THE NULLITY Of the Prelatique Clergy, and Church of England Further discovered In answer to the plaine prevarication, or vaine presumption of D. John Bramhall in his Booke, intituled The Consecration and succession of Protestant Bishops justified, &c. AND That most true story of the first Protestant Bishops Ordination at the Nagshead verified their fabulous Consecration at Lambeth vvith the forgery of Masons Records cleerely detected by N. N.
Non misi eos, & non precepi eis, neque locutus sum ad eos: visionem mendacem, & divinationem, & fraudulentiam, & seductionem cordis sui, prophetant vobis.
J sent them not, and I commanded them not, neither have I spoken vnto them; lying vision, and deceitfull guilfulnes, and seduction of their ovvne heart they prophecie vnto you.
Printed at Antwerp, in the yeare M.DC.LIX.
THE PREFACE CONTAINING The State of the Controversy, and the Summe of the Authors reasons produced in the Treatise of the nature of Catholique faith, and Heresy; with some reflexions vpon D. Bramhalls impertinent digressions and expressions.
I. IN the second Chapter of a booke printed an. 1657. and intituled, A Treatise of the Nature of Catholique faith, and Heresy: Was occasionaly proved that the English Protestant Bishops were never validly, or in very deed ordained. And albeit the proofs were so cleere, as to make the nullity of their Clergy, and consequently of their Church, manifest to the judgement of any vnpartial disinteressed Reader; y yet I vvas content to presse [Page]him no further then to an vndemiable doubt, this being, sufficient for my purpose, because a doubtfull Clergy is to the effect i intended as good as no Clergy; for a doubtfull Clergy makes a doubtfull Church, and a doubtfull Church is no Church, as giving no assurance to Christian faith. The arguments reduced to a brief summe, were as follovveth.
II. First, the Catholique Doctors, as Stapleton, Harding, Bristouw, Reynolds, &c. in their bookes printed, some but fiue, or six yeares, some not long afther the pretended ordination of M. Parker of Canterbury, and his fellovves, (vpon vvhose consecration confessedly depends the prelatique Clergie of England) pressed these very persons frequently, and earnestly, to make good their consecration, to shevv hovv, and by vvhom they received episcopal orders; and yet none of them could cleere this point, either by Registers, vvitnesses, or any circumstances; much less ever mentioned the nevv Records, produced by M. Mason fifty yeares after, of their consecration [Page]at Lambeth, by certaine persons pretended to be Bishops; vvhich they, being in their vvits, vvould never have failed to have donne, if there had bin any such thing.
III. Secondly, that these Records, vvher vpon they vvholy rely, are proved to be forged, not only by their not appearing in so vrgent necessity, but also by the manifest incoherence of the Prelatique Authors that writ of the ordination of the foresaid Parker, and his fellovves, vvith reference to the said records; disagreeing in the persons of the Consecrators, and in the time of their consecration. Besides, the admiration of ancient, and learned persons at the first appareance of these nevv found vnheard of Registers, and the exception made against them by Fitzherbert, an ancient and knovving man and namely those vvho vvhere permitted to have sight of them; but denied after to peruse them vvith leasure, as they requested. Furthermore, if those Records vvere true, hovv could it have bin objected, that the ordination vvas not only not canonical, but not [Page]so much as legal, contrary to the very lavves of the land; wheras the Records make it so precise, and formal in this later point, that there vvas no place of cavilling. Besides, the falsefying of Records is a thing neither hard, nor vnheard of, and easily presumed in those, that so grossely corrupt Scripture, and Fathers, a crime both more abominable, and more discoverable. Lastly, it is incredible, that Iohn Stow should have concealed such a solemne buisnesse, as Parkers consecration at Lambeth, hapening in is ovvne tyme, and having related the consecration of Cardinal Poole, Predecessor to Parker, and making it the greatest part of his buisnesse, the choosing of Mayors of London, the creation of Lords, and such kinde of stuffe suitable to such a vvriter.
IV. Thirdly, that no man of conscience, or common sense can imagine, that the Catholique Doctors of those times, vvho had such care of their salvation, as to suffer so much as they did vpon that account, should vvilfully damne their soules, by obliging [Page]posterity vpon misinformation, to reordaine those that had bin validly, or dained before; for, it is a known Tenet wherein the Catholique Moralists, though infinite in number in these later ages vnanimously agree, that we can not, without commiting a damnable sinne, no more reordaine, then rebaptise; and it is a practise wel knowen, that as many of that Clergy as after their conversion have received orders a mongst vs, have bin ordained absolutly, and without any condition, and consequently without any probability of having received orders, I doe not say canonically, but even validly.
V. Fourthly, that although the foresaid persons had bin against all appearance, ordained by true Bishops, yet, to omit the vncertainty of the matter; the forme, or words vsed in the act of consecration, are at least, of a doubtfull sufficiency, and farre from that certainty which is required in a matter of so great consequence.
VI. Fiftly, by publique Acts both in Q. Mary, and Queene Elisabeths Reigne, it is plainly discovered, that [Page]the pretended Consecrators of Parker, and his fellowes, were looked vpon as in very deed no Bishops. For, in an article of Queenes Maries, Acts and monum. pag. 1295. cited by John Fox himselfe, is declared, that Edward the VI. his Clergy, were not ordered in very deed. And even in the Reigne of King Henry the 8. after his schisme, there was such neglect, and contempt of consecration, that heretiques without it, plaid the Bishops, as it appeares in Ridley of London, and Latimer of Worcester; who being burnt for heresy in Queene Maries time, were degraded only, as Priests, and not as Bishops; the Judge telling Ridley, as Fox recounts, they were to degrade him only of Priesthood, for that they did not take him for a Bishop Now Q Elisabeth supplying, as you shal see hereafter at large, the inhability not only of the number, but even of the very State, and Condition of the ordainors, doth manifestly declare the defect not only in formality, but reality, and withal her presumption to supply any thing by her spiritual headship.
VII. Sixtly, Authors of credit have [Page]related, and persons of judgment, and knovvledge, have generaly believed, that the pretended Consecration vvas performed at the Nagshead taverne in cheapside, in à manner so cleerly defective in the opinion now vniversally received amongst Prelatique Protestants, that they are ashamed to heare of it, little regarding the different Tenets of their Ancestours, who as much contemned Consecration, and caracter, as they seeme now to esteeme them; and cared for no more, but for some exterior shew of a ceremony, to amuse the world, and raise them in the vulgar opinion to the degree of Bishops. Amongst other proofes of this story, was produced the credible, and publique testemony of a person of honor, and ingenuity, who declared to many persons of prime quality, that he perfectly remembred a speech made by D. Morton called Bishop of Duresme in Parliament, wherin hee derived their Episcopal succession from the ordination at the Nagshead. This smal scrap D. Bramhall snatcheth vp very greedily, as though it were a matter of [Page]substance, and able to maintaine their decaying Episcopacy. He hath obtainedof Morton to disavow the speech, and of six others of the same calling, to say, they doe not remember it, and withall a testimony of the lords, who also confesse they can not call to memory some antecedēt circumstances of that speech and hereof makes flourishes, and triumphs, as if forsooth, he had got the victory in the maine point; or as if vpon à mistake (if it were such) in so smal, and inconsiderable à circumstance, depended the matter, which is in hand. Have patience a while, you shall see how much you have got by the bargaine. You shall find there was more reason to believe it, and publish it, then you are aware of; and that this stirr you have made, and was foreseene you wold make, hath raised the dust in your owne eyes.
VIII. But I will first cleerly, and briefly refute your exceptions against my chiefe arguments, and contrary to your method, beginne with, and insist vpon that which is most material. But I can not omit in a word, or two to put [Page]you in mind of some of your many impertinent digressions, as farre from the truth, as from the purpose. You frame to your selfe tvvo opponents, as if eyther the argument, or you the adversary, required a concurrence of endeavours. You are much mistaken, one hand was more then sufficient, and no more was imployed. Pag. 4. You seeme to be troubled vpon a report of a foile you received, vvhich I never knew but by your booke, and I wonder your long experience made you not reflect, that such things might be maliciously told you, therby to sharpen your passion and pen. For my part, I never conceived you so forward, as to put your selfe into any such danger. Pag. 5. Methinks a man of your coate should not blame mingling the interest of religion with matters of state, vnlesse it be, that some other speakes heere by your pen; or that by a secret instinct you vnavvares vtter the hidden mystery of your protestant prelacy, vvhich vvas introduced, and maintained in England, not for religion, but reason of state. Some late passages you mention, I suppose rather [Page]vpon instigation of others, then your owne inclination, however it had bin more for your credit to have donne it vpon better information of the truth and with more connexion to the subject of your booke; Pag. 4. in fine. for my part, while I followed you wandring out of the way both of truth; and method, about you doe not knowe what imputed to me, I was in feare at every step, to meete with the ridiculous story, Cardin. Bleho. of an imaginary Cardinal layd to my charge; who hath more affinity with a matter of ordination, Pag. 4. then the late Governor of the Lowcountries.
IX. You, are much bragging of the learning of your Prelatical English Clergy, Pag. 144. & 216.and vvill cope vvith our greatost Doctors, and feare not to make paralells, and other such fond bravados; vvhich obligeth me to tell you against my vvill, vvhat you are not vvilling to heare. I vvould gladly knouvv, hovv many Prelatiques have made knovvne to others nations, that afther Haeresy came into England, there remained any marke or footstep of Divinity, or Philosophy [Page] Withaker, I grant, vvas not vnskilful in matters of controversy and could speake in a language vnderstood by schollers of forraine countries, but he speakes far from the principles of prelatique Protestancy, from that vvhich is called the Church of England. Was there ever any amongst you, that deserved to carry the bookes after Alensis, Scotus, Bacon, Mediavilla, or Midleton, Ocham, Holcot, Waldensis, and others, not to goe out of our owne Ilands. It is no wonder yow burnt their bookes publiquely in the Vniverfity to be rid of so publicke reproachers of your ignorance. Some of late I grant, have contributed much to the advancement of knovvledge, each one in their kind, as Gilbert, Verulam, Harvey; but these vvere laymen, and medled not vvith any matter of Divinity. What can you allege in point of learning amongst you, but that which meerly belongs to memory, and even that, patched vp of rotten rags of corrupted history, and smal shreds of scattered collections, mingled, and mangled, turned inside out, to make [Page]the ancient Fathers in a fevv obscure vvords, speake contrary to what they have cleerly delivered in vvhole homilies, and bookes. If but in this part rather of reading then learning, rather memory then vvit, you had come to any degree of perfection, vvhat need had there bin to have made so much of Casaubon for impugning Baronius, and in a later ocasion of an other stranger Salmasius? And vvhen out of meere shame, one of yours vvas forced to reply to him that answered Salmasius, you see vvhat a piece of stuffe was vvouen, not only thredbare in point of learning, but stained with so many foule Barbarismes, and Solecismes, that it is a pitty to see, what a sport vvas made of it by the adversary, and yet there is more reason to thinke, that many hads concurred to it, then to the booke you vndertake to refute. I expect you should attribute al those grosse faults to Erratas of the printer, Pag. 175. as you doe the mistake of Bedford for Dover, and one moneth for an other, or of the Transcriber, as Richard for Iohn in another place, Pag. 89. to reconcile the contradictions [Page]of your solemne consecration as Lambeth. And yet forsooth these scrapers of rude indigested rubbish of incoherent historical Notes, must be set forth in the false disguise of Doctors of Divinity, vvhom this Epithete becomes as much, as a Bricklayer, or Davvber the name of an Architect. I am sure S. Gregory Nazianzen amongst the Fathers, and Plato amongst the Philosophers purchased the title of Devines at a higher rate, vvith expense of their labour in higher matters.
X. And it is vvithout doubt vpon the diffidence of their learning that you spread so broad your skill in Conge d'eslires, Premunires, Actuaries, Notaries, Signet offices, Deane of the Arches, Court of Faculties, &c. Whervvith you vvould blind ignorant Readers of your booke to a persuasion of your misterious knovvledge, as either you, or your brethren are vsed to doe in sermons, and marginal notes, with scantlings of Greeke, and Hebrew words. You shall find that your Conge d'eslires and Actuaries vvill helpe little to cleere your Records from plaine forgery [Page]and that you spill your skill to as little purpose, as your Forefathers did their vvine, or Metheglen, to get the Welsh Bishop to ordaine them in a Taverne.
XI. Now vpon hopes to deprive your adversary of credible testimonies, you will needs persuade him, that it is; against the art oft polemique disputers, Pag. 221.to cite Authors either dead, or vnsworne, or of their owne party. I pray you M. Doctor, in S. Augustins Polemicks, how much of this precise caution do you find? Tomo 6. & 7. Do you thinke that all which Christian Authors relate against Turcks, Iews, Gentils; and Catholiques against Arians, Macedonians, Manicheans, Eutychians, Nestorians, claimes no beliefe from a judicious impartial Reader? when they produce witnesses dead or vnsworne, or of their ovvne party. Is there no difference betvveene disputing in Schooles, and pleading at the barr, Pag. 157. betweene persuading a sober judicious Reader with the reality of reason, and coherence of circumstances, and the stopping the mouth of a clamourous, froward, litigious [Page]advocate with formalities of law; which you do most indiscreetly presse, being further of from bringing legal proofs then I, or any man that writ of this subject. For my part I am so farr of from peevish jangling obstinacy, that I will not stick to believe an adversary, if I have not special reason to mistrust his vnderstanding, or honesty, or discouer much inconsequence, or find better evidence to the contrary. Before I have donne, you shall find vvhy I question your Relators, and Records, and by ocasion of D. Mortons testimony, the Reader, if he have but the light of reason not eclipsed with passion, shall need neyther schoole, nor law learning to see, how litle credit is to be given to protestant Ministers.
XII. Pag. 1. & 134. & passim. You please your selfe much in a poetical fable of the Cretan Minotaure, whervpon you make many glosses, and I shall make of it a glasse for you to represent to your eyes the beautifull figure of your Prelatique Clergy; the cause of both was a very unlawfull lust, in Henry the 8. King of England, and Pasiphae Queene of Creete; the [Page]Minotaure was halfe beast, halfe man; and your Clergy, halfe Zuinglian, halfe Catholique; both kept in a labyrinth, both fed with innocent blood, and both at length destroyed by the sword.
XIII. You pretend to shew wit in applying this fable to the relation of your Clergys descent from the Nagshead, which you might better have called a tale of a tun, then a tub, as more relating to a Taverne; vnlesse it be, because your Taverne-Prelates came at length to give place to Tubpreachers. This is only to give you an Item, rather te shevv your selfe wary then witty; as being more sutable to your age, and profitable to your cause. But I can not perceive how you were eyther wary, or witty, in vpbraiding men of my coate with the ill successe of Princes that follow their counsel, after such, and so fresh an example, which never happened since God created the vvorld, by the counsel of any Clergy but yours. You say it is pitty I vvas not of his Councel, I am sure it is pitty that ever any Prince, or state, should here after be led by the advise of your Clergy, unlesse [Page]they deserve the like successe.
XIV. But this fond vindication of your forged Records must be decked with more pedantical stuffe of Poetical fables. The Nagshead true story you metamorphose into an imaginary Chimera and M.Pag. 146.Mason was the Bellerophon that destroyed this monster, this Posthumus brat vvas the Minerva, or Issue of M. Neales brain, or some others who fathered this rapping lie vpon him. If a chimera be composed of contradictions, what can be more chimerical, then your solemne consecration at Lambeth that contradicts not onely the constant tradition of wise and conscienable men, but the very statutes of the Prince, the acts of Parliament, the doctriner of Protestants, and even the Protestant Creed contrived in those times. This is no Minerva, no issue of any braine but an abortive reeling Bacchus hatched far frō the braine, a Vulcan ridiculously halting at every step. Your Bellerophon with his Pegasus, or poetical Nagshoofe hath only opened a fountaine of fictions when he published his feigned Records, but the Nagshead [Page]head relation hath made such a breach in your Prelatic Church, that all your Heads put together will never stop it.
