now here, with all due respect to that Learned Gentleman, I shall desire him to take notice, whether it be not an Excellency and a Felicity almost peculiar to the Church of England, that in all her Constitutions, her greatest Adversaries are forced to betake themselves to the scanning of a few Ceremonies, to find a cause, or, to speak more properly, a shew of Controversie; and that himself in his own great Judgment hath not been able to find out any other flaw in the Matter of all her Laws, as much soever as he doth mislike the Imposition of them. As for the Cermonies themselves, the Exceptions, or at least the Clamours are very many; That they are uncommanded by God; that they are significant; that they are Will-worship; that they are teaching for Doctrines of God the Commandments of men; and lastly, that they do give scandal.

[Page]As to the Ceremonies being uncommanded by God, I never heard of any man who pretended them to be otherwise; and therefore it is most clear and certain, that that Church doth not teach for Doctrines of God the Commandments of Men, which doth own publickly, that these are not the Doctrines of God, but only the Commandments of Man: And if any man doth mistake in this Case, which is a thing incredible that any should do so; but if there be such a one, I am sure that the mistake is his own and not the fault of the Church: For she hath taken care to prevent it, in the Chapter of Ceremonies before the Common Prayers, wherein she declares that the Ceremonies which are retained, are retained for Discipline and Order, which upon just Cause may be altered and changed, and therefore are not to be esteemed equal with Gods Law. But however, this is plain in the nature of things, that although among the Ceremonies no one in particular is necessary, yet in general it is necessary, so far as Order and Decency [Page] is necessary, that some such there should be.

But in the next place there is an Objection, supposed to be of much greater force, and that is this; That the Ceremonies are significant: And here I must needs confess, that if they could have alledged, that the Ceremonies had been insignificant, the Objection had been much more worthy of having some notice taken of it; because that the very nature and whole use of Ceremonies doth consist in being significant. And in this I appeal to all Mankind, whether in any one Action Sacred or Civil, any one Ceremony was ever instituted, unless it were in order to the signifying, denoting or expressing something by it. Nor is thisall; for the Church hath taken care not only to vindicate the Innocency, but withal to declare the usefulness of the significancy of her Ceremonies in the fore-mentioned Preface; That they are neither dark nor dumb Ceremonies, but are so set forth that every man may understand what they mean and to [Page]what use they do serve: so that it is not like that in time to come they should be abused.

And after all this, methinks, our Brethren of the Presbytery should for their own sakes have had a great care of making use of this Objection, as being themselves as liable to it as any other Persons. The Authors of the Admonition to the Parliament in Queen Elizabeths days, Part 2. have recommended Sitting at the Sacrament, upon this very superstitious score of Significancy (as in our Case they always call it) in these words: As in the Old Testament eating the Paschal Lamb standing, signified a readiness to pass; even so in the receiving it now sitting, after the example of Christ, we signifie Rest, that is, a full finishing thorough Christ of all the Ceremonial Law, and a perfect Work of Redemption wrought, that giveth rest for ever.

And in our own dayes, in that which by them was looked upon as a considerable Act of Divine Worship and Religious Adoration, the entring into a Publick Solemn National Covenant [Page] with Almighty God, as they phrase it: The doing of this was prescribed with several Ceremonies uncommanded in Scripture, and by themselves intended to be very significant; as it to be found by every one who pleaseth to look in the Ordinance of Febr. 2. 1643. In this Case without referring us to any Book, Chapter, or Verse; they thought it sufficient to say, That it is ordered and ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, that the said Covenant be solemnly taken in all places, and for the better and more orderly taking thereof, that these Directions ensuing are appointed and enjoyned to be strictly followed: Of which Directions the thirteenth is this, the manner of taking it to be thus; The Minister to read the whole Covenant distinctly and audibly in the Pulpit, and during the time of reading thereof the whole Congregation to be uncovered (which by the way is a much greater shew of Reverence than they have taken care for, either at the reading of the Ten Commandements, or our Saviour's [Page] Sermon upon the Mount) and at the end of reading thereof all to take it standing, lifting up their Right Hand bare. Now I think that it is highly requisite for these men to consider with themselves, whether every one of all their own Pleas of the Purity and Simplicity of the Gospel way of Worship without the mixture of humane Inventions, and their bold surmises of invading the Throne of Christ by determining those things which Christ hath left free, have any the least force against the Ceremonies of the Church, which they have not against this prescribed Formality of their own, in taking the Covenant.

But after all which is possible to be said in order to the clearing of the mistakes about the Ceremonies, there is an Objection which is supposed not to be capable of any answer to be made unto it; and that is this, That be they what they will in themselves, good men are offended at them, they grieve thousands of the Godly Brethren, and though we should grant such men to be mistaken, yet we must [Page] not offend our weak Brethren.

The Case of Scandal hath been so often and so clearly stated, that I shall say the less upon it; and therefore, instead of the Argument, I shall rather choose to say something to the Persons who use it. In the first place I shall readily grant, that if any Persons are really offended at the use of the Ceremonies, in their own way of understanding that word, they must needs be very weak Brethren, and I shall only ask them the old Question, How long they will be weak? And I shall profess my self to have no very honourable Opinion of the means of Knowledge, the Opportunities of choyce Attainments which are to be had in the Conventicles: If so be that those, who are such weak Brethren as not to be got above such silly Scruples, are looked upon to be sufficiently gifted to be Publick Teachers amongst them.

In the next place I shall ask, who taught the People to be offended at a few harmless Ceremonies? Who raised all their causless Scruples, infused [Page] so many senceless Jealousies, and not being content to have at first infused these needless fears, do still go on to nurse up and cherish them? Who first betrayed great numbers into folly, and ever after continued to humour them in it? He who can conform himself, and yet refuseth to do so, for fear lest his Auditory and Acquaintance should abate in their esteem or contributions towards him; If he means sincerely, & to shew himself an honest man, he ought to deal faithfully with his Admirers, & tell them really what himself thinks, communicate the Satisfaction which he hath received, and perswade them not to be longer needlesly afraid where no fear is: It is very plain that the generality of Dissenters do entertain wild suspicions about the Service of the Church, upon no other ground than an implicite faith which they have in the skill and honesty of their Teachers. Such and such a one is a very precious and knowing man, and do you think that he would not conform, if he did not know Conformity to be a sin? [Page] The Pastor and his Flock in this Case do mutually guide and are guided by each other; he makes it his business to please and humour them,, and they look upon it as a great mark of their Judgment, and an infallible token of their Election to admire him.

But if the weakness of these our Brethren hath so great a privilege entailed upon it, as that we must do nothing which they have taken a fancy against; a thing in it self lawful and imposed by lawful Authority, must immediately become unlawful, if so be that any scrupulous man can be brought to entertain a foolish jealousie about it: Then is this kind of weakness endued with a very strange degree of Omnipotence; because that upon this supposition, the very mistakes of men are able to alter the Nature of things; A thing in it self innocent, doth according to this Doctrine, immediately become unlawful, as soon as ever that any fanciful deluded man doth erroneously conceive it to be so; But methinks [Page] that those who pretend to be such eager asserters of Christian Liberty, as this sort of men have always done, should, of all other persons, the least endure to have it thus trifled with; as to have it believed to be openly exposed to lie perpetually at the mercy of all the Humour, Melancholy, Artifice, Cheat and Discontent in the whole Nation.

But if this be the meaning of those Texts of Scripture, where we are commanded to avoid the giving of Scandal (as most certainly and evidently it is not) That the Actions of all Private Men, and the Authority of all Publick Constitutions must be as often over-ruled as any single Person is, either by his own Folly or by the Arts of other men, imposed upon to believe evil of them; then can no man tell in any matter of Action Sacred or Civil (except in the Matters of immediate and plain divine Precept) what one thing shall be lawful for him to do in the very next moment.

But if it be thus appointed by the Apostle, That the mistakes of other [Page] Men, though we should suppose them to be well-meaning ones, are to have so uncontrollable an influence upon the Actions of all private Persons, and the Decrees of all Publick ones; If it be thus, I say, it will thence follow very apparently, that there is a great necessity lying upon the Government, of taking care what kind of Persons are intrusted with teaching the People. For if Conscience, though never so erroneous, are of right, and by Apostolical appointment to have so great a regard had unto them; then of all things great circumspection should be used, and security taken, for the Understanding and Honesty of all those who are intrusted to be Guides of Consciences. For if the Errors of Conscience are things of so great Authority, as to be an immediate Supersedeas to our whole Christian Liberty, to all sorts of Humane Laws, then it is the greatest Phrenzy imaginable, to grant a promiscuous Liberty to whoever pleaseth to teach and instruct the People. Alas! the Vulgar are easily imposed upon; and [Page] it is not impossible but that we may find in our days, what St. Paul did in his, That there are those who will speak lyes in hypocrisie because of advantage; and bring their Auditories to admire those very Doctrines which themselves do heartily despise; outwardly court their Hearers, and inwardly laugh at them. And in the mean time, are not Religion and Government like to be at a very fine pass? when who so pleaseth shall have the Privilege of making all possible advantages of that very Scruple which himself was Author of; and, when all other Objections fail, shall be allowed to plead his own exemption from all Obedience to the settled Constitutions, from the dissatisfaction of other men, who, if it had not been for him, had never entertained the least thought of being dissatisfied.

But in the next place it is frequently urged, That those Terms of Communion are not looked upon as sufficient, which were always looked upon as such in former days; but there [Page] are newer and straiter Bonds added to them; a new Declaration of Assent and Consent: And besides all this, the Consciences of men are provoked, which otherwise would have remained silent, if not satisfied; new Scruples are raised in the Minds of Men, which before lay buried, and which would otherwise have been quite forgot; in that it is not thought sufficient that the Covenant should be laid aside, but that it should be formally renounced; and not only so, but it is required that men must swear not only for themselves, but that no man else is obliged by it.

Now after all this wonder, there is not any one Thing which is not very easily accounted for: For surely it hath been among men not at all unusual, nor in it self strange, that where former securities have been found too slight, to add others to them. As for the Declaration of Assent and Consent, the addition which it doth make to the former Subscriptions is not so considerable, as to raise a scruple in [Page] the mind of any man who was real in them. And I suppose that the great Mystery which is pretended to lie in the terribie sound of Assent and Consent, which the People are taught to be affrighted at, as if some dismal meaning were hid under it, is nothing else but an Art to raise their Jealousie, that so they might be the better prepared for the finding out some plot or other in the following Renunciation of the Covenant. A thing which was ordered not without great cause; and it is very suspicious that that Cause doth not only continue, but increase, as appears but too plainly from this, That there is so great a Clamour raised upon it. And this Cause did in a great measure proceed from themselves, and that great stir which they made about the Obligation of the Covenant, in the first and second year immediately after the Restoration of his Majesty, both from Press and Pulpit: Parties were made in the City, and endeavoured to be made in Parliament, for the owning of that Obligation. It was with great [Page] confidence urged, that it was A Publick and National Oath, binding all Persons of this Nation, whether they did swear it personally or not, and all Posterity after us in their particular places; and all that shall succeed into the Publick Places and Politick Capacities of this Kingdom, to pursue the things covenanted for: And this Obligation is for ever to remain and abide, and by no Humane Act or Power to be absolved or made void; as, amongst others, Mr. Crofton hath endeavoured to prove at large in his famous Writings on that Subject. And, to speak the truth, if we once admit the Grounds which this Party of Men do go upon, what he doth alledge hath great reason in it; it being very evident, that those Clauses which he doth produce out of the Covenant, do suppose all Posterity to be involved in them: And this he urgeth not as his own single Opinion, but as the Sence of his whole Party; and, besides the Evidence of the thing, he alledgeth, The Testimony to the Truth of Jesus Christ and the Covenant, by [Page] the London Ministers, Dec. 14. 1647. several of which are at this present Preachers to the separated Congregations; In which it is plainly declared, That it is not in the Power of any person or persons upon Earth to dispence with or absolve us from it. Nay, the Power of Parliaments, which in other cases is allowed to be large enough, is in this bound up, as Mr. Cr. tells us, p. 139. That the Parliament consisting of Lords and Commons, and that in their Publick Capacity as a Parliament, the House of Commons assembled in their House, and in formality of the Body of the Nation, with their Speaker before them, went unto St. Margarets Church in Westminster with the greatest Solemnity imaginable, did, as the Representative Body of the Kingdom, swear this Covenant: which, as a farther Testimony that it was a National Covenant, they caused to be printed with their Names subscribed, and to be hanged up in all Churches, and in their own House, as a Compass whereby (in conformity to right, Reason and Religion) to steer their then Debates, and to dictate[Page]TO ALL THAT SHOVLD SVCCEED IN THAT PLACE AND CAPACITY what obligation did before God ly upon the Body of this Nation.

Those who plead for the removal of the Renunciation of the Covenant, either they do believe, that the Covenant doth oblige at this time, or, that it doth not oblige; if they do believe that it doth not oblige, why may they not declare that they do believe it not to do so? One Reason may indeed be given, why the Preachers themselves may believe the Covenant not to oblige, and yet that they should by all means avoid the declaring that they do thus believe; and that is this, that they would have the People believe it to have an Obligation, although themselves believe it to have none. A Perswasion this, which, in some juncture of Affairs or other, they may chance to make very great use of; and that this may not be altogether incredible their Procedure hath not been one jot honester than this amounts to in another [Page] part of the Controversie between us. It is well known that there are among them, and not among the meanest of them who have believed the Liturgy and Ceremonies to be very Innocent, and yet could be never brought to say one word to the People of this their belief; But on the other side now, if they are really perswaded that the Covenant doth carry a lasting Obligation along with it: In that Case I shall not, during that Perswasion of theirs, desire them to renounce it; but withall I must crave their leave to add this further, that during that Perswasion of theirs, I think it but reasonable, that the Government should cast a very watchful eye over them. And of this I shall give an account from the Covenant it self, wherein there are so many things, and of such fatal and universal consequence, covenanted for, that the whole Nation is highly concerned that no considerable Part of it should look upon themselves, and every Body else, as lying under the Obligation of the Oath of God, to watch all [Page] opportunities wherein they may accomplish such great and publick mischiefs, as will appear by a particular Consideration of the Thing it self.

ARTICLE 1.

That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through the Grace of God, endeavour in our several Places and Callings the preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government against our Common Enemies: The Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, according to the Word of God, and the Example of the best Reformed Churches: And shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the nearest Conjunction and Vniformity in Religion, in Confession of Faith, Form of Church-Government, Directory for Worship and Catechizing; That we and our Posterity after us, may as Brethren, live in Faith and Love, and that the Lord may [Page] delight to dwell in the midst of us.

In which Article it is easie to observe many things lyable to very just and material Exceptions; as first, By what Authority can any private man in England, if he keeps himself within his own Place and Calling, intermeddle either in the Preservation or Alteration of the Religion and Government of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland? Nay, by what Authority can any Person in this Kingdom whatever, be he in what Publick Capacity he will (His Majesty only excepted, or those who act by Commission from Him) have any thing to do with the Concerns in that Kingdom? And secondly, this first Part of the Article may upon very good Grounds be supposed to be inconsistent with the remaining Parts of it: For we are sworn to preserve the Doctrine, Discipline, &c. of Scotland, and withall, to bring the three Kingdoms to the nearest Uniformity in Religion, Confession of Faith, form of Church-Government, Directory for Worship and[Page]Catechizing; So that Scotland must necessarily be our Pattern; and yet in the same breath we are sworn to reform England and Ireland, according to the Word of God, and the Example of the best Reformed Churches: And it is more than possible, that our own Church, as it is already by Law established, or at least some other Church beyond the Seas, may come altogether as near the Word of God, as that of Scotland: And what is to be done in that Case? And in the third place, all the other Dissenters whatever, besides the Presbyterians, are highly concerned to see that the Covenant is not looked upon as a thing of any obligation; because that that is express for Uniformity, and as such, is not less than absolutely inconsistent with Liberty of Conscience; and as hard thoughts soever as the smaller Sects have entertained concerning the Bishops; they are much more concerned to secure themselves against not a few, nor the least Considerable, among their own dear Brethren,

ARTICLE 2.

[Page]

That we shall in like manner, without respect of Persons, endeavour the Extirpation of Popery, Prelacy; that is, Church-Government by Archbishops, Bishops, their Chancellors, and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierarchy; Superstition, Heresie, Schism, Profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound Doctrine, and the Power of Godliness, lest we partake in other mens sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their Plagues; and that the Lord may be One, and his Name One in these Kingdoms.

As to the former part of this Article, that which concerns the overthrow of the established Government of the Church, I shall only say this, that the Modesty of these men is in this case very admirable, and there is no doubt to be made, but that in any other Kingdom it would be thought [Page] to be so; in that they do expect to be admitted into the Preferments of the Church, and to be allowed to be publick Preachers in it; and yet at the very same time, they do desire to be excused from declaring, that they are not of a Perswasion, that there doth ly an obligation by Oath upon them themselves, the whole Nation, or (to say no more) at least upon some other Person, who ought to be nameless, to overthrow the whole frame of the Government of that Church, which they desire to be admitted into the Preferments of, and particularly of that Bishop by whose hands they are admitted. I would fain know whether there be any other Part of the World, where any Persons dare to demand of the present establishment, that it would for their sakes so far relax it self, in order to their admission into it. Sure these menimagine, that the Church is in a very great necessity of them, that it cannot stand one moment without them; when, in the very Terms of their Admission, they do demand no less than this, that [Page] a new Law should be made on purpose, whereby they may be privileged from declaring, whether or no it is lawful for them to suffer the Church to continue two moments longer than there shall arise an opportunity, wherein they may be able to overthrow it.

As for the remaining Part of the Article concerning Superstition, Heresie, Schism, Profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found contrary to sound Doctrine or the Power of Godliness, &c. I shall leave that to our Friends of the Presbytery and their Separating Brethren to dispute about it: And it is clear enough, that they are altogether as unlike to agree in those Particulars, as I am with either of them: As lovingly as ever they may look upon one another at present, I am sure that the Covenant, when opportunity serves, will be found to be levelled as directly against the Conventicles, as against the Cathedrals. I shall observe no more in this Article besides the great Charitableness of the Conclusion, That the Lord may be One and [Page]his Name One in the Three Kingdoms: As if the Church of England followed after strange Gods, and that those ordained by her were really no other than, as they are often stiled according to the good manners which the People learn of too many such Preachers, the Priests of Baal.

ART. 3.

We shall with the same Sincerity, Reality and Constancy in our several Vocations, endeavour, with our Estates and Lives, mutually to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament and the Liberties of the Kingdoms; and to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority, in the Preservation and Defence of the True Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom: That the World may hear witness with our Consciences of our Loyalty, and that we have no thoughts and intention to diminish his Majesties Iust Power and Greatness.

This Article hath been very much [Page] and very much insisted on and gloried in for the seeming Loyalty of one Expression in it: But, in order to a right understanding; let us consider how Affairs stood at that time: It is well known, that the Compilers and Enjoyners of this Covenant were, at that very time, in actual Arms (I hope that it is no offence, if I say in actual Rebellion) against the King. This very Covenant was a great Instrument by which they did carry on their Design then on foot against Him: The King was betrayed and sold by one part of the Covenanters, those from Scotland, he was bought, imprisoned, and in effect deposed by another part of the Covenanters, those in England, and by the most Loyal of them, even the Lords and Commons Assembled at Westminster; who by their Votes of Non-address, Febr. 17. 1647. (which, let us note, was long before the Seclusion by the Army) did declare, First, That they will make no farther Addresses or Applications to the King: And in the fourth Vote, That they will receive no more Messages from [Page]the King, and do enjoyn that no Person whatever do receive or bring any Message from the King to Both or either Houses of Parliament, or to any other Person; which Votes they published with a Declaration, wherein they lay down some few of those many Reasons (as they express it) why they cannot repose any more Trust in Him.

Nay, long before that time, when the Scots complained of some rigours used towards His Majesty, as being contrary to the Covenant, the House of Commons did return them this Answer, Novemb. 18. 1646. We observe that you mention the Defence of the King twice, from the Covenant; but in both places you leave out, in the preservation of the true Religion, &c. A main Clause without which the other ought not to be mentioned. Which very Answer themselves did afterwards receive from their own Army, in a Declaration from St. Albans, Novemb. 18. 1648. Where they reminded their Masters of their own Doctrine, The Defence of the King, say they, is to be understood with this restriction; In the Preservation[Page]of, &c. or otherwise the whole Proceedings of Both Kingdoms in makeing and maintaining War against Him in Defence of Religion and Liberties are questionable for breach of Covenant; since that way of preserving did probably tend to the destruction and was without any safe provision, either for his Person, or that Authority which can properly be called His, or understood in Conjunction with His Person; but that therein His Person might probably have been destroyed under the Sword or by a Bullet, yea was ordinarily endeavoured to be so, as well as the Persons of others in Arms with Him; and that Authority of His was certainly opposed and endeavoured to be destroyed thereby, instead of being defended. Remonstrance from St. Albans, P. 55.

Indeed, about the time of the King's Murther, many of the Covenanters did declare themselves a little dissatisfied with that way of Proceeding against Him; and did (how reasonably upon their own Grounds, I know not) urge the Covenant for His Preservation: But of [Page] their Behaviour in this Case, I shall give only the Account of an Author, who lived in those times when they had opportunities enough to have taken what account of Him themselves pleased. His Words are these, in a Book entituled, A short View of the Life and Reign of King Charles the First, Monarch of Great Britain, pag. 94. The Presbyterians carried on this Tragedy to the very last Act, from the first bringing in of the Scots to the beginning of the War, and from the beginning of the War till they had brought Him Prisoner to Holmby-House, and then quarrelled with the Independents for taking of the Work out of their hands, and robbing them of the long expected fruit of their Plots and Practices. They cried out against them in their Pulpits and clamoured against them in their Pamphlets for that, of which themselves were at least parcel-guilty, Et si non re at voto saltem Regicidae, &c. On the other side, the Independents, who washed their hands in the blood of the King, seemed as desirous as the Presbyterians to wash their hands of it: By them[Page]it was alleadged more calmly, that they had put Charles Stuart to death, against whom they proceeded as the Cause of so much bloodshed; but that the King had been muthered a long time before by the Presbyterians, when they deprived Him of His Crown, His Sword, His Scepter; of His Crown, by forcing from Him those Prerogatives which placed Him in a Throne of Eminency above His People; of His Sword, by wresting the Militia out of His hands, by which He was made unable to protect them; and of His Scepter, in divesting Him of His Power of calling Parliaments, and of His Negative Voyce in making those Laws by which He was to govern all Estates of Men under His Dominion: And more than so, they had deprived Him of His Natural Liberty as a Man; of the Society of His Wife, as he was a Husband; of the Conversation of His Children, as He was a Father; of the Attendance of His Servants, as He was a Master; and in a word, of all those Comforts which might make Life valued for a Blessing: So that there was nothing left for the Independents to do,[Page]but to put an end to those Calamities into which this miserable man, this Vir dolorum, as He might very well be called, had been so accursedly plunged by the Presbyterians.

To which I shall only add this farther, that notwithstanding all that Loyalty which the Covenanters have so often boasted of, from the Obligation of the Covenant; yet it is well known, that the Covenant was placed by themselves as a bar between him and his Throne, that without submitting to this, they could not endure to think of His Restauration to that; and this to so high a degree, that even in Ianuary, 1648. Notwithstanding the apparent danger which the King's Life was known to be in, yet even then, the General Assembly of Scotland did violently oppose all courses thought upon for His Relief, and pressed earnestly, That His Majestie's Concessions and Offers concerning Religion may directly and positively be declared unsatisfactory to the Parliament, and that there shall be no engagement for restoreing His Majesty to one of His Houses[Page]with Honour, Freedom and Safety, before Security and Assurance be had from His Majesty by His Solemn Oath under Hand and Seal; that He shall for Himself and His Successors consent and agree to Acts of Parliament enjoyning the League and Covenant, and fully establishing Presbyterian Government, Directory of Worship, and Confession of Faith in all his Majesties Dominions; and that his Majesty shall never make opposition to any of these, or endeavour any change thereof. Vid. Declar. of Jan. 10. 1648.

Now therefore, seeing it is so plain a Case, that in the Opinion of the Compilers and Enjoyners of the Covenant; all the fore-mentioned Violences both might and ought to have been used against the King, by vertue and in pursuance of the Covenant: It thence follows unavoidably, that His Majesty is not a little concerned to be very watchful over all those Persons who are so tender of the honour of the Covenant, that they demand it as the Condition of their Admission into the Church, that they may by [Page] no means be questioned concerning their Opinion about its Obligation.

ARTICLE 4.

We shall with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries, Malignants or evil Instruments, by hindering the Reformation of Religion, dividing the King from His People, or one of the Kingdoms from another, or making any Faction or Parties among the People contrary to this League and Covenant, that they may be brought to publick trial, and receive condign punishment, as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve, or the Supreme Iudicatories of both Kingdoms respectively, or others, having power from them for that effect, shall judge convenient.

It is very well known what the meaning of Incendiaries and Malignants is, in this Article: And it is shrewdly to be suspected, That those who are perswaded of the Obligation of this Oath, are likewise perswaded, that those Incendiaries and [Page]Malignants, have not as yet been brought to condign punishment; and whatever benefit the Covenanters themselves may receive by an Act of Oblivion, it is much to be suspected, that those who are covenanted against are looked upon as not capable of receiving any advantage by it: And there is reason to believe, that those who scruple the Validity of that Act of Parliament which declares against the Obligation of the Covenant, are by no means to be trusted, lest, if opportunity should serve, they would not likewise scruple the Validity of that Act of Parliament which gave them Indempnity. For thus, according to their own Grounds, they may argue, The Act of Oblivion is against the Covenant, and then it followeth in the next place, that it is against their Consciences; It is against the Oath of God lying upon themselves and upon the whole Nation and upon all Posterity, and no humane Act or Power can absolve them or any one else from it; and every thing done against the Covenant is null and void, [Page] the whole Nation being bound up by it to all Ages. For therefore it was That the Covenant was hung up in the Parliament, as a Compass whereby to steer their Debates, and to dictate to all, who shall succeed in that place and capacity, what obligation doth before God lie upon the Body of this Nation, as I have before observed. Now upon these mens suppositions, there is no Security to be had, but that they who passed an Act of Oblivion, to pardon any thing done against the Covenant, are involved in guilt and liable to punishment for so doing; and are upon those very accounts to expect, when Providence shall put an opportunity into the hands of these Zealots, the very same Return which the Prophet made to Ahab, 1 King. 20. v. 42. Thus saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go a Man whom I have appointed to destruction, therefore thy life shall go for his life, and thy people for his people.

The next thing which I shall observe in this Article is this, That those Persons who covenanted together, [Page] among other things, to maintain the Liberties of the Kingdom, have so far forgot themselves, as that in that very Covenant they have set up an Arbitrary Government: The Rule of condign punishment here set down, is not any known Law, no, not so much as a new one of their own making; but, as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve, or the Supreme Iudicatories of both Kingdoms respectively, or others having power from them for that effect, shall judge convenient. By which words it is plain, that they did not look upon it as sufficient to take an arbitary Power into their own hands, but likewise did delegate it to as many else besides as they pleased.

ART. 5.

Whereas the happiness of a blessed Peace between the Kingdoms, denied in former times to our Progenitors, is by the good Providence of God granted to us, and hath lately been concluded and settled by both Parliaments; we shall [Page] each one of us, according to our Place and Interest, endeavour that they may be conjoyned in a firm Peace and Vnion to All Posterity, and that Iustice may be done upon all wilful opposers thereof, in manner expressed in the precedent Article: According to the preceding Article, i. e. as shall be judged convenient.

The Modesty of these men is very admirable, in that they would outface the World, that England and Scotland were never at peace in former times, or, rather their Language is something mysterious, that the Two Nations were never at Peace till they had involved them in a War. But as in the former Article they were, as I have shewed, tender of the Liberty of the Subject; so in this they have been very careful of the Authority of his Majesty, in that they have taken upon them to make peace with another Kingdom without him; and withal when that very Peace was nothing else, besides their joyning Forces against him.

ART. 6.

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We shall also according to our Place and Calling, in this Common Cause of Religion, Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms, assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof; and shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly, by whatsoever Combination, Perswasion or Terrour to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed Vnion and Conjunction; whether to make defection to the contrary Part, or to give our selves to detestable Indifferency or Neutrality in this Cause, which so much concerns the Glory of God, the Good of the Kingdom, and the Honour of the King: But shall all the dayes of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition, and promote the same according to our power against all Letts and Impediments whatsoever: And what we are not able of our selves to suppress or overcome, we shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely prevented and removed: All [Page] which we shall do in the sight of God.

From which Article it it is plainly to be seen, That those who do believe themselves to lie under the Obligation of this Covenant, are and ought to be looked upon as a Party already formed and combined together against the whole Nation besides, having a common Band to unite and tie them fast together: And this is such an Union as they look upon as sacred and indissoluble. And the Ends, in order to which they are thus combined, are in their esteem such, as that nothing can excuse the least intermission in their pursuance after them, besides an absolute Impossibility, and even in that case it is lawful for them only, to delay so long, as to expect a more favourable season: For they are according to this Article, Never to be wrought over to so much as a detestable Indifferency or Neutrality in this Cause of God; but zealously and constantly to continue therein against all opposition, all letts and impediments whatsoever.

[Page]And having now laid down the Six Articles of the Covenant, I shall only add a few of the last words of the large and solemn Conclusion of it; wherein they pray God to bless their proceedings herein with such success as may be an encouragement to other Churches, groaning under, or in danger of the Yoke of Antichristian Tyranny, to joyn in the same or like Association or Covenant, to the Glory of God, the Enlargement of the Kingdom of Iesus Christ, and the Peace and Tranquillity of Christian Kingdoms and Common-wealths.

It hath been often said in the behalf of the Presbyterians, that they did not engage in the late War under a less Authority than that of the Two Houses of Parliament: What Authority the Two Houses of Parliament have in raising a War against the King shall be no part of this Enquiry, nor whether the Lords and Gentlemen who at that time staid at Westminster were the Two Houses of Parliament? Be these two things as they will, although it is not unknown what [Page] may be said as to both those Cases; yet however the Covenant, hath informed us of another sort of Authority under which a War may be raised at any time against all the Kings in Europe: Because in these words is held forth a publick Invitation to all Subjects whatsoever, who do either really groan under, or are in any danger of any thing, which our folk have pleased to call, or themselves shall chance to fancy to be a Yoke of Antichristian Tyranny, to enter either into this or the like Association or Covenant. Now I suppose, that it is no easie task to make out, that all Kingdoms have Parliaments endued with so large a share of the Soveraignty, as that they have Authority to take up Arms against their respective Princes: And if there were such Parliaments every where, this Invitation is only made to the Christian Churches, without taking the least notice of Parliaments; nay with a full assurance that there were no such Parliaments to be taken notice of. So that by this Doctrine [Page] the Church alone may enter into association against the State upon the score of Religion (especially if it can but cry out Antichrist) may engage the Subjects of all Europe against their Soveraigns, be they Princes or Commomwealths.

I know very well that those who urge the taking away of the Declaration enjoyned concerning the renouncing of the Covenant, have one evasion whereby to avoyd entring into the merits of the Cause, and that is this, The seeming unreasonableness of that Clause; Also I hold that there lieth no Obligation upon me, or any other Person from the Oath commonly called the Solemn, &c. Is it not unjust that one man should be bound to swear to the Obligations of another? As plausible soever as this may seem, no doubt it is but an evasion; for it is well known whom they mean by that other Person whom they suppose to be obliged; and besides to make this Case seem much harder than it is indeed; They endeavour to perswade us, that this renunciation is what really it is [Page] not; for it is plain, that this Declaration is not an Oath, nor any thing like one, only we are called upon to declare what our Opinion is in a Case there put to us; we are so far from being required in this Case unto the swearing for any one else; that we are not called upon to swear for our selves, we do not swear that there doth ly no Obligation either upon our selves or any other Person, but only that we do not believe that there doth.

And after all this, the pretence of being scrupulous about declaring any thing concerning the Obligation of any other Person hath one great reserve in it: For, the very supposal of the possibility of that is in effect to say, that the Covenant as to the matter of it is in every particular respect lawful; for unless it be lawful in every particular respect, no Body can be obliged by it; and if once it be granted to be a lawful Oath, it will be very easie thence to deduce that it is obligatory to more Persons than one.

[Page]And thus I have taken a short review of the Covenant, wherein it is very plain that there are many things of such universal and dangerous Consequence therein Covenanted for, as do render it not altogether unworthy the care of those who are in Publick Places to consider a little with themselves, what the meaning of it is, that so many men do profess themselves to have so deep a sense of the Obligation of the Covenant, as that a Law must be made on purpose to gratifie them in that humour: The Publick Constitutions must veil to their unknown Scruples, and with the Honour of having the Wisdom of the whole Nation confess it self to have been all along mistaken, they expect to be admitted Publick Preachers; This Plea is such a one as doth look as if it had some deep meaning in it, and ought to be thoroughly understood before admitted; I shall end this Argument as I did begin it▪ Either these men do believe that the Covenant doth oblige, or, they do not believe it, if they do not believe it to [Page] oblige, I cannot see what Honest Reason can be given why they should scruple to declare this their Belief; But on the other side, if they do really believe that the Covenant doth oblige them, it is much more adviseable, that this Perswasion should keep them out of the Church, than that they should bring this Perswasion into it: And whereas the Law-makers hoped that the Peevishness of this sort of People would within some reasonable compass of time have grown weary of it self, and accordingly had provided that the Declaration against the Covenant should, within a few Years, of course have become antiquated; the Clamours of these men have given so reasonable a Jealousie about their retaining their old Principles, as may well serve to awaken the Caution of those in Authority, so far as to put them in mind of giving New Life to their Old Act, and enlarging the terms of its Duration: For seeing that the Dissenters do value themselves so much upon their remembring the Covenant; our Governours [Page] have no small Concern to let it be seen, that neither do they forget it.

To all which hath been already said, I shall add this one Thing; It may not unjustly seem a Cause of much wonder how it should come to pass, that the Covenant should be looked upon as a thing much more sacred and indissoluble now than it was in former Dayes; That Correspondence which Mr. Ienkins, and a great many other London Ministers held with the Scots, for the sake of which he and others were cast into Prison, will not be denied to be in pursuance of the Obligation of the Covenant, and of that Part of it which they are alwayes glorying in, the Loyal and Meritorious Part, as to the Authority of His Majesty: Now I dare appeal to any Member of his present Congregation, whether he hath not renounced this part of the Obligation of the Covenant, in these following Words.

To the Supreme Authority, the Parliament of the Commonwealth of ENGLAND. The Humble Petition of VVilliam Ienkin Prisoner.

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THat the Providence of God hath in the Iudgement of your Petitioner as evidently appeared in the removing of others from, & investing your Honours with the Government of this Nation, as ever they appeared in the taking away or bestowing of any Government in any History of any Age in the World.

That he apprehends that a refusal to be subject to this present Authority under the pretence of upholding the Title of ANYONE upon the Earth is a refusal to acquiesce in the wise and righteous pleasure of God; such an opposing of the Government set up by the Soveraign Lord of Heaven and Earth, as none can have peace either in acting or suffering for: And that your Petitioner [Page] looks upon it as his Duty to yield to this Authority all active and chearful Obedience, even for Conscience sake, &c.

Here is a plain Renunciation of all the Obligation of the Covenant, so far as respects the King; the good man is quit by Providence, nay did not that whole Party, as scrupulous as ever they may now seem, from that time forward ever afterward till the laying aside the Family of Cromwels, absolutely lay aside all thought of any manner of Obligation either to King or Covenant.

And now after all these dangers which will be perpetually impending over us from the Covenant, and which we can never be secure from, so long as there is the least pretence remaining among us, that that Oath is at all obligatory; there is another thing which may justly raise our wonder, and may concern us much more than the generality of us are aware, to enquire what may the meaning of it; and that is this, to consider how it doth come to pass, that the Presbyterians [Page] and the other Sectaries do all at present unite in the Common Plea of Liberty of Conscience; For it is very plain that in this part of the Debate between us, their Inclinations, Judgements and Interests are very different, and their Pleas utterly inconsistent. It is not so long ago, but that some alive remember it, that the sweet noyse of Liberty of Conscience made a very pleasant sound, and the Dissenters from the legal Establishment were all for a while hugely taken themselves, and did endeavour to charm each other with it; but within the compass of a very little time, they themselves could not tell what to do with it, fell out with one another about the Nature, Bounds, and Limits of it; and even at this very day it is a clear Case, That any Private Person, without the least entrenching upon the Authority of his Superiours, may sa [...]ely undertake, that all the Pretenders to Liberty of Conscience in the whole Nation, shall every one of them have their utmost wish, in the very same moment that they [Page] themselves shall all agree about it; I must needs say that this Plea is at the first view something specious, and hath some shews of reason in it; But if it be a little narrowly looked into, it will be found to be a fine word, which no body knoweth the meaning of, a thing which looks prettily, but is of no manner of use, which very many Persons do admire, and very few if any at all will in the least endure.

And to make this evident, let us consider that this Liberty of Conscience must be either limited, or unlimited; If limited, it is by no means to be called Liberty of Conscience; nay, it is a plain giving up of the Cause, for it is an actuall granting, that Conscience is neither so sacred, nor hath any Right to be looked upon as so tender a thing, but that it both may and ought to have bounds and limits set unto it; and I believe that there are Few men who are not of this mind, or, if they are not at present, a little experience will quickly bring them to be of it.

[Page]Now if Conscience be to be limited, then they who do not like those limits which the Law hath already set unto it should do well (when they have obtained lieve for their so doing) to propose those other Limits which they see cause to desire; and after they are agreed themselves about those Limits, let them in a dutiful manner offer them to their Superiours, alledge their reasons, and among them, let them by no means omit this one, which they so often boast of and triumph in, the great numbers, and Quality of those Persons who are agreed upon those Bounds and Limits, who will acquiesce and rest satisfied in them: And without the doing of this, the Raisers of all these Clamours do nothing else but put an intolerable affront upon the Wisdom and Authority of the Nation, to demand so importunately the Alteration of the setled Constitution, in order to the Gratification of no Body knoweth whom, why, or in what, either how far the Alteration is desired, or what is designed to be the effect of any such [Page] Alteration. Let, I say, the Dissenters, who take themselves to be considerable enough to expect a publick Change for their sakes, declare concerning Themselves and their Intentions, We are they who do desire an Alteration; we do desire it to be made only thus far, and then we will acquiesce in it, and in our several places and Callings (according to a known reading) will endeavour to make all others to acquiesce in it; and we know, that all the Sober, Serious, Peaceable, Godly, Knowing, Conscientious Part of the Nation will joyn with us in it.

When the Noise-makers have done this, then, and not before, it will be seasonable to harken unto them: Upon these Terms, I say, and only upon these, their Proposals will be in a condition to be taken into Consideration: When it is once known what the desires of any Party are, then there is room for enquiry, whether or no, or how far they carry Reason in them. And it may sometimes so chance, that such demands as are not [Page] altogether reasonable in themselves, may yet in some sort be thought fit to be complied with in regard of the Number, Quality, Merits or Interest of those Persons who appear to be fond of them. In a Debate about the alteration of a Legal Establishment, there are Two things highly considerable; 1. The Nature of the Alteration it self; 2. The Nature of those who desire it, who they are, how many, and what kind of People. Now these are things which themselves alone are qualified to make out unto us; and till they have done that, Authority is scarce in a Capacity to concern it self about it: For it can have no Measures to take, nor propose to it self any End; it can neither know what Concessions to make, nor to whom; can have no way the least assurance, either what will satisfie, or who they are who are to be satisfied.

And as for the late device of Comprehension, the nature of of it is as yet unknown, and he must be a bold Man who will undertake for the Event of it. As to that which is by ordinary Persons [Page] to be understood of it, it amounts to no more than a pretty artifice of saving the Reputation of about a dozen Persons, who are sick of their present Separation from the Church, and stand in need of a plausible Pretence under which to return unto it: Their credit will not suffer them to renounce their old Principles, and they are weary of sticking longer to them. Now if the Pride of these Men should be thus far gratified, who can secure us of any great Effect from it? Will their Hearers imitate their Teachers in their compliance upon these Terms or abhorr them for it? And if we had any assurance in getting above these Difficulties, yet however, as to all those who do not come within the Comprehension, every one of all the Pleas of Liberty of Conscience and Persecution remain as they were before, so that such a Purchase will be upon no prudent estimate worth the price we pay for it.

These Two things therefore I take to be very clear; First, that Liberty with Bounds and Limits set to it, is not [Page] Liberty of Conscience: 2. That if any other Bounds and Limits are to be set besides those which the Law hath already set, it is very requisite, indeed necessary, that those Limits should be known before admitted, agreed upon among themselves before they be desired from their Superiours. But because I very well know that how reasonable soever this way of procedure is in it self, yet that the concerned Gentlemen will find more than a few difficulties in it; I shall therefore enquire a little into the other Member of the fore-mentioned Division, and that is, such a Toleration as is unlimited.

And here I do freely confess this, that all the Pleas which pretend to shew the reasonableness and usefulness of Liberty of Conscience do plainly prove this, if they do prove any thing at all: And the late Authour of Humane Reason hath been so much honester than many of the Writers upon this Argument, that he hath fairly owned the Conclusion which his Premises naturally do tend unto. Now [Page] that which here doth first offer it self to our Consideration, is this: How it doth come to pass that in this Part of the Argument the Presbyterians of late have observably been very silent? There was a time when in this Case their Zeal was as warm as any mans, and nothing in the whole World was in their esteem more frightful, more intolerable than Toleration. In the year, 1644. This Point of Indulgence was a matter of high Debate, and the Dissenters from the Presbyterian way did desire the same Liberty from their Impositions which they had both of them before joyned in des [...]ing from the National Settlement; their Pretences were at least equal, they had the same natural right to Freedom which any other men had, they had the same Pleas of Christian Liberty, and besides all this they had another very good title upon which they might expect Indulgence from the Presbyterians in Point of Merit; the same Arguments the Sectaries shewed to be in common between them both, and withall had this to add farther, that [Page] their Arms added that assistance, without which the Presbyterians could never have been able to have brought themselves into a condition, to have enjoyed that Liberty as to themselves, which the other Sects by their joynt concurrence did put them into a condition to grant, and therefore very well deserved to have received from them. But in those dayes, their dear Brethren, to whom they were much beholding for their joynt concurrence in Prayers and Arms; their mutual Contributions of Blood and Treasure, and whom at present they smile most sweetly upon, did receive the harshest usage which was in their Power to give them, and it was no small matter of publick complaint, that they were not permitted to handle them with much greater roughness: To omit many others there then came out a Book entituled, Wholesome Severity reconciled with Christian Liberty, Licensed by Ia. Cranford, wherein we are told, that Liberty of Heresie and Schism is no part of the Liberty of Conscience which Christ hath purchased for us, but that [Page]under these fair Colours and handsome Pretexts Sectaries infuse their Poyson, their Pernicious, God-provoking; Truthdefacing, Church-ruinating and Stateshaking Toleration.

To which Author I shall only add the more Publick Testimony to the Truth of Iesus Christ, and to our Solemn League and Covenant, as also against the Errours, Heresies, Blasphemies of these Times, and the Toleration of them, subscribed by the Ministers of Christ within the Province of London, December 14. 1647. Which I have already mentioned, but in this part of the Argument shall insist something more largely upon; because they were such a Body of men as were looked upon as very considerable, and sufficiently qualified to speak the sence of their whole Party to great advantage: And besides that some of them are yet living and Preachers at this day to the separated Congregations about the Town. Now I would [...]ain know of these Gentlemen, whether they are of the same Judgment now about Toleration, as they were then? if [Page] they are, then methinks they should do very well to declare it, and so much the rather, because that by their behaviour one would guess that their minds were altered; in that they do so far comply as to joyn Counsels and Interests with those whom formerly they bore testimony against: Again, if they are of the same mind about Toleration now as they were formerly; then all the under Sects have great Cause in time to beware of them, ought to look upon them as very false brethren, who want nothing but opportunity to take away that Liberty which now indeed is common to them with the rest of their Brethren, but they never intended it for any but themselves. And on the other side, if they are not of the same mind about Toleration now as they were formerly; then they ought in all Honesty to declare to the World how much they were formerly mistaken, in that they raised such fearful Outcries against that Toleration which is an innocent and an useful thing; the giving of which is (as it [Page] is now said) the Duty and Interest of all Government, is indeed no other than the permitting to us that Liberty with which Christ made us free, or rather, which is the Right of Nature, the Common Birth right of all Mankind.