XV. You are not content to make ostentation of your wit, but are pleased also to shew your judgement in taxing vs of imprudence, because forsooth, with indiscreete zeale we indeavor to make Proselites,Pag. 216.and follow those birds with noise, and clamour, vvhich vve desire to catch. Many sinners are so fast a sleepe in their wickednesse, and heresy, that they will not heare ordinary admonitions; to such God commands his preachers, Isa. 58.1. crie, and cease not, as a trumpet exalt thy voice, and tell my people their vvicked doings. But why you should compare your protestants to birds, I know not, vnlesse it be, because you have caged them vp in ignorance, or frighted them with skar-crowes of Idols, superstitions, superstructures from flocking to the field of the true Church. Christ called his Apostles rather fishers thē fowlers, and it is the practise of fishers to dash in the water thereby to drive the fish to their nets, and I suppose you [Page]have observed no such vehemēcy that surpasses the invectives of Christ against the Scribes and Pharisees misleaders of the birds he desired to catch. But those he catcheth, he maketh them silent like fishes, not prating like parrats out of Scripture they know not what, nor chattering togeter like different birds in a bush, every one in a several note, as those doe, who are caught, and taught by Protestant, not fishers, but fowlers: vnlesse it be in troubled waters. You would doe vvel hereafter to reflect before hand, that what you would say, have the ground of common sense, before you worke it, and trim it into quaint sentēces which in this particular you forgot; for the noyse is not vsed (if any be vsed) to fright away the game, but those that would make an injust prey of it, and hinder it from falling into better hands.
XVI. Pag. 24. You thinke I have forgotten Epictetus his rule, Remēber to distrust. But you vvil find me not much guilty of that forgetfulnes, vvhen you see hovv often I put the Reader in mind, and vpon what grounds, not to trust the [Page]allegations, and attestations of Protestant Ministers. But that I should rather distrust the perfect remembrance testified vpon oath of a person, both of vnderstanding, and honour (that neyther would for any interest forsweare himselfe, nor could have any interest in so doeing) then a negative testimony of men not remembring eyther vpon absence, or inadvertence, or distance of time, I can not find eyther in the text of Epictetus, nor in the commentary of your grammatical Champion Salmasius any such rule. Had I taken for vvitnes à man that takes Religion vpon interest, and makes it his profession to advance his ovvne, and other mens interest by cheating Policy, or foolish knavery, then you had done a deed of Christian Charity by teaching me this lesson of your Stoical Philosophy.
CHAP. I.
My first and second reason defended against the Doctors objections.
1. TO the first argument, deduced from the authority of our Catholique Doctors, charging in their printed bookes your first superintendents vvith vvant of Episcopal consecration, some five or six yeares after you pretend it vvas so solemnly performed at Lambeth, you give no other ansvver; Pag. 167. but that you regard not their judgment, and authority, beause they give no cause, or reason of their Knovvledge. Ipray, Mr. Doctor, vvhat greater cause of Knovvledge can ther be of the not being of a visible, and publicque solemnity, then the not being seene, or heard of by knovving parsons, vvho made it their busines to inquire after it, in the very same time, and place vvherin its pretended to have bin acted? To say that D. Harding, Stapleton, Bristovv, Reynolds, and others, should object in print against your protestant Bishops, vvant of ordination, vvithout inquiring, and examining vvhether they vvere ordained or no, is in equivalent termes, to call them fooles, and Knaves, Pag. 207. hovvever averse you pretend to be from so unmanerly language; your attributing the obiections of these great Doctors to credulity, and preiudice, doth rather increase, then diminish the [Page 2]jury, for, you ought to knovv, that credulity contradicted by publique and obvious evidence; is of the grosser sort of foolery, and prejudice that makes men slight such evidence, is the most malicious knavery: neither of both can be layd to the charge of so learned, and honest persons, as the foresaid Doctors, who would never presse Parker, and his fellovves, to shevv the register, and hovv, and by vvhom, they received Episcopal Orders, if there had bin in those days as publique, and authentique registers, as now yee pretend.
2. To this you say, that none of our Doctors did ever vrge any such thing, as required that yee should cite the registers, in prudence. And that the [...]re vvas no pressing to produce Registers. What thē? Doe not men in à suite of lavv produce what is for their manifest advantage of their ovvne accord? I am sure you bring many things, you thinke advantagious, which neyther any person, nor reason pressed you to doe. But that they were pressed immediately after, you may learne out of D. Harding.
We say likvvise to you M.r Ievvel, Confut. apol. fol. 57. & 59. edit an. 1566.and to each of your companions, shevv vs the register of your Bishops, &c. Shevv vs the letters of your orders. But order you have not: for, vvho could give that to you of all these nevv Ministers, hovv soever else you call them, vvhich he hath not himselfe Yet I must confesse it vvas prudence in your first Bishops, not to cite the registers, though D. Harding called for them; because it was better, by their silence, to acknowledge, the want [Page 3]of registers, then to prove themselves impostors, by producing them in a time, wherin their forgery had bin discovered by thousands of witnesses incase they were forged then, and not afterwards, when ordination was growne into more credit. And as I commend the prudent silence of your first Bishops, so I must condemne your silly answer in averring, that the registers or records, vvere cited in print, Pag. 112.and alleaged by the Parliament in the publique lavves of the Kingdome, of which our Doctors, that desired to see some evidence of Parkers consecration, could pleade no ignorance: wheras it is notorious that the act of Parliament 8. Eliz. which as yow pretend (but without any grovvnd, as shall be proved here after) makes mention of the records of Parkers consecration at Lambeth, vvas made at least à yeare after your Register was called for and our Doctors had objected to your Bishops the nullity, and illegality, of their ordination; and the booke of the 70. Archbishops of Canterbury was printed 1572. seven yeares after that D. Harding had called for the same Register, and Letters of their Orders. Though he was a wise man, I hope he might pleade ignorance of what then vvas not as much as thought of, vvhen he vvrit, nor indeed ever after by any, but your selfe; vvho confounds the records of Kings, and Queens letters patents, vvith the registers of the Archbishops of Canterbury.
3. Another reason against the pretended consecration of your first protestant superintendents, [Page 4]vvas, the contradictions of your ovvne Authors vpon this subject, disagreeing in the persons of the consecraters, and in the time of their consecrations. These contradictions you call innocent mistakes, and thinke to excuse them by the retractation of the Authors, who desired that they might be corrected by Mr. Masons newfound registers, Pag. 176.177. & 178. which you compare to the sun diall, wherby all clockes, and Clerks must be regulated, when the sun shineth out. It seemes Mr Doctor, that the sun never shined vpon your church, vntill Mr Masons tecords were printed, for if it had, Mr Goduin, Mr Sutcliffe, and Mr Butler, three of the most famous Clerks amongst you, infallibly vvould have consulted the sundial; and their judgements, and bookes concerning your consecrations, had not bin so different. How comes this sun to be more then fifty yeares vnder a cloud, if it vvas not, that your new registers might participate in some measure, of the ould invisibility, of your Church? Doe yow imagine, that learned, and sober men, would venture to write, and publish to the world a matter of such importance, as the consecration of your first Bishops, vvithout consulting the registers therof if any such had bin exstant, or visible when they vndertooke the worke? were they paradventure ignorant of the place where this sun did shine? Or were they negligent in setting their clocks to it? Nheiter can be presumed of so eminent persons as you make them. But your comparison [Page 5]of Masons records to the sun, or sundial, is very improper; for, if the suns motion were as irregular, as those registers are incoherent, the sun would be as unfit for a measure of time, as those are for a proofe of truth. But if one should mistake for the sun à false Meteor, called a Parhelion, and set his clock by the light of a cloud, he would guide the towne, as you do your Church: and men of understandingh would be as litle regulated by such a dial, or clock, as Fitzherbert was perswaded by Masons registers at their first appearance, who suspected them of forgery by the latenesse of their discovry as you may see in his booke of D. Andrevvs absurdities, falsities, lyes, &c.
4. Pag. 158. But yovv regard not Mr Fitzherherts suspicions at all. What are the suspicions of a private stanger, to the vvel knovvn credit of a publique register? If you Mr Doctor, had not bin a stranger to such pious and learned bookes as Policy and Religion, and others composed by F. Fitzherbert, and had informed your selfe how long he lived, you would not have spoken so strangely, and ignorantly, of his Knowledge in his owne countreys affairs, nor so contemptibly of his discovery, of Andrevvs absurdities. But you say his suspicions can vveigh no more then his roasons, that is, just nothing. Doth it weigh nothing in your judgement, that this register should be called for so frequently, and earnestly in the beginning of Queen Elizbeths reigne, when some evidence was desired by the Catholique Doctors of your first Bishops [Page 6]consecration; and that neither it selfe should be cited, nor any other authenticall proofe therof produced by Parker; Ievvel or any of the rest; and that after fifty yeares it should appeare, when none called for it, and they were dead, whom it most imported, and the time of your Protestant Prelatique Church was more then halfe expired? do you call this obscure, and forged scroll, a well known, and publique register? I am confident, that in any prudential balance, the suspicion, and reasons of Fitzherbert will weigh more then your judgement; and that every one who reads his discovery of Andrevvs absurdieies, will confess, that he hath layd him not only in the dust, (as you vainely brag Andrevvs hath donne to our greatest Champions) but also hath buried him in the dirt of his own lyes, Pag. 159. the fittest monument for so notorious an Impostor. I shall in the end stir vp in the reader a curiosity te examin Andrewes impostures by what I shall note out of Morton and others.
V. Yet we need not any discoverer of yours but your selfe, you tell vs that the imprisoned Priests, Pag. 130. and Iesuits vievved your register, turned it over and over, perused it as much as they pleased, and in conclusion gave this sentence of it, that the booke vvas beyond exception. If they perused it as much as they pleased, why do you achnowledge, that afterwards they desired toperuse it more fully, and that their request was not granted? What a silly excuse you bring for not permitting them te see the register againe, [Page 7]that forsooth such Records may not goe out of the presence of the Keeper? Why could not the Keeper goe along with the Records, or the Fathers come with their Keepers to the Registri? Ceertainely there was lesse difficulty, then in F. Olcornes perusing the records, who was furtherof as being prisoner in Worcester. Pag. 128. Whom you make also an approvēr of the same records vpon your owne bare assertion. And yet forsooth, Polemique writers must cite no witnes of their owne party, though you be so bould as to cite your selfe. But it is more then bouldnes to bring in My lord of Calcedon as confessing it, Pag. 129. whereas he onely lets it passe vpon your word, not granting it so, as having any knovvledge of it from another hand, but in case it were so as you say, that it maketh not much to your purpose. But the truth is, the imprisoned Iesuits did never allovv your Records, as those yet living, and then living in England (and at least in this matter belonging to their ovvne people may know as much as you, or My Lord of Calcedon) wil testify. One as being on this side the sea, I may name to you without danger, and stop your mouth alwayes crying against nameles witnesses. It is the R. F. Henry More novv Rector of the Seminary of S. Omers, whose word in any matter of fact will be taken, as soone as yours, even by the persons of your owne party, and sooner in this particular, as having more reason to know it. What if M. Wadsvvorth say he read Paockers consecration in the registers, [Page 8]doth that make your registers good against so many signes of forgery. Nay put the case he, and some few should have bin something moved at the sight of them, it argues no more then their ignorance of the manifold arguments I bring to convince them of falsood. As for your other witnesses I must take them vpon your word, which I have found so palpably faile in the former, and shall take occasion in another chapter to examine them, and what you say of them.
CHAP. II.
The fabulous Consecration at Lambeth, and the forgery of its records proved by the Statute 8. Eliz. 1. and by the Queenes letters patents, and Commission.
1. BVt if your Register be not forged, and all was so legally performed at Lambeth, as it relates, vvhy should our Doctors object to your first Bishops, not only nullity, but also illegality of consecration, contrary to the statutes, and lawes of the land? Why did the Queene make good by act of Parliament, 8. Eliz. 1. not only the forme of Ed. 6. ordination, But also all Actes, and things had, made, or donne by any person, or persons, in or about any consecration, confirmation, or investing of any person, or persons elected to the office, or dignity of [Page 9]Archbishops, or Bishops by vertue of the Queenes letters patents, or commission, sithence the beginning of her reigne? If Parker and the rest had bin consecrated according to the forme of Edward 6. as your Records, and Writers pretend, what need had there bin of this Act of Parliament? This is so cleere against your forged Registers, and feigned solemnity at Lambeth, that you thought fit to omit in your answer to this objection, the words of the statute; Pag. 146. & 147. and only say, that I repeate, the vvords of apart of the statute, and thence conclude, by which act appeares, that not only King Edvvards rite, but any other vsed since the beginning of the Queenes reigne, vpon her commission, vvas enacted for good, and consequently that of the Nagshead might passe. Cujus contrarium verum est. The contrary to vvhat these Fathers inferre, doth follovv necessarily from these vvords, vvhich the Fathers cite. The vvords of the Act are these, By vertue of the Queenes letters patents, or Commission. I pray Mr Doctor, have a better opinion of your Readers, then to thinke they are so mad, as to be perswaded by you, that men should, cite only these words of a statute, By vertue of the Queenes letters patents, or Commission, to prove the nul [...]ity, or illegality of your protestant consecra [...]ion. Is it the manner, I do not say of Polenick, but even of honest Writers, to concea [...]e, and mangle the words wherupon the Ad [...]ersary grounds the force of his argument.
2. But yow are as unfortunate in citing these few words By vertue of the Queenes letters [Page 10]patents, or Comission, as your Reader must be unsatisfied of your ingenuity, for concealing the others to wch they relate. Pag. 88. The Queenes letters patents which yow cite, declare expressly, that the reason why by her supreme authority, she dispensed with all invalidities of the persons condition, state, and faculty, and with all illegalities against the Canons of the Church, and statutes of the land, was not her Majesties extraordinary care, least some circumstance in the politicall part might be defective in some punctitilio of law as yow pretend; Pag. 109. but an extreme necessity; that is, the want of as much as one true Bishop, to consecrate the rest; and therfore she dispensed not only with censures, Pag. 92. and penalties, as the Pope doth in his Bulls; but also with the condition, and state o [...] the Consecraters, who being only simple Priests, and noe Bishops, were by the Queenes commission, and supremacy, exalted, and enobled to conferre episcopal orders. The words of the Queens letters patents are. Supplentes nihilominus supremá nostrâ authoritate regiâ, &c. Si quid aut in his quae juxta mandatum nostrum per vos fient, aut in vobis, aut vestrum aliquo, conditione, statu, facultate, vestris, ad praemissa perficienda desit, aut deerit eorum, quae penstatuta hujus Regni nostri, aut per leges Ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur, aut necessariâ sun [...] temporis ratione, & rerum necessitate id postulante. In cujus rei, &c. Teste Regina, &c.
3. This part of the Queens letters patent you translate into English thus, Pag. 92. supplying b [...] [Page 11]our Souveraigne authority all defects either in the Executors of this Commission, or any of them. Its strange you ever made mention of a Commission so evidently contrary to your principles, and to the cause you vndertake to maintaine, that you dare not translate it faithfully. But I vvil supply your defect in this particular, Supplying by our Soveraigne Royal authority, &c. If any thing be, or shall be vvanting in these things vvhich yee are to do by our command, either in your selves, or in any of you, or in your condition, state, faculty, vvhich by the statute of this our Kingdome, or by the lavves of the Church are required, or necessary, the time, and necessity of affaires exacting this, &c. You make this dispensation à superflous clause, or at most a salue to help a latent impediment; but the Queene, and the commission it selfe declare, that it vvas a necessary remedy to enable the condition, and state of the consecraters, who were no Bishops.
4. Yet you are confident that the only ground of this monstruos dispensation, Pag. 94. & 95.vvas the same exception vvhich Bishop Bonner did aftervvards make against the legality of Hornes consecration, vvhich is all (say you) that Stapleton, or any of your adversaires had to pretend, or except against the legality of the ordination of the first protestant Bishops There is as litle reason to doubt of your confidence, as there is for you to be so confident. Did either B. Bonner, D. Stapleton, or any other of your adversaries, mention that exception vvhich you father vpon them? [Page 12]They were not so ignorant in the lawes, and statutes of England, as you would make them, and all other Writers besides your selfe. It had bin, not onely confidence, but impudence to object illegality of ordination contrary to the lawes of England, if your first Bishops had bin ordained accordring to the lavves, and forme of Edward VI. and so solemnly at Lambeth, as your forged Registers pretend. Bonners exception vvas, Counter. bl. fol. 7. & 9. & fol. 301. that Horne vvas no Bishop, and Stapletons vvords are. You (Horne) are vvithout any consecration at all of your Metropolitan, (Parker) himselfe poore man being no Bishop neither. Is it not notarious that yee, and your Collegues vvere not ordained according to the prescript, I vvill not say of the Church, but even of the very statuts? These vvords can have no relation to the doubt you move (but our Authors never toucht) concerning your booke of ordination being, or not being restored by Act of Parliament 1. Pag. 97. Elizab. Therfore D. Stapletons vvords, and exceptions were against some other illegality, to wit, your first Bishops merry ordination at the Nagshead, for no other vvas ever pretended by your Authors, but either this, or that formal ceremony at Lambeth; vvhich if ever it had bin, D. Stapleton would not have bin so impudent, as to object notorious illegality against your first consecrations. Pag. 98. But you say that his objection, and exception sheweth nothing but this, how apt a drowning cause is to catch hold of every reed; By your leave M. Doctor, it also sheweth, [Page 13]how apt a drunken cause is to catch hold of every cup; and that your spiritual Forefathers had a plot to make the old Bishop of Landaf halfe drunke, that at least in a pleasant humor he might lay hands on them; therfore they invited him to a Taverne; Pag. 129. in ep. ad ami. this is the reason Q. Maries priests did give, vvhy they met at the Nagshead, as you may see in the answers to M. Watsvvorhts letters cited by your self.