In the Preface to the aforesaid Testimony they tell us of the spreading Heresies and cursed Blasphemies of those Times, which had born down the Authority of the Scriptures and our Solemn League and Covenant (very fitly joynned:) And then they add, But above all our Souls are wounded to think with wha [...] hope and industry, a Toleration of all these Evils is endeavoured, and with what a wellcomed boldness sundry odious Hereticks, which in other places have been banished and branded with infamy, do vent their poysonous Opinions amongst us; as if they intended to make England a common receptacle of all the sinful Dregs of Foreign Countries as well as former Ages, pag. 29. As if all the Errours, Heresies, Sects, Schisms, Divisions, Looseness, Prophaneness, and Breach of Covenant among us, were small matters; [Page] what secret and publick Endeavours, Projects, Methods and Practices are there amongst us to bring in an universal, boundless, lawless, abominable and intolerable Toleration, to the filling up of the measure of our Iniquities, and the pulling down God's fierce indignation upon this Nation, and pag. 30. Instead of Vnity and Vniformity in Matters of Religion, we are torn in pieces with destructive Schisms, Separations, Divisions, and Subdivisions, &c. and instead of Extirpation of Heresie, Schism, Prophaneness, we have such an impudent and general inundation of all these Evils, that Multitudes are not ashamed to press and plead for a publick, formal, Vniversal Toleration. And having thus shewed how great their Zeal was in this Case, I shall likewise lay down their Reasons for it, which with great earnestness they did express in these following Words, pag. 32. A publick and a general Toleration will prove an hideous and complexive evil of most dangerous and mischievous Consequence, if ever (which God forbid) it should be consented to by Authority, [Page] for hereby, First, the Glory of the most high God, will be laid in the very dust; Secondly, the Truth of Christ, yea all the Fundamentals of Faith will be r [...]ed to the very ground; Thirdly, all Christ's Ordinances, Offices, Worship, Religion, yea and the very Power of Godliness will be utterly overthro [...]; Fourthly, thousands, and ten thousands of poor Souls which Christ hath ransomed with his own blood, shall be hereby betrayed, seduced, and endangered to be undone to all eternity. Fifthly, Magistracy and Ministry, and with them all Religious, and comely Order in the Church and Commonwealth will be plucked up by the very roots. Sixthly, Reformation in Religion, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline and Government shall be utterly made voyd. Seventhly, England shall be swallowed up with Sects, Schisms, Divisions, Disorders, and Confusions, and become an odious sink, and a common rec [...]ptacle of all the prodigious Errours, Lies, Heresies, and Blasphemies, Libertinism and Profaneness in the World; so that Rome it self shall not be a more odious puddle and cage of all abominatio [...]s [Page] and uncleannesses. Eighthly, the Godly shall sit down and lament among us. Ninethly, the wicked shall rise up and insult over us. Tenthly, all the Nations about us shall be amazed at us. Eleventhly, all the Reformed Churches shall be ashamed to own us, they shall all cry out against us; Is this England that Covenanted and swore to the most High God such a Reformation and Extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, Superstition, Heresie, Schism, Prophaneness, and whatever shall be found contrary to sound Doctrine, and the power of Godliness, and after so long a travel hath she brought forth an hideous Monster of Toleration? And again, pag. 33. Hath England heretofore had such a large share of Gospel-Enjoyments; and doth she now render to the Lord for all his Benefits a detestable Toleration? Dost thou thus reward the Lord, O foolish England and unwise? Twelfthly, and to conclude, seeing we have just cause to fear, that if this Toleration be entertained among us, the Righteous God of Heaven and Earth will be provoked to plague us yet seven times more, [Page] and at last to translate his very Gospel and Kingdom from us unto another Nation: Therefore upon all these Considerations, we the Ministers of Iesus Christ do hereby testifie to all our Flocks, to all the Kingdom, to all the Reformed Churches, as our great dislike of Prelacy, Erastianism, Brownism and Independency; so our utter abhorrency of AntiScripturism, Popery, Arri [...]nism, Socinianism, Arminianism, Antinomianism, Anabaptism, Libertinism, and Familism, with all such like, now too rife among us.

It were endless to transcribe all which hath been said by the Presbyterians against Toleration; and therefore it is not a little strange, how much for some years they have endeavoured after it: But sure their separating Brethren cannot be so forgetful of what hath been but so very lately past, as not to cast a very watchful Eye over them, to suspect their kindness, and be hugely jealous of their present Concurrence with them; it being not very credible, that their Moderation is greater than formerly, and that which makes all [Page] the difference is no other thing than this, That their Power is not altogether so great. It hath been no unusual thing in the World for men to unite in their Endeavours in order to very differing Ends; to dissemble for a while their mutual Resentments, and to have less kindness for those very Persons they do cabal with, than for those whom they do cabal against. A Common Interest for a while keeps them close together, and out of that they each hope for their particular Advantages; and both sides hug and applaud inwardly their own Arts and Dexterity, in that they see the way chalked out how they shall be able to supplant their Friends, as well as ruine their Enemies. Thus the Presbyterians may at present joyn their endeavours in attaining that Liberty, which they hope in time to take away, not only from those whom they at present desire to grant it, but likewise from those who now enjoy it together with them: The Independents, Anabaptists, &c. must needs remember how the Presbyterians bore [Page] testimony against that Toleration of them which they could not hinder: They could no more endure those who fought on their side to dissent from them, than they could those who fought against them. Remember (Gentlemen) you all fought for Liberty of Conscience; and yet your Fellow-soldiers would not allow you that which you shed your Blood for, and for their own obtaining of which, they were much more beholding to your Arms than to their own.

The Pretences of all the differing sorts of Dissenters are so vastly distant, as to be utterly inconsistent; and whatever Correspondence is between them at present, it ought not to be looked upon, either by themselves or any one else, as any Union or Agreement which is of late made between them, but merely as a Combination against that Settlement which they are all weary of; and as soon as ever that is again overthrown, we shall then see that all their old Quarrels will return as formerly: The tender Consciences of divers sizes will immediatly [Page] fall as foully upon one another as ever they did: Presbytery will be stiled the Yoke of Antichrist, and Independency the Mother of Confusion; the one will be stiled Egypt, and the other, Babel.

If any Particular Sect among them doth desire Indulgence, and means nothing else besides a bare Permission to serve God in its own way: If there were nothing else but this in the Case, its Request then would with all Submission be put up single and by it self; that so an account might be taken both of the Principles and of the Persons, how innocent the one, and how peaceable the other; and what Influence either of them are like to have upon the present Settlement either of Church or State: And surely it ought not to be looked upon either as unreasonable or assuming, if the Government doth look upon it self as concerned to have a great regard to it self both in point of Duty and in point of Safety. And in such an Enquiry as this, the Quality, Numbers, and Temper of the Petitioners for such Indulgence [Page] are of no small Consideration. And this way of Procedure, that each single Sect should speak by and for its self, and state its own particular Case, is methinks the fairest Course which can be taken; and such a one as those Dissenters, who are conscious to themselves of no ill meaning, should look upon as highly advisable for their own sakes: It being very obvious to the most ordinary Prudence, that it may be frequently advisable upon divers particular and material Considerations, to indulge some kinds of Liberty to such and such sorts of Dissenters, which is by no means fit to allow to others; much less to allow promiscuously to all. But to take that course which they have always done since his Majesties Restauration, that they should all joyn in a common Cry, as if they had one common Cause, is very suspicious; especially considering that they are divided among themselves in this very point of Liberty of Conscience, notwithstanding their Unanimity in calling for it.

Some Rumours have of late been [Page] spread indeed all over the Town concerning such a kind of Comprehension as should leave no room for Toleration: how well grounded such Reports have been I will not undertake; it is but in vain to make an uncertain guess at what kind of Proposals may possibly be offered by some Persons; and to fancy at all adventures who they are or may be who are in any likelihood to be concluded by them. But because it is said publickly enough and by no mean Persons, That the Presbyterians, at least the chief and leading Men among them▪ are ready now to enter into the Church, upon some reasonable Abatements to be made unto them: And when they are once gained, the other Sects will not be considerable enough to expect, that any Toleration should be allowed unto them. If this be the Case, as it is by some of themselves pretended to be, then the Case is much altered from what it lately was: Reformed Christianity in its Latitude, which came out in 1667. and the Defence of it in 1668. are express, not [...] [Page] only for Comprehension but likewise for Toleration, and besides that for a Connivence also. And a later Treatise entituled, Indulgence not to be refused; Comprehension humbly desired, which came out 1672. is express for Toleration; and against that part of his Design he makes this Objection: The Presbyterians in former times wrote and preached against Toleration and Indulgence, and if they do now fall in with it, they contradict themselves. To this he answers, That some did, some did not; and there was a Reason then which ceaseth now: and besides, many of those who declared against such a Toleration are dead and gone, and there are others postnati to those times who now suffer, p. 11, 12. So that it seems, these Two Advocates for the Comprehension were for a Toleration. If the minds of these men be changed since that time, it were not unfit that they should give Publick notice of it, especially for this Reason: It is well known, that in the private Discourses and in their printed Books, the People have been moved to express much pity [Page] toward the Dissenters, and not a few exasperated against the Government by the perpetual noise of Persecution, Liberty, Conscience, Moderation, Forbearance, Tenderness, Compassion, Indulgence; and that this hath not been the peculiar Phrases of such or such a particular Sect, but the common language of all of them. Now if this device of Comprehension do take place, then all those Pleas as to all Parties but one will remain as formerly

But if the Presbyterians do really intend to come into the Church now, upon such & such abatements to be made unto them, and finally and for ever to shake Hands with their old Brethren; it were but reasonable to expect that they should do these two things: First, that in their present Meeting-Houses they should use so much of the Common-Prayer as they can lawfully, and mean hereafter to use, and observe so many of the Orders and Ceremonies of the Church, as they are perswaded of the Innocency of; and take the first opportunity of declaring to their Hearers their Resolutions of Conformity, thereby to prepare them to conform [Page] likewise: Secondly, they should declare, as formerly, against Liberty of Conscience, as a thing which they do by no means approve, and are resolved never hereafter to have any thing to do with. If, I say, these men do desire that any publick distinction should be made between them and other Dissenters, they themselves should do well to own such a distinction; if we go into their Conventicles we cannot find any such great difference in the way of Worship between the Presbyterians and others, as thence to be able to distinguish them. If we go into their Company their Complaints are much of the same strain, and not seldom in the same Syllables.

If there are any among them (as it is to be hoped there are) who are sincere, modest, and peaceable, who mean better than their Neighbours; The Law cannot help it if they suffer for being taken in bad Company: It is not unlikely that they might have fared much better themselves if they had not had such Partakers; their own Case might have been looked upon as pitiable, if they had not joyned [Page] with such dangerous Adherents. If this Course (I say) were taken, that each Sect did urge its own Plea single, by and for it self, there were then some ground for Charity, and we might possibly have some hope, that their aims looked no higher than an Indulgence: And by so inoffensive a way of asking favour, Authority would have some ground whereupon to be perswaded, that they would use any favour which they could obtain with the very same Modesty with which they do desire it: But when they shall all unite with a joynt Consent in one and the same Clamour for that very Demand, about which themselves neither ever did, nor ever can agree; and within which Pretence no one name is wide enough to comprehend them, besides that of Nonconformity, viz. Dissenters from the present Constitution: Of which dissent it is more than possible to alledge, not only divers, but contrary Reasons, and doth only tell us what it is they would not have, but not at all what they would have. It is but too [Page] evident, that Indulgence is not the only thing aimed at, but is only proposed in order to something else; and the plausible name of Conscience may upon these terms be suspected to be only a handsome Artifice whereby to disguise that Combination, which no other word is solemn enough to authorize, or of compass large enough to be a sufficient shelter for; and by which they hope to become a Match for some common Enemy: And accordingly as their success doth chance to happen in that, each Sect doth flatter it self with the particular Advantages to be reaped from it. And in this I am the more confirmed, because that the late Act of Parliament against Conventicles, which hath been the matter of so much Lamentation and Complaint, hath been so tender, even of the needless Scruples of Conscience, as to allow these men their own Fancies in their way of Worship in their own Families, and four of their Neighbours to joyn with them: But these Good men are persecuted, if they are only tolerated; they lose [Page] their ends unless they make Proselytes, and have opportunities to form themselves into Parties.

But if this Plea of Conscience be so very Omnipotent, as that it must bear all things down before it, and no other Consideration whatever must in the least presume to stand in its way: Suppose the Case should so happen, as that this Plea should become so utterly inconsistent with it self, as that it is impossible but that in one respect or other, it must necessarily be over-ruled; and this is a Case which may occurr very frequently: As for Example, suppose that my Conscience tells me, that I ought to be of this or that Opinion, and not only so, but that I am obliged not only to entertain it my self, but withall to vent and propagate it to others; and on the contrary, the Magistrates Conscience tells him, that he is appointed by God to be a Keeper of both the Tables, and that it is his Duty to take care not only of Peace, but Truth; and the Doctrines which I am so very fond of are not only erroneous, but [Page] likewise of very ill consequence, both as to the Souls of men and to the publick Peace; and that to so high a degree, as that he is firmly perswaded, and as he really believes and thinks himself able to give a very good account upon weighty grounds, that he should be much wanting, both to the Duty which he oweth to God, and the Care which he ought to take of his People, both as to their Temporal and Eternal Welfare, if he doth not make use of his Authority in the restraining me from venting any such pernicious Doctrines within his Dominions.

What now is to be done in this case? My Conscience tells me, that I am obliged to preach such and such Doctrines, as being precious and soulsaving ones, the Truths of God and Gospel-discoveries; the King's Conscience tells him, that they are the Doctrines of Devils (as Saint Paul did upon occasion declare some Doctrines to be) and that he ought not to give me Liberty to preach any such in his Kingdom: What now is to be done [Page] in this Case? Here is Conscience on both sides; the King is as firmly perswaded as I am, and thinks himself as well informed as I either am or can be; If the King restrains me from preaching after my own way, then I cry out that he is a Persecutor: He replies, that I am a Seducer, nay, a Blasphemer, and he neither will nor ought to suffer any such in his Countries; either his Conscience or mine must over-rule; Both cannot be satisfied; one or other must necessarily either yield or alter; or else I must Preach, and he must Punish, and the Almighty must at his own time be Judge between us; and in the mean time as to all the purposes of this World, the King's Conscience hath reason to expect to be more Authoritative than mine, and withall he is concerned to take care both of himself and all other men, to Judge both as to his own particular, and likewise as to the Concerns of His whole Nation.

If it be replied in this Case, that the King's Conscience ought to yield, because it is an Errour in Him to think [Page] that He is at all concerned in Points of this Nature; that Religion is no part of His Care, His business is only to look after the Civil Government, and the Publick Peace (a Pretence frequently insisted on:) The Answer to this is very plain, and might easily be enlarged upon, as to many Particulars, I shall only mention these two Things; First, that Religion hath a very great influence upon Civil Government, and the Publick Peace; and therefore if so be, that the Civil Government and the Publick Peace be within His Care; then Religion ought by no means to be excluded from it, as having so great an influence upon it. In the next place, as to the Pretence that the Magistrate is in an Errour, if he looks upon himself as concerned in this Particular; it is more than possible, that that very Pretence will upon Examination appear to be the greater Errour: And in general the Subject is no more free from Errour than the Soveraign. And this need not seem News to us of this Age and Nation; and to speak the Truth, it [Page] is no easie matter to find out any Age or Nation, where it hath not been sadly evidenced, that Seducers will quickly be found in great abundance, where Liberty hath been given for the People to be seduced by them: And after all this, it will be no impossible Task to make out, that Magistrates are obliged not only in Interest, but likewise in point of Conscience, to have a great Care of Religion; and to use that Authority which they received from God, so far to the honour of him who gave it, as by no means to suffer his Truths to lie all openly exposed to all the Lusts, Designs, and Mistakes of Men; to all the Knavery and all the Folly of Every one who is either willing to deceive, or liable to be deceived. And of this I shall now endeavour to give a brief account both from Reason and Scripture, the Necessity of the thing, and the Authority both of the Old and New Testament.

But here a great many Rubs are thrown in our way, by the fore-mentioned Author of Liberty of Conscience [Page]upon its true and proper Grounds asserted and vindicated: Proving that no Prince nor State ought by force to compel men to any Part of the Doctrine, Worship or Discipline of the Gospel. London, Printed in the year 1668. Which methinks is not very different from the Doctrine of the Blody Tenent dedicated to both Houses of Parliament in the year 1644. It is the Will and Command of God, that (since the coming of his Son Iesus) a Permission of the most Paganish, Iewish, Turkish, or Antichristian Consciences and Worships be granted to All men in all Nations and Countries. But whatever the Assertion of our Author is either in it self, or in its Consequence, I shall briefly enquire into the Arguments he brings for it. Pag. 25. That the Civil and Ecclesiastical Power are things perfectly in themselves distinct, and ought in their Excercise to be kept so, &c. And, The Magistrate hath ways, such as Christ thought sufficient, to promote the Good of Religion, and propagating the Growth of the Gospel, without drawing the Civil Sword, which will make no more[Page]Impression in spiritual Concerns, than it will do upon a Ghost which hath no real Body, &c. And p. 28. To use force in Religion is wholly unlawful in any hand whatever; because it is by no means appointed by Christ to bring about any Gospel-End: For the Magistrate to enforce the Laws of the Gospel by Temporal Power, or to compel Men into the Gospel by such a Power, is to act without the least Precept or Precedent; to induce an Engine to execute the Gospel contrary to the nature of Christs Kingdom (which is not of this World) and contrary to the nature of all Gospel-institutions. Doth not Paul positively deliver this, That the weapons of the Gospel are not carnal but spiritual, and mighty thorough God: The Sword of the Spirit is the Weapon by which Christ doth all; yea, by which he will destroy Antichrist, the greatest Gospel-enemy the World hath produced. The Sum of which is briefly this: 1. That Force is a very incompetent Method to be used in matters of Belief and Perswasion: 2. That it is unlawful. 1. Because Christ hath no where commanded it, we have neither [Page] Precept nor Precedent for it: 2. Because St. Paul hath plainly forbid it, where he says that the weapons of our warfare are not carnal.

Now, as to these Suggestions which do frequently recurr in this Question, I shall at present only briefly touch upon them, premising this, That our Author, like to all the rest who have dealt in this Cause, is as much concern'd to answer these and all the rest of his Arguments against using the Secular Interposition in matters of Belief, as any of those he writes against; because he himself doth very much approve and commend such Interposition where he likes the Cause in behalf of which it is made use of. Now, though this may seem strange, because it is directly contrary to his whole Book, yet it is very plain; and I shall not expect to be believed upon my bare word, but desire the Author himself, or any one besides who makes a doubt of it, to consider these words which we have pag. 24. Constantine and the Christian Emperours after him, till the Church of Rome [Page] had cheated them into subjection, took upon them the care and oversight of all Religious things: among our selves we reap the advantage of our Kings and Princes care and Concern in that enjoyment we have of the Protestant Religion. Now this Assertion of that learned Gentleman is evidently true; but then it happens here as it useth in the other Discourses for Toleration: When the Evidence of Truth hath forced from them one reasonable Concession, that one Concession doth plainly give away from them nothing less than their whole Cause: For, pray tell me, Constantine and the Christian Emperours are here commended for their care and oversight in Religious things; and so our own Kings for securing to us the Protestant Religion: Now was not all this done by Laws and Penalties, and the Civil Sword, and was there any possibility of having it done any other way?

This being premised, as to the Exceptions themselves, I briefly say this; If no force is to be used in matters of Religion, because it is an incompetent [Page] Method, as being able to reach only to the Body and Estate, but is by much too weak to reach unto the Mind; this is a Difficulty not at all peculiar to the Gospel, but common to that with all other Dispensations. The Mind of a Man was as much a Spirit under the Law as it can be now; and the Sword was made of as meer Matter in those days, as it can be in these: and therefore thus far the Case is one and the same. As to the Second Exception, That all Force is now unlawful, because Christ hath not commanded it, they have been told, and have had it proved to them too in many parts of the Puritan Controversie, that many things are lawful which there is no particular Command for; that a thing becomes unlawful, not by being not commanded, but by being forbidden: And this leads me directly to the Third Exception, That all Force is plainly forbidden by St. Paul, when he says, 2 Cor. 10. v. 4. that The weapons of our warfare are not carnal. Now this saying of the Apostle is so far from being a [Page] hibition of all Coercion in the Affairs of Religion, that it doth plainly refer to a very great Coercion, which himself did in these very words threaten for to use, viz. the Censures of the Church in such a manner as to carry temporal Penalties along with them, in manner miraculous, visible and extraordinary: And therefore it followeth in the next words, that those Weapons which in themselves might be supposed weak, yet if they were better looked into would be found to have a strength from God, which they had not from themselves; for they were not meerly carnal, but mighty through God for the bringing down strong holds: And to render it clear that these words have a penal meaning in them, it follows, that these Weapons are able to cast down imaginations, and every high thought that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the Obedience of Christ: And to put it out of all doubt, that those Weapons had a coercive power in them, the Apostle [Page] adds, in a stile much beyond exhortation and advice, nay, much beyond a bare reproof, that in the strength of them he would revenge all disobedience. And as for the last most pressing and convincing Consideration, That if Force was to be used in any affair of Religion at all, it was of all others the most to be justified in order to the pulling down of Antichrist, the greatest of all other Gospel-enemies: But even in that Case it ought not to be used, and therefore most certainly not in any other; The Sword of the Spirit being the only Weapon by which Christ will destroy Antichrist, the greatest Gospel-enemy which the World hath produced. I shall not here take an advantage which I have already mentioned, that the Sword of the Spirit doth in Scripture signifie something which carries Coercion along with it; but shall be contented that that word be understood in the common meaning of it: And upon that Supposition I believe that this Assertion of this learned Gentleman will scarce pass for true Doctrine in the Separated Congregations; [Page] I am sure that there was a time when it would not have done so, and I never yet heard that in this Point their Minds were altered: How unlawful soever it may be for the Magistrate to make use of the Civil Sword in a Cause of Religion; I am sure that it hath been often preached as a great Gospel Duty, though in a Rebellion, to make use of the Military one. We have not forgot how often the Zeal of the Common People was inflamed against the King, by telling them that the Cause then fought for was the Cause of God, that their Persons and Estates were all too little to be sacrificed in this Concern of Religion, and the question really was, whether Christ or Anti-Christ should be King? And so I return to our Author.

Amongst all the Arguments which are brought to prove the Compulsory Power of the Magistrate under the Gospel, the greatest weight is laid upon the practice of the Kings of Israel and Judah, and what they did under the Law in compelling men to the Worship of God then [Page] established. In the due Consideration whereof we shall find the truth in hand no wayes invalidated, and that what was then done by the Kings of Israel and Judah, cannot reasonably be now made a Rule to Magistrates under the Gospel: And that the Analogy will no way hold, may be made appear both from the different station and posture those Kings were in from all Magistrates now, and also from the different Condition of the Church then and now, and many Circumstances peculiarly relating to both. First, the Worship and Policy of the Jews, being in it self Typical, and representative of what was to come hereafter, their Government was likewise so, and in their Kings very eminently. Secondly, God was pleased in those Times upon all eminent Occasions of Reformation in his Worship and Proceedings of that Nature to send Prophets to declare his positive Mind, and to put an end to all Doubts, that could be about such things: Nay, some of the Kings themselves were Prophets immediately inspired, and did not only take care of the Worship established by Moses, but did [Page] themselves by Divine Authority bring in things of a new Institution into the Worship of God. Thus David did, and Solomon in bringing Musick into the Temple, and setling the Courses of the Priests, and were divinely inspired to write part of the holy Scriptures: No Magistrate now can pretend to any such power in themselves, nor have they any such extraordinary direction to guide them; but are punctually obliged to whatever Christ hath revealed in the Gospel: And therefore in this respect the Analogy holds no way good.

The sum of all which is, that no Argument ought to be drawn from the Examples of the Kings of Israel or Iudah, whereby to prove the Power of any present Magistrates over the Affairs of Religion; by reason of the great difference between those Magistrates and ours, especially in these two respects: First, that they were Typical: Secondly, that in such Cases they had either Prophets sent to them, or themselves were divinely inspired.