5. Yet you desire your Reader to observe, Pag. 99. & 100.that this dispensative clause neyther had, nor can be construed to have any reference to any consecration that vvas acted by Scory alone, as that silly consecration at the Nagshead is supposed to have bin: and the same Dispensative clause doth not extend at all to any essential of ordination: nor to the Canons of the universal Church; and that the Commissioners authorised by these letters patents to confirme, and consecrate Parker, did make no use of this supplentes, or dispensative povver in the consecration, vvhich is a purely spiritual Act, and belongeth meerly to the Key of order. All this you desire the Reader to observe vvith you, vvithout giving him any reason, or ground for your observation. Is it the manner of Polenick Writers to beg the controversy out of meere civility? Readers must be persuaded by reason, and not desired by empty words, to give their assent in controverted matters. You say that the Commissioners, or Consecraters of Parker did make no use of the Queens dispensative power in the consecration. But themselves say the contrary, (being conscious [Page 14]of their owne incapacity to consecrate Bishops, as being only simple Priests, and never consecrated) and declare in their desinitive sentence, that they will make vse in the consecration, of the Queenes dispensative povver. Their words are. See this definitive sentence in D. Bramhall pag. 101. Therfore vve the Queens Commissioners (Barlovv, Scory, &c) by consent of the Lavviers that vve have consulted, do confirme the foresaid election by the supreme authority of the Queene, communicated vnto vs. Supplying also by the sayd supreme authority vvhatsoever hath him defective in this election: as also is, or shall be vvanting in vs, or any of vs, in our condition, state, faculty, to perfect these things vvhich vve are commanded te doe. They were commanded not only to confirme Parkers election, but also to perfect the worke, and consecrate him; and they say that they vvill do so, and do supply the defects of their owne state, and condition, (which could be no other, but the want of episcopal consecration) by the Queens dispensative, and supreme authority. And yet D. Bramhall doth desire the Reader out of curtesy, te observe, and thinke the contrary.
6. You talke much of your key of order, which vvas no other, then the key of a celler, elevated by the Queens scepter, and spiritual authority, to be efficient of your first Bishops consecration in a Taverne, which you most ungratefully, Pag. 60. 121. 171. & 148. and vnwarily reject, when contrary to the statutes you affirme, that neyther she, nor the lavves of England can make an ordination to be valid, or invalid, because [Page 15]they can not change the institution of Christ, who determined for the essential matter of ordination, imposition of hands. This is very true, but no protestant doctrine in those times as being contrary to the 25. article of your english Creed, which teacheth, that Christ never apointed any visible signe for Orders, and consequently it is no Sacrament. Therfore if imposition of hands be a visible signe, it can not be (according to the symbol of the English Church) the essential matter of ordination by Christs institution. If you had vttered in your primitive Church the Doctrine, which now you print, you had not only fallen into a Premunire, but also incurred the penalties of an Heretique for being so obstinat against your new Creed, and the articles set downe by your first Apostles.
7. It is not to be wondered, that a man so ignorant of his Creed, should knowe so litle of the law as you do. Read I pray these vvords of the statute 8. Eliz. 1. referring to an other made the first yeare of her reigne. And by the same Act, and statute, there is also given to the Q. Highnesse, her heirs &c. full povver, and authority by letters patents vnder the great seale of England, from time to time, to assigne, name, and authorise such person, or persons, as she, or they shal thinke meete, and convenient, to exercise, use, occupie, and execute vnder her Highnesse, all manner of jurisdictions, privileges, preheminences, and auihorities, in any vvise toucking, or concerning any spiritual, or Ecclesiastical povver, or jurisdiction [Page 16]vvithin this Realme, or any other her H. Dominions or Countries. I beseech you M. Doctor, answer now directly, and without tergiversation might not the Queene by her letters patents, without any other ceremony, name and authorize, according to this Act of Parliament, any Carrier, Carter, or Catchpol, to exercise, vse, occupie, and execute all manner of jurisdictions, preheminencies, and authorities, in any vvise touching, or concerning any spiritual, or ecclesiasticall povver. What is episcopacy, or priesthood, but a spiritual, and ecclesiastical power? And what is ordination, or consecration, but to exercise, vse, or execute this spiritual povver, by conferring it vpon others? Therfore according to the statuts of England, the Queene, and her heires, and successors, may make Priests, and Bishops, vvithout imposition of hands, or any other matter, or forme, but their letters patents vnder the greate seale of England. Which though it be cleere enough by the very words of the statute to any one that vnderstands English, yet it is made most vndeniably evident, by the Protestant Tenet of those dayes requiring no more for Order then Election of Prince or people, which Tenet appeares in their writings, in their translations of Scripture, and in their Creed, so that the Prince in England having assumed full power in point of Election, could accordingly dispose, and dispense, at will in any thing belonging to Order. And when any ceremony of consecration was vsed they cared not what it was, so it [Page 17]might serve to amuse the vulgar, not yet invred to the new Doctrine of Priests, and Bishops not consecrated.
8. This vvas the power assumed: let vs now see their practise vsed. Kellison survey pag. 373. & 374. edit, 1603. They vvere enforced (sayth D Kellison) to make superintendents, and ministers of our apostating Priests, such as Parker, Grindal, Sands, Horne &c. vvho vvere thought paste sit to make such Ministers on, vvithout any other moulding, or knedding. And vvhen they vvanted Apostatas, vvho vvere consecrated afther the Catholique manner, they tooke laymen of their ovvne, of vvhich some vvere base artificers; and vvithout any other consecration, or ordination then the Princes, or the Superintendents letters (vvho themselves vvere no Bishops) they made them Ministers, and Bitshops vvith as fevv ceremonies, and lesse solemnity, then they make their Aldermen, yea Constables, and Cryers of the Market.Pag. 149.And from this stock proceedeth all the rable of their Ministers, &c. D. Stapleton, whom you call one of the most rational heads our Church had since the separation, gives you this Catalogue of your first protestant Clergy. Counterblast lib. 4. num. 481. printed an. 1567. And vvherin I pray you resteth a great part of your nevv Clergy, but in butchers, cookes, catchpols, and coblers, diers, and dawbers, fellons cayrring their marke in their hand instead of a shaven crowne, fishermen, gunners, harpers, inkeepers, merchants. and mariners, netmakers, potters, potycaries, and porters of Belingsgate, pinners, pedlers, ruffling, ruffins, sadlers, sheermen, and sheaperds, tanners, tilers, tinkers, trumpeters, weavers, wherymen, [Page 18]&c. If D. Stapleton was so rational a head as you are pleased to acknowledge, you hav [...] but litle reason to brag of the first heads, an [...] members of your schisme, or separation; an [...] much lesse to be angry vvith my lord Brookes for applying his Coachman to the office of a protestant Preacher; Bram Pag. 12. who by his trade, (not to speake of his talent) might challenge an eminen [...] place amongst your first Ministers, and without disgracing your Church, might head thi [...] rable, that D. Stapleton hath so particularly described. But speake to the purpose M. Doctor: Doe you persuade your selfe, that all these fellows were ordained by impofition o [...] episcopal hands, and with all that formality you bring out of your Pontifical? no truly, they were only ordained by letters patents, or so me paper of your first Bishopss, who practise [...] the same stile with their Ministers, that th [...] Queene did with themselves, and if sometimes vvith ceremony, it vvas onely for ceremony, not necessity, and consequently with no more formality then might suffise to blind the ignorant.
And truly when I consider the Queens supreme, and spiritual authority, confirmed by the statuts 1. & 8. Eliz. I do not wonder at this practise of your primitive Church in ordaining any Post, or Carrier they met in the high way, and that legally without any imposition of hands, or Ceremony. The statute doth warrant it by these words. 8. Eliz. 1. And further for th [...] avoyding of all ambiguities, and questions tha [...] [Page 19]might bee objected against the lawfull confirmations, [...]nvesting, and consecrations of the said Archbishops, and Bishops (that is Parker, and his fel [...]ows) her highnes in her letters patents, under the great seale of England, directed to any Archbis [...]op, Bishops, or others, (marke the word, others, which comprehendeth laymen, or simple Priests) for the confirming, investing, and consecrating of any person elected to the office, or digni [...]y of any Archbishop, or Bishop, hath not only used such words, and sentences as were acustomed to be [...]sed by the late K. Henry, and K. Edward, her Majesties father, and brother, in their like letters [...]atents, made for such causes: but also hath vsed, [...]nd put in her Majesties said letters patents, divers [...]her general vvords, and sentences, wherby her H. [...]y her supreme power, and authority, hath dispen [...]ed vvith all causes, or doubts of any imperfection, [...]r disability, that can, or may in any vvise be obje [...]ted against the same as by her Majesties said letters [...]atents remaining of record, more plainly vvill apcare, So that to all those, that vvill vvell consider of the effect, and true intent of the said lavves, and [...]atutes, and of the supreme, and absolute authori [...] of the Queens Highnes, and vvhich shee by her Majesties said letters patents hath vsed, and put in [...]e, in, and about the making, and consecrating, of the sayd Archbishops, and Bishops, it is, and [...]ay be very evident, (D. Pag. 122. Bramhall cites these last words vvithout mentioning the former, of which their sense depends) and apparent that [...] cause of scruple, ambiguity, or doubt, can, or [...]ay justly be objected against the said elections, confirmations, [Page 20]or consecrations, or any other materia [...] thing meete to be vsed, or had, in, or about the same but that every thing requisite, and material for that purpose (that is the Queens letters patents, and ample dispensation vnder the great seale of England) hath bin made, and donne as precisely, and vvith as greate a care, and diligence, or rather more, as ever the like vvas done before her Majesties tyme, as the Records of her Majesties sayd Father, and brothers tyme, and also of her ovvne time, vvill more plainly testify, and declare. This is a clause indeed that taketh a vvay all ocasion of Protestant scruples, and doubts, not only of the invalidity, but also of the illegality of your ordination at the Nagshead.
10. Yet because you vvould needs have the ordination performed at Lambeth, you maintaine that these last words, the Records of her Majesties sayd Fathers, and Brothers time, and also of her owne time, will more plainely testify, and declare, relate to your forged Registers. And to make good your assertion, you falsify the text egregiously; for, you say, the statute speaketh expressely of the Records of elections, and confirmations,Pag. 115.and consecrations, and this you put in a distinct caracter, as if they had bin words of the very statute. Its strange, that where you lay to my charge, falsifying of the text, your selfe should commit the crime so notoriously. In all the statute you can not find any such words, Records of elections, and confirmations, and Consecrations: but you will find expressely these words, as by her Majesties sayd letters patents [Page 21]remaining of record. more plainly will appeare. If that Glosse is accursed, which corrupteth, and cōtradicteth the text, vvhat shall wee say of yours? Read with attention the text, and you will be convinced, that the Records of her Majesties said Father, and Brothers time, and also of her owne time, relate not to any Records, or Registers of the Archbishop of Canterbury, nor to the Records of elections, confirmations, and consecrations; but to the Records of the Kings, and Queenes letters patents; for, the statute sayth: that every thing requisite, and material for the taking away all causes of scruples, doubts, and ambiguities, that might be objected against the sayd elections, and consecrations, and confirmations, or any other material thing meete to be vsed, or had in, or about the same, had bin made, and done, as precisely, or rather more, then ever before her Majesties time, as by the Records of her Majesties said Father, and Brothers time, and also of her ovvne, vvill more plainely appeare. The words, or rather more precisely, and with more care, and diligence, can not relate to Parker, and his Camerades consecration though we should grant, it was performed at Lambeth with a read cloth on the floore, and tapestry on the east side; for, I hope, in Catholique times they were as precise, diligent, and decent in consecrations, as in Q Elizabeths, (though they vsed not a read cloth vpon à Sunday of Advent, as your Register sayes yee did vpon the 17. of December 1559.) especialy
CHAP. III.
The Protestants Consecration at Lambeth is proved to be a fable, and their Register to be forged, by their falsifications of Scripture, and by the 25. of their 39. articles; and D. Bramhals arguments to maintaine the contrary, are retorted against himselfe.
1 NOt withstanding all this, the Doctor sayes, it is incredible that the Registers of the first Protestant Bishops consecration should be forged. Pag. 106. And why so M Doctor? Is it incredible that they who falsify Scripture, should forge Records? And hovv notoriously your first Bishops have falsified Scripture, is demonstrated by D. Gregory Martin in a learned booke, intituled A Discovery of the manifold corruptions, Pag. 201.&c. You give fovver ansvvers to this argument 1. you desire good words. And I desire a better ansvver. 2. That Gregory Martin is an adversary, vvhose censure you do not esteeme a button. I desire you once more M. Doctor to answer, and speake to the purpose. Though you do not weigh D. Martins censure, ansvver his reasons, and the examples he brings: confute his booke, and demonstrations. Your third ansvver is, I hope none of vs did ever attempt to purge S. Paules Epistles, because there were in them some things that sounded not well in point of justification. I vnderstand [Page 25]not to what, or to whom do you allude by this answer. But I am sure, your Proto-Patriarche Luther to make good his justification by faith alone in his Dutch translation inserted the word alone into the very text, against all originals, or copies, or versions that ever had bin seene before. Fourthly you answer. Rather then be accounted falsifiers of Scripture, vve are content to stand to the vulgar Latin in any controversy betvveen them and vs. Is this to solve an argument? Are your Protestant readers satisfied with such stuffe? stay sir, I must in the name of convincing logique arrest your shifting Rhethorique. This was the argument. Those that have grossely falsified Scripture, may easily be presumed to have falsified records, especially when the records vpon other circumstances are deepely suspected, but the first hath bin the frequent vse of Euglish Protestant Ministers, ergo you should have proved at least in som general termes, that your English translations were not corrupted: you should have called them innocent mistakes, or Erratas of the print, as Dover for Bedford, which you thought sufficient to serve your turn at least in another occasiō. If one were accused, ād pressed by sundry proofes to have killed his Brother, and it should be further vrged, that notwithstanding the crime was enormous, and not easily to be beleeved in other persons, yet in him it might justly be presumed, by reason of the knowne publique evidences, whereby he had bin plainely convicted [Page 26]to have killed his father. Must this be slipt over? Would this availe nothing? Can the artificial Rhetorique of a slighting pretermission, so stupify the natural logique of every one that is come to the vse of reason, as not to see the force of this conclusion? He hath killed his father, what vvonder is it if he kill his brother? They falsify Scripture what marvel if they forge records. Hath your custome of vrging light conjectures against the Church of Rome so destroyed the nature of reason in you, as not to feele your selfe, or to thinke that others doe not feele the weight of an argument à fortiore? Records are humane, Scripture devine, Records are kept in a corner, Scripture exposed to the vew of all, Records have fevv copies, and kept by a few, and those of one faction. The Christian vvorld is full of Bibles. Is it not then lesse against conscience, of easier contrivence, and further from danger of a shamefull discovery, to forge records, then to falsify Scripture. This is onely to stop you a while from posting with so much speed from this passage. In the end of the booke I shal detaine you longer, and hould you faster, and put a rub to the sliding eloquence you have learned in Holland If you vvil not, yet the Reader shall see by vvhat I shal lay clearely before his eyes, and shal remit to the judgement of his owne eyes, if he be pleased to view, and cōfer him selfe what I shal set downe of some, and direct him to seeke of other Protestant Ministers, in point of grosse, wilfull, [Page 27]malicious, and impudent falsifications of Scripture, and Authours, whereby he will conclude with himselfe how far he shal thinke fit to give credit hereafter to their sayings, or writings, and namely, and particularly D. Morton called B. of Duresme, that Minister of simple truth, as he called himselfe in those very bookes which seeme to have bin dictated by the father of lyes, and now in his late testimony is not ashamed to speake thus. Pag. 15. I could never have made such a speech (marke the proofe he adjoyneth) seeing I have ever spoken according to my thoughts. He may very well have forgot what he once spoke in Parlament seeing he hath forgot what he hath so often writ against his thoughts, and cleer knowledge in [...]everal bookes. But of this mans false writings hereafther, Pag. 107. now I returne to your false records, being you are resolved to convince all [...]hose vvho gainsay them by six doughty arguments, which I hope to retortagainst you, and by your owne grounds prove the contrary of what you are confident to maintaine.