And in this part of the Argument, [Page] if I had a mind to enlarge farther than I needs must, I believe that I should find it an easie matter, to find our Authour to have committed sundry mistakes in assigning the Difference between the State of the Church, and the Condition of Magistrates, as it was under the Law; I shall not dispute whether the Law, fulness of the Magistrate's using coercive power under the Law was Typical of this, that such coercive power should not be lawful under the Times of the Gospel: But in the second place I shall venture to say this, that several of the Constitutions made by the Iewish Kings, were such as stood in no need either of direction from Prophets commissioned for that purpose, or any immediate inspiration given in to them themselves; And in this Part of the Debate I shall go no farther than the Instances which our Author here layes down, of bringing Musick into the Temple, the setling of the Priests Courses, Two Things certainly which without inspiration, common prudence would abundantly [Page] serve to assist any man in: But to shew how little need there is to insist upon any thing of this, I shall produce an instance of the Magistrates coercive power in Matters of Religion, which shall not be liable to any of all these, however frivolous exceptions, as having in it not any thing peculiar to the Ordinances of Moses. And I shall fetch it out of the Book of Iob chap. 31. v. 26, 27, 28. If I beheld the Sun when it shined, or the Moon walking in brightness, and my heart hath been secretly enticed, or my mouth hath kissed my hand, this also were an iniquity to be punished by the Iudges, &c. Here now is an offence purely spiritual, a Crime meerly against Religion, not any otherwise at all against the State, or any particular Member of it; a sin indeed it was against God, but such an one as did consist in a meer mistake about him, and such a mistake as was in that Age and part of the World very frequently committed; and yet it is said to be an Iniquity to be punished by the Iudges. So that it seems in the dayes of Iob, the [Page] Civil Magistrate was thought to have in himself a power, and was concerned to look upon it as a Duty incumbent upon himself, to take care not only of the safety of Himself and His People, but likewise to look after the Honour of Almighty God.

Now whatever may be pretended for that Natural Liberty, which every man is now a-dayes supposed to have a full right to, to be permitted the enjoyment of his own way of Worship, we do find that things of this Nature were before the Dayes of Moses, and without relation to any of his Laws, under the Restraint and Authority of Superiours, who were to be in this as well as in any other Affairs, not only Guides but Governours. I suppose that without breach of Modesty, a man may with some Confidence affirm, that if it had not been within the due bounds of that Power which of right did belong to Abraham, that it would never have been recorded for his everlasting Honour by God himself, That he would command his Children and Houshold after[Page]him to keep the way of the Lord, not only advise or exhort, but Command, as we have it, Gen. 18. 19. And Abraham's Family was so large, as that Gen. 23. 6. He is stiled a Mighty Prince. And in this place we are to consider that it is very plain, that every one of all those Arguments, which do assert Liberty of Conscience by way of Right so far as to exempt Religion from the Authority of the Magistrate, doe, at least with equal force exempt it from the Authority of Parents, Masters, or who ever else besides: For this must needs be very evident, that if this Liberty be such a natural indefeasable right as that no humane power whatever can take it away from us, then as the Regal Power cannot take it away; so for the same reason neither can the Paternal or Despotical: Nay farther, if so be that these Pretenders are in the Right, and that such a Liberty in Matters of Religion, and the Profession of that Liberty be one part of Liberty, with which Christ hath made us free, and which we are accordingly called upon to stand fast [Page] in, as being purchased for us by our Redeemer's Blood, then the same Argument doth return upon us again at least with equal, if not with greater force; for as the King ought not to deprive us of any degree of that Liberty with which Christ made us free; so neither ought any Parent or Master presume to do any such thing; and Liberty of Conscience must upon these terms receive as little interruption in Families as in Kingdoms: No imposition must upon these terms be endured in any House, School, or Colledge, as to Forms or hours of Prayer, no Words, no nor no Gestures must be prescribed; every Child or Servant hath the free Liberty to remonstrate in behalf of this invaluable and frequently insisted on Priviledge, that no man must dare to determine what Christ hath left free, for in Christ there is no difference of any Age or Quality, high and low in him are all alike.

The chief, if not only ground of mistake in this particular is this, that in the New Testament we have not an [Page] Example of a Civil Magistrate exercising his Civil Power in defence of the Gospel: Now that which renders this Exception utterly insignificant, is this, that in the New Testament we do not read of any Civil Magistrate who was a Christian. And nothing can be plainer than this, that the Magistrates which then were did look upon Religion as a thing within their Cognizance, and accordingly, as they did not believe the Doctrine of the Gospel to be true, they did call them to account who did either profess or propogate it: And if this had been one alteration which the Gospel had brought into the World, that from henceforth Religion, contrary to the Sentiments of all former Ages, should be absolutely exempt from the Cognizance of any Magistrate, and that every man's Conscience was so sacred, as that God alone was fit to be the Judge of it; it is not a little to be wondred at, that in this new Epocha and strange alteration of Affairs, the Apostles did take no manner of notic [...] of this change, and when they [Page] had so fair Opportunities and proper seasons; as when they themselves were called in Question about Matters of Religion, did never in the least insert this in their Apologies, that Religion was no part of the Civil Magistrates business: When St. Paul was questioned about Heresie, he made no such exception against the Tribunal he was called before; that Heresie was a thing which they had nothing to do to enquire about, but gave them an Account that the Doctrine which he preached was not Heresie.

And that we may root up the very Foundation of all mistakes in this matter, it is very evident, that among all the Precepts, which we meet with in the New Testament, concerning Moderation, Condescention, bearing with one anothers Infirmities, it is very evident, that not any one of them hath any manner of Relation to our great Idol of Liberty of Conscience; they being plainly given to private Persons, & many times in relation only to their own passions, and where not so limited to certain Cases, occasional emergencies, [Page] and with a clear reference to their not having as yet time or opportunity of being sufficiently instructed: But as for the Governours of the Church they are sufficiently called upon to watch over their respective Flocks, and to take care that Wolves do not break in upon them, they are called upon to exercise the whole power with which they were intrusted, viz. the power of Excommunication, a thing which comes so near the Question now in Debate, that it was not seldom assisted with temporal penalties: And though it is often suggested into his Argument, that the Outward Sword can act no more upon the mind of men than upon a Ghost, yet St. Paul, 1 Cor. 5. 5. was of the Opinion, that the Destruction of the Flesh (a Phrase well known to signifie Diseases, and such like inflictions on the Body) was a very likely method by which the Spirit might at length come to be saved. The Soul and the Body though of a distant Nature have so near an Union, such Common Interests, and so great an influence one upon another, [Page] that what doth affect the one, the other cannot choose but be so far concerned in, as at the least to consider it: And this is obvious to the most ordinary Experience, and hath seldom failed of a great Effect, whenever it hath been made trial of. And if it were not so, it would not only supercede all correction in religious Affairs, but in Civil ones likewise.

Now that any such kind of Liberty of Conscience was brought into the World by the Revelation of the Gospel, as that every one should henceforward without control profess and propagate what Opinion soever he either did really or would pretend to believe, I take to be a thing so far from being according to to the Rule of the New Testament, that I must profess my self to be very much mistaken, if so be that this thing be not contrary not only to some few Texts, but to a considerable part of the whole Design of it. In the 4th of the Ephes. v. 14. we read of several Orders and Degrees of Men instituted and appointed for this very purpose, [Page] that they might take care of the perfecting the Saints, the work of the Ministry, the edifying the Body of Christ; that we be henceforth no more Children tossed to and fro and carried about with every wind of Doctrine, by the slight of men and cunning crastiness whereby they lie in wait to deceive. Now is it credible that an unbounded Licence for all manner of Opinions, was ever intended by St. Paul to be a thing to be looked upon, as being according to the mind of Christ; who tells us of a whole Order of Men appointed by Christ, whose Duty it should be to take care, that men should not be tossed to and fro, and carried about with every Wind of Doctrine. And this Consideration will be of so much the greater force both as to the Care which ought to be taken of Souls, and withal as to the Ends of Government, and all the purposes of humane Life: If we do but keep in mind the Caution which is here given us by the Apostle, that every thing is not Gold that glisters; [Page] that fair pretences may have very ill Designs lodged under them: The being tossed to and fro with every wind of Doctrine is it self certainly a very great Evil and of very ill consequence. But the deluded persons themselves have one good Preservative against it, when they are by such an infallible Authority forewarn'd and assured, that this doth frequently come to pass by the slight of men and the cunning craftiness whereby they lie in wait to deceive: Now in this Case I would appeal to common Sense, whether it be a thing adviseable upon the scores either of Piety or Prudence, that such deceivers should have an unbounded Liberty, to seduce all those whom at any time they shall be able to impose upon? It is plain that St. Paul was so far from being of this mind, that he calls upon the Ecclesiastical Officers in this case to make use of the highest Censures which they were entrusted with, I wish they were cut off that trouble you, Gal. 5. 12. Now I would fain know whether when this which our Apostle [Page] doth advise is done, that according to the Rules of Scripture, any one or more are cast out of the Communion of the Church upon the account of Corruption either in Doctrine or Manners, it be agreeable to common Sense, that this Person or Persons, so cast out of the Church according to the Rules above supposed, should in the same Kingdom, nay, in the same Parish, have a right to set up another? that being cut off as a rotten Member from one Church, he may from thence assume the Privilege to create himself the Pastour of another, which he no doubt will be forward enough to tell us is a much purer one.

Now the want of exercising the Censures of the Church in this very Case of false Doctrine we find to be a thing highly blame-worthy, Rev. 2. 14. where it is said to the Angel of the Church of Pergamus, I have a few things against thee, because thou hast them who hold the Doctrine of Balaam; and Ver. 15. Thou hast them who hold the Doctrine of the Nicolaitans: Now [Page] the Governour of this Church is not charged in the least that he himself did hold these false Doctrines, but that there are those within his Communion who do hold them; as again the Complaint is renewed, v. 20. to another Angel, I have a few things against thee, because thou sufferest that woman Iezebel, which calleth her self a Prophetess, to teach and seduce my servants to commit fornication, and to eat things sacrificed to Idols. From all which it is very plain, that this Natural or Christian Right of propagating whatever Opinion men do chance, or fancy, or pretend to be of, was a thing which St. Iohn was utterly unacquainted with, and blames the Governours of the Church for suffering a false Prophetess to teach and seduce the Souls committed to their Charge.

And let any reasonable man consider with himself, whether the condition of the Common people be not lamentably expos'd to innumerable and unaccountable Dangers, if so be that by publick Authority they shall [Page] lie exposed to every one to deceive, who can and will. St. Paul, 2 Ti,. 2. 17. gives us notice of some Hereticks of his time, whose words do eat as doth a canker; he names the Men and the Doctrines, Hymeneus and Philetus, who say that the Resurrection is past already & overthrow the Faith of some: and this Doctrine of theirs by the benefit of Liberty of Conscience hath been preached since their days; and as often soever as that time shall come which St. Paul doth so much bewail, 2 Tim. 4. 3. That men will not endure sound Doctrine, but after their own Lusts heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears. Authority will be found useful as well as Instruction, and Government be needful as well as Exhortation.

In the Second Epistle of St. Peter, c. 2. v. 1, 2, 3. we read of false Prophets and false Teachers who shall priv [...]ly bring in damnable heresies; the consequence of which is there said to be very dreadful both to themselves and others, They shall bring upon themselves swift destruction: But this is not all, for this kind of infection is not [Page] only fatal but contagious; as it is expressed, v. 2. Many shall follow their pernitious ways. Now if errours are so pernicious to the Souls of men, and withal of a very spreading nature, is it a thing advisable that there should be an unbounded Licence for entertaining and receiving, spreading and propagating them? And this Consideration will appear evidently to be the more forcible, if we withal remember, that it is more than possible, that Doctrines in themselves false, may be known to be false by the men who teach them; and with great art and demureness many may endeavour to perswade others to those things of which themselves are not really perswaded. And let no man look upon this as any harsh or uncharitable Censure of mine; for it is so far from being a suggestion of mine, that it is in express terms taught by the Apostle, v. 3. Thorough covetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandise of you: So that Heresie may be a solemn way of setting up for a Cheat; Separation a very [Page] gainful Trade; the getting a Meeting-house, a religious Method of setting up a Shop, where the more numerous and ignorant his Auditors (otherwise called his Chapmen) are, so much the more it is in his power to put off what Wares he will, and to set what prices he pleaseth upon them.

And thus I think I have made it somewhat plain, from the New Testament, that that Liberty of Conscience, which of late hath so often been called for, is nothing like any part of that Christian Liberty which the Writers of that Book did ever think of; that they themselves did exercise, and require of others to exercise the whole Ecclesiastical Power in points of Doctrine as well as Manners; and that was the whole Power they were intrusted with; that this Power of theirs, though in it self wholly spiritual, was yet by an immediate interposition of God attended upon with Temporal Penalties, and by the Apostles known and intended so to be. So that in this [Page] Case it happened to them in vindicating their Authority, as it did in another in the exercise of their Charity; they could not give the poor man who begged at the Gate of the Temple Money; but they could give him the use of his Limbs; they had no Silver nor Gold, but what was much better they had; they could say, Rise up and walk: So in this Case they had not in those days the Sword of the Magistrate; but when it was seasonable they made it evident, that the want of that was abundantly supplied by the Sword of God.

Now all this being premised, there is very little need certainly for men to require a particular express Precept for the Power of the Civil Magistrate in Matters of Religion; seing the Authority of the Civil Magistrate over the affairs which related to the Worship of God was acknowledg'd and exercised over all the World; the Original of which practice we find to be of as early Date as Magistracy it self. It is notorious, that the [Page] Kingly and the Priestly Office was of old in one and the same Person; and when by the appointment of God, they came to be separated, there is not the least shew that this Separation was made out of any favour to Liberty of Conscience; nor the least in [...]uation that holy things should for all Ages and Dispensations to come be looked upon as no part of the Princes care: Nay, this is so far from being any thing like the Case, that in that very Nation, wherein that Separation was made, the Civil Power did all along retain the Right and did frequently use that Right of his in interposing authoritatively in Religious Affairs▪ And he did do this both by the appointment of God, and at other times without any especial appointment but by his original Right of Magistracy, when there was an Exig [...]y of Affairs which did require it; Nay, and in Matters of outward Order, and the more decent Celebration of Divine Offices, he did not always tie himself to the express Rule of the written word, but according [Page] to his own Prudence; and what he did thus without especial Commission is in Scripture recorded with great approbation. The Instances are too well known to stand in need of being insisted on.

Our forementioned Author tells us, p. 13. That a Magistrate, by becoming a Christian, hath no addition of power to what he had before, which is readily granted him; let him have but so much, and he will stand in need of no more. They who exempt all Affairs of Religion from the Authority of the Magistrate must prove that Christ did take much from his Authority, viz. the whole cognizance of Sacred things, a Power known to have been used by Jews as well as Gentiles. And however the Clergy have been frequently and falsly traduced in this particular, that in order to Ends of the [...] own they have flattered Princes with a Power, which really did not belong to them. It is well known that the Writers of Politicks have asserted this Prerogative of Princes as earnestly as the Divines have done: [Page] Instances would here be endless▪ I shall therefore shew you the thing granted by a known Scholar, but no Divine by Profession, and that is the Excellent Grotius, Omnes (saith he) qui de Republica aliquid lectu dignum scripsêre, hoc jus in sacra non partem summi Imperii, sed etiam potissimam atque praecipuam vocant, de Imperio, C. 1. p. 14.

Now I must needs confess that our forementioned Author doth, p. 22, 23. not only assert the Princes Power in Matters of Religion, but proves it very well; and at last concludes, that it is a great weakness to think otherwise: But then he adds, p. 24. That the Prince must by no means in this case use the Sword; and having said this, he seems a little suspicious, as if that Limitation had quite spoiled his whole Concession, as indeed it doth. But his wonted courage doth immediately return again; Nor need it see [...] strange that the Magistrate should have the care and oversight of that where he is not to use the Temporal Power, &c. Now, I think, it is not easie to be imagined [Page] what effectual Care the Magistrate can take but that; our Author tells us indeed of another way, viz. He is to see it done by the spiritual means which Christ hath appointed, p. 24. But if this be all which he may do, this may be too little: For suppose those spiritual Weapons do meet with such persons, who do slight, undervalue and stand in open defiance of them; doth all that concern and care, which our Author, but one page before, asserts the Magistrate to be intrusted with, in looking after the Honour of God and the Souls of men, amount to no more but barely this, That he is to see the Spiritual Censures of the Church made use of; and if men have no more Religion than to despise and laugh at them, he is to stand still and look on while they are so doing? This Learned Gentleman confesseth and contends for it, that the Magistrate is in his Station bound to take care of Gods Honour, p. 23. and yet thoroughout his whole Book he is ever afterward very zealous, that he must by no means use the Sword [Page] in order to it: Now, how a Magistrate can in his station act, where this is interdicted him, is a thing not easily apprehended. When a Magistrate, as such, declares his pleasure, common Sense tells us, that the meaning is, that if we do not bear a fitting regard to that his Declaration, it must be at our own peril; and without this I do not apprehend how his Authority doth appear to be any greater than that of any other man.

Again, if the King be to govern the People, Religion must then be a very considerable part of his Care, as being a thing wherein his Government will find it self to be very frequently and very highly concerned; there being nothing more evident nor experienced than this, that according to the right or wrong measures which may be taken of Religion, the People may be wrought upon to do either very much good or very much evil, even as to the Affairs of this Life: There are not a few Doctrines, which this Nation is no Stranger to, which is a Prince hath not [Page] power to forbid the spreading of, God shall be extreamly dishonoured, himself be in a fair way to be deposed▪ and his Subjects ruined; and he shall pl [...]inly see all this, and upon these me [...]s terms not in the least be able to help it: And this naturally leads [...] to our next Consideration, the many great inconveniencies which attend Liberty of Conscience both in relation to Religion and Government, the Worship of God, and the Publick Peace.

But before I enter upon this Part of the Argument, I must again return so far back, as to take some notice of that common rumour about the Town, of such a Project in hand as will (if the Success can be supposed to answer the great hopes which are conceived of it) make all that Labour needles [...] and that is the fore-mentioned Comprehension: In behalf of which the undertakers are said usually and openly to alledge this, that if that be yielded to, there will be then no need at all of Toleration; for, by that means the Church will be so strong by [Page] the accession of her new Friend [...], that she may safely contemn, and by their help easily overcome all her other Enemies; and withall they are Persons already so very near us▪ that there are none but inconsiderable matters in debate between us; for they allow Episcopacy, approve the Liturgy, abhor Sacriledge, believe our Articles, and already can and often do communicate in our Publick Worship.

Now as plausible and taking soever this Plea is, yet methinks that there is no one part of it which doth not carry something of wonder in it. First, it is well known that there was a time when the Presbyterians did joyn with, invite, encourage, and protect all other Sectaries, that by their Assista [...]ce they might be enabled to ruine the Church; and therefore it ought to be well considered upon, by what means it is brought about, that their Minds come now to be so f [...]r altered as that they will now joyn with the Church in the Suppression of all the other Sects: Nay, and very lately [Page] the leading Persons of that way did joyn Interests with the Pap [...]sts, and mutually engage for assistance to P [...]liament other in stopping of Bills in [...] preparing against Both of them▪

In the next place, if the difference between us and them are so inconsiderable, as they pretend, then surely there was no need of the last War upon any Religious Account. There was no need of that grievous complaint against some of those Thing [...] which a Preacher at this Day in Aldersgate-street made before a Mock-Parliament, September 24. 1656. Praysed be that God who hath delivered [...] from the Imposition of Prelatical I [...]novations, Altar-gen [...]-flections, and Cri [...]gings with Crossings, and all that Popists Trash and Trumpery: And truly (I speak no more than what I have often thought and said) the removal of those insupportable burthens counter [...] ALL THE BLOOD and treasure shed and spent in these late Distractions (nor did I as yet ever hear of any godly men that desired, were it possible, to purchase their Friends or money again at so dear a rate, as with[Page]the return of these, as have those [...] Anti-Christian Yokes rei [...] pos [...] upon us: And if any such there be I am sure that that desire is no part of their godliness, and I profess my self in that to be none of the number: Here we see that Mr. Ie [...]kin is very positive and express in the Case; that the differences are so great between us, that all the blood shed, whether in the Field or on the Scaffold, was all little enough to be shed in order to the removal of so great Evils; and yet there w [...] shed in this Quarrel the Blood of the King, many of the Nobles and Gentry, & of vast numbers of all other Ranks, Orders and Degrees amongst [...]: If the Differences between us be so inconsiderable, as it is now said, then methinks there was but little cause for that great Zeal of Mr. Calamy's, which he exprest in Guild [...]Hall, October 6. [...] in order to the perswading the Ci [...]y unto a liberal Contribution toward bringing in the Scots, in order to the preservation of the Gospel, [...] he several times expresseth himself in that Speech, as if the Diffe [...]ences [Page] were in his esteem, and in the esteem of that Grave and Reverend Assembly of Ministers there present with him, so very considerable, that the chief concerns of the Gospel did depend upon them; and accordingly he made use of this pretence as his chief Art, whereby to wheedle the City out of their money at that time: Let me tell you, if euer (Gentlemen) you might use this Speech, O happy Penny, you may use it now, happy Money that will purchase my Gospel, happy Money that will purchase Religion, and purchase a Reformation to my Posterity; O happy Money and blessed be God that I have it to lend: So that it seems these Gentlemen have two measures which upon different occasions they do make use of: When they have a mind to Collogue with Authority, then the differences between them and the regular Clergy are mere trifles and very inconsiderable; but when there is a season offered, wherein it is safe to animate and inflame the People, the [...] the differences are of that moment, that no Treasure, no Blood is sufficient [Page] to be laid out in a Debate of that Concernment, or in the Words of the forementioned Speech; If I had as many lives as I have hairs on my head, I would be willing to sacrifice all these lives in this Cause: Lastly, if the Differences between us be so very small, sure there can be no great cause for their present obstinate Separation.

But if these men are really and in good earnest desirous of coming into the Church. It is very fit that in order to that they should declare whether they will leave those Principles which have hitherto divided them from it, or whether they are resolved to entertain those Principles still, or any of them: If they will leave their Principles the Churches Arms are open to receive and to embrace them; but if they mean [...]o retain their Principles, or any of them, their room may be more desirable than their Company; for upon those terms the difference is in no likelihood to amount to any more than this, that instead of remaining in a Schism from the Church, they will thereby be inabled [Page] to make a Schism within it; or if they are at length brought to be perswaded to part with any of their Principles, will they be so Honest as to declare that they have been so far mistaken, and desire their Followers to get out of those Snares which they in former Dayes did lay for them; and particularly will they renounce the Covenant? It was very good Advice which the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Winchester gave His Majesty, in his Epistle before the Coronation Sermon, when he reminded Him of that wise Resolution of His Royal Grandfather, Henry the Fourth, That he was ready at any time to make a Peace with any of the Leaguers▪ but he would never make any Peace with the League.

Now if they look upon it as any hard measure that they should be called upon to renounce the Covenant: Let them not at all wonder, if the Regular Sons of the Church have not forgot those rigours with which it was imposed, the many mischiefs which have been wrought, and [Page] are something apprehensive of those mischiefs which may at this day be wrought by it; if so be that the Renunciation of it should be laid aside; which will certainly be interpreted as at least a tacit Confession, that that Injuction was unreasonable, and such a one as a man of a tender Conscience could not submit to; and that is a fair preparation for the Opinion that the Covenant is really a thing which doth oblige us. But because that Moderation is at this time a word much in fashion; let us compare the Severities used in behalf of the Covenant with this which is so much complained of as being against it▪ It is indeed, by reason of the Clamours by themselves raised about its obligation, established by a Law, that none shall be admitted to Publick Trusts in Universities, Schools, or the Church, who will not renounce its Obligation; but the Covenanters did not think this a sufficient security in their Case; Mr. Calamy tells us in his fore-mentioned Speech, in the name of himself and the Reverend Ministers with him, with [Page] great Joy and Triumph; That there was not one Person in the Kingdom of Scotland who is not a Covenanter, and the [...]e shall not one abide among them who will not take this Covenant. Now this Mr. Calamy, from the beginning of the Long Parliament till the Day of his Death, was a Ringleader of that Party of men who do now plead for Comprehension, & do earnestly at this time desire that they may be dispensed with, for renouncing the Covenant. And if the Counsel of these Divines had been of as great Authority in the Army, as it was with the Two Houses, that which Mr. Calamy doth magnifie in Scotland would have been a pattern for the same course to be taken in England.