3. Your first argument is, that value, and respect which the lawes of England do give the Registers. The lawes of England were so farre from valuing, or respecting these Registers, that they did not as much as cite, or mention them, when Parker, and his Colleagues were pressed to [...]hew the letters of their Orders, being accu [...]ed by our Catholique Doctors that they had [...]ever bin ordained. And the Parliament 8. [Page 28]Eliz. thought it more for the credit of their protestant Church, and Clergy, to make them Bishops by a statute, then examine the matter; which resolution had never bin taken, if any witnesses, or Records of their consecration at Lambeth could have bin produced in the 8. yeare of Q. Elizabeths reigne. But what marvaile is it, that the lawes of England should not value your Records, when your first superintendents themselves never durst send D. Harding, or any of the rest who desired it, an authentique Copie of them out of your Registry? Or so muchas make mention of the original.
4. Your second argument is taken from the credit of the foure publique Notaries, who did testify Parkers individual consecration at Lambeth, it being observable that these four Notaries were the same who did draw Cardinal Pooles consecration into Acts, and attest them. This proofe, and observation weighs as litle, as foure publique Notaries conscience, and credit, who in Cardinal Pooles time professed one faith, and in Parkers an other. Men that counterfeit religions, will have no difficulty te counterfeit Registers, if they be commanded, or inclined to do it; neither would their testimony, be of vndoubted credit in any place of the world, if contradicted by so many arguments, and circumstances as your pretended consecration at Lambeth. But in case these Notaries had bin persons beyond all exception, might not their hands be counterfeited [Page 29]as well as the Register? What greater difficulty can there be in one more then in the other? Its a silly argument that involves in it selfe the same difficulty it ought to cleere. Your third and fourth ground of the Queens Commission, and of the Act of Parliament 8. Eliz. have bin ansvvered in the former Chapter, and are evident proofes, that your Records are forged.
5. Pag. 115. & 116. Your fifth ground is taken from a booke you say vvas printed an. 1572. of the lives of 70. succeeding Archbishops of Canterbury, vvherin the Author (that vvas Archbishop Parker himselfe) having described the Confirmations, and Consecrations of his fellovves, he addeth in the margent. These confirmations, and consecrations do appeare in the Registers. It seemes you learnt from Parker to cite your selfe as a vvitnesse for your felfe. Is this the manner of Polemick Writers? But why did not Parker, or Ievvel, remit D. Harding to these Registers, wherof M. Parker some seaven yeares after made (if vve believe you) marginal notes; when he so earnestly called for them, Confut. Apolog. fol. 57. & 59 edit. 1566. shevv vs your Registers, in the yeare 1566. Then vvas the time for Parker, and the rest to cite them, and not in the yeare 1572. Yet D. Champney doubts whether any such booke vvas printed of your Archbishops as you pretend. Whether it was, or no, it matters not, for the Registers cited in the margent by Parker, mentioneth not any place, or forme of their consecrations, and is as indifferent for the Nagshead Taverne, [Page 30]as for the Chapell of Lamheth, as you may see in the booke called Antiquitates Britannia edit. 1605. into which this forged Register was foisted, being a meere novelty, and therfore contrary to the drift, and title of the booke, without connexion to what goeth before, or followeth after.
6. But how comes it to passe M. Doctor, that in this booke, and Register, are set dovvne, as you say, the names of your Bishops, their Countries, their Armes both of their sees and families, Pag. 164.their respective ages, their vniversities, their degrees in Schooles, vvith the times (but not the place) of their several consecrations? How comes it to passe I say, there should be roome for all these things, and none at all for Lambeth, which takes vp no more then Ipsvvich, Parkers Countrey, or Cambridge, his vniverfity? Is it more material to put in a Register, the place of a Bishops nativity, or education, then the place where he received his caracter, or consecration? Did he esteeme more the degree of a Doctor, then the dignity of a Bishop? I could not exact, nor expect from M. Parker, that he should assure vs in his Register, whether the Chapell of Lambeth vvas adorned with tapestry on the east, or west side, as Mason doth; but me thinks his Lordship might have remembered on which side the Thames stands Lambeth, if it had bin the place of his consecration.
7. Pag. 164. It is hardly possible for the vvit of man, saith the Doctor, to contrive more matter into a lesser [Page 31]roome. My complaint is, that so much superflous matter was thrust in, and that which imported most, (to wit the place of your first Bishops consecration) omitted. I confesse M. Doctor, you have as much reason to commend in this case, Parkers wit for not mentioning Lambeth, as in an other you had to commend Jevvels prudence, for not answering Harding when he pressed him to shew the Registers of his Bishops, and their letters of Orders. For, if M. Parker had but named Lambeth as the place of his consecration, the forgery of his Records had bin as manifest to as many as then remembred the 17. of December 1559. and never heard of any solemnity at Lambeth on that day: But though I commend M. Parkers wit in concealing the place of his consecration, yet I must condemne your judgement, good M. Bramhall, for citing a Register so disadvantagious to your cause.
8. Your 6. and last ground destroyes the five former, because it is taken from the agreement, Pag. 116.and concurrence of your civil Records vvith your ecclesiastical Registers. There can not be greater disagreement, and opposition then there is betweene the Queenes commission, or letters patents, the Act of Parliament 8, Elizab. and your Registers. These Registers suppose, and declare, ther was no need of a dispensation, the letters patents, and Act of Parliament declare, there vvas a necessity to dispense vvith defects, and disabilities. Your Registers suppose that the consecraters vvere true Bishops; [Page 32]The Queens Commission suppose they vvere not, becanse she dispenseth vvith defects of the consecraters state, and condition, vvhich defects could be no other, then vvant of episcopal consecration. Your Registers suppose that foure Bishops did consecrate; but the Acts of Parliament do suppose, that one person might do it, and that one did it, and therfore makes good whatsoever any person, or persons did about the consecration of any Archbishop, and Bishop sithence the beginning of the Queens reigne. Your Registers suppose that Bishops must be consecrated by imposition of hands; but the Acts of Parliament 1. & 8. Elizabeth. And also your 25. article of the 39. suppose that Bishops are consecrated by election, or by the Queens letters patents, or commission; and consequently might say that your first Bishops vvere orderly consecrated, and according to the lavves of the land, though they had no imposition of hands; yet to take avvay all protestant scruples, there vvas an ample povver, and dispensation more particularly expressed in the Queens commission to the consecrators, then ever vvas seene or heard of before her Majesties Reigne. Many other disagreements might be set dovvne, but these may suffice to shevv, how impossible it is for you, or any other, to reconcile plaine contradictions by improbable fictions, or impostures.
CHAP IV.
The fabulous consecration at Lambeth, and the protestant Registers disproved by John Stow; and by the Catholique Tenet of not reordaining, and by the authority of our Writers.
1. I Produced Iohn Stovves silence of your solemnity, and consecration at Lambeth, as an argument, that never any such thing had bin, as your Registers pretend. For, how could a man that made it his buisnesse to relate, and describe the solemnities, and casualties of his time, especially hapening in, and about London, conceale so notorious, and rare a solemnity, as the first protestant consecration of an Archbishop of Canterbury? To this you answere in rime, that my store is very lovv, Pag. 197.when I am forced to produce Iohn Stovv. The rime is ptety, and in the Nagshead Taverne may be sung to the tune of Iohn Derry, or Dovvne Derry, but it is time vvithout reason: for all the reason you give, is, that, Iohn Stovv scarce knew what a consecration was. Notwithstanding his ignorance, you confesse that he writ in his Annals the consecration of Cardinal Poole, who was the immediate Predecessor to Parker. Why did not he say so much at least of your first protestant Archiepiscopal solemnity, as he [Page 34]did of the last Catholique, himselfe being a protestant, and a greate servant of M. Parkers? Its no marvaile that he involved in silence the story of the Nagshead, because he had rather his Annals should be defective, then testify a truth that might prove dangerous to his person, and was disadvantagious to his profession. But that he would not, if with truth he could, grace his Church, friend, and Chronicle, with a narrative of Parkers solemne consecration at Lambeth, is incredible. Though he was no Divine, I hope he might write in his Annals, as learnedly as your Maister Mason, to wit that the Chappell of Lambeth on the 17. of December 1559. vvas adorned vvith tapestry on the east side, the floore covered vvith a read cloth, that there vvas greate concourse of people, lords, and courtriers, and that many grave persons received the communion vvith Parker. This much he might have said of his owne knowledge, or heard from the assistents, copied out of your Registers, if they had bin then as publique as you pretend, and he had believed they were authentique. But after diligent search (saith D. Champney) he found the Nagshead story to he very true, D. Chāpney edit. lat. pag. 501. and declared so much to some of his friends that testified the same to D. Champney, though they were as loath to be named, as some lords are, who heard the pretended Bishop of Durham in the late Parliament make the speech layd to his charge by the lord Audley.
2. To my third reason, to wit, that no man of conscience, or common sense, can imagine, [Page 35]that the Catholique Doctors of these times, as Harding, Bristow, Stapleton, and others, who had such care of their salvation as to suffer so much as they did vpon that account, should vvilfully damne their soules by obliging posterity vpon misinformation, to Reordaine your Ministers, if they had bin validly ordained before; it being a knowne Tenet of Catholiques, that we can not without committing a damnable sinne, no more Reordaine, then rebaptise. To this reason I say, Pag. 202. you answer, that if Reordination be damnable sacrilege, the authority of our owne Doctors may be a fit medium to convince our selves of sacrilege, not you of the invalidity of your ordination. I am both sory, and ashamed to find so litle substance in my Adversaries answer; Authority, which must be a fit medium to perswade, supposeth two things in the Author; knowledge, and honesty. If he hath these two qualityes, no rational man (though of a contrary religion) can except against his relation, or testimony; for, his knowledge of the matter that is treated, doth free himselfe from the danger of being mistaken; and his honesty, doth assure others, that he will not misinforme them. Now M. Doctor, can you object vvant of knowledge of your first Bishops consecrations, to Harding, Stapleton, Reynolds, &c. They lived in that very time, and made it their buisnesse to observe all your Clergyes proceedings; and though they had not inquired after their ordination, they could not be ignorant of it, being [Page 36]so rare, and notorious a solemnitie, as your Registers pretend: notwithstanding all this, they printed in those very times, that neither Parker, nor any of your first Bishops vvere consecrated, not so much as according to the lawes of the kingdome. Want of honesty you can not object to men that suffered so much for their conscience. How can you then assume their owne authority, as a fit medium to convince themselves of sacrilege? Is knowledge, and conscience a fit argument to prove, that they who are indowed with them, have committed damnable sinns, and ingaged posterity to do the same by Reordaining? If your Bishops ordination had bin as litle questioned, as our Doctors knowledge, and integrity, you might with some colour pretend, that your ordination is as fit a medium to convince vs of sacrilege, as our Doctors authority is, to demonstrate the nullity of your ordination. But hitherto never any man but your selfe excepted against Harding, Stapleton, or Bristovvs knowledge concerning your Clergy, or against their conscience, and integrity, and your Orders have bin continualy excepted against not only as invalid, but even illegal.
3. I know not to what purpose you cite the two Popes, if it be not to prove Recordination is lawfull: But you did ill to Father your ensuing words vpon so obvious an Author as Belarmine.Pag. 202.I hope Stephen the sixth, and sergius the third, two Popes, were other manner of men then your English Doctors, and did both pretend to examine [Page 37]the matter as duely, and to be as averse from damnable sacrilege as you; yet they decreed publicquely, and most vniustly, that all the holy orders received from Formosus, were void; and compelled all those who had bin ordained by him, to be reordained. All this you lay to Bellarmines charge de Rom. Pontif. l. 4. cap. 12. whosoever readeth him, must discover your litle ingenuity; Bellarmins words are. Respondeo Stephanum, & Sergium non edidisse aliquod decretum, quo decernerent ordinatos ab Episcopo degradato, vel nominatim à Formoso tanquam dègradato, esse iterum ordinandos, sed solum de facto jussisse iterum eos ordinari: quae jussiò non ex ignorantia, aut haeresi, sed ex odio in Formosum procedebat. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 4. cap. 2. I answer that Stephen, and Sergius did not publish any decree whereby they decreed that such as vvere ordained by a Bishop degraded, or namely by Formosus as degraded, ought [...]o be reordained: but only that de facto commanded they should be ordained againe. Which command proceeded not from ignorance, or heresi, but from the hatred they bore to Formosus. You see Belarmine himselfe denies, that Stephen, or Sergius published any decree, and you affirme that Belarmine sayes they decreed publiquely that all the holy Orders received from Formosus were void. Belarmine accuseth those two Popes of passion, and to the same attributs their commands of reordination: you indeavor to cleere them from it, and make them appeare men of greater moderation then you judge in your conscience they were; not out of any affection [Page 38]to the See Apostolique, but out of hatred to our Catholique Tenet of not Reordaining; but you labour in vaine; for these two Popes were of the same judgment that wee are, though passion made them practise what they knevv to be vnlavvful. If you could prove that Harding, Stapleton, Bristovv, and the rest generally were men so vvicked, and desperately bent to damne their soules to he revenged of your first Prelates, or that they held it safe in conscience to reordaine Priests, and Bishops meerely vpon title that they had bin ordained by hereticks, or that grave Casuists in their time were of that opinion, then your Reader might afford you attention, and thinke you said something worth the ansvvering. But you know too wel the contrary.
CHAP. V.
That the Protestant forme of ordaining Priests, and Bishops is of doubtfull sufficiency, and that it vvas composed by Zuinglians, who contemned Ordination as a rag of Rome.
1. TO my fourth reason against the doubtfull sufficiency of your Protestant forme, Pag. 223. & seq. or words, vsed in the act of consecration of Bishops, and Priests, you ansvver, that both these names, and functions, [Page 39]are sufficiently expressed by being presented to the Archbishop, and producing the Kings letters patents by the exhortation of the Consecraters, and by the litany that followeth, and the examination of him that is to be consecrated. This is new doctrine indeed, that men should be ordained by litanies, exhortations, presentations, and examinations. In our consecration of Bishops are comprehended also the words that are vttered in the anointing of the Bishops head, and hands, Vngatur & consecretur caput tuum caelesti benedictione in ordine Pontificiali: and you see how cleerly the episcopal Order is therin expressed: neither doth our Rituall call the Bishop elect, consecrated, vntill these words be pronounced.
2. I grant that Vasques, and some other Divines of late, say, that episcopal Ordination is conferred by the words Receive the holy Ghost; but I never read any of them that gives a cleere solution to that argument, which you indeavor to ansvver, by saying, that these words Receive the holy Ghost, must be considered conjointly in a compounded sense with the litanies, &c. Whence it follovveth, that the Sexton, or any other lay man who answers, Heare vs o Lord vve beseech thee, hath no smal share in consecrating. But make the best of Vasques his opinion, it is no more then probable, and therfore doubtfull, and consequently ought not to be relyed vpon in a matter that concernes the being, or not being of a Church: in things of such importance, we ought to follovv [Page 40]the securest vvay by adhering to vndeniable principles. All you can say against vs, is that vve vse two formes both in priesthood, and episcopacy; but no Divine can take exception against that, if he considers, that they are incomplete, and make but one total forme, without any danger of multiplicity of caracters, or Reordination. But your forme makes yee, at the most, but halfe Priests, or Bishops; and that it selfe is as vncertaine, as it is doubtfull, whether the caracter can be divided. If we vse two eyther by one, or both all ocasion of doubt is taken avvay.
3. Yet I must tell you for your comfort, and instruction, M. Doctor, that it is not only a common, but tho most probable opinion, that Christ left to his Church power, to make particular formes, both of priesthood, and episcopacy, (himselfe only determining in general, that the words should be appliable to the mysteries signified) vvithout which formes, neither of these Orders can be validly conferred. This is the best vvay to reconcile the Greeke, and Latin formes of ordination, and the ancient, and modern Rituals, though in every one is expressed the particular function of a Priest, or a Bishop. Only yours (because it vvas composed vvhen Zuinglianisme prevailed in England) makes no mention of either, in any forme, or any thing like a forme. But if you vvold be pleased to read Morinus, a late Author de Ordinationibus sacris, who may instruict both Polemick, and Scholastick [Page 41]writers in this matter, you will find how dangerous it is for particular persons, or Churches to alter the present, ād approved vse in the administration of the Sacrement of Order, or even to resume the practise of ancient Rituals canonically abrogated, much more when like malicious, or ignorant surgeons the Swinglian heretiques cut away nerves, and arteries, and the very substance vnder pretext of superflous excrescences. You will find the danger of neglecting the vsual matter, and forme, notwithstanding these termes were not so vsual in all ancient times. Nor that your recourse to the grecian practise although it vvere like yours (as it is not) vvill secure you as it doth them, and you vvill find the Greeke and Latin vse much better reconciled by him then by vulgar Authors of your, or our profession, even better then by Arcudius, who gave some light to schoolemen in this particular. You will find the Roman Church to vse the most assured way that can be imagined, and never tooke away any thing that might give the least scruple either for the change, or the povver, or manner of changing. You vvill find you have put a most satisfactory discourse conncerning the buisines of Formosus Pope, and his succeeding enemies. To transcribe all this at large, [...]s neyther vsefull to the ignorant, who will vnderstand very litle, nor needfull to the learned who may see the author, nor proper to this [...]hort trectise which without all this doth evin [...]e the Nullity of your Clergy, and according [Page 42]to the most favourable opinion, of any tolerable Devine makes your Ordinaion in a high degree vncertaine.
4. Pag. 232. But you deny that Zuinglianisme preuailed in England in Edvvard the 6. time, vvhen the 12. or 7. learned men forsooth, in the lavv of God, and the land, made your formes of Ordination. I hope you do not take vs to be as ignorant in the History of England, as one of your chiefe Doctors did a Gentlewoeman, lately in Paris; when (hearing of her inclinations to Catholique religion) he dissuaded her from it, by assuring her, that it vvas not the ancient faith of England, nor ever professed in that Kingdome before Henry the 8. time. Do not all vnpartial vvriters mention the Protector Seamours perfidiousnesse in establishing Zvvinglianisme in England, during the minority of Edvvard the 6. contrary to his promise, and engagement to Henry the 8.? Is it not notorious that in the second Parliament of K. Edvvard. 6. Convers. of England part. 2. pag. 607. & pag. 611. begun the 4. of November 1548. (vvherin your booke of common praier, and administration of Sacraments, being imposed by Zuinglian heretiques chosen by the Protector and his faction, vvas confirmed) there vvas a great contention, vvhether the Kingdome should be Lutheran, or Zuinglian in religion; and that after foure monthes debate, the Zuinglians did overbeare the other side, by some voices. And hovv Peter Martyr, and Bucer vvere inspired by the posts that brought newes of the Parliaments resolution from London, to teach publiquely [Page 43]in the Vnniversities, that Christ vvas not present in the Sacrament of the alter, and that this is my body was no more then this is the signe of my body. Is it not evident by Iohn Fox (an Author of your own) his Acts, and Monuments, Part. 3. Convers. pag 372. eait. 1604 that the far greater part of all your Protestant Saints, and Martyrs, were put to death for denying the real presence, and not only transubstantiation? Do not the bookes which our Catholique Doctors writ against your first superintendens demonstrate, that these were of the same opinion with your Martyrs? But vvhat need we go farther then the 25. of your 39. articles, and translations of Scripture, to prove your Zuinglian Tenet in matter of holy Orders? They who thrust out of Scripture in the English versions, the words Priest, and Bishop, (putting insteed therof Elder, and Superintendent) were not likely men to put them, or expresse their function in your formes of ordination. But you say that in the Preface yee maintaine to all the vvorld, that the three Orders of Bishops, Priests, Pag. 232.and Deacons, have bin ever from the beginning in the Church of Christ. Are men ordained by your Preface? or because in your Preface it is maintained that the Church of Christ had alvvayes the said Orders, doth it follow that the English Church in those times was the Church of Christ? Call them Svvinglians, call them Lutherans, call them what you plaese, their Creed, their versions, their writings, show they contemned Consecration, and were [Page 44]content with election, and when they vsed some thing like consecration, it was to satisfy the people not themselves. And that Whitaker, and Fulke, whom you cite pag. 233. never admitted the necessity of consecrated Bishops, no the very state of the question disputed in those times betweene our English sectaries, was not about consecrated, or not consecrated Bishop but whether one Minister was to be elected to Lord it over the rest. Most of the Ministers misliked it, but the Prince approved it for reason of state, thereby to Keepe the Clergy in awe and to have so many mercenary Votes in the house of Lords.
5. At length you tell vs that if your ancestours have pared away any thing out of mistake from ordination, Pag. 235.that is either prescribed, or practised by the true Catholique Church, let it be made appeare evidently to you, and you are more ready to vvelcome it againe at the fore dore then your Ancestours were to cast it out at the back dore. Errare possumus, haeretici esse nolumus. Your Church hath so many times changed its Tenets, and is so indifferent for any beneficial addition, or subtraction of doctrine, that it seemes to be composed of nothing but back dores, and starting holes, wherby you cast out, and welcome in, whatsoever is gratefull, or not gratefull to the humor of the Prince, or prevailing faction. Now seing it hath bin made appeare, that your Ancestours valued not episcopal consecration, admitted no priesthood but baptisme, and denied the real presence; I hope you can [Page 45]not imagine, that these men would compose formes of Ordination contrary to their owne Tenets, and profession: or that a Zuinglian Parliament would confirme your booke of administration of Sacraments, and rites, before they had vvell examined, whether it contained any thing contrary to their owne conscience, and reformation. And if they had bin Lutherans you gaine litle, seing Luther himselse in the places alleadged in the next chapter maketh all Christians Priests by baptisme.
6. But suppose it had not bin evident, but only probable, that your Ancestors pared avvay some part of the essential forme, or matter of Ordination; is it part of your Case Theology, to contemne prudent doubts in a matter of fo greate importance, and of absolute necessity for the being of a Church? There is not a more infallible marke of heresy, then to exact cleere evidence for obscure mysteries, or to contemne ancient publique ceremonies, vpon the warrant of a moderne private spirit, as you might have seene, (and ought to have refuted, if you could) in the Treatise of Catholique faith, and heresy. But it seenes you regard not what is thought of your Heresy, provided you may seeme to maintaine your episcopacy: and that yee are content to vndergo the infamy of sectaries, so vee retaine the titles of Lords, and Bishops. Pag. 234. You say we have such an eye at your Order, and vniformity, that wee can not let your long cloakes, [Page 46]and surplises alone. As for vniformity yee never had any; and your vvant of Orders makes vs take notice of the superfluity of your long cloakes, and surplisses. The old Protestant cut would become yee much better, and I believe yee will returne to it, and welcome it at the fore dore of your Church (alvvayes open for any advantage) if the puritan, or presbyterian faction prevaile.
CHAP. VI.
That the Pope did not confirme Edward 6. forme of Ordination, and that all sectaries admitted no priesthood, but baptisme, and that in Henry the 8. reigne, and Edvvard the 6. men played the Bishops though never consecrated, and so did Barlovv;
1. TO my first reason you answer nothing to the purpose, Pag. 63. but only that King Edvvards forme of ordination vvas judged valid in Queene Maries days by all Catholiques, and particularly by Cardinal Pole then Apostolicall legate in England, and by the then Pope Paul the 4 and by all the Clergy, and Parliament of England. This you prove by Cardinal Poles dispensation (vvhich the Pope confirmed) to all those that were ordained, [Page 47] Praetensa authoritate supremitatis Ecclefiae Anglicanae, pretending the Authority of the English supremacy. I perceave by your other bookes you are well versed in Foxes, Acts and monuments, and some what in the Dutch Centurists vvith the story, and statutes of England, whence you gather what in passion hath bin done against the Popes authority vpon certaine abuses. The attention to that, made you not reflect vpon, this decree, or article (as Fox calls it) of Q. Maries, made by the consent of the Lords spiritual, and temporal. Fox pag. 1295. Item touching such persons as vvere heretofore promoted to any Orders, after the nevv sort, and fashion of Orders; considering they vvere not ordered in very deed, the Bishop of the Diocese, finding othervvise sufficiency, and ability in these men, may supply that thing which vvanted in them before and then according to his aiscretion, admit them to Minister. I hope this Article, or Decree, made vvith the consent, and advise of Cardinal Poole, and of the Lords spiritual, and temporal of England, doth sufficiently declare, that his Dispensation, and the Popes confirmation vvas intended, and extended only to such, as had bin ordained after the ancient and Catholique manner in the time of schisme. Of others promoted to any Orders after the new fashion, and forme of Edvvard the 6. its declared, they vvere not ordered in very deed, and therfore the Bishop ought to supply their want of ordination. And yet you are so confident as to say, that the question in Q. Maries [Page 48]dayes, vvas not about the validity, or invalidity of your Orders, but about the legality, or illegality of them. I pray you, not to be ordered in very deed, is it only an illegality?
2. The ill successe you had in recurring to King Edwards forme, and Bishops, doth force you appeale to Henry the 8. times, wherin you imagine that neither Barlow, nor any other durst play the Bishop, if not cōsecrated; because forsooth, Henry the 8. was not a Baby to be ieasted withall. Pag. 186. We know M, Doctor, that Henry the 8. was no Baby, but you also ought te have knowen, that he was a man more led by passion, then by reason, or religion. After that he perceived, how the Pope was resolved not to declare voyd his marriage with Q. Chatharine of Spaine, he did so persecute his adherents, and authority, vvithout regard to conscience, or even to his owne statuts, that his principal care was to countenance heretical Preachers, and principles, as far as they concurred to maintaine his headship of the Church to enrich him with the spoiles therof, to vex, and endommage the Pope. Luther. tom. 2. de Min Ecclesiae instituendis fol.- 368. & seq. & de abroganda missa privata to. 2. fol. 249. & in lib. de capt. Babylon. C. de ordine. Peter Martyr in 1. Cor. 11. vers. 5. Zuinglius tom 1. explanat. a. 17. fine. D. Horne and the first protestant Bishops in the Harborough an. 1559 H. 2. Three Cō vers of England part 2. pag. 570. & 571. Now heretiques generally in those days, did agree in this principle, that there is no other priestshood in the lavv of grace, but baptisme, and therfore all Christians both men, and women, were Priests, and might preach, and Ministers all Sacraments; though to avoyd confusion, the exercise of Priestly authority ought to be committed to some, either by election of the Magistrate, or by the letters patents of the Prince. [Page 49]This doctrine they grounded vpon 1. Pet. 2. Apoc. 1. Christ made vs all a holy nation, a royal priesthood, and Priests to his father This principle vvas so sutable to Henry the 8. designe of making himselse supreme head of the Church in spirituall affaires, and of possessing himselse of its temporalities, that he was well pleased to winke at the practise of all heretiques, who pretended to be Bishops, though they never had bin consecrated: Archbishop Cranmer (to whom all such matters were remitted) being himselfe a prime heretique, and in so greate favor with the King, that (romvvel before his fall sayd vnto him, See Fox pag. 1694 & 1695. (being accused of denying the real presence) My Lord of Canterbury you are most happy of all men, for you may doe, and speake vvhat you list, and let all men speake against you vvhat they can, the King vvill never believe one vvord, to your detriment, or hinderance, &c. There was no such danger of Premunires, as D. Bramhall pretends; who would have vs take his word against the evidences cited in the margen, that only Anabaptists, Pag. 196.and not Zvvinglians, rejected ordination.
3. They who forged Masons Register, thought fit to name among Parkers Consecraters Barlovv, and Hodgkins both pretended Bishops in King Henry the 8. reigne, not doubting therby to make it credible, that they both, and consequently Parker, were validly consecrated, though Scory, and Coverdale, (the tvvo other pretended Confecraters) had never received (being made protestant [Page 48] [...] [Page 49] [...] [Page 50]Bishops in King Edvvards time) episcopal ordination. But this shift availes them not; I produce two others, who were called Bishops in King Henries time, sate in Parliament, and tooke vpon them to exercise all episcopal functions with as greate gravity, and solemnity, as Barlow; and yet they were dedeclared by publique sentence in Q Maries time, to be no Bishops, nor validly consecrated. These were Latimer, and Ridley, to whom D. Brookes Bishop of Glocester, in his last speech, before they were put to death for heresy, Fox pag. 1604. told; that they were to degrade them only of priesthood, because they were no Bishops. To this you answer M. Doctor, that they who made no scruple to take away their lifes, would make none tot take away their Orders. You are quite out. Cranmer was burnt for heresy, as well as Latimer, and Ridley; and yet they made a scruple to take away his Orders, though they tooke away his life; because they knew he had validly received orders, and therfore was degraded; the same would have bin practised with Latimer, and Ridley, if the omission of degrading them, had not bin vvaranted by evidence, that they vvere never validly consecrated.
4. We have often, sayth D. Bramhall, asked à reason of them, why the Protestants should decline their ovvne consecrations? They give vs one, that Barlovv, as most of the Clergy in England in those times, vvere Puritans, and inclined to Zuinglianisme; therfore they contemned, and rejected [Page 51]Consecration, as a rag of Rome, &c. This reason the Doctor solidly refutes, by saying, It is a greate boldnesse, Pag. 195.to take the liberty to cast aspersions vpon the Clergy of a whole Nation. If it be a boldnesse to say, that your first Protestant Bishops contemned, and rejected consecration, and that they were of the same opinion concerning it, with Luther, Zuinglius, and other Reformers; themselves, and not I, are guilty of the crime. Did not M. Horne, and the rest of your first Bishops, publish to the world in print an. 1559. (the very same yeare of the pretended consecration) their sense of Priesthood, and Priestly functions, in these words. In the Habor an. 1559. Protest. Apology tr. 2. C. 2. sect. 10. subd. 7. In this point vve must vse a certaine moderation and not absolutely in every vvise debarre women herein, &c. I pray you vvhat more vehemency vseth S. Paul in forbiding vvomen to preach, then in forbidding them to vncover their heads; and yet you knovv in the best reformed Churches of Germany, all the maides be bare headed. This your first Bishops tenet of admitting no other Priesthood but baptisme and consequently of allovving women to be Priests, was so vvel knowne, that D. Harding objects it to Ievvel, Parker, and the rest, If yee allovv not every man, yea and every vvoman to be a Priest. Confut. Apol. fol. 60.vvhy drive yee not some of your fellovves to recant, that so have preached? Why allovv yee the bookes of your nevv Evangelists, that so have vvritten?
5. If this be not sufficient to excuse my boldnesse, and condemne the Doctors mistake, let him read the 25 article of his Creed, which [Page 52]is this. Those five commonly called Sacraments, that is to say, Confirmation, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and extreame vnction, are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Ghospel, being such as have grovvne partly of the corrupt follovving of the Apostles, partly are states of life, allovved in the Scriptures, but yet have not like nature of Sacraments vvith baptisme, and the Lords supper, for that they have not any visible signe, or ceremony ordained of God. It evidently follovveth out of this article; that your first Bishops, who made, and published it an 1562. were of opinion, that imposition of hands in ordination, was not ordained by God; vnlesse you will deny imposition of hands to be a visible signe, and ceremony. How doth this agree with your moderne Prelatique principles? doth it not evince that Parker, and the rest condemned in their judgment imposition of hands, and contemned it as an idle superstition of Rome? The evidence that the world had of their not being consecrated, made them vtter so absurd doctrine, and impose it as an article of faith vpon ignorant Protestants. Whether they were Zvvinglians, Lutherans, Calvinists, or vvhat you please, their profession of faith showes what account they made of imposition of hands, which is the buisines now in hand, and makes them Svvinglians, and Puritans in this point.
6. Pag. 195. Yet you would faine know how cometh Barlovv to be taxed of Puritanisme? because forsooth, you find him in his Robes, in his Rochet, in [Page 53]his Cope officiating, ordaining, confirming. Or because Swinglius his first sermon was in the 10. or 11. yeare of Henry the eight, and Barlow sate in Parlament in the 31. therfore Barlow could not be a Svvinglian. This is your learned discouse out of Chronology. I must allow you more time to summe vp your numbers, or to save you a labour, tell you before hand that make, what account you please, you will find that Luther himselfe begun the contempt of sacred Orders, though Swinglius after insisted more vpon it, and there vvas time enough for Barlovv eyther to take it from Svvinglius, or at least from Luther, which is all one to our present purpose. As for his ordaining others you vvill have much adoe to prove it, at least those you would have: for vve have proved your Registers to be forged; but if any such thing be attemted, you may conclude his presumption, not his consecration, And for his Robes, Rochet, Cope and Cap, the spirit doth dispence with all puritans to weare them, when they are named Bishops. I hope John Hooper, one of the purest brethren that England ever bred, had as tender a conscience as William Barlovv; but when he was to be made Bishop of Glocester, Pag. 136.he vvas faine (sayth Foxto agree to this condition, that some times in his sermons, he should shevv himselfe aparalled as the other Bishops vvere. And yet it is evident, that he vvas never consecrated, though Cranmer, and Ridley, who were his enemies, forced him to weare a square Cap, and a linnend, Rochet, [Page 54]the only caracter of a protestant Bishop. Though they vvanted the reality and truth of consecration, yet they insisted vpon this formality, and cloke of ambition, in their sinister (as Iohn Fox calls it) and vnlucky contention.