But seeing that the Covenant is more sacred with them than the Oaths of Alleagiance and Supremacy, will they, if they should be thus far condiscended to, be so grateful to His Majesty as to declare their Opinions against the War raised against His Father? will they in lieu of renouncing the Covenant take an Oath wherein [Page] they will assert, that the War raised by some Lords and Gentlemen sitting at Westminster, under the Name of the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, by a Commission granted to Robert Earl of Essex, was unlawful, as being against the known Laws both of God and of the Nation? If they refuse this, seeing that we know that many of these very men for whom Comprehension is desired did preach up the War, if they will not declare against it, it is shrewdly to be suspected that their mind is the same as formerly, and the only change which is, is in the posture of Affairs.

But because it is now said in behalf of these men, that they allow Episcopacy, and approve of a Liturgy, nay of ours: That we may not be imposed upon by any ambiguous generality of Words; it is but requisite that in this they would declare particularly in what sence it is that they allow and approve both these Things; for if by things past we may guess at things present; by Episcopacy they may mean but Presbytery; by the Bishop may [Page] be understood a kind of a Prolocutor. Every assuming Presbyter may at any time say as one of them lately did, that he is as good a Scripture Bishop, as he w [...]o sate upon the Bench; or perhaps look upon a Bishop only as a Civil Officer in order to some legal purposes: and by a Liturgy they may mean only such a [...]orm of Prayers which may be either used or le [...] alone, or rather a thing which is (if ever to be) permitted only to those who are Persons of such small sufficiency as not to be able to pray without it, and so instead of being a Duty is intended meerly as a disparagement: Or it may be the Common Prayer may be allowed as a way of spending the time till the Company is got together, and then comes the Prayer which the Spirit is the immediate Author of, and which alone hath the promise of any blessing made [...] it.

Unless, I say, that these Persons be required to express their Minds very particularly in these and all other Matters of Debate between us, we shall be alway [...] a [...] a loss, how much of the [Page] Good Old Cause they resolve to stick to; and without some satisfaction in these things we have reason to be jealous, that they have, after so many other disappointments, pitched upon this Contrivance, as a very likely one, whereby the Church may, by their admission, become divided against it self: The Pulpits may quickly be brought to speak in very different Languages, and the Hearers strangely distracted between the several abettors of the very distant Measures of the old and new Conformity.

They who have kept out of the Church thus long, rather than they would not have their Wills in such and such Matters in debate between us; it is scarce to be hoped, that when they are brought into the Church, by being yielded to in them, that they will not with the same Art and Industry keep up in the Minds of Men a good opinion of that Cause which they have so long contended for: At the least they will take what care they can, that those of their former [Page] Hearers whom they shall be able to bring along with them, (if they shall be able to bring any store of their Hearers along with them, which is no small question) shall for ever be kept under bondage to every one of all those scruples, by which they have been able to retain dominion over them: And they who have all along been, observably upon all occasions, admirably expert at interpreting all things to the utmost possibilities of all advantage, as to themselves and their Cause, it is not to be expected from them, that they will not interpret this Condescention as a complete Justification. And unless the Modesty and Gratitude of these men be strangely increased of late, beyond what it hath used to be, our Governours are not like to receive any other return than this; That God hath at length begun to return again, and in some sort to own his People and his Cause: He hath now opened the Eyes of the Parliament, and let them see their Error in imposing the renouncing the Covenant; and who knows what [Page] more a gracious God may do for so gracious a People? And that Reputation which hath thus long engaged them to pretend their Cause of Separation to be just, can do no less than continue to engage them to avow its having been necessary. So that the Church will by this means be weakned by having one great Security taken from her; those Men will be admitted into her, of whose Affections and Designs she hath abundant cause to be highly jealous; and who, by obtaining their present Demands, will, according to their old Customs, be thereby emboldned with the like restless importunity to make more demands, and perhaps in a little time be inabled to take what farther they please, without so much as asking it: And by this means the People will become extremely divided, both amongst themselves and from the Government. And when that is done, there will be so many left out of this Comprehension, that the noise will not be much less than it is already: And whatever accession can be supposed [Page] to be made to the Church by the coming in of her new Friends, will be more than over-ballanced by the loss she will receive in the stability of her Principles and the Unity of her Children: She will be the less able to defend her self against the Exceptions of the Romanists, and be at no small loss for an answer to the Clamours of other Sectaries, who can pretend as great grievances, and alledge as plausible Reasons why they should be gratified; so that the Work of Coalition (as it is called in the newest word) as often soever as it is done, will be just as often to begin again.

As to any other Particulars of that Comprehension which is now so much endeavoured, seeing they have not thought fit to let us know them, I shall not venture to make a guess at them, but shall go on to another Contrivance, and in the Opinion of many a more promising one, and that is, Toleration, which is frequently said to be an Expedient which will gratifie many more, and more Considerable [Page] Persons than can be hoped to be brought within the Compass of any one Comprehension.

Now it is by no means a thing to be wondred at, if so be that the proposal of Toleration be in it self at the first view very plausible, and in the eyes of very many Persons exceeding acceptable: It looks like a Privilege which every man hath an interest in, which, seing it is enjoyed by all alike, no man should take himself to have any cause to envy it to any other. Now this Liberty of Conscience, however it hath obtained to be the general Darling, yet, methinks, in the very name there is something which offers it self to our Consideration, which is at least worth our Enquiry; Whether the very demand doth not carry in it an Exception against it self? How doth it appear that Conscience hath any such absolute Right to Liberty? Hath it no Rule which it ought to walk by? hath it no obligation to follow any besides its own Light? If this be not the Case, then Liberty and Conscience [Page] are two words, which are very unfit in great variety of Cases to be joyned together. I shall readily grant, that to act against our Conscience is always a sin; but then I shall add this further, That it is very frequently a grievous sin to act according to it: Conscience may in some cases condemn, but there are very many cases wherein it cannot justifie. I know nothing by my self (saith St. Paul) yet am I not hereby justified; and farther, I may self thought verily that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Iesus, &c. The Scripture tells us of seared Consciences, Reprobate Minds, Men whose minds and Consciences are defiled. From all which Expressions, it is very clear, That Conscience is not a safe Rule for any man to act by in his private Capacity.

And in the next place, as Conscience is very far from being a safe Rule for any man to act by in his private Capacity; so it is by no means advisable, that men should be so far trusted, as to teach according to it in any Publick Places: St. Paul assures [Page] us, that by this permission dangerous Contentions shall arise, by reason of the perverseness of men, when in the nature of the things there was no real Cause for them, [...] Tim. 2. 14. They will strive about words to no purpose, to the subversion of the [...]earers. And, [...] Tim. 4. 1. he tells us of seducing spirits, who teach the doctrine of devils: Tim. 3. for many Verses together, he describes a sort of very wicked men, of whom in the close he gives this Character, That they have a form of godliness, but deny the power thereof; that they creep into houses and l [...]ad captive silly women laden with divers lusts: And again we read of those who bring in damnable Her [...]sies; and again, which directly cometh up to the point in hand about Toleration, whose mouths must be stopped. Thus far therefore our way is clear; 1. That according to the Doctrine of the New Testament, Conscience is not its own Rule, is not entirely left to it self in its own way of acting: 2. That those who are allowed to be publick Preachers are not to be intrusted with an [Page] absolute Liberty of propagating whatever Opinions themselves either really are or shall pretend to be of; of which I have already spoke, and therefore shall add no more upon that point besides the laying down some of the many Inconveniencies which will unavoidably arise upon the granting of any such Liberty in these Two Respects, 1. Of Religion, 2. Of Government.

First, as to Religion; and here the Case is very clear, that such a Liberty is the most ready way in the World to make Religion weak and despicable, by being crumbled into an unaccountable and every day encreasing variety of Sects and Schisms: What one other Contrivance can possibly be thought upon, whereby to expose Religion to the frequent and seemingly just scorn of Unbelievers than this? That it should by publick Authority be openly exposed to all manner of ridiculous and incongruous pretences unto it, to all kinds of dotage and imposture, to all the folly and all the falseness which is to be met with among [Page] the sons of men: That every one who hath but a Freak in his Brain shall have free Liberty, if he pleaseth, to Christen it a motion of the Spirit, and every humour though never so unheard of and extravagant, shall have by Law a Priviledge (if it will but claim it) to recommend its self as a degree of further Light: Here we shall see men shaking all day, as if the Spirit came to them in Convulsions, and as the humour increaseth we shall see them run naked about the Streets, as if with the Old Man, they had put off all degrees of Modesty: The Scripture shall be frequently so interpreted, as that no man in his Wits can possibly understand it, it both hath and may be allegorized so far as to leave no manner of Sence or Truth in any one Word of all the History of it; its Laws may be so commented upon, as to carry in them no manner of Obligation: Among our selves the Family of Love had gotten a Fancy that Christ was not any one Person, but a quality whereof many are partakers, that to be raised is nothing [Page] else, but to be regenerated or endued with the said Quality, and the separation from them which have it, and them which have it not, is Judgment [...] Now where ever this Liberty is indulged, the Grand and concerning Articles of our Faith, our Saviours taking Humane Nature upon him, the Resurrection from the Dead, and the last Judgment, are all given away in Exchange for two or three fanciful Expressions. The History of the Creation hath of old been made but an Allegory; the Garden of Eden a [...] Trope; it is to little purpose to alledge that with equal Reason it might be said, that by the whole Race of mankind was not to be understood any real Beings, but only so [...]any handsome Figures, and by the Universe is not to be understood a Creation, but a Strain of Wit, for Reason in such like Cases will be no more harkned to, than Scripture: So likewise it [...] been taught, that Christ shall descend from Heaven in a Metaphor, and we be catched up into the Air in a Moral way; The New Heavens and the New [Page] Earth are nothing else but the World changed by their Example into their Opinions: And if this Liberty be allowed, all Miracles and all Mysteries will be quickly changed into so many Whimsies; for what is it which self-conceit cannot inspire, or madness prove, or that man admit, who cares not to know what himself means; or whether he doth or not, if he be once got under the plausible shelter of Liberty of Conscience himself, what is it that he may not impose upon vast multitudes, who though never so well meaning in themselves, are yet liable to be overreached by the Arts of other men: The dangers of this kind are not possible to be reckoned, because they encrease and vary at their own pleasure; neither is there any man living, who can possibly tell us how many and how gross absurdities such a Liberty as this may bring into the Nation in the very next moment.

This very Devise of Liberty of Conscience, which many, who look upon themselves as wise men and no ill Christians, are fond of, is the very [Page] same, by which one of its shrewdest Adversaries did hope to drive Christianity out of the World, and that too by its own assistance; and to that end he granted a promiscuous Liberty for all dissenting Christians to enjoy the publick exercise of their several ways, in hopes thereby to engage one of them against another, and by that means to make his advantage upon all of them: For so we read of Iulian, that when his long contrived project of restoring Heathenism began to be put in effectual execution, that this was the Course which he pitched upon, as that which was most likely to bring his Design about, to grant Liberty of Conscience to all dissenting Christians, as Ammianus Marcellinu [...] hath it Lib. 22. Vtque dispositorum roboraret effectum, dissidentes Christianorum Antistites cum plebe discissâ in palatium intromissos monebat, ut civilibus Discordiis consopitis quisque nullo vetante religionisuae serviret intrepibus▪ Here was a man very tender of Consciences, but what think we was his Reason for all this Indulgence and [Page] Moderation, we may read it in the next Words, Quod agebat ideo obstinate, ut dissentiones augente Licentiâ non timeret, unanimantem postea plebe [...] nullas infestas hominibus bestias ut sunt sibi ferales plerique Christianorum expertus. This wise and subtle Adversary knew very well that this was a ready way to destroy Christianity, to give a free Liberty and a full opportunity for every one who pleased to divide it: So that this sage Contrivance of ours is but the Christianity of an Heathen, the taking up the Moderate Counsels of a profest Apostate; and our Wisdom in preserving Religion doth express it self in those very ways, by which as wise men as our selves have thought the ready way to overthrow it. Indeed it is hardly credible, that any Person who understands Humane [...]Nature, who considers how many are its Weaknesses, and how violent its Passions, who is a Judge of Consequences, or hath at all observed the course of Affairs, can in the least be fond of any such device as this kind of Liberty, who hath [Page] not within himself a very great Design against the present Religion of that Kingdom where he doth propose it. But, alas! that is but a small part of this evil, even our common Christianity will be hard put to it, if it must wrestle with all the difficulties which Toleration will immediately bring upon it: That Faith is in no great likelihood of remaining long pure and sound, which is exposed to whosoever pleaseth to corrupt and to defile it

There is one Principle well known amongst us, which where-ever it is admitted, there is no Doctrine of Faith whatever, nor Rule of good Life which can be able to stand before it, and that is the Doctrine of New Light, or private Illumination: This is an Evil which cannot be watched with too much Care, because it always hath it in its own Power to occasion how many and what kinds of mischief soever it self pleaseth; and withall it is with great ease pretended to by every one who will; and there are every day to be met [Page] with too many persons too readily disposed to be imposed upon by such pretences. Some Romanists have with great scorn insulted over the Reformation, upon the account that this evil hath made a shift to creep into it; whereas this is a difficulty which all Religions are liable to be abused by; a folly with which the Church of Rome doth exceedingly abound, and to which she is indebted for some of her chief Orders, as being plainly founded in it. The Quakers in England are neither more ridiculous, nor as yet so impious as the Al [...]brados were in Spain, nor do the blasphemous Phrenzies of David George exceed those of Evangelium Aeternum. This is an ill Weed which will grow in all Soils, and spread exceedingly; and Infallibility it self is but an equal Plea, and therefore is, upon such occasions, glad to call in to its assistance its Temporal Advantages. This very Pretence doth scarce leave a man within the possibility of being confuted; what Authority is [...]here to be produced which is fit to come in competition [Page] with this Perswasion, That I have an immediate suggestion from the holy Ghost: The Scripture it self hath but one and the same Original, and is of an elder Date, and, if I please, is as imperfect in respect of my Revelation, as that of Moses was in respect of that of Christ. This Evil is liable to to be as endless as Thought or Art can make it, as boundless as Imagination, and hath as great variety of shapes to appear in, as there are possibilities in the World for any man to be either willing to deceive or liable to be deceived.

What a fatal Influence the now contended for Liberty of Conscience had upon the most considerable Articles of Religion, within a small compass of time, we may learn from the forementioned Testimony of the London, and the Attestation of the Cheshire-Ministers. I shall set down some of the Articles against which those Errors were, but will not defile my Paper with the Errours themselves. Against the Divine Authority of holy Scriptures; against the Nature and Essence; [Page] against the Being of any God; against Christ as Mediator; against the Obligation of the Moral Law; against Ordinances; against Lawful Oaths, against the future State of Mens Souls after this Life, denying the Immortality of them. But besides Religion, such a Liberty will be quickly found to have a sad Influence upon Government and the publick Peace.

And as this sort of Liberty will expose Truth to perpetual and unavoidable Dangers, and withal hath left it no possibility of a sufficient Defence against them; so it hath a natural tendency towards destroying the publick Peace: And not only so, but to the disturbance of all Societies, and even of every private Family. Opinions have a great Influence upon Actions, and engage men not only upon good, but upon very bad practices. He who is allowed to raise a Sect, hath a very fair opportunity put into his hands of making himself the Head of it, as being such a Party; and by being permitted to have their Consciences, will have but [Page] too many opportunities of having their Persons and Purses at his disposal likewise. Hence it is, that though some Princes have been sometimes forced to suffer Dissenters from the established Profession (by reason that they were so numerous, or so subtil, that they could not go about to suppress them without discovering how unable they were to do so;) yet they always looked upon such Dissenters as the next door to Enemies; and accordingly had a perpetual Eye and Guard upon them, as those who of all other were the most likely to be the Authors or occasion of the next disturbance. It is a great mistake, though it be often found amongst the greatest Persons, That Sects are things fit only to be despised, because that men of Parts and Fortune are neither easily nor usually seduced by them: but it ought likewise to be considered, that Ambition, Revenge, Covetousness, Humour and Discontent may engage those who are not in earnest themselves seduced, to appear in all seeming earnest to seduce others. I shall [Page] readily grant, that both the Beginning and the greatest Growth of Sects are amongst the meanest people, those whose Fortunes are as low as their Understandings; but then they do not stay altogether among them, but spread farther; like a Pestilence, which may begin in an obscure Alley, but in a little time no part of the City or Kingdom may be free from it. Besides, are not the Vulgar People the hands, the Tools, the Instruments which the Greatest must always make use of? And is it not known by frequent experience, that a Deception once got among them, may by a little Connivence thrive so far, as to be able to dispute for Superiority, and instead of demanding an Indulgence, refuse to give one? And, by how much the ordinary sorts of people are less Masters of Reason than others, with so much the greater ease they may be wrought upon to engage in those Courses; which by men who understood better, would be looked upon as evidently unreasonable. Now this is an Error which hath been frequently [Page] committed by wise men in great places: They look upon the Errors and Follies which the common People are drawn into, as things very fit to be indulged, as being only so many occasions for themselves to droll upon; but by their so doing they have often found the return, which Abner did of sporting himself with Lives, as these mighty Sages do with Lives and Souls, 2 Sam. 2. 14. Let the young men arise and play before us; but with him they are at last convinced, that, Ver. 26. it is bitterness in the latter end.

The safety of all Government doth depend upon this, that it is certainly stronger than each single person, and in taking care of this, That as to any kinds of Union or joyning Forces together, that there may be no such things but under the guidance of the Magistrate, and by his appointment; & so long as this is taken effectual care of, though the discontented persons be never so many, yet because they have no way of uniting; they are but so many single persons, scattered, [Page] weak and insignificant, having no opportunities of any Common Council, they can never joyn in any Common Design. But let them once have but so much as any one Phrase to know one another by, any setled place for their constant Meetings, and a set and known company for them to meet with, and any Bond whatever which doth unite them, and they presently become a distinct People, and begin to be dangerous, as having an Interest, Counsels and Body of their own, which the Government is not manager of, nor privy to, but shall quickly find it self highly concerned by all means to provide against.

Let it once be permitted to crafty, active, talking, lying and designing men, to instil into the minds of all sorts of People, the necessity, usefulness, piety, or rare excellency of any one thing or Contrivance whatever, beyond that which the present Laws and establishment doth provide for; and is not here a most readily prepared matter for any bold Boutefeu to work upon, who will take upon him to [Page] help the Nation immediately to so fine a thing? Hath not any such Undertaker a vast and already formed Party in all Parts of the Kingdom? Let him but represent to them, that the present Government is the only rub in their way, between them and their so fancied happiness; and is it not very likely that this will be the very next Consequent Resolution; let us remove that Obstacle, so publick a good is much to be preferred before any particular Form or Family; the welfare of the Nation is the great End, and Governours themselves were created but in order to that, and consequently are to cease as often as that End can be better attained without them.

Though the pretence be nothing but Conscience, yet every discontent will joyn to make the Cry both loud and general. Schisms do of themselves naturally grow into Parties, and, besides, are most plausible Occasions for any else to joyn unto them; the gathered Churches are most excellent Materials to raise new Troops [Page] out of, and when they are thus fa [...] prepared, they are easily perswaded to be at the Service of any one who will attempt to lead them on.

If all men were wise and honest, if every one understood well, and would act accordingly; upon that Supposition Conscience might have a much greater trust reposed in it than can be now adviseable: And if we could flatter our selves so far as to take that to be the Case, this would no more supersede the necessity of the coercive power of Laws in Religious matters, than it would upon the same grounds supersede it in Civil ones. For no Laws which ever were or can be in the World can possibly provide in any Degree for those large measures of Justice, Equity, Mercy, and all kinds of fair dealing, which would infallibly every where be met with, if all men did take Care to keep a good Conscience; Truth, Justice, Temperance, &c. are things which every man's Conscience doth and must needs tell him that he is obliged to, yet were it not for fear of the Law, we should [Page] find that Conscience is not alone to be trusted in these which are her Natural and familiar Ojects: And this is a thing so known and granted on all hands, that it is not usual with men in their dealings among one another to trust purely, in matters of any moment, to one anothers Conscience. And seeing we acknowledge that Conscience may so often prevaricate in these plain and obvious things, where she is so easily found out; we have no great cause to trust to her fidelity, that she will not also dissemble in those things which are more remote and obscure, and hidden from the very best of our discovery. Let those therefore, who plead for Liberty of Conscience, consider; that there are two sorts of men, which ought to be provided against, to keep this contrivance of theirs from being absolutely the most senceless and dangerous in the whole World; and upon their Grounds it doth not appear to be so much as possible to provide against them: First, those who are not honest, and these may pretend Conscience [Page] if they will, and in that Case Religion and Government▪ Truth and Peace are like to be most admirably secured, when they are authoritatively permitted to the arbitrary Management of every designing Atheist, who will but take upon him to be an Enthusiast: And in the second place, as all men are not honest, so all men are not wise, and as the former sort may pretend Conscience, so the latter are perpetually liable to be imposed upon by the innumerable, however absurd pretences unto it: Those Laws are not fitted for the Temper of this World, which are made upon this supposition, that every one who looks demurely is presently in good earnest, that men say nothing but what they think; let us but consider that it is very possible for men to personate, and then we shall not be very eager to desire a general License for every one who hath a mind to become a publick Cheat.

And then from these diversities of Judgments, and many times when they are only different forms of speaking, [Page] there will immediately arise great Distances of Affection: For these Divisions, of Reuben there will be great thoughts of heart, sur [...]zings, censures, jealousies, raylings, evil speaking, animosities, peevishness, malice, perverse disputings, & every evil way: Each Congregation will have at least some one little Proposition peculiar to its self, which all its Proselytes must be known by, which all their Thoughts must be perpetually running upon, & every one else must be called upon to come up to: the smallest gathered Church cannot hold its Members together, unless it hath some particular thing to engage them upon, & to have them known by, for they cannot with any face separate from all mankind, but they must have something to say for it,

This contrivance however it be absurd and dangerous will notwithstanding that, have alwayes many who will be very fond of it; for it is a most ready way for every forward Fellow to think himself some body, because he hath adopted himself into such a Sect; and then the next thing which he is to think upon is to try if he can [Page] improve the Notion a little farther; for if so, he shall be the more taken notice of: And if he finds that his addition is but a little taking, he will then forsake his Masters, to set up for himself, divide from that Church of which he hath been long a precious Member to gather a purer of his own. And so his New Light will serve most bravely for himself to shine in.

But if this had been a new and unheard of Invention, the Contrivers might then have been allowed to entertain vast hopes of it; but alas, it hath been often tryed, and hath alwayes brought Confusion along with it: And is it to be wondred at, that in variety of Worships the one doth look upon the other as erroneous, and perhaps impious? And then how lamentably must that City be divided whose Inhabitants think themselves bound, as they love God to hate one another; and it hath been often seen, that a Common Enemy hath crept in at these intestine Divisions, and destroyed both, while the one, by reason of different Communions, did not [Page] enough care to help the other.

Be our apprehensions about divine Matters never so different, I grant that we ought not for the sake of them to be wanting in the common Duties of Humanity to one another, or in our mutual Endeavours after the publick Good. I readily grant, that to be wanting in our assistance in either of these Cases, is a great error; but alas! it is too general an one, and Law-makers are to consider not only what men ought, but what they use to do. Why shall I fight (saith one) for a Prince who is an Idolater? and why should I (saith another) take any care to relieve that City which is only a Bundle of Schismaticks, the greatest part whereof are in my esteem Blasphemers likewise? Ieroboam understood this very well, he did not cast off the true God, but only set up another way of Worship, as easily concluding that by perswading them to be of another Religion, he should easily keep them to be another Kingdom; when their Faiths were once divided, the Nations would [Page] never care to unite again.

And pray, tell me, what shall a Prince do in that Case, where are diverse ways of Worship allowed and frequented in the same Nation? Shall he discountenance the Professors of any one, by keeping them out of all Office and Employment? If so, he disobligeth that whole Profession, loseth so many hearts; who sure will think themselves to be very hardly dealt with, in that they are disrespected only out of their zeal for God, and because they follow the best of their Light. And what are they like to think of such a State, which doth refuse to employ them meerly upon this account, because they have tender Consciences, and dare not be present where the Gospel is de [...]iled by a profane mixture of humane Inventions? Or, Secondly, shall the Prince carry himself equally and indifferently towards all Perswasions, countenance and prefer them all alike? This can hardly be, because that he himself must be of some one, and that will think it self not fairly dealt with, [Page] if it have not some preeminence: And when he endeavours to shew himself indifferent to all Perswasions, there will enough be immediatly ready to give it out, that he makes use of all Religions for his own ends, but himself is really of none; and so perpaps none of them will be really for him: And thus by endeavouring to displease neither Party, he shall certainly displease them both, at least the Zealots of all sides will represent him at the best as one lukewarm, and as such, only fit to be spit out of all their Mouths.

Men may talk of their fine projects as long as they please; but surely where the Church is already so settled, as that it hath a great dependance upon the Government, and the Government hath a standing Influence upon that, those Politicks must needs be very strange, which go about to alter or unsettle or put any check upon such a Constitution: And in opposition to a Clergy thus regulated, it is no kindness sure to the Monarchy, to to go about to set up such a Ministry [Page] [...] depends purely upon the People: And when the whole Method of the Preachers Maintenance and Reputation must consist in the various Arts by which he can either guide or follow the several Humours of each of his Congregation; no man can tell what it is possible for a good Crafts-master to perswade the Multitude unto.

But this Danger, how great and plain soever it be, yet in the opinion of the great Promoters of the desired Ecclesiastical Confusion, is so far from being looked upon as any Inconvenience, that it is in all likelihood the true and real and only Reason which makes them to be so very fond of it, to desire it with so great earnestness, and never to be put off by never so many denials and disappointments. The Church is one great rub in their way between them and the Crown; and therefore because they find that they cannot directly demand the present removal of it, they have bethought themselves of two plausible Methods whereby to prepare the [Page] way for doing it another time: First, to open the door to let the Churches old Enemies in upon her, and for all the care which shall be taken to give them Liberty, to bring their old Enmities along with them; and by that means the Church will be not only weakned, by being divided within her self, but besides there will be a part of her self always ready to betray her, and give her up. One sort of the Projectors desire only thus much, and that will satisfie them: Another sort there are, who think it not sufficient that the Church be only weakned within, unless there be a free Liberty for whosoever pleaseth to train up as many as he can prevail with to come and learn of them the several ways by which the Church, when occasion offers it self, may be set upon from without: And it is well known, that these Gentlemen are not unacquainted with new Models of Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Administration.

And having thus pointed at some few of the innumerable Inconveniences of Toleration, I shall add once [Page] more, that some care ought to be taken of the present Device of Comprehension; that if it be thought fit to be granted, it may be upon this Condition, That all who receive benefit by it, should be obliged publickly before their Congregations to declare their Approbation of the Liturgy, in a Form to be appointed by Authority for that purpose, and to renew that Declaration on certain Days to be likewise appointed, and to read the Common Prayer themselves, and not to leave it always to mean Persons, who shall only be appointed to slubber it over, to spend the time till the Company is got together; and then one of the Precious Men shall come and put himself in all the most solemn Postures imaginable, and in fact say to the People (as Dr. Heylin's Chamber-fellow was served after a short Grace) Dearly Beloved, let us praise God better: And withal, that Security should be taken, That this Conformity of theirs be not used merely as an Expedient to keep them in publick Employment; that so they [Page] may be the more ready, when opportunity offers it self, to assist Providence in carrying on the great Work of a thorough Reformation. And this Advice is by no means to be despised, as a thing perfectly needless, because that as great a Conformity as for ought appears is now intended, hath been formerly advised and submitted to upon this very account, to prepare Matters the better for an intended Change. This Mr. Calamy (in his Apology against Mr. Burton, 1646 quoted in the Collection called Evangelinur Armatum, p. 47.) alledgeth for himself to have been one of his own old Arts: As for the Service-book, let Mr, Burton know, that at a meeting at my House, it was resolved by above a hundred Ministers, after a long debate, upon divers weighty Considerations, That all that could in their Iudgments submit to the reading of some part of it, should be entreated for a while to continue so to do. To this our dissenting Brethren then present did agree, and one of them made a Speech to manifest his Concordance. This is enough[Page]to give any man satisfaction for the late laying it down. And proportionably to this, it is a thing well known, that some very well affected to the Good Old Cause, do for all that conform to the use of the Ceremonies of the Church, under the sanctified Excuse of submitting to them as Burthens. Now these, I think, are competent fore-warnings to Authority to take care to secure it self against any ill use which is possible to be made of any abatements towards that sort of People, who in this very Case do profess themselves to act without sincerity, and to make use of all the Arts which they can think of.

And in the next place their great earnestness in desiring to be dispensed with for renouncing the Covenant, doth in them plainly shew a very great fondness remaining toward it, and if yielded to, would in Authority appear more than a tacit Confession, that it had hitherto been to blame in its Zeal against it. Their restleness in this is not to be wondred at, because they are sworn never to be wrought [Page]over to an Indifferency or detestable Neutrality: But that Authority should be wrought over to shew kindness to such a Combination against it self, or that any should propose it to the old Cavaliers to give leave to their old Persecutors to believe themselves under the Oath of God, to bring every one of them to condign punishment, is a thing which may justly raise all mens wonder.

I confess indeed, that by the last Bill of Comprehension it was provided (and so perhaps it may in this) That no man should dare to say, that the Covenant doth oblige under such a Penalty, &c. But it is much to be doubted that such a Provision may not be sufficient; for let us consider this one thing: Those Persons, concerning whom our present Debate is, are such as are to be entrusted to be Guides of Consciences, and if this Renunciation be once taken off, then they have Liberty enough to insist upon the Obligation of the Covenant amongst their Confidents, without coming within the [Page] danger of the Law. Let us remember that the Holy League in France was taken by above half the Kingdom, before the King did ever so much as hear of it.

But, to make this Matter plain, I shall propose a Case very like it in our own Kingdom. Suppose that any man out of the great Tenderness which he pretends to have for the Consciences of Men, should propose that the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy should be by Act of Parliament taken away, upon this very pretence, That Oaths are not to be multiplied but upon great necessity; that the Consciences of Men are nice and tender things, and ought not to be disquieted by being pried into; and disputable Points of Government are not fit matters to be put into an Oath: Ought not such a Person to be looked upon with a very jealous Eye, as being ill affected to his Majesties Person, his Crown and Dignity? He himself and all his Favourers will, no doubt, reply, no; because he doth at the same time offer a Security in it [Page] self as Good and more fit to be taken, and that is this, That it shall be very punishable for any man to say, That our Soveraign Lord King Charles is not lawful and rightful King of these Realms, &c. and that the Pope hath any Power or Authority to depose the King, &c. He, I say, who should propose this Alteration, ought in all reason to be looked upon as a better Subject to the Pope than to the King. And so likewise, and for the same Reason, those, who with so great Eagerness and Importunity have so often endeavoured the taking away the Renunciation of the Covenant, ought to be very much suspected, lest they have in their Eye something which is of much higher Consideration with them, than either the Settlement of the Church or the safety of his Majesty.

It now remains that I consider the great Objections which are urged against all which is already said, which are these, That Comprehension, say some, others Toleration, others both, are fit to be granted; 1. By reason [Page] of the great Numbers who do desire it: Secondly, in respect of their great Merit, they being Persons in whom doth consist a great part of the Sobriety, Industry, Frugality and Wisdom of the Nation, and particularly the Presbyterians have deserved well of His Majesty. Thirdly, it is very adviseable to grant a Liberty at this time to these Persons by reason of the great assistance which they are able to afford us against Popery; and Fourthly, that if a Liberty be not given, it will be a very great Inconvenience to Trade. Fifthly, Toleration of several Forms of Religion, is a thing which we may see a good effect of among our Neighbours in France and Holland: Lastly, Civil Penalties are of no use in Religion, but only to make Hypocrites. To all which pretences I return this.

First, that the Numbers of these men are not in any degree so great as they do pretend; It is indeed one of their great and old Arts to make all the shew they can possibly, and to boast of those Numbers which they cannot shew; one who is as well acquainted [Page] with the Muster Rolls of these Parties as any man, doth plead for an Indulgence by this very Argument, that they are not so considerable as that any danger needed to be feared from them. Peace-offering, p. 8. What are we that Publick Disturbance should be feared from us, nec pondera rerum nec momenta sumus; by what way or means, were we never so desirous, could we contribute any thing thereunto? What Designs are we capable of? &c. So that it seems this is an Argument which they can either use or lay aside, as occasion offers it self: They can either wheedle Authority into pity and forbearance upon the account that they are so inconsiderable, as that no danger can possibly be feared from them; Or otherwise they can Hectour Authority, as being so considerable, as that there is no danger so great, but if they are disobliged, it may reasonably be feared from them.

In the second Place, is it any wonder that these men do appear in some Numbers, considering how easily many honest well-meaning Persons may [Page] be seduced by the Zeal and vehemence of some who are seduced themselves, and the various Arts of others whose great design is to seduce as many as they can possibly: And again, are there not some Remainders of the Old Army yet alive, Committee-men, Sequestrators, Purchasers of Crown and Church Lands, and otherwise interested in the late Rebellion? besides vast Multitudes of the Common People depending on them, who must needs be glad of so many Solemn Occasions of meeting one another, by which they keep up their Acquaintance and Correspondence, and put a very serious face upon their goad old Cause, and find many opportunities to he mutually serviceable to one another in their private Affairs, and of joyning Counsels against the Publick. And do they not breed up their Children and Relations in the very same Principles with themselves? Now the greater Numbers there are of such People so much the greater care there ought to be taken that they be not permitted to meet together. The [Page] Meeting-place is very well fitted for a Religious Rendevouz, and the Spiritual Master of the Camp may not only deliver out his Orders at the same time with, but may stamp upon them the Authority of the Oracles of God.

But in the next Place, if the Government would please but to own it self, the Numbers of these men would presently appear to be very inconsiderable; and this hath no oftner been tryed than it hath been found to have been accompanied with good effect. In Queen Elizabeths Dayes, these mens Predecessours were very troublesome, made grat noise with their great Numbers, and the great dangers which would arise by disobliging them; and they had some great Favourers in Court upon some accounts, which were not very Religious; but when by reason of their Insolent Provocation in the Year 1588. When the Queen was in all her Fears from the Spanish Armado, and in a condition, as they thought to deny them Nothing; they so far provoked Her, as to alienate [Page] Her Mind for ever from them: Their boasted of Numbers did immediately abate, and the Laws were immediately submitted to, as soon as ever they did perceive that it was but in vain to think of longer triffling with them: So likewise it hapned in King Iames His Dayes, their loud Clamours were presently silenced, as soon as ever the King declared Himself resolute at the Conference at Hampton-Court: Nor would the Act of Uniformity have had any less effect, if it had not been accompanied with a general Discourse at the same time of a Toleration to follow immediately upon it. And I appeal to the Consciences of several of the Preachers in the Separated Congregations, whether they did not leave their Livings upon this very hope, which without it they would have never done?

Besides, the Numbers of the Dissenters ought by no means to be looked upon, as an Argument for Toleration by any, because, it is not looked upon as such by themselves: This very Point being a thing about which [Page] themselves are highly divided, and would by no means if they could help it grant to one another.

But besides their Numbers, they are now to be considered in point of Merit; but this is a part of the Argument in which I do delight so very little, as that I must gratifie my own temper so far, as to say very little in it. The Faults of other men are things which I by no means delight to dwell upon, even when it is necessary, I take it to be very irksome: As they are particular Persons, I have nothing to say to any one of them, and whatever Degrees any of them have attained to in Piety and Virtue, in any kind of Intellectual, Moral, and Religious Accomplishments, I pray God that they may every day increase more and more in them, and that both here and hereafter they may receive the comfort and reward of whatever is truly good in them. But as they are a Party, I take it to be very clear, that their Merit hath not been very great, either to the Crown or Nation, and in this it were easie [Page] to be very large, for one who delights in that which to me is a very ungrateful Employment. In the Histories of Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, King Charles the First; there is too much to be found on this Argument, and His Majesty which now is, when He was in the Hands of these men, what Usage He did receive from them, though His Royal Clemency hath been graciously pleased to pardon, yet His Loyal Subjects have not quite forgot it.

As to the next Pretence, that it is adviseable to grant these men an Indulgence at this time, by reason of the great assistance which they are able to afford us against Popery: This is such an Objection which the Regular Sons of the Church will scarce be able to refrain themselves from looking upon without some Indignation: The Writings of the Bishops and Episcopal Divines have hitherto been had in great Esteem over all the Reformation; no men thought to have had a better Cause to defend; no men looked upon as better able to defend [Page] it: Not to mention the many Worthies in Queen Elizabeth, and King Iames His Dayes, whose Names are, both at home and abroad, had in great and deserved Honour: I shall only mention some few who since the beginning of the present Controversie have wrote against the Puritans as well as Papists, and accordingly have fell under the Indignation of both Parties, viz. Arch-Bishop Laud, Arch-Bishop Bramhal, Bishop Taylor, Doctor Hammond, and Mr. Chillingworth. How many Ages will the Nonconformists take to breed up a man equal to any one of these? Bishop Sanderson, a Person of known Learning and Judgment, in a Preface to a Body of Sermons, Printed some Years before His Majesties Return, takes occasion to declare his Opinion concerning the Controversie between the Church of England, and Church of Rome, as it useth to be handled by the Non-Conformists; his Words are these: That they preach against Popery, I not at all mislike, only I could wish that these two Cautions were better observed[Page]served than (as far as I can conjecture of the Rest by the proportion of what hath come to my Knowledge) I fear they usually are by the more zealous of that Party: First, that they do not through Ignorance, Prejudice, or Precipitancy, call that Popery which is not, and then under that name and notion preach against it; and then Secondly, that they would do it with less noyse and more weight▪ &c. Now it is well known, that Bishop Sanderson was a Person of great Learning and Judgment, and withall a Person of very great Humility and Modesty, and who did very little delight in undervaluing the meanest Person living; and yet he expresseth his Thoughts concerning the Writings of the Non-Conformists against the Church of Rome, to be liable to these two not inconsiderable Defects: First, that they did not understand the Question; Secondly, that they did not know how to pitch upon such Arguments as were fit to be made use of. And withall some Pages afterwards he adds this, That even in these times of great Distraction, and [Page]Consequently thereunto of so great advantage for the Factors for Rome, none have stept into the Gap more readily, nor appeared in the face of the Enemy more openly, nor maintained the Fight with more stoutness and gallantry than the Episcopal Divines have done, as their late Learned Writings testifie: yea and some of them such (as beside their other sufferings) have layen as deep under the suspicion of being Popishly affected a [...] any other of their Brethren whatsoever: That by the Endeavours of these Episcopal Divines some that were bred Papists have been gained to our Church, others that began to waver, confirmed and settled in their Old Religion, and some that were fallen from us recovered and reduced, notwithstanding all the disadvantages of these confused Times; and of each of these I am able to produce some Instances. But I profess sincerely, as in the presence of God, and before the World, that I have not known (at least I cannot call to remembrance) so much as one single Example of any of this done by any of our Anti-Geremonian Brethren, whether Presbyterian[Page]or Independent.

Now whether our separating Brethren have been improved in their Abilities, or have been more fortunate in their successes in their disputings with the Romanists since that time, it lies upon them to make out; I am sure that the Writings of the most eminent Persons now among them were then extant: Since which time there hath indeed appeared a Body of Sermons, being the united Labours of sundry of them, but of any Miracles which either have or are likely to be wrought by them, the World both is, and it is to be feared will be for ever silent.

If therefore we take these men into the Church, our Church will be so much the less defensible, as having admitted into it Persons whose Principles are no way justifiable; and withal with express leave not to renounce the most unjustifiable of all their Principles. And for their Assistance against the Romanists, it doth not as yet appear, that it will be so valuable as to countervail the Advantage [Page] we shall give the Church of Rome by taking these into our Church. If we suffer them to remain in Bodies distinct from the Church, then the Romanists have an Advantage, if they please to use it, to take up what disguise themselves shall suppose to be fittest for them. How easie a thing is it for a Priest to set up for a gifted Brother! And what one Opinion is there imaginable, which may not be brought in under the pretence of a farther degree of New Light? Whether all the stories be true of Friars who have preached in Meeting-houses, I have not had an opportunity of being so well informed, as to venture to say any thing; but I am sure, if they will, they have there fair opportunities offered: And if it be not as yet seasonable to set up directly for their own Church, they may however prepare the way by pulling down of ou [...]s.

And notwithstanding all the Zeal which the Non-conformists do declare against Popery, it is well known that they know very well how to [Page] joyn both Counsels and Arms together: The leading Men of both Parties in Ireland were wonderfully great together, all the while that the Design was managing against my Lord of Strafford; and here in England, in the Declaration which the King set forth concerning the Success of the Battel at Edge-hill on October 23. 1643. He hath left this Memorial to all Posterity; All men know the great numbers of Papists which serve in their Armies, Commanders and others; the great Industry they have used to corrupt the Loyalty and Affection of all our loving Subjects of that Religion; the PRIVATE PROMISES and VNDERTAKINGS THAT THEY HAVE MADE TO THEM, that if they would assist them against Vs, ALL THE LAWS MADE IN THEIR PREIVDICE SHOVLD BE REPEALED, &c.

As to the next Objection, That the suppressing of Conventicles will be a great hindrance to Trade: I must needs confess that this is a thing which would have great weight, if it had any truth in it. That Trade is a [Page] thing of great and general Concern, is so plain and confessed a thing, as that there is no need of spending many words whereby to prove it: Our wisest Kings have always thought themselves concerned to make Laws and all manner of provisions whereby to promote and encourage it; and there is scarce any man so mean, but that he doth in one degree or other receive some benefit by our Commerce with other Nations. Not to enter into particulars, I shall only name one, which is indeed the Measure of all the rest, and that is Money; which is not a thing of our own Growth, but it is a thing without which those things which are of our own Growth, cannot without great difficulty pass from one hand to another. Our Ships are our Bulwarks, nay, they are more than so; for they not only keep other Nations from coming to us, but they carry us to them: They make the Sea to be our Earth, the whole World to be as it were our native Soil, by bringing home to our doors whatsoever groweth in any [Page] Corner of the Universe. It was Trade which brought Tyre to be called The City of Ioy, the crowning City, whose Merchants were Princes, and whose Traffickers the honourable of the earth, Esay 22. 7, 8. It was by the benefit of Trade that this City is again said to have heaped up silver as dust, and fine Gold as mire in the streets, Zech. 9. 3. It is absolutely necessary for us, if we will be secure of our own Land, to keep up a proportionable strength at Sea. And besides this necessity in point of Safety, it brings innumerable advantages in point of improvement; carrying from us our own Commodities which we can spare from our own use, and in return bringing us whatsoever the World doth afford, for Use, Delight, Strength or Ornament. It is a thing by which vast multitudes do alone subsist and altogether depend upon, which great numbers do thrive and flourish by; by which his Majesty hath a brave Addition to his Revenue, and every man besides doth in his degree find many comforts and [Page] conveniencies in his way of Living: It is the great Employer and Rewarder of all sorts of Ingenuity and of Industry; by means whereof we every day see men advanced to Wealth and Honour, to live comfortably to themselves, and with great benefit to their Country. It is a thing in it self clear, that Trade is very highly and universally beneficial, and those who are but ordinarily versed in it are able to reckon many admirable Advantages which I cannot so much as think upon. It remains now that I enquire whether there be any such Inconsistency between Trade and Uniformity in Religion, as is generally (though without any Ground which I could ever hear) pretended? These Two things have in their nature no manner of Repugnancy, and if there be any Repugnancy, between them, it doth not proceed from them themselves, but from something else, which it is to be hoped may be removed, and neither of these Two things the worse for the removal of it; and what that is I shall now enquire.

[Page]It is well known that this Argument from Trade hath been used in former days, when there was no manner of occasion for it; but however it served as a pretence, whereby to amuse the People, and make them clamour against the Government. I instance in the Case of my Lord of Strafford: What a noise was raised all over the Town, that there could be no Trade in the Kingdom till Execution was done upon him: And whosoever raiseth any such Cry shall have always some ready to joyn with him in it, because there will be always those who will want Trade: And let him but tell them that the Court and the Bishops are the only Causes of this their want, and it is no wonder if they cry out with the loudest, Down with them, down with them to the ground. Indeed if the Bishops in England did pretend to the same Power with the Presbyteries in Scotland, then indeed it might so happen that the Traders might have some cause to be jealous of them; for those Gentlemen did at the Assembly [Page] at Glascow, 1638. pass an Act concerning Salmon-fishing; another about Salt-pans, Roger L' Estrange, p. 330. By Act of Assembly at Dundee 1592. they prohibited all Trading with any of the King of Spain's Dominions, and they put down the Munday-market at Edinburgh, Spotswood, p. 393, 394. But in this Case the Shoo-makers thought fit to assert their Christian Liberty against the Impositions of the Presbytery, and tumultuously gathered together, and threatned to chase the Ministers out of Town; upon which the Market continued: Which, as that grave Historian tells us, did cause much sport at Court, where it was said, That Rascals and Soutars could obtain at the Ministers hands what the King could not in Matters more reasonable.

That Trading hath, ever since the Restauration of his Majesty, been very high, notwithstanding the many complaints about it, it is very evident to any man who is never so little acquainted with the Custom-house; but that it hath not answered to the [Page] height of all mens hopes, is not to be wondred at, if we consider some things which have hapned, which the Act of Uniformity was no way concerned in: First, there was a War with France and Holland, by which it was not to be avoided, but that many Merchants must needs become very great Sufferers: Secondly, At the very same time there was a raging Plague, not only in London but in most of the other Trading places of the Nation; which did not only sweep away great numbers of our Trading People, but may easily be supposed to have had an unhappy influence upon Trade it self: Thirdly, To accompany these Two great difficulties there came a dreadful Fire, the loss by which is inestimable: And Fourthly, there hath been a Second Dutch War. Now there are none of all these things can happen to a Nation, but Trade must unavoidably suffer by, and feel it; and then the wonder will be very little if we consider that we have suffered by them all. And these are things so publickly known, that it is [Page] to be admired, that men should have the confidence to take no notice of any one of them; but if they hear of any Difficulties which the Trading People do wrestle with, presently overlook all these notorious Causes, and enter into long Harangues about Common Prayer and Ceremonies. I may add that besides the fore-mentioned Calamities; If we are out-done in point of Trade by our Neighbours in Holland, it is not to be wondered at, if we consider the Nature of our Country, and the Manners of our People.