7. And that you may see what litle hazard your protestant Bishops did runn of Promunires by such practises, Pag. 1456 John Fox tells you, how D. Ridley that vvorthy Bishop of London, called John Bradford to take the degree of Deacon, according to the Order that then vvas in the Church of England, (vvhich was the forme of Edvvard the 6.) but for that this order was not vvithout some such abuse, as to the vvhich Bradford vvold not consent, the Bishop then vvas content to Order him Deacon vvithout any abuse, even as he desired. After this Deaconship he was imediately without any orders, made Prebend, and Preacher of S. Paules, having never studied but one yeare, and all his life before having bin a serving man to Sr. John Harington. Doe you imagine M. Doctor; that Barlowes Consecrater would not be as indulgent to him, as Ridley was to Bradford? Or do you thinke that Ridley vvould not venture as farre for his owne conscience, when he vvas to be consecrated, as he did for that of his Deacon? There vvas no such rigour or danger of Premunires in those dayes, as you endeavor to perswade your Reader: neither Henry the 8. nor his Vicar General Cromvvel, nor Archbishop Cranmer, nor sir Thomas Audley a Lutheran, and Chancelor [Page 55]after Sir Thomas More, did thinke it vvas for their purpose, to presse any other ordination, or Consecration vpon tender consciences, but baptisme; because by this principle the King had some colour for his spiritual headship, and for the temporalities of the Church; and the three others by dissembling, and suspending the rigour of the lavves vvith a pretense of enriching the King, countenanced, and planted their owne errours in the Kingdome.
8. What wonder is it therfore, if the consecration of Protestant Bishops should not appeare in any Register but yours and Barlovvs in none at all seing it was against their principles, and practise, to be consecrated. But your invisible Register hath a property of making visible, what never had a being. Pag. 185. Yet by the helpe of those Records vvhich are in the Court of faculties, I should not despaire (sayth the Doctor) of finding Barlovves consecration. I must confesse my ignorance of your Court of faculties, but like wise acknowledge my experience of the faculties of your Court, and Church, in finding things never thought of by any but your selves. But where trow you, doth the Doctor hope to find out Barlovvs consecration? I am confirmed, Pag. 191.saith he, in my former conjecture, that he vvas consecrated in Wales, which Bishop Goodvin had much more reason to knovv exactly then we have. Yet Bishop Geadvin speaking of Barlovv in three sundry places, viz as Bishops of S. Davids, Bath, and Welles, & Chishester sayes not a word of his cōsecrationin any of them, for [Page 56]of his being B. of S. Asaph there is no mention in the English edition, much lesse of his being consecrated there, though you tell vs that in his Latin edition printed at London 1616. are these vvords, he vvas consecrated 22. Feb. 1535. From whence came this new knowledge? It is à preparation, and disposition for a further forgery? Without doubt the next edition wil say, he was consecrated at S. Davids or S. Asaph in Wales, and that indeed may confirme your conjecture of the place, and my evidence of your Clergies practise of forging Registers. But why you should hope, or conjecture that Barlows consecration, after the effluxion of a hundred yeares, may be found in Wales, I vnderstand not, if it be not, that you are resolved, to imitate the example of meane upstarts, who insert their families into welch pedigrees. So yee, it seemes, intend to furnish your upstart Church, and Clergies want of Ordination, with welch Registers; as in an other occasion you indeavored to prove your independency of Rome, by a welch proverb. You are pleased to say (but without any proofe) that Barlows leases made in the sees of S. Davids, Bath, and Wels, were never questioned. We deny it. And prove our denial by the example of Ridley, who being as much à Bishop in Henry the 8. time as Barlow, begged, as a favor before his death, of Q. Mary, that the leases made by him in the see of London, might stand good. This you may reade in your owne John Fox where he relates Ridleys martyr dome. What greater right I pray, could [Page 57] Barlow pretend for the vaildity of his leases, then his brother Ridley, both of them being pretēded Bishops of Henry the 8. time? You are very unfortunate in all your arguments, unlesse your intention be prevarication of your cause, to make your selfe more looked after upon the title of deriving your Episcopacy from the line of Irish Prelacy which thoug I can not say it had its beginning in a Taverne as the English had: yet it wanted as much in the substance. Had there bin true Bishops in Ireland who could have bin brouglt to lay hands on the new Superintendents, the Queene might have saved her labour and credit of giving such enormous dispēsations as never were heard of. Besides I must aske you a question in your eare. Were you Mr. Doctor made Priest in Ireland? you find an occasion to thrust in your being Bishoped in Ireland, but I can not find you speake of the other, and you know that no Priest, no Bishop. But although you were, if matters litle for your Irish descent is no better then the English, nor any reason hitherto hath bin produced to make it better.
CHAP. VII.
D. Bramhalls ten reasons against the Nagshead story refuted, and retorted against Masons Records, and the fable of the first Protestant Bishops Consecration at Lambeth.
1. WE are come at length to the Nagshead, M. Doctor, the place of your florishes and triumphs; against this very true story, you produce ten reasons, to make it incredible, which I will not only refute, but retort against your Records, and feigned Consecration at Lambeth. Your first reason against the Nagshead story, Pag. 31. Is taken from the palpable contradictions of the Catholique Writers, who have related this tale of a tub. Pag. 32. Let us heare these palpable contradictions. The common opinion is, that Scory a lone did consecrate them. But M. Constable,See Chā pney edit. Lat. 1618. pag. 502.one of their principal Authors, supposeth (thus you English me latet) that Barlow might joyne with him in that; and Sanders, leaveth it doubtfull, Pag. 33.when or where, or by whom they were ordeined. You must have learned a peevish wrangling logique, that makes you fall vpon another as contradicting you, when you affirming the thing to be so, he doth not say no, but onely me latet I doe not know. But you say that M. Wadsworth only doth affirme that there was an attempt to consecrate Parker. All others writers say [Page 59]the same. There was no more then an attempt that Landaffe should consecrate Parker. I hope you do not imagine, that we take Scoryes ridiculous ceremony vvith Parker, and the rest, to be an episcopal consecration, it vvas no more then an absurd attempt. Here is another contradiction of people that say the same thing in different words.
2. Seing these contradictions are so farre from being palpable, that they are not intelligible, the Doctor brings others. Other say, Pag. 34.there was more then an attempt, but they name none. Others name some, but they accord not one with an other in naming them. Some say I ewel, Sands, Horne &c. Others say Parker Grindall &c. Lastly others say, they were all ordeined there. Here we have a contradiction of some & others. Why do not you name these others, and some? who are they? where met you vvith them? I have sought our Authours that vvrite of this matter, and find not those Some, or others named or un named? Must I credit more your saying, then my ovvne seeking?
Against your feigned consecration at Lambeth. I bring no contradictions of others, or some. I name your Bishop Gooduin, D. Sudcliffe, and M. Butler, I give you their names, and their vvords. And though you attribute their contradictions to the Transscriber, or printer, the vnpartial Reader will hardly believe that such Erratas should passe the pen, or the presse, as Bedford for Dover, John for Richard, one month for another, &c. And vvill further reflect [Page 60]vpon the difference of stories recorded, and related. In these, both dayes, and monthes, or the names of persons are easily forgot, and some diversity herein argues nocertainty of the fact. But what is alledged as taken out of Records vvill be much suspected if the Relators differ in those particularities which in records are alvvayes precisely specified.
3. Yoor second reason against the Nagshead story, Pag. 37. & 38. is the latenesse of the Discovery of it to the world, after forty yeares vvere passed. But this you refute your selfe by the story you tell vs of Theophilus Higgins, who was (as you say) converted to Catholique Religion by reflecting vpon the Nagshead consecration; Pag. 125. & 126. and that M. Clerke, vvho had bin an Actuary in Cardinal Poles legative Court, approved well of his caution; but vvithall vvished, that vvhat Catholiques had vvritten concerning the Nagshead story, could be made good, &c. heer you confesse that it vvas published by our vvriters, and that it came not only to the eares, but the hearts of Protestants; and yet in other places of your booke you say it never once peeped into the light vntil K. Iames his reigne, and that it vvas only vvhispered in corners amongst Catholiques. Pag. 46. You have given the advantage of a story, I knevv not, vvhich you are not vsed to doe vvhen you defende [...] cause in good earnest.
4. But you appeale to my judgment vvhether it be credible, that this story should be notoriously knovvne to the vvorld in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths [Page 61]reigne, and yet neither Stapleton, nor Harding, nor any one of all the Roman Catholique Writers, should so much as mention it for forty yeares ensuing. I appeale to your eyes M. Doctor, and desire you to read in your owne Bishop Goodvin, whose knowledge you so much esteeme, Goodvin in edit. Londin. 1616. pag. 218. & 219. these words. The 17. of December 1559. is consecrated (Parker) according to the rites received in our Church, &c. If you inquire of the place of this consecration, it vvas no other but the accustemed, to vvit, the Chappell of the Archbishop at Lambeth, hovvever the most impudent Raylers Harding, Fitzsimons, and others, give other relations; although Harding in some manner may be pardoned, because he related things not before called in question by any, though not believed by himselfe. For vvho in his vvits vvould give credit to a calomny so ridiculous, and so farre from all probability. Is not this the Nagshead Taverne consecration M. Doctor? Is not this the ridiculous story you so much detest? Doe you remember vvhen D. Harding lived? Its no marvel you should not know what our Authors writ concerning this subiect, being so ill versed in your owne. You may see how particularly M. Constable, cited by D. Champney, and your selfe, writ and described the whole story, Pag. 32. in the beginning of Q Elizabeths reigne. D. Sanders had donne the same, if your first superintendents had not waved that consecration, and begged of the Queene, and Parliament to make them Bishops, thinking it more for their honor to be Parliament Bishops, [Page 62]then Tavern Bishops. If yee had stood in Sanders time, vpon succession, and ordination by imposition of hands, as you did in King James his Reigne, not only he, but all other Catholique Doctors, had written as particularly the Nagshead story, as Holvvood, Fitzsimons Champney, &c. But in Queene Elizabeths time yee relied vpon her letterspatents, or vpon the Act of Parliament 8. Elizab. 1. And therfore Harding in the name of all our Doctors ob [...]ected to your first Bishops: If yee can prove no succession, Confut. Apol. fol. 57.then wherby hold yee? Will yee shew vs the letters patents of the Prince? Though they have thus promoted you, yet be yee presumers, and thrusters in of yourselves. Lands, Fol. 60.and Mannours the Prince may give you, Priesthood, and Bishoprick (or Episcopacy) the Prince can not give you.
6. Apply I beseech you, M. Doctor, the latenesse of the discovery of your feigned Consecration at Lambeth, and you will be convinced of the forgery of your Registers. For the space of more then 50. yeares, not one word was spoken of it amongst Catholiques, or Protestants not with standing the urgent necessity not a Syllable written of it in any History that could be seene, untill in the yeare 1605. it was thought fit to foist into Antiquitates Britanniae a certaine Register of Parkers, and his Collegues consecration, but named not Lambeth. At length about the yeare 1613. it was thought time to publishin print the solemnity of Lambeth, at which all ancient and [Page 63]knowing men were startled, and concluded, that it deserved no more credit, then if a French man should now write, or shew records that in the battell of Pavia, not Francis the first, but Charles the fift was taken prisoner, and his whole army defeated. You have not any thing to say for your selves, but that the crime of forging records which we lay to your charge, is a grievous crime; it is so indeed, but very ordinary amongst heretiques. Two epistles were foisted into the fift synod, one of Vigilius Pope, an other of Menas Patriarch of Constantinople, which was detected in the 6. synod in the 12. and 14. action upon reading over the Acts of the 5. Synod; for they found three whole quaternions inserted by the heretiques, and in them the two foresaid letters. Pope Leo the greate in his 38. epistle, ad Palaestinos, complains of the Grecians, that they had corrupted his letter to Flavianus. And S. Gregory the greate avers that those of Constantinople had corrupted the synod of Calcedon, Lib. 5. Epist. 14. ad Narsem. and suspects they had donne the same with the Councell of Ephesus. And as for that of Calcedon, it appeares cleerly the clause of the Bishop of Constantinople having equal privileges with the Bishop of Rome, to have bin falsely inserted; both because the fathers of the Councell in their relation to Leo the Pope, never ownd it, only said, we have confirmed the rule of the 150. Fathers assembled at Constantinople, which ordained, that after your most holy and Apostolique See, that of Constantinople [Page 64]should have the second place of honor. And accordingly Evagrius reports this Canon, Lib 2. c. 4 it was decreed saith he, that the See of new Rome, by reason she held the second place after the ancient Rome, should have the primacy before the other Sees. And Socrates testifieth no more to have bin decreed in the Councell of Constantiple. Lib. 5. c. 8. And Justinian the Emperour speaking of both these Councels, Novel. 131. sayth, As the holy Pope of Rome is the first of all Prelates, so the Archebishop of Constantinople, new Rome, should have the second place after the See Apostolique of old Rome, and be preferred before all other Sees. So you may see M. Doctor, this grievous crime is no new thing, and no lesse possible, then probable that your protestant forefathers were as well versed in falsifying Registers, as the Grecians, and Arrians. But you need no information in this matter. And for the information of others I shall vpon occasion of Morton make it appeare how litle conscience, and ashame your Ministers have in point of wilfull falsifications.
7. Your third reason against the Nags head Consecration you take from the strictnesse of the english lawes. But this hath, bin answered in the 3. Chapter, and the largenesse of the Queenes letters patents, and statutes in favor of the Nagshead consecration, demonstrated.
8. Your fourth reason is, Pag. 47. that there was no necessity to play this pageant. But in this you contradict [Page 65]the Queenes commission, and letters patents, as you may see in the said 2. Chap. And besides D. Banewft beares witnesse against you in the answer he gave to M Alabaster, that he boped, Pag. 138. & 140.in case of necessity a Priest might ordaine Bishops. You answer, I do not believe a word of what is said of B. Bancroft, sub modo, as it is heer set down. For my part I believe the whole relateon is feined. Is this your polemick manner of answering? If you desire to be satisfied of the substance, and manner of this story, for as much of it as concerns me, that is the faithfull relation, you may find it in the Jesuits libraryes of Gant, Antvverp, ad Brussels, in Holiwoods booke, de investiganda Christi Ecclesia. Cap. 4. But if you imagine that Father Holiwood did feigne such a story, I must let you know, that he was not only one of the most learned Doctors of his time, having taught Divinity in some of the chiefest universities of Europ with great satisfaction, and applause; but that he was esteemed by all who knew him, a man of eminent vertu, and supernaturall gifts. He foretold the future miseries of his Countrey (Ireland) when it was most florisking; and assured that the posterity of the ancient english Conquerours, inhabiting the English Pale, would be driven out ef their howses, and homes, though since the conquest they were never more favored by the state, then when he told this to F. Robert Nugent, and others. Being heire to a faire estate, and chiefe of a noble family, he renounced all that his birth [Page 66]had given, and his hopes, or deserts might promise, to follow Christ in a religious state of life. Now to say that this man feigned Bancrofts answer, and printed such an imposture in Bancrofts life time, is no better then a childish evasion, or such a Ministers confutation, as undertooke to refute Bellarmine, by saying, Bellarmine thou lyest.