Our Country hath in it self a great plenty of all things necessary for the life of men, which Holland hath not; they must trade or they cannot live, which is not our Case: And if necessity makes men expert, and their being expert brings them to thrive; it is not to be wondred at: It is this very necessity which every day makes vast Numbers among them, glad to submit to all the Labours & Hazards of all the Seas in the World, & all this purely to support their Lives with very course fare, and very small wages; now the goodness of [Page] our Country affording to our People a more comfortable subsistence upon much easier terms than is to be had among them, is one plain cause why our People are not easily to be brought to take that pains, run into those dangers and submit to those severe terms, which with them is not less than absolutely necessary: Not to say any thing of the return of their long Voyages, what vast advantages do they make by Fishing upon our own Coasts, which we alwayes complain of, but will by no means betake our selves unto. Again he who hath got a vast sum of money by trading, hath here in England a perpetual conveniency of purchasing Land with it, and by that means he himself or his Son doth become a Country Gentleman, which in Holland is not to be done; by which means Trade is amongst us given over, when men come to be Masters of such great sums of Money as to be best able to command it, and to reap the most considerable advantages by it: In Holland because Trade is the thing which every one is to trust to, their Wives and [Page] Children are all instructed in the Mysteries, and inured to the business of it, and so the Stock and Experience of a Family descends from Father to the Son, and increaseth from Generation to Generation: Now it is far from being a Miracle, that their Merchants should be able to out-do ours, who are frequently left by their Parents as large or larger sums of Money to begin with, as ours take themselves to be very well satisfied with and give over: They go on and improve what we look upon as more adviseable barely to enjoy, and by that means prevent an increase which would have come easily, and too often waste and consume what they in a few Years are by reason of their great Stocks inabled without difficulty to treble. And besides that different way of disposure of the plenty of the Rich which is between them and us: They make another and greater advantage of the necessities of the Poor, than we either do or can do, or it is fit for us to do: They make their People to work harder, fare harder than any of ours will [Page] do, to take smaller wages, and by that means they are something helped in being able to under-sell us: And besides the Masters of Trade do themselves live much more frugally than we do in point of Dyet and Apparel, and other heights of living, and studiously avoid many unnecessary ways of Expence, which we are (perhaps too apt) to be fond of. And whatever is expended must needs take off so much from Improvement; which Consideration prevails with them to be very sparing till they are very Rich, and not to pretend to any of the wayes of Vanity, till they have brought themselves into a condition to carry on their material Concerns with the best advantage. Now is it any wonder, if there were nothing more in the Case than this, that in Trade they should much out-do us? And there is little doubt to be made of it, that he who is better acquainted with that People than I am, will be able to reckon many other particular things wherein they differ from us in order to this great Design, which [Page] have no manner of relation to Liberty of Conscience, and which would have the same effect without it, as they can possibly have by it.

As to our selves and our present Case, there are but three Things (which I can learn) pretended, by reason of which it is possible to be supposed, that the putting the Act against Conventicles in Execution can draw any prejudice upon Trade: First, that Merchants who are not willing to conform, will not come over and settle in England: Secondly, that the most eminent Traders being Non-conformists, they will either forbear Trading to the utter undoing of all such Workmen (as Weavers, &c.) who do depend upon them, or leave the Kingdom and carry their profitable Trades along with them; which will bring a great decay of Trade here, and carry away that benefit, which England might have received, to that, whatever Country they shall please to settle in.

Thirdly, That Merchants beyond Sea (as Roman Catholicks, &c.) will [Page] not be easily perswaded to trust their Estates in the hands of those who are not of their own Religion, and they who are, being lyable to such Prosecutions as by our Laws they are liable unto, will be fearful of having any Estates in their own hands, and look upon it as more adviseable to forbear Trading, rather than to be liable to so many Difficulties; These are the three most considerable Objections which I have hitherto been able to meet with, and to each of these I have this to offer by way of return.

As to the first, that this severity will discourage Forraign Merchants from comming over to us: It is a mistake to think that the Church of England is such a Bug bear to the rest of the Reformation, as that the Religion of that is looked upon as sufficient Cause to hinder any great Numbers of valuable Persons from coming over to dwell in the Nation. It is by no means clear that any store of them do at this time desire to transplant hither, and if they did, it is more than possible that some other of [Page] our Civil Constitutions may be greater bars in their way, than the Act against Conventicles, and particularly the want of a Register: And that Person must have more than ordinary Intelligence, who can be able to secure us, that there are such Numbers of considerable Merchants at this time designing to come over, and are diverted only by the News of the Bill against Conventicles going to be put into Execution; as that the advantage and addition of those Persons, and that Trade to the Nation should be [...] great, as to overbalance those many and unavoidable Inconveniencies which I have already shewed, that Religion and Government must be exposed to, by the grant of Liberty of Conscience. It doth not remain in our Memories that in Cromwel's time, when there was Liberty given to all except Papists and Prelatists, that any were by that Liberty encouraged to come over, at least not any such number as to be considerable. But suppose it should so happen, that some Eminent Merchants [Page] should design to come over; I could never yet hear, nor am I wise enough to think upon any reason, why the Act against Conventicles should more fright them from England, than the Inquisition doth from other Countries, as Spain, Italy, and Portugal; and yet in those Countries Merchants have their Factories, and drive their greatest Trade: Besides strangers Merchants have as much encouragement in this particular, as can reasonably be desired; the French have their Church, the Dutch theirs; nay, even the Iews have theirs, and all Aliens of [...] Reformation have even by the very Act of Uniformity an express provision made for them, as to the enjoyment of their own way of Worship at the pleasure of His Majesty; and if they do meet and keep to their own Language, they need fear no more in this Country than in any other.

As to the second Thing alledged, that if the Act against Conventicles be put in Execution, the most Eminent Traders being Non-Conformists, they will leave off Trading, and by [Page] that means undo all sorts of Workmen who do depend upon them, and not only so, but leave the Nation, and carry their Trades away along with them.

Now that this is a thing of more Noise than Weight, will appear if we examine it with a little Care. That some eminent Merchants are Non-conformists is undoubtedly True; but that the most eminent are so, I am sure is not true, and could easily make it appear, if it were fit to mention the Names of particular Persons: But so far as it is true, doth any man in his wits imagine, that the Act against Conventicles will make them either quit their profitable. Trades, or fright them out of the Kingdom? It doth neither condemn them to be hanged nor burned, neither doth it so much as touch their Persons or Estates for being Non-conformists, but permits them to be of what Religion they please, and alloweth them the free exercise of their Religion in their Families: It cannot therefore be easily imagined, that People will be [Page] so far out of their wits (though I must confess that Fanaticism will go a great way toward putting them out of them) as to leave their settled and profitable Trades, their Native Country, Relations and Friends, only because they cannot publickly shew the exercise of their Mode of Worship; whereas they may freely enjoy it in their own Families, and be known to do so, without the least interruption in any of the forementioned Conveniencies: Especially considering, that Merchants of that Eminency, that their Case deserves to be taken notice of in a case of this Publick concern now under debate, are very well able to keep Ministers in thier own Houses, and may do it with far less charge and prejudice, than either going into some other Countrey, or the forbearance of their Trades will put them to. But I shall for once suppose two Things, whereof the first is evidently not true; the second not at all likely, That the most Eminent Merchants are Non-Conformists, and that upon that account they will forbear [Page] Trading: But even upon these Terms it is to be hoped that those they deal with will not be utterly undone, whatever may be pretended: For put the Case that three or four of the most Eminent Merchants should dy, or (which I wish did never happen) break; every dayes experience shews us, that the Clothiers they deal with, and consequently the Weavers, and other Workmen depending upon them, are not presently ruined, or so much as out of employment, but do immediately find other Merchants to deal with; the Trades of those who either give over Trading, or dy, being alwayes continued by their Sons, or Partners, or shared amongst those who have been their Servants, or other Merchants who deal in the same Commodity, and to the same Places. But suppose that the putting the Laws in Execution should so far distract any Numbers, as to make them run out of the Kingdom: Let it be considered whither they will run, only into Holland, where they cannot more freely enjoy the exercise of their Religion in [Page] their own Families, nor converse more freely with one another about it, than they may do here in England. All the difference is, that here they cannot meet in great Numbers, and I leave it even to the Non-Conformists themselves to Judge, whether that one Conveniency of Meeting in great Numbers be a sufficient enticement to any rational man to exchange England for Holland?

But put the Case, that they do go into Holland, or into some other Country; I did never yet meet with any man who could demonstrate to me how they could carry away their Trade of Merchandizing, though they were never so willing; live in Holland they may, and drive their usual Trades here in England by their Correspondents, in which Case the Nation will only loose the common profit of their eating, drinking and wearing: But to carry away the Trade of the Nation with them, is not possible, if they leave any Merchants behind, as I am sure they will many more, and more considerable than any who will go away; and [Page] by withdrawing themselves into other Countries, they will but leave their Trades to be shared amongst better men and better Subjects; so that by leaving the Kingdom, instead of prejudicing, they would occasion a very great blessing unto it, by carrying away with them the Divisions, but not at all the Trade of the Nation.

When the Act against Conventicles was first made, this Argument against it from Trade was much insisted on, and I remember a Story was raised about some great Dealers in the West, who had with-drawn their stock, left off all business, by which means vast Numbers of poor People, who did depend on them, were utterly undone: This Matter seemed so considerable, as that several of the most Eminent Persons in the Nation did meet together to consult about a remedy for so great, and as it was said, so growing an evil. But when this Matter came to be enquired into, I could never learn that it had any thing more than a great deal of noise in it.

[Page]There is an eminent City in this Nation, inferiour perhaps to none except London, wherein this Artifice was made use of to fright the Magistrates from suppressing the Conventicles: A great rumour was spread up and down, that if they might not have Liberty to meet as formerly, then they would all with-draw their Stocks, which would be a great detriment to His Majesty, and a vast loss to the City, and leave the Poor to be provided for by their respective Parishes. But the Raisers of all this Clamour did quickly find that they had to do with those who were at least as great Masters of Trade as themselves, and accordingly it was undertaken by those who were very well able to make it good; that if the Dissenters did think fit to withdraw their Stocks, there should immediate care be taken that the Trade of the City should be carried on to the very same height which it was at, without the least abatement, or leaving any one Work-man out of as good an Employment as he had before: It was so far from being feared, [Page] that it was desired that they would withdraw their Stocks, and that they may be the better encouraged to the so doing, provided that they would give Security that they will not Trade at all, neither by themselves, or others for them, nor in other mens Names, they shall at any time have a good sum of money given them, if that may move them to it.

Let us not be vainly afraid, where no fear is: Do we know the Non-Conformists no better than so, that we should suspect them of being apt to give over their profitable Trades? It had been a more rational Jealousie to have looked upon them as more intent upon any imaginable way of getting of Money, than on any Settlement of Religion, of what sort soever: And perhaps it would be not only no ill Experiment to destroy this Argument, but withall as likely a way to reduce them, as any which can be thought upon; if there were a Law, That those who refuse to conform, or at least who meet at Conventicles, should not be permitted to Trade: [Page] Such a Law indeed would be terrible to them▪ and I hope the bare mention of it will make them forbear to use this kind of threatning us with that, which to themselves alone will be, if at all, dreadful.

As to the third Objection, That Merchants beyond Seas (as Roman Catholicks, &c.) will be afraid to trust their Estates in the hands of those who are not of their own Religion, &c. It is of so little weight as to require but a very few words; it being evident that all kinds of Merchants at this day do correspond, and alwayes have corresponded with others not of their own Religion, Papists with Protestants, Protestants with Papists, &c. What other Pretences there are in this Case, wherein Trade may seem concerned, I do not at present call to mind, and therefore shall go on to the next suggestion why a Toleration of several wayes of Religion may not do as well here as it doth amongst our Neighbours in France and Holland.

As to France, the different Professions [Page] of Religion there, hath not been without many sad effects upon both Parties, and hath so sanctified the Animosities on each side, that it hath prevailed upon both, out of Zeal to God, to let Aliens and Enemies into the Bowels of their Native Country. But their Case and ours is vastly different; the Hugonots, who are there tolerated, have those Merits to plead which our Non Conformists have not; and besides, they do not divide into several Communions among themselves, neither would any such thing be permitted either by the Government, or by the Reformed Church it self.

As to Holland, Liberty of Conscience is a thing which they were not brought to admit of by second Thoughts, and after mature Deliberation, but were necessitated upon by the Nature of that Cause upon which they first united among themselves, and the Constitution of that Government they fell into. One part of their Cause was a Deliverance from the Impositions of the Church of [Page] Rome, as exercised after the imperious manner of the Spanish Government: Now Liberty in matters of Conscience was the most natural Word in the World in this Case to be made use of; Freedom from the present Pressures was the thing immediately in their Eye, and many of their Neighbours at the same time had the same Aim: And as they were then only agreed what they would not have, but not at all what they would have, they invited all, that all might come to their Assistance. But besides this, one Religion was not easie to be brought into so many several Independent Governments, as go to the making up of those States. For as Sr. William Temple tells us, Chap. 2. of their Government, p. 75. They are not a Common-wealth, but a Confederacy of seven Soveraign Provinces united together for their common and mutual Defence, without any dependance one upon another, &c. Nay farther, That each of these Provinces is likewise composed of so many little States and Cities, which have several Marks of [Page]Sovereignty within themselves, & are not subject to the Sovereignty of the Province; not being concluded in many things by the Majority, but only by the universal Concurrence of Voyces in the Provincial States. To this let us add the great Variety of Persons which by reason of the Wars and Persecutions of those times, came into, and embodied with them, out of France, Germany, England; and is it to be wondred at, if not knowing how to agree in any one way they permitted divers?

Such a kind of Liberty therefore as is now contended for amongst us, cannot so properly be said to be given by these States, as to have grown up with them; and though it be a part of their Nature, is one of their Inconveniencies; and this hath not been unperceived by them. In the Affair of Barnevelt it was found that Religious Differences could find a way of intermingling themselves with State-quarrels, and the States did then think fit to make Laws about what they called erroneous in point of Doctrine. As to Religion the Effects of Liberty [Page] of Conscience are in those Countries plainly to be seen in the daily growth of Popery and Socinianism, and of men altogether indifferent, as to all kinds of Articles of Belief; things which by the same means may be brought into England, and indeed upon the admittance of which, are not to be kept out of it. The States of the United Provinces may indeed keep themselves safe from all Disturbances which may arise from Enthusiastick Lunacies, by reason of their Garrisons and standing Army, without which no security can be had against the dangers of Toleration. And seing that the Case of England is in both these Respects very different from that of Holland, & it is to be hoped is intended so to continue, an Argument of this nature taken from them ought by no means to be looked upon as what ought to conclude us by it.

Now that the Argument from Holland ought by no means to be looked upon as conclusive to us, either as to Comprehension or as to Toleration, doth appear in these Two things: [Page] 1. In the Constitution of our Government, as being very different from theirs; 2. in the Condition of those People amongst us who dissent from the Government. 1. As to the Constitution of our Government, Comprehension is with us much more unsafe than the same thing would be in Holland; because the Preachers do there depend altogether upon the States Pay, and have no other Tenure but during pleasure; whereas a Beneficed Man with us hath a Free-hold, and is not to be turned out but by a legal Way: By which advantage he may fence with Authority, and may publicky deliver such things which the people may very well understand, and yet the Law may not be able to take any hold of him. And of this, I doubt, we should have sudden experience, if these men could be admited by Law into sure and certain Possessions upon their own Terms; and I am the more apt to suspect this, because I could never yet hear that this sort of men was ever wrought upon by being yielded to: And if their [Page] Gratitude and good Nature should upon this occasion begin, it will be so much the more welcome as it is less expected.

But as Comprehension among us, considering the Persons who do desire it, and their declared Principles, is much more unsafe than the same thing would be in Holland, by reason of the Constitution of our Government in reference to the Clergy; So likewise for the same reason is Toleration more unsafe here than it would be there, if we do consider the Temper of those People who dissent from us. Holland, as I have already mentioned, hath a standing Army, and so considerable a one, that the Publick Peace shall infallibly be secured by it, whether their Preachers, or whoever else can be perswaded by them, will or no. And how confidently soever the Argument from Holland is now adays made use of, to induce us to grant the like Liberty, there was a time when this very Argument was looked upon with great scorn: The Author of Wholsome Severity, &c. [Page] doth censure the States of the United Provinces with great sharpness upon this occasion, p. 30. and compares the Toleration there given to differing sorts of Dissenters, to the Toleration given by the Pope to Courtizans.

And besides, the various sorts of Perswasions there do not use to question the Lawfulness of Tolerating one another, as ours have always done. I have already shewed, that the Presbyterians would by no means tolerate the Independents, if they knew how to help it; and I shall now in a word shew, how unwilling the Independents are to tolerate the Presbyterians, or other Sects which in their Inclinations they do not favour.

And this is no new discovery of mine, but a thing which did discover it self as early as there was occasion for it, as we read in teh forementioned Book called Wholsome Severity reconciled with Chistian Liberty, p. 19. In New England there hath been Severity enough (to say no worse) used [Page] against Hereticks and Schismaticks. And here I must appeal to the Consciences of those who now plead so much for Liberty of Conscience and Toleration in this Kingdom; were they able to root out the Presbyterians and their way, and could find Civil Authority inclinable to put forth the Coercive Power against it, Whether in that case would they not say, That the Magistrate may repress it by strong hand, if it be not otherwise to be repressed? It is not without Cause that I put this Quaere to them; for M. S. p. 50. doth allow of the Magistrates fighting against a Doctrine which is indeed Superstition, Heresie or Schism, and only pretendeth to be from God, when it is indeed from men. Also that Pamphlet called, As you were, p. 3. tells us, that it was neither Gamaliel's meaning, nor Mr. Goodwins, That every Way pretending to be from God must be let alone; but that only we are to refrain and let it alone till we are out of danger of fighting against God, while we endeavour to overthrow it. Now I assume that there are some who plead for Liberty of Conscience, [Page] who profess that they are certain, and fully assured upon demonstrative proofs, that the Presbyterial Way is not from God nor according to the Mind of Iesus Christ: Therefore according to their Principles, they must allow of the putting forth of the Civil Coercive Power against the Presbyterial Way, &c.

Mr. Sterry likewise, who was the great Preacher at Whitehall in the dayes of Mr. Oliver Cromwel, in a Sermon preached, Nov. 5. 1651. called England's Deliverance from the Northern Presbytery, compared with its Deliverance from the Roman Papacy, upon Ier. 16. 14, 15. It shall no more be said, The Lord liveth that brought up the Children of Israel out of the Land of Egypt; But the Lord liveth that brought up the Children of Israel out of the Land of the North, &c. Which Sermon was Printed by Order of those Gentlemen who pleased to call themselves a Parliament, gives us such an account of the Presbyterians, as was very grateful to the Powers then in being (though it was to the Presbyterians that they [Page] owed their very Being;) I shall lay down his very words: In his Epistle he saith thus; Right honorable, I have desired in my Preaching, in my Prayers, to work with God even for the opening of the eyes of men, to see that the same Spirit which lay in the polluted Bed of Papacy may meet them in the perfumed Bed of Presbytery, &c. To which purpose I have in my Sermon represented the same Spirit which dwells in the Papacy, when it enters into the PVRER FORM OF PRESBYTERY, as FVLLER OF MYSTERY, so FVLLER OF DESPITE AND DANGER, &c. In the Sermon it self; Many daughters have done vertuously, but thou excellest them all: So may England now say to the Lord, In many Mercies, as especially that in saving us from this bloody design of the Egyptian Papacy, thou hast done graciously and wonderfully; but this last Mercy, by which thou savest us from the black Plots and bloody Powers of the NORTHERN PRESBYTERY hath exceeded them all. And in that Sermon he doth all along prefer the Papists before the Presbyterians, the Consequence [Page] of which doth not amount to Toleration of them: Nay, our Brethren in New-England, though their Constitution hath as much of Liberty of Conscience in it, as any Place in the World, yet have found it to be a thing so very troublesom, as that they are grown quite weary of, and have put very severe Restraints upon it: Of which in the Second Part of the Excellent Friendly Debate, p. 227. and the Third Part, p. 224. any man may be abundantly satisfied; and it is well known that Quakers were hanged in New-England, which was a severity they did not meet with, either at Rome or at Constantinople.

Mr. Edwards in his Answer to the Apologetical Narration, p. 244. draweth an Argument against Toleration from the Judgment of the Divines in New England, who are against the Toleration of any Church Government, or way but one. For the Discipline of Iesus Christ (as we have it in Church Government and Church Covenant discussed (Question 31.) is not arbitrary, that one Church may practise[Page]one Form, and another another Form, as each one shall please, but is one and the same for all Churches, and in all the Essentials and Substantials of it unchangeable, and to be kept till the appearing of Iesus Christ: And if that Discipline which we here practise be (as we are perswaded of it) the same which Christ hath appointed, and therefore unalterable, we see not how another may be lawful: Upon which account they will not in New-England tolerate Brownists, Anabaptists, Antinomians, Quakers, and so careful they are in this matter, that they make such enquiries into the inward Sentiments of the Minds even of the Laity, as among us are not usual; and in such Points too wherein the Publick Government is not concerned. Mr. Cotton the greatest Divine in New-England, and a precious man, is against Toleration, and holds that men may be punished for their Consciences, as appears by his Letter to Mr. Williams, & Mr. Williams his Answer, both Printed, & his Exposition on the Vials, Vial. 3. p. 16, 17. & Vial. 4. p. 17. Where he Answers this Objection, [Page] Conscience should not be forced, and this is his Answer; Why do you think that Hereticks were not as conscionable in the Old Testament as now? If any man had a Conscience to turn men from God, he would have men of as much Conscience to cut them off: So that upon the whole matter it doth appear that this loud demand of Toleration is a very disingenious, nay a dishonest one; because it is asked by those who (if the Power were in their hands) would neither allow it to those they now ask it of, no nor so much as permit it to one another. One Instance of their Barbarity in this kind will not be tedious; the Presbyterians denied His late Majesty the Attendance of His own Chaplains in His own Family, for the Exercise of His own Devotion; and as the Presbyterians denied Him the use of the Common-Prayer whilst he was alive, the Independents would not allow Him to be buried by it after he was dead. Let them reflect a little upon their own demeanour in this Case, and then be as loud as they please in crying out [Page] for Moderation; Tenderness, Forbearance, Condi [...]cension.

And so I go on to the last Objecti [...]n, that Civil Penalties do only make Hypocrites. This were an Excellent Argument against all Laws whatsoever if it were well pursued; but on the other side I take it to be a very clear Case, that Toleration makes Hypocrites; for it renders it safe for any man, in order to whatever end, to pretend some dissatisfactions against the present Ecclesiastical Constitutions, when in his own Mind he hath none: And this effect it hath had from the first moment of His Majesties Restauration, unto this time: Many preachers then possessed of Benefices went away from them, because the Right Owners returned to them again, and yet these men pretended Scruples against the Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and so were looked upon as sufferers for their Conscience, and have ever since subsisted upon the strength of such pretensions: Of those who by the Death of the Right Incumbents continued in their ill-got [Page] Possessions till the Act of Uniformity: How many refused to conform more out of shame than Conscience? They could not without blushing practise those things which they formerly preached against, especially in the same place where they had done so; and accordingly some have conformed in other Countries than where they lived before, and more did proffer it, if they could have obtained to have been provided for: And of those who did go out at Saint Bartholomews Day, 1662. How many were there who went out upon the great assurance which they had from their Agents in London of returning again in a few Weeks with Honour? And among the People how many are there who go to Conventicles meerly to get Custom, as finding it to be a succesful way, by becoming Members of such a Church, to get the Trade of such a Party.

I have now considered the Inconveniencies of that Fine Project called Liberty of Conscience, and the various pretences by which of late it hath [Page] been recommended to us: How much soever these imperfect Reasonings of mine may have fallen below the dignity of the Argument, I shall be so just to my Cause, as to refer the Reader where he may receive compleat and abundant satisfaction, viz. to those Excellent Votes of the Honourable House of Commons, February 25. 1662. where there is a full State of this Affair drawn up with an equal height of Piety and Wisdom; the Reasons full and clear, carrying in them all the Advantages of Strength and Evidence: Those Renowned Gentlemen did then shew that they were able with their Pens to give an account of that Cause, for which very many of themselves, and, Fathers did honourably draw their Swords, and knew very well how to assert that Church by all the Rules of Christian Prudence, as well as they did formerly set inimitable Patterns of Christian Courage in suffering for it. There we may see and admire how those Glorious Worthies came up to the greatness of themselves, and of the Argument; and indeed [Page] they were both worthy of one another, they to defend, and that to be defended; and as nothing was ever better penned than those Reasons, so there was scarce ever a better Occasion; the best Church in Europe, was then bore witness to by the best House of Commons which ever sat in this Nation: Those Votes shall for ever remain as a lasting Monument as of the Zeal and Religion, so of the incomparable Endowments and Abilities of those who drew them up.

And now I shall presume to offer a few words to our dissenting Brethren, that they would seriously bethink themselves what the Causes of their Separation are, how few, how slight; that they would with them compare the Effects of it, what they have been, what they are, what they may come to be: Such things have already been brought about in Church and State (by means of those Divisions which the soberest among you did begin and foment, and none but they were valuable enough to give Support and Countenance unto) as they themselves [Page] (we are perswaded) did not intend, nor would fore-see till they found it too late for to prevent them: Alterations are things which the Generality are naturally apt to be very fond of, but it is very seldom, and for a very little while, that they are found to answer the hopes conceived of them: Indeed if it were once agreed upon what those things were which would give a general satisfaction, and put an absolute end to this long and uhappy Controversie, such a Proposal were at least worth a Consideration: But if there be as great variety of Demands as Persons, and if it be as earnestly desired among great Numbers, that their Neighbours should not be indulged, as that themselves should, and we have for many years found it by a dear bought Experience, that when men are once gone beyond the Rule, they wander every where, and without end; why should you not at last look upon it as adviseable to return to the Rule again? Especially considering, that those of the greatest Consideration among you are not against [Page] the having any Rule at all, neither as yet have you been able to agree upon any other.

If it be to be wished that there should be any Church at all, that Church must have Articles, and must have Canons; there is not the smallest Society in the World can be kept together in order to the meanest end, but there must be some Rules which all its Members must submit unto, and be guided by: If therefore there ought to be kept up among us any such thing as the Assembling our selves together in order to the Publick Worship of Almighty God, then this must be done at some time, in some place, and after some manner, in some words, and by some Person appointed to attend upon the doing it: Now if there be nothing of all this left to be determined by humane Wisdom and Authority, but that this whole Thing with every one of all the Circumstances of it are already determined in Holy Writ: The Church of England would be so far from opposing any thing of this, that she would gladly [Page] conform in all particulars to these divine Establishments, and would be hugely thankful to any of our dissenting Brethren, if they will please to shew her whereabouts she may read the Form of publick Worship, and withal the precise Method of that Order and Decency which ought to be used in it: For she hath been hitherto so unhappy, as not to know of any but general Directions, which she hath endeavoured with all Faithfulness to pursue: But after this Discovery she will take care, that her Children shall serve God in no other way than that of his own immediate appointment, if she can but once learn Directions where to meet with it. But if there be no such way of Worship, both for the thing it self and all its Circumstances, prescribed by God; then so much of it as is not done by God, must unavoidably be done by such men whom God hath set over us, and who in such Cases are to be to us instead of God.

And let us consider, that the Ceremonies which are retained are very [Page] few, very ancient, and very becoming; and to prevent all jealousies of the least manner of Superstition in the retaining them, the Church hath taken care to declare against all the Abuses which they were liable unto in the times of Popery. You value your selves upon being Successors to the old Puritans; but do you imagine that they would in the least have allowed many of those things which you have been the Authors of, or at least of which you have been the Instruments, and into which we hope you were not brought by any formed Resolutions of your own, but driven upon by those necessities in your affairs which your Zeal had unawares drawn you into? Instead therefore of being jealous of any concealed mischiefs in a few decent Rites and comely Usages, you are highly concerned to remember what have been the Evils of your own Schism, which you know your selves to have begun, and we are willing to believe did not see to the dismal end of; and which upon your own Principles you will never [Page] be able to provide against: The Liberties which you take, have encouraged and defended others in taking such Liberties, as no doubt you have been often sorry to see your selves undeniably alledged as Patrons and Examples of. And unless you can alledge some more necessary Causes of Separation than you hitherto have been able, you must be very partial Judges in your own Case, if you do not look upon your selves as responsible for the Consequences of all those Separations, which by your Arms and Authority any else was enabled to make, first with you and after from you. Whatever suspicions you may entertain concerning Conformity, you will never be able to make a Bar strong enough to keep out the dreadful Effects of Non-conformity. If no Settlement is to be complied with, but such a one which each particular Man doth in his own private thoughts take to be the most adviseable in all respects as to Matter and Circumstance, and no longer than it doth appear to be so, then [Page] there is never like to be any Settlement in the World, at least not of any long Continuance. I shall in this Case make use only of the words of an eminent Non-conformist, in a Treatise which I have already mentioned, entituled, Of the Religion of England, asserting, That the Reformed Christianity settled in its Latitude is the stability of the Kingdom, p. 28. Such is the complicated condition of humane Affairs, That it is exceeding difficult to devise a Rule or Model that shall provide for all whom Equity will plead for: Therefore the prudent and sober will acquiesee in any Constitution that is in some sort proportionable to the Ends of Government. And again, p. 38. Nevertheless, if, when all is said, some dissatisfaction doth invincibly possess the Iudgment, in that Case Christian Humility and Charity as well as Discretion adviseth such Persons to acquiesoe in their private security and freedom, and not to reach after that Liberty that may unsettle the publick Order, and [...] dermine the common Safety.

Although it be a great, a seasonable [Page] and a concerning Truth, That it is more glorious to confess an Error than to continue in one, yet because it may seem a severe Truth, I shall no more than barely mention it: If in earnest you are at least weary of divisions, do all which in you lieth on your part to put an end to them; and this you cannot pretend to have done, till you have complied with the Publick Order as far as you believe you may lawfully, and where you cannot obey you may yet be silent. If there be a Ceremony which any one among you believes that he ought not to conform to, doth it thence follow, that he is obliged to make Parties against it, and for the sake of that one to abstain from all the rest, and to avoid all those other parts of the ChurchService and Communion, where the Rite which he scruples hath no manner of place?

Again, when from the Cause you fly into great Commendations of your Party, you should do well to avoid such expressions as, instead of tending to bespeak the Favour and Compassion [Page] of Authority, do rather tend to awake its caution and to raise its jealousie: That which doth but look like a Threatning is by no means fit for an Inferiour to put into his Supplication. Not only the Honour, but the Safety of all Government doth depend upon this, to demurr at least upon the granting of that Request, which he who puts it up doth actually take before he asks, and in the very form of his asking it, doth more than insinuate the great danger which may be in denying him. And this methinks doth appear to have been an Indecorum in your eminent Advocate in His Discourse of the Religion of England, p. 23. Sect. 11. How momentous in the ballance of the Nation those Protestants are that dissent from the present Ecclesiastical Policy: Where he tells us of their great number, their great Interest, their great Commerce, their many Relations, their great Understandings and Discretion; and in the close of all he adds, NOR DO THEY WANT THE RATIONAL COURAGE OF ENGLISH MEN [Page] The meaning of which Words are at least very suspicious, as to the King, and as to the Church: Since the late Discourses of their Endeavours after an Union, their former Separations do not only continue, but are managed in the same manner as formerly: On their Parts we do not hear of any beginnings toward a Complyance: One man indeed there was who made a Profession of something of this, but what reserves he had in his mind, whereby to render that Profession of his insignificant, let his after-Practises teach us, and withall give us warning what trust to repose in any general though never so fair Promises.

And thus I have briefly and plainly laid down some of the most obvious Exceptions against the late much discoursed of Projects, Comprehension, Toleration, and a third made up of both them: Comprehension may indeed proceed from an Excess of goodness in those who are ready to grant it; but it is not very clear that those who are the most likely to desire it; will be most ready to make a good use of [Page] it: Indeed as to the thing it self, it is kept so much in the dark, that it is not, except by some very few, if by any, understood, who they are who either do desire or would accept it, or upon what terms it would be either given or taken; and as the nature of this thing is unknown, so will the Issue be most uncertain. As to those two abatements which are usually mentioned, the taking away of Assent and Consent, and dispensing with the Obligation of Renouncing the Covenant; they are things which carry great and apparent dangers in them. He who desires to be excused from giving his Assent and Consent, can hardly be able to give any other account of that his desire than this: That he doth not believe the Doctrine of the Church, or doth not mean to conform to the orders of it. As to the other Particular, the Dispensing with the Renouncing of the Covenant; the very Proposal is methinks a very bold one, if we consider what was the occasion of the Covenant; who were the Authors; the Time in which it was [Page] entred into, the ends in order to which, what are the Contents of it, & how perpetual & indispensible they have all along declared the Obligation of it to be, what Effects it hath had already, & at any time may have upon the King, the Church, the Nation, and in an especial manner, upon the Old Cavaliers. And then as to Toleration, I have shewed the Inconveniencies to be innumerable and unavoidable, which it may at any time bring upon either of them; there is no Imposture which at this door standing alwayes open, may not enter into the Church: No Danger which by a dexterous management of such an unbounded Licence, may not have a very fair & easie passage made for it into the State. And as for any mixture of these two Contrivances, it will be so long before the Bounds and Limits can be agreed upon to be set between them; so many things are to be considered of, before these two can with any satisfaction to either be suited to one another, that an Enquiry may I suppose be safely put off until a time of greater Leisure.

The End.

A Postscript to the Reader.

[Page]

WHen I had put an End, as I thought to your Trouble (Good Reader) and my own, there came to my hands a new Pamphlet, entituled, Certain Considerations tending to promote Peace and good Will amongst Protestants, very useful for the present times: The Design of which is to promote the forementioned Comprehension, which the Author doth endeavour to put a very good colour upon by laying down several Propositions; the Third of which is this, That the late Civil Wars in England were not begun for the Extirpation of Episcopacy and Liturgy, or to settle the Presbyterian Government here, but merely for Civil Rights, as he adds afterwards. Now if this Gentleman only means, that the Grandees of the Party had in their Hearts no manner of zeal for or against any Form of Religion, any farther than [Page] as thei [...] other Ends and Designs were carried on by it, I shall readily grant it him; [...]ay, I shall say this farther, That, besides Religion, the Civil Rights of the Nation were but plausible Colours, by which the Leading Men of that Party did set off their other Ends; such as Revenge, Humour, Discontent, Covetousness and Ambition. And this they were told publickly by one whom they knew to be able to make it good, in the excellent Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. Themselves know what Overtures have been made by them, and with what Importunity for Offices and Preferments, what great Services should have been done for us, and what other undertakings were (even to the saving the Life of the Earl of Strafford) if we would confer, such Offices upon them. But that Religion was the thing which they did make shew of, and by which they drew abundance of well meaning but deluded People to their assistan [...], is so plain, and known so publickly, that it is no little wonder, that any should offer to outs [...] the [Page] Nation in so no [...]ious a Case. Did not every Press and every Pulpit declare against Episcopacy, Liturgy and Cere [...]onies? Did not the Lords and Commons, by their Votes of March 12. 1642. resolve upon the Question, That an Army be forthwith raised for the Safety of the Kings Person, &c. and PRESERVING THE TRUE RELIGION? &c. Did they not in Iuly following put forth a Delaration concerning the miserable Distractions and Grievances this Kingdom now lieth in, by means of JESUITICAL and wicked Cousellours now about his Majesty? wherein they tell us over and over again of the Protestant Religion, a great Change of Religion; That they should be for ever earnest to prevent [...] Civil War and those miserable Effects which it must needs produce, if they may be avoided without the Alteration of RELIGION, &c. And in their Resolutions to live and die with the Earl of Essex, they tell us, That their Army was raised, for the MAINTENANCE of the TRUE PROTESTANT RELIGION. The Pla [...]e, [Page] Wedding-rings, Thimbles and Bodkins had never been brought in, if it had not been that the Cause was so often called, the Cause of God. Let any man read the Remonstrances and Declarations of the Two Houses, and then see whether Religion was not one of those things which they all along declared their Zeal for; and accordingly in all the Parliaments Quarters, the poor Surplice, the Organs and the Common Prayer-book were the first Objects of all their Fury. But because this present Design of Comprehension is particularly intended to gratifie some Clergy-men, let us enquire under what name they recommended the War unto the People: Was it not under the name of Gods Cause; the setting Christ on his Throne; fighting the Lords Battels? There is a Collection of their Sermons Printed, which will not suffer any Man to doubt of this; out of which there is enough gathered to this purpose in, Evangelium Armatum. And This Mr. Baxter hath in a late Book confessed as to himself: When the Wars [Page]began, though the Cause it self lay i [...] Controversies between King and Parliament; yet the thoughts that the Church and Godliness it self was deeply in danger by Persecution and Arminia [...]is [...] did much more to byass me to the Parliaments side, than the Civil Interest (which at the heart I little regarded.) This Author likewise confesseth, That whatever was the Cause at the first, it soon became a War for Religion. And Mr. Love, a Person mentioned by this Author as one of great Merit, in his Sermon at the Vxbridge- Treaty complains of the so long letting alone the Two Plague-sores of Episcopacy and Common Prayer-Book.

The Seventh Proposition is this, That the Parliamentarians in the beginning of our Troubles declared, to abhorr and detest all Designs of deposing and murthering his Late Sacred Majesty. That they did declare against any such thing I readily grant, and, amongst other Reasons, for this, laid down by our Author, That it had been else impossible for them to have gained the people as they did. But that there [Page] were among the chief Contrivers of the Wars, Those who had a design upon the Kings Crown and Life, is a thing where of there is great Evidence. If it be lawful to fight with a King, why is it not lawful to kill him? Swords and Bullets are Things which are by no means to be used against that Person which we think we ought not to destroy: And of the great danger which his Majesties Person was in at the Battel at Edge-hill, himself hath informed us in a Declaration on that Subject. And in the Remonstrance of May 26. 1642. the Lords and Commons did plainly assume to themselves a Right to depose the King, in these words; If we should make the highest Precedents of former Parliaments our Patterns, there would be no cause to complain of want of Modesty and Duty in us, when we have not so much as suffered those things to enter into our thoughts, which all the World knows they put in act. In which words there is thus much plainly contained, That whatever former Parliaments have done, they take themselves to [Page] have a Right to do; Now former Parliaments have been over-awed into the deposing of Kings: Now that they had their Eyes upon those particular Proceedings of former Parliaments, appears by those Words, All the World knows what they put in act: His Majesty in His Answer to that Declaration of theirs, tells us of two Gentlemen who said publickly, unreproved in the Parliament House, one, That the H [...]ppiness of this Kingdom did not depend upon Him, or upon any of the Royal Branches of that Root; Another, That He was not worthy to be King of England: And as for the Royal Power it was plainly demanded from him in the Nineteen Propositions.

The Eighth Consideration is this, That the Non-conforming Presbyteri [...] had both their hearts and hands in the Restauration of His Majesty to His Royal Throne, for which Mr. Love, and Mr. Gibbons lost their Heads.

Of all things I should least have e [...] pected, that the Advocates for the Presbyterians should have insisted upon their Merits to His Majesty, or the [Page] Royal Family, for which their best Apology is the Act of Oblivion; and if they would have insisted, yet however methinks they should of all men not have made Mr. Love the Person to have insisted on: As for that Party of the Scots, which he corresponded with; it is no Part of their Wisdom to remind His Majesty of the Usage which he found from them. As to Mr. Love, the Learned Author of Sa [...]aritanism hath informed us; p. 152. That at the Execution of Archbishop La [...]d, he uttered these Words with great Triumph, Art thou come Little Will? I am glad to see thee here, and hope to see the nest of the Bishops here e're long; and having dipped his Handkerchief in his blood, he rode with it to Vxbridge, and used these Words; Here is the Blood of that Proud Prelate, I hope for more of their Bloods e're long. And this doth against my will lead me to the consideration of his Sermon at Vxbridge, at the time of the Treaty. Amongst many Scandals cast upon the King, he herein compares Him to Charles the Ninth of France, who [Page] after a Treaty of Peace made the Massacre, and to Antiochus, of whom we read, Dan. 11. 23. That through his Policy he shall cause Craft to prosper i [...] his hand, and by Peace shall destroy m [...] ny, and, after the League made with him he shall work deceitfully: After these great Complements toward the King, he tells us in his Preface; 'Tis the Sword, not Disputes or Treaties which must end this Controversie, wherefore turn your Plowshares into Swords, and your Pruning-hooks into Spears to fight the Lords's Battles, to avenge the Blood of the Saints which hath been spilt, it must be avenged either by us, or upon us: Let me but quote the Words of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chap. 48. vers. 10. Cursed be he that doth the Work of the Lord negligently: Cursed be he that keepeth his Sword from Blood, &c. And I will be bold to say this, that the most malicious suggestions which are insisted upon in the Votes of Non-Address are to be met with in one Page of that Sermon, p. 32. We read 'Twas the Lord who troubled Achan, because he troubled Israel. O that [Page]in this our State-Physicians would resemble God, to cut off those from the Land who have distempered it. Meli [...]s est [...]t per [...]at Vnus quam Vnitas.

He tells us, pag. 36, 37, of three sorts of Persons, with whom Peace is not to be made: First, Truce-breakers: O what deceitful Work hath our Parliament met with on the very nick of Treaties for Peace, &c. Secondly, Idolaters are not meet Persons to have a Peace with, Jehosaphat was checked for having an Affinity with Ahab an Idolatrons King, because he loved him that hated the Lord, therefore wrath was upon him from the Lord: But Asa [...]as commended because he removed Maachah from being Queen, because she was an Idolatress: I may say, what Jehu said to Joram, what Peace can there be so long as the Whoredoms of Jezebel THE QUEEN are so many, we may make Peace with Papists now, but who will give us assurance that they will keep their Covenants: Thirdly, men wholly under the guilt of much Innocent blood are not meet Persons to be at peace with, till all the guilt of blood be expiated [Page] and avenged, either by t [...]e Sword of the Law, or the Law of the Sword, else a Peace can neither be safe nor just, and pag. 42. Are Peace and Truth the Ingredients which must heal us? O then dote not too much upon this Treaty of Peace, which is this day beginning: And again, Will the Blood-thirsty Rebels of Ireland, the Idolatrous Papists of England, the Pompous Prelats, the rest of the corrupt Clergy, and the profaner sort of the Nation, who joyn hand in hand together: Are these likely to be Patrons of Truth? Deceive not your selves, there is little likelihood of Peace with such: What I said before, I say again, Either they must grow better, or we must wax worse, before we can agree.

I should willingly have suffered these Things to sleep, but that our Author forced me upon it, by insisting upon the Merits of Mr. Love, and Mr. Love himself in his Speech upon the Scaffold justifies himself as to all that he had done in relation to the Publick Differences; I bless my God, I am free from the Blood of all men, &c. I do declare that I dy with my Iudgment [Page]set against Malignity, I do h [...]e both name and thing, I still retain AS VEHEMENT A DETESTATION of Malignant Interest AS EVER I DID: And again, I dy cleaving to all those Oaths, Vows, Covenants, Protestations, that were imposed by the Two Houses of Parliament, as owning them, and in dying with my Iudgment for them. To the Protestation, the Vow and Covenant, the Solemn League and Covenant.

This Author cannot deserve any way so well of the Party he pleads for, as not to give us occasion to enquire into past Matters: For whatever Inconveniencies may be expected from Comprehension or Toleration, by the nature of the things themselves, they will be found to be very much ascertained and increased, if we consider the Persons who do desire either of them: I suppose we shall hear no more of the Merits of Love, and if this Gentleman doth think fit to change him for any other Instance: I shall advise that he would pitch upon such a Person as hath wrote nothing, nor been in any Publick Employment, [Page] lest otherwise he should force us upon those Enquiries which will be, it is to be doubted little for the credit of him whose name is brought in Question, and which I shall take very little delight in.

The End.

A Brief Catalogue [...] Books newly Printted and Repri [...]ted for R. Royston; Bookseller to His Most Sacred Majesty.

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ANtiquitates Christiane, or, The History of the Life and Death of the Holy Jesus, as also, The Lives, Acts, and Martyrdoms of his Apostles. In two Parts, the first Part containing the Life of Christ, Written by Ieremy Taylor, late Bishop of Down and Connor; The second, containing the Lives of the Apostles, by William Cave, D. D. Chaplain in ordinary to His Majesty.

The Second Part of the Practical Christian, consisting of Meditations and Psalms, illustrated with Notes, or Paraphrased; relating to the Hours of Prayer, the ordinary Actions of Day and Night, and several Dispositions of Men. By R. Sherlock, D. D. Rector of Winrvick.

A Serious and Compassionate Enquiry into the Causes of the present Neglect and Contempt of the Protestant Religion and Church of England, &c. The Third Edition.

A Collection of several Treatises concerning the Reasons and Occasions of the Penal Laws. Viz. I. The Execution of Justice in England, not for Religion, but for Treason: written by the Lord Treasurer Burleig [...], 17 Dec. 1583. II. Important Considerations, by the Secular Priests: Printed A. D. 1601. III. The Iesuits Reasons Unreasonable: 1662.

The End.

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Information about this book

Title statement

The modern pleas for comprehension, toleration, and the taking away the obligation to the renouncing of the covenant considered and discussed.

Tomkins, Thomas, 1637?-1675.

Edition statement

1675

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A62888

ID [STC]

Wing T1836

ID [STC]

ESTC R4003

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

13195285

ID [OCLC]

ocm 13195285

ID [VID]

98410

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Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62888)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98410)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 553:17)

Source

— The modern pleas for comprehension, toleration, and the taking away the obligation to the renouncing of the covenant considered and discussed., Tomkins, Thomas, 1637?-1675..

Extent

[8], 259 p.

Printed for R. Royston ...,. London :: 1675.. (Attributed to Thomas Tomkins. Cf. Nuc pre-1956.) (Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library.)

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