9. You are pleased also to call D. Sanders relation of the Irish Archbishops refusal to consecrate your first Superintendents, a vaine report, Pag. 50. & 51. because forsooth the Archbishop wanteth a name, and the fable wanteth a ground. His name was Richard Creagh Archbishop of Armach, Analect. sacr. Hiber. edit. 1617. who died many yeares afterward in the tower of London. You say that if Consecraters had bin wanting in England, Yee might have seven out of Ireland, and that your Irish protestant Consecration was never questioned. Its strange that the Bishops of Ireland should comply so with your heresy, wheras it is well known that three hundred persons of the whole nation could not be drawen to it, Fitz. Simons in Britan. nomach. either by faire, or foule meanes, since Henry the 8. Schisme, untill King Charles his reigne. Your Irish consecration is every jot as invalid as your english, neither can you make it appeare, that any Catholique Bishop ever imposed hands (Macragh was never consecrated as his owne friars testify) vpon your first protestant Superintendents of Ireland, who were all made Bishops, by the Queens letters patents and with as litle consecration as those of England. Is [Page 67]it credible that if the Queene could have found in Ireland true Bishops that could have bin brought to impose hands vpon those that were to be ordained in England, that she would have alledged such necessity as you have seene in the 2. Chapt. could not she have called for her owne subjects? Rather then give such a povver as never vvas heard of supplying the vvant of the condition, and state of the person, and adding such words as imply the sufficiency of one person, and even a lay person. If she might have had several true Bishops out of Ireland, vvould this have bin done? If they had consecrated Protestants in Ireland, vvould they have refused the like in England? though you have no ground to build vpon your Irish succession yet I have ground enough in your worke to suspect, that you have willingly, and wittingly prevaricated in the succession of your English Bishops, that they may be forced to recurre to your Irish ordination. Truly in your booke, you have given me so many advantages against your cause, that I shall never accuse my selfe of rashnesse for this suspition of your plaine prevarication, or at least it must have bin a most vaine presumption to thinke that vvith petty tricks of auvoiding rather, then ansvvering the force of arguments, and florishing vvith your negative testimonies about a speech of one man, you can maintaine a cause vpon so many, and manifest titles defective. What if there had bin a mistake about Mortons speech, [Page 68]is the prize vvonne on your side? Is the question stated vpon that circumstance? Your fift reason is drawne from a principle of Rhetorique Cni bono? or vvhat advantage could such a consecration as that of the Nagshead bring to the Consecraters, or the persons consecrated? I shall tell you vvhat? It served, seing they could get no better, to raise a rumour that they had bin consecrated, and thereby to delude the people which had not so soone fully learned the nevv doctrine of those times, that election vvithout consecration vvas sufficient. This vvas all the superintendents cared for, vvho in their opinions slighted consecration as a thing not necessary, as I have made appeare by the common Tenet of those dayes, by the statutes, and Acts, by the 25. Article of their ovvne Creed.
Your 6. and 7. Reasons taken from the diametricall opposition, which you pretend is betvveen this Nagshead story, and all the Records of England, are confuted, and retorted in the 3. Chap. And your 8. and 9. Reasons from the statute 8. Elizab. and the Register in the lives of the 70. Archbishops of Canterbury are also proved to be against yourselfe in the 2. and 3. Chapters.
CHAP. VIII.
The vvitnesses of the Nagshead story do exceed those of the fabulous Consecration at Lambeth, both in number, and in authority; and the constant tradition of the said story, doth manifest the forgery of M. Masons Register.
1. YOur tenth reason M. Doctor, against the Nagshead story, is taken from all sorts of Witnesses. You say M. Mason reckoneth vp seven of your writers, Pag. 125.who had justified the legality of your Ordinations, and cited your Registers as authentique Records, before himselfe, wherof the first is Jewell. How false this is, may be evident by Jewells answer to Harding, wherin he cites no Registers, though his adversary called for them expressely, Confut. Apol. fol. 57. & 59. edit. an. 1566. Shew vs your Registers. As for your other Writers, they cited no authentique Registers, because they disagreed amongst themselves, and agree not with Masons newfound Records, which alone you allow for authentique. As for Camdens testimony it availeth litle both because he vvas not so bold as to put downe a thing so disadvētagious to his Clergy and dangerous to himselfe as also because you cite not his first edition, which should have bin cited; for although [Page 70]I can not find it, yet I have found no small conjectures of knavery vsed in his other editions, as there hath bin with Stow, and others, this I am assured of, that Cambden for feare of displeasing others lert out sundry particulars well knowne to himselfe.
2. You produce some Catholiques, not as witnesses of your consecration at Lambeth, but as men convinced by protestant testimonies, and Registers. If this be true, it only proves, that yee never wanted forgers, and that we have some weake, and credulous brothers, which is but a very weake proofe of your orders. The first of these, is one M. Clerke, who was (you say) an Actuary in Cardinal Poole his legative Court. ‘This M. Clerke met with one M. Higgins, who had bin made a Catholique by reflecting vpon the Nagshead consecration, and M. Clerke approved well of his caution, because in dubiis tutior pars sequenda, in doubtfull matters we must follow the securest: but withall he wished, that what our Authors had written concerning that point, could be made good. For M. Clerke sayd that he himselfe was present, when the advocate of the Arches, whom the Queene sent to peruse the Register after the consecration, and to give her an account whether it was performed Canonically, returned her this answer, that he had perused the Register, and that no just exception could be made against the Consecration; But (he said) something might have bin [Page 71]better, particularly that Corverdale was not in his Rochet, but he assured her, that could make no defect in the Consecration.’ This is your wise story, and your Author is one M. Barwick, who had it from M. Higgins.
3. I will suppose at the present, that ther is such a man in the world, as this. M. Barwick, and that you do not feigne this story, as you do that of F. Oldcorne; but I must thinke it is no better then a fable, though I will not make you the Author, because it hath so many silly, and improbable circumstances. First that the Queene should send to peruse the Register after the consecration, to be informed whether it was performed Canonically. Her Majesty without doubt spared that labour, because she might have as particular, and à more unpartial relation from the Lords, and Courtiours that assisted (as the Register says) at the consecration, then from the Records. And if she doubted of the skill, or attention of her Courtiours, she might examine some of the Doctors that were present. Secondly, your story makes the Queene a very silly woman, that needed the assurance of the Advocate of the Arches, to settle her conscience, in so intricate à case forsooth, as the want of a rochet in a friar, at a Bishops consetration. Thirdly this story is proved to be feigned, by the Queens letters patents and commission; wherin her Majesty declares, that there was a necessity to dispense with Canons; how then could she doubt, and send the Advocate of the Arches to give her an account, [Page 72]whether the consecration was performed Canonically? A necessity of dispensing with the Canons, is cleere evidence that à consecration can not be Canonical; the Queene declared this necessity in her letters patents before the consecration was performed. Therfore she had cleere evidence that it could not be canonical. How then could she doubt of what was evident to herselfe? Or to what purpose should she send the Advocate of the Arches to resolve her of a doubt, which she could never entertaine? This is evidence enough to prove, that your story, good M. Doctor, is feigned. The only doubt remaining is, whether your selfe, or M. Barwick feigned it, which I leave to your consideration. But suppose it had not bin a fiction, all that can be concluded out of it, is, that M. Clerke confessed the Nagshead story was doubtfull, but so that the contrary wanted assurance, and therfore approved of M. Higgins caution. What advantage can this be to your cause, I do not understand; though every man doth see the prejudice it suffers by your stories, and pretended vindication, which is real and plaine prevarication. Would any men in earnest bring so weake testimonies in a matter of so great importance? doe you not make all the world see how litle you have to say to the point which is to make your succession vndoubted?
4. Your other witnes is one M. Hart, who was satisfied with Parkers consecration, when he saw copies of your Register. You may cite [Page 73]many other simple Catholiques that would believe the same; but that only proves their credulity, and cleeres not your Register from forgery. Yet this story we must believe vpon your word, wherin all they will have greate difficulty, that read in the 1. Chap. how falsely you accuse the Jesuits, and imprisoned Priests of acknowledging that your Register was beyond exception. Neither you, nor any other Writer of your Church, named a witresse for your fable of Lambeth, but one, towit, Charles Howard earle of Notingham, Lord Admiral of England, whose testimony M. Mason would not have valued at so high a rate, as to attribute his long life to a particular providence of God reserving him for the Vindication of your Clergy, unlesse he had bin in great want of others. But how doth he testify? Forsooth, he tould it a friend, and this friend tould it M. Mason, who put it in print. First I must question you whether the Earle was alive, when M. Mason printed his testimony. If he were, why did not M. Mason get a formal attestation as you have done? J am sure yours have cost you more labour, and done you lesse service then that would have cost, or served him. was he dead? I see no more signes in this then in other occasions of Gods favourable providence to your Church. Will the Earles saying to a namelesse friend that he had bin at a banquet in Lambeth restore the credit of your Church deprived of lawfull Clergy vpon so many titles as have bin alleadged, and this man not speacke of what he had heard, till [Page 74]the Author was speechlesse, and in his grave? but the Earle tould it to a friend. What friend? Why is his name concealed, and his relation printed, if it be not, that he neither hath name, nor being? You do not believe that John Stow related the story of the Nagshead to more then one friend because D. Champney doth not name them; and you exact from us to believe, that the Earle of Notingham related the story of Lambeth to one friend, though you do not name him. Yet John Stowes friends had good reasons, why they would not be named by D. Champney, when your Clergy was so powerfull and spitefull in England; but what reason could the Earle of Notinghams friend have not to be named by M. Mason? Did he peradventure feare, that your Clergy would persecute him for endeavoring to maintaine their Orders and credit? do you not see M. Doctor, how ill grounded a fable this is of your first Bishops consecration at Lambeth, that you can not name for it one witnesse allowable; I doe not say, nor exact as you doe, according to the rigour of legal formality, but not so much as by the favour of ordinary probability.
5. You will find on the other side the Nagshead story much more credible, delivered to us by the tradition, and testimony of the most able persons of our Religion, and Nation. He who gainsaies it, may vpon the same score gainsay any thing, that is beyond the reach of his memory, or depends vpon the testimony of others. What ground hath any man to fix his [Page 75]beliefe vpon, but a constant tradition, and testimony, of honest, and knowing persons? Its now à century of yeares since the Nagshead story happened; it hath bin constantly related, and credited by wise men, as a certaine truth, ever since the yeare 1559. It was never contradicted by any, untill it was imagined by our adversaries, that their new Registers might contest with our ancient tradition, and make the. Nagshead story seeme improbable, in the yeare 1613. of which no man doubted for the space of 52. yeares before. But they were mistaken because evident truths, though they relate absurd actions, can not, by any device or art, be made improbable, untill their evidence be blotted out of the memory of men. Time may weare out writings, and all other monuments, but tradition will last as long as men and time, it is a never decaying evidence, that makes any thing evidently credible, which hath not bin seasonably contradicted, when it mought, and ought to have bin done, especially if with much advantage, and litle difficulty.
6. That there hath bin these hundred yeares a constant tradition betweene sober, and wise men, of the Nagshead story, can not be denyed by our Adversaries, vnlesse they be resolved to say, that we Catholiques have had no sober, or learned men, since they left vs. I hope the Catholique Bishops, and Doctors of Q. Maries time, were sober and wise men; they believed this story, and recounted it to Persons, Fitzherbert, D. Kellison, Holiwood, [Page 76]D. Champney, Fitzsimons &c. Persons believed it, and recounted it as a serious truth to many, as is well knowne to F. Henry Silisdon, a man of knowen integrity, and truth, yet living. Fitzherbert, and the rest above named, gave so much credit to it, that they published it in print, as every one may see in their bookes. Therfore this story is farre from being improbable, but is rather evident, as being supported by the credit, testemony, and tradition of most wise, and sober Authors, however so improbable it may seeme to somme, out of a Protestant zeale, or want of knowledge. But your maine argument against the evidence of this story, is, that all our Catholiques seeme to have it only from M. Neale. Who told this to D. Bluet? Pag. 132.Neale. Who told this to Haberley? Neale. Who told it to the rest of the prisoners at Wisbich? Neale. Only Neale. By your leave M. Doctor, you forget yourselfe, for, in an other place o [...] your booke, Pag. 32. you acknowledge, that M. Constable writ the story, and he is one of our principal Authors; but he sayes in his relation, (written when this story happened) that is was a thing without doubt, because not only M. Neale, but other Catholiques integerrimae fidei, of most intire credit, were eyewitnesses of Scorys ridiculous manner of consecrating Parker, and the rest in the Nagshead Taverne. Yet suppose that M. Neale had bin the only eyewitnesse of this action, I see nothing that followes more cleerly from such a supposition, then this conclusion. Ergo M. Neale must needs [Page 77]have bin a person of very greate ing enuity, and integrity. Be pleased to turne, and frame your interrogations thus. Who believed M. Neale? D. Watson Bishop of Lincoln. Who believed M. Neale? D. Bluet. Who believed M. Neale? D. Haberley. Who believed M. Neale? All the learned, and vertuous Priests, prisoners for their conscience at Wisbich. Who believed M. Neale? All the Catholiques of England. The conclusion is. Ergo M. Neale was a man that deserved great credit, otherwise you must condemne the greatest heads amongst Cathoques, for believing so odd a story, without any credible authority. M. Neale had bin a professor in the Vniversity of Oxford, and forfeited his chaire, and livelihood, for not taking the oath of supremacy: It is incredible that he would feigne such a story as that of the Nagshead, and therby engage the Catholique Church to practise Reordination against our knowen Tenets, and his owne conscience, and by such a relation, declare himselfe to be not only a virulent backbiter, but an impudent Impostor.
7. But now I must prove, that the Nagshead story is more then probable, not onely for the quality of the persons reporting; and believing it, but also by the very circumstances, or rather exigences of the time If you looke vpon the Church of England, as it was in the late Kings reigne, it will seeme improbable that men should choose a Taverne for an episcopal consecration: but if we consider [Page 78]the straight passages through which the said Church was forced to march in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths reigne by reason of the notorius want it had of Bishops; it will not appeare strange unto vs, that the first protestant superintendents should go to a Taverne with intention to supply there the want of their Church, it being well knowne in those days, that neither Scory, nor Hadgkins, nor Coverdale, were consecrated Bishops. And though they had the Keyes of the Churches at their command, they had not the Key of Order, nor the command of the true Bishops hands, or tongues; therfore it was plotted, that old Landaffe should be inveigled to give them a meeting in a Taverne, where with good words, and good cups they hoped to bring the old man to a good humour. But God gave him grace to abstaine from a second scandal, though himself had taken the oath of supremacy yet in his judgment he was à Catholique, and more sensible of B. Bonners excomunication ready to be fulminated against him, then D. Bramhall would have his Reader believe. Now, if we will add to this necessity the principles, and inclinations of the persons that were to be ordeined Bishops, we shall find there was nothing in the circumstances of the Taverne consecration which makes it incredible; for, the persons were of the opinion then à la Mode, condemning consecration as a point not necessary for Ecclestical power, though not te be refused for publique satisfaction, and seeing no better [Page 79]could be had, they thought it more expedient to have something presently, which they might give out for Consecration, then to expect longer for their benefices, which was the buisnes they were about, and sought vvith all care, and speed to bring about.
8. I must returne once more to M. Neale, and complaine of your railing M. Doctor, against a learned, and honest man. You call him a spie, brainsick foole, &c. and despise his testimony, because he was not sworne; the credit which as wise men as you, did give him, is an argument that he was no foole, and that he could well distinguish a Consecration dinner from an ordination; such a mistake doth not much misbecome a Protestant Courtier, as the Earle of Noting ham was; but it can not be believed of such a Priest, and a Lector of the University of Oxford, as M. Neale. I remember when you tooke vpon you in Bruges to confirme some eminent persons of the English Court, many of the Courtiours were starled at so vnusual a ceremony, as your confirmation seemed to them, and were solicitous to know what it meant. Why should not the Earle of Notingham be as ignorant of a Protestant consecration, as the Courtiers of Bruges were of your ceremonious confirmation? Especially seing confirmation should be given to all, and therfore frequent, Fitz. Simons in Britan. Pag. 317. where as Consecration of Bishops happens seldome.
9, To M. Neale, and other Catholiques eye vvitnesses of your Nagshead consecration, cited [Page 80]by M. Constable, may be added the testimony of all the Puritans. who say, that the profane Order, and Ordination of Protestant Bishops in England,Demonstrat. disciplina cap. 8. §. 1. & 2. pag. 43.had its beginning, and progresse in a corner not in a congregation. I hope the Archiopiscopal Chappell of Lambeth is no corner; these words must allude to the Nagshead Taverne (for no other place is heard of but these two) and do prove that your Registers deserve no credit, but that they were forged in a corner. To the Puritans I will aggregate all your English Clergy in the beginning of K. Iames his reigne, when Holiwood printed, how D. Alabaster asked of M. Brancroft pretended Bishop of London, how his first Superintendents Parker, &c. were consecrated? he answered, that he hoped, in case of necessity a Priest might ordaine Bishops. This answer demonstrats the truth of the Nagshead story, and the forgery of your Records: because all your Clergy did acquiesce to Brancroft answer, not one of them had a word to oppose against F. Holivvoods booke, and by their silence proved themselves our witnesses. Qui tacet consentire videtur.
10. Now M. Doctor, that we have produced the grounds, circumstances, and witnesses of the Nagshead story, and of your solemne consecration at Lambeth, let vs compare one with the other, that the Reader may judge, which of both ought to be credited. Our story of the Nagshead, is grounded vpon a constant tradition of a hundred yeares, betweene wise [Page 81]and sober persons; which tradition can not be counterfeited, because no human industry can reach, or spread so farre, as to speake the same thing by so different mouthes, and interest, as there are amongst our witnesses, Catholiques, Puritans, and Protestants. But the ground of your protestant consecration at Lambeth, comes farre short of what yee intend to prove by it; for, your ground is your Register, vvhich appeared not (being called for neere a hundred yeares ago) vntill the yeare 1613. And besides, it might be as easely counterfeited, as any other writing by one, or fewe hands without the concurrence, or conspiracy of so many hands, heads, and opposite interests, as would have bin necessary for the counterfeiting of one Tradition. So that as to the grounds of both stories, ours is the more credible.
11. As for circumstances, which must relate to the place, tyme, and persons, there is no doubt that our story hath the advantage. The place of your pretended consecration (Lambeth) vvas never named (even in your Hanovv Register) vntill 1613. Our story named the Nagshead Taverne from the beginning. As for the persons, their conscience, and religion; we have also the better; for you have seene how litle in those dayes your religion valued Ordination, and your first Bishops conscience could make no scruple, to act, and receive in a Taverne, what they judged to be no act of religion. As for the danger of Premunires, [Page 82]or other penalties, they could not feare any; having in their comission an ample dispensation to do what they pleased against the Statutes, and Canons, as hath bin demonstrated in the 2. Chap. And finaly the last circumstance, which is of time, and persons, doth so divide the relations of your writers, vvho speake of this consecration at Lambeth, that their contradictions are a sufficient proofe of your forged records, because relations drawne out of true records can not vary in the names, and nomber of persons, in the month, or day, which of course are expressed with great exactnes. You can find no such contradictions in the Nagshead story.
12. But now let vs reflect vpon the number, and quality of the witnesses. Ours are not only M. Neale, but others of most intire credit, spectators of the Nagthead Consecration, as M. Constable writ in their owne life times, neere a hundred yeares ago; but yee never named any eyewitnesse but one, the Earle of Notingham, eyther dead when he was cited, or if alive in a manner, and lesse credible then if he had bin dead. Our eye witnesses related the story of the Nagshead to D. Watson Bishop of Lincolns, D. Bluet, D. Haberley, M. Constable, John Stow, to the Priests prisoners at Wisbich, &c. but your one witnesse never related the story of Lambeth to any that had a name, but only is sayd by M. Mason, to have told it to a namelesse friend. Our witnesses published the story of the Nagshead in the very [Page 83]beginning as soone as it happened; but your Witnesse never published that of Lambeth, but told it privatly to a friend, as if forsooth, it had bin a secret, or a prejudice to his Church. The testimony of our witnesses agreeth with the principles of your reformation, with the 25. article of your religion, with your translations of scripture, with the statuts, 1. and 8. Eliz. 1. and with the confession of Bancroft, and the tacite consent of all your ancient Clergy of England; and with the publique testimony of all the Puritans in print, the testimony of your one Witnesse, and Records, are irreconcilable with the foresaid evidences. Now judge M. Doctor, who deserves most credit, one yong gallant (in case the earle ever shold have said what Mason pretends) invited to a banket, or many knowing men, eyewitnesses of the fact? An ancient, and constant tradition of learned, and honest men, agreable to your owne principles of religion, to the confession of your owne Doctors, ad to the statuts of the land; or a newfound Register, never cited, nor produced (though earnestly called for) untill the season, and occasion was past; diametricaly opposite to your owne articles of faith, and to the principles of your Church, and to the evidence of your statuts. I hope that neither you, nor any other, will be so obstinate, as hereafter to preferre the relation of an obscure scrole, hidden for the space of 52. yeares, (the best, and greatest part of the age of your protestant Church) be fore the cleere, and publique tradition [Page 84]of so many eminent persons that related, and credited the Nagshead story. But in case that you, or any other of your communion, should not be perswaded by so evident reasons to a truth so credible, I must attribute your blind obstinacy to a most refined heresy, which not only depraves the will, and obscures the understanding, but also deprives men of common sense, and makes them walke, and wander in darknesse applauding, and extolling with as greate zeale, and as litle discretion, their invisible Records, as your protestant forefathers did their invisible Church.
13. And now M. Doctor, I believe you will pitty the late Kings misfortune, and wish that he had guien way to the Parliament, to pull doune parliament Bishops, who had neither human, nor divine right to temporal benefices, or spiritual offices. Pag. 238. Though it be no pitty that I was not of his Councell, its greate pitty that he was not better informed of your Orders; had he bin pleased to advise, in time vpon this subject, your superficiall formality had never bin able, to roote out his posterity, of their well grounded right to three Kindomes. And truly if the Jesuits Colleges had no more right to the plate of their Churches, and revenues, then yee have to your bishoprickes, and benefices, I wold not crye out with Ploiden (as you imagine) the case is altered; Pag. 239. but would perswade them to restitution, and exhort you to the same, if this charitable office had not bin prevented by Divine justice, depriving your Clergy of what [Page 85]they so wrong fully possessed. Yet notwithstanding your miserable condition, you are pleased to say, that yee are our feare, and hate. We love your persons, hate your errours, wonder at your obstinacy, pardon your former cruelties, and present contumelies, pitty your misery, and much more your blindnes the cause of your misery: neyther enuy your talents, nor feare your power, but continually pray to the Father of mercies, that he may vouchsafe to enlighten your Clergy, and by them open the eyes of others misled by their errours.
CHAP. IX.
My Lord Audleys testification vpon oath of Mortons acknowledging the Nagshead ordination in Parliament. The reason of beleeving, and publishing the said testification, which vpon due examination is much preferred before all others alleadged against it.
1. I Am confirmed in my Lord Audleys evidence of D. Mortons speech granting the Nagshead ordination by the very ground you offer to him, and propose to others, to make credible a mistake: For, if my Lord had not bin well assured that there is none, he would have willingly layd hold of your courtesy, and of the speech, and person of the pretended [Page 86]Bishop of Lincoln, who, (as you say) did once mention the fable of the Nagshead in a speech in Parliament, Pag. 26.but with as much detestation of it, as your ancestors vsed to name the Devil. Why might not the mistake both of the person, and of the drift, or scope of his speech, be the occasion of this relation? To this interrogation my Lord Audley himselfe will give you an answer. But give me leave to aske of you, upon what occasion could Lincoln mention your Nagshead consecration in a speech in Parliament which might not as well have moved Durham to speake of the same? Once you grant speeches of this subiect in the vpper house, you can hardly free D. Morton from having a share in them.
2. Pag. 27. But the greatest mistake of all others was (sayth the Doctor) to publish such a notorious untruth to the world, so temerariously without better advise. I confesse that though I never doubted of the truth of my Lord Audleys relation, yet I did foresee that D. Morton would protest against it, and deny the story, as you do D. Bancrofts, concerning the same subject of the Nagshead. But it is a greate mistake in you to thinke, that this story of my Lord Audleyes was published temerariously, and without consideration and designe. For, it was considered that either yee would deny it, or grant it. If yee granted D. Mortons speech, I had my intent. If yee denied it, and produced authentique certificats, and testimonies to disprove what was layd to his charge, your owne certificats, and authentique testimonies, would be cleer evidences of [Page 87]the truth of the Nagshead story, though tkey should vindicate D. Morton. For, if the Nagshead story had not bin notoriously true, and evident in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths reigne, why did not your predecessours produce then authentique Records, or at least such Certificats, as you now do, of your pretended solemnity at Lambeth, when some evidence was desired of your first Bishops to cleere their consecrations, and the very Registers so earnestly called for? Why did not some of your Clergy of those days accuse D. Harding (as you do me) of calumny, rashnesse, temerarious credulity &c. For publishing, and objecting the Nagshead story? That yee were vpbraided by him for that ridiculous consecration, you may see in your Bishop Goodvins catalogue, whose words I cited. Why did they not make the like noyse when the puritans told them of the beginning of their Ordination in a corner, not in a Congregation. Are you more zelous for the honour of one D. Morton, then your former Bishops were for their owne credit, and the being of their whole Church? If they had not wanted matter, how could they want minde, or meanes to procure, and publish such testimonies of the Lords recorded to be present at the solemnity of Lambeth, as you have got of nine other Lords, members of the late Parliament? could they find no testimonies to stop the Puritans clamour? The truth is, the Nagshead story was too well knowne in those dayes to be called in question; and not only then, but even [Page 88]in the beginning of King James his reigne, when F. Sacrobosc. Lib. de investiganda Christi Ecclesia. Cap. 4. edit. 1603. Holiwood objected it in print an. 1603. to all your protestant Clergy, and confirmed it by the testimony and confession of D. Bancroft then living, being actualy in place of Bishop of London. Yet no certificats appeared to contradict the story, or Bancrofs acknowledgment, none to convince the Puritans objection What reason could there be of this silence, and patience, but cleere evidence of what you now so confidently deny? so that you see M. Doctor, how this stir which you have made about Mortons vindication, doth prove the truth of your Nagshead Consecration, and that your certificats to disprove my Lord Audleys testimony, reflect vpon more then you did designe, or desire, and totaly destroy the plea of your forged Registers. But let vs heare what he saith for himselfe in his ovvne words.
‘Having seene a booke intituled the Consecration, & Succession of Protestant Bishops, &c. & particularly perused that Chapter calld the Vindication of the Bishop of Durham I finde my self (reflecting of some expressions therein, & the Bishop of Derry author) obliged to say something as concerned, & so have desired place here for a few linies. Who the Author of the treatise of Catholique faith, &c. fixeth on to prove his allegations touching the Bishop of Durhams speech, I know not, for he told me of it before ever I spoke to him, but sure I am, if it [Page 89]be looked after he may have sufficient testimony to satisfy half a douzen juries; but that which stirs me to speake in this matter, is, a note I have at the request of the Bishop of Derry given him vnder my hand, wherein, I say in substance the same with the Author touching the Bishop of Durhams speech, as for the booke against Episcopacy, which was the ground of the discourse, my note only avers it was brought into the howse, but said not by whome, nor who was the author, in truth I wondered much to finde that the Bishop of Durham doth deny this speech, for I can not remember that ever I heard of, or read the story of the Nagshead, till that day in Parlament of my Lord of Durham; then I heard it from him, and this I say, as I shall answeare it before the judgement seat of God Allmighty. And I doe not remember that ever I heard the Bishop of Lincolne, or any other Bishop before, or since mention the Nagshead, or touch that story: if I had, & not named him, my Lord of Durham mought have just reason to complaine, but my Lord of Derry will not beleeve that I (for I can not but take it to my self) doe, or ever did know the Bishop of Durham, so well as to sweare this was the man. If his Lordship had bin an English Bishop, an frequented Parliaments, he would have omitted this. Not to multiply vvordes. I can assure his Lordsp, I could as well, & surely have sworen this is the man, the Bishop of [Page 90]Durham, as his Lordship could of Sir George Ratclif when he lived. Besides, his person, & place of the Bishops bench is too eminent to be mistaken. An other expression of my Lord of Derry is, I do not take my self to be so exact Analyser of a discourse, as to be able to take my oath, what vvas the true scope of it. Here likevvyse I must beg his Lordships pardon. I knovv no such defect in my self, for there is not any thing more easy then to comprehend the true cope of a short a plaine Historicall discourse as this was; to conclude, as to the Bishop of Durhams denial, I hope that confessing him self novv of the age of 95. yeares, it vvill be held no crime to say, or improbable, to beleeve that one of that grear age, may at least forget, vvhat he spake so many yeares since. For the tvvo cerficats of the other Lords, that of the temporall saith litle to my Lord of Derryes purpose, neither with an indifferent judgment can that of the spirituall worke much. For my part, I doe not say, that any, or all their Lordships, whose names are put to the certificats in the booke, were in the Howse at this time, or if any of them were, that they tooke notice of what my Lord of Durham spake, for many discourses are made in Parlaments, & litle notice taken of them, neither had I, of this, but that it was to me a new thing. The Clarque of the Parliament is all so brought in to certify, though as to my note [Page 91]his paines mought have bin spared, for I doe not mention a booke presented, and consequently none to be recorded, and as for speeches, I doe assure his Lordship, in the authority of an old Parliament man, that it is not the office of the Clarque to recorde them (his worke would be too great) till it be a result or conclusion, & then he writes them downe as Orders, Ordinances, &c. of Parliament. I vvill end this short, & faithfull defence, which I have bin here necessitated to make for my self vvith many thanks to my Lord of Derry for his charity, & opinion of my ingenuity: & seing his Lordships inclination in this matter is to absolve me from a malicious lye, I vvill absolve my self as to the mistakes either in the person, or matter, assuring his Lordship, & all the vvorld there is none.’
3. Though this relation, and testimony given by my Lord Audley doth not only cleere me from casting any aspertion vpon D. Monton, but also makes the whole speeche layd to his charge, sufficiently credible, (one positive witnesse with such circumstances proving more then many negative, and it being more probable, that D. Morton, or any other in the Parliament, should forget, then my Lord Audley feigne such a story, without any possible designe or profit) yet I must vindicate my selfe from the note of credulity, rashnesse, overmuch confidence, and formal calumly fixed vpon me by D. Bramhall, for believing my Lord, Audley, and [Page 92]publishing his relation. Is it credulity or rashnesse, good M. Doctor, to believe a person of honour, Pag. 26. and of so greate ingenuity, as you confesse my Lord Audley to be and no man of honour can deny in a matter, wherof he had as cleere evidence, and hath as perfect memory, as is possible for any man to have of any object, by the acts of his senses, and understanding. He protesteth before God and man, that he never heard any thing of the Nagshead consecration till then, and that the novelty of the story, made him very attentive; that he remembers the individual circumstances of the place where D. Morton stood, his posture, and all other actions, wherwith he accompanied his speech: and that after D. Morton had finished the same, he asked a Lord of knowne reputation and wisedome, whether the first protestant Bishops had bin ordained in a Taverne? and that he answered, the story of the Nagshead was very true.
4. Now M. Doctor, I beseech you to consider, how impossible it is, that he should be mistaken, having such assurance of his attention, and of the evidence of his senses, and understanding? Want of memory (the only thing is, or can be objected to make roome for a mistake in this matter) may occasion doubts, and perplexities; but not cause such positive assurances, and cleere evidences as my Lord Audley to this howre retaines. If it be once granted, that men of judgment may be mistaken in the evidence they sweare to have of their owne perfect remembrance, and understanding, [Page 93]concerning an object cleerly acted before their eyes, and distinctly convejed into their eares, and particularly reflected vpon, and immediately discoursed vpon, you may perswade all the world, that whatsoever they have seene, heard, and understood, are but dreames, and mistakes, occasioned by want of memory. for to impute so much dulnes, and ignorance to my Lord of Audley, that he could not comprehend the scope of a speculation so abstracted, so sublime, so Metaphysical, as Mortons, saying his forefathers were made Bishops in a Tarverne: this were enough to degrade a Doctor of Divinity, and dispend your episcopal pen from its endles, and sensles function of scribling, if you held these titles vpon science, conscience, or common sense. This is to charge both the Relator, and Reader with plaine stupidity. Must men be made out of their wits, because they beare witnes against your Clergy? Or can you hope that any man in his wits will heed what you write, when you care so little what the Readers judge of you, and your writings?
5. But here comes a full tide of testimonies, to bring him of the sand he stuck himself in. Ni ne Peeres have bin so vexed with your importunity, that they have condescended to yield you som succour in so urgent necessity. Pag. 23. We doe hereby testifie, and declare that to the best of our present knowledge, and remembrance, no such booke against Bishops as is there mentioned was presented to the house of Peeres in that Parliament, [Page 94]and consequently that no such speech as is there pretended was, or could bo made by him, or any other against it. Jam far from calling in question the ingenuity of these honorable persons, or imputing unto them the want of incapacity to comprehend the scope of what Morton then said, or of any thing he ever could have said, if it had any scope; but I must call your judgment in question for thinking that what yow have got will serve your turne. If it doe not its not their fault in giving what you asked, but yours in asking you knew not what. The question is, whether Morton acknowledged in parliament the Nagshead merry meeting; but whether it were vpon occasion of a booke publickly presented, or privatly delivered, whether dedicated to the parliament, or distributed amongst the members of Parlement, whether in this man, or that mans name, whether Lord, or not Lord, what imports it to the matter in hand? There are none of these Lords, will deny, or doubt, but that many by-speeches have bin made by Bishops in Parliament vpon lesser occasions, then these J rehearsed, and perhaps some with no occasion, and also to no purpose at all, unles the rest have bin more carefull in speaking then you in printing. Pag. 10. You confesse a booke to have bin dedicated to the Parliament against Episcopacy, and the booke to have bin writ by a Lord; you confesse to have heard that the B. Pag. 26.of Lincolne did once mention the fable of the Nagshead in a speech in Parliament, and you will not deny, but that Durham for his many [Page 95]writings, and great age might have bin as fit, and forward to talke as another, and if you looke but upon the text of the testimony, you have begged, you find not a word that argues, or intimats his not having avowed the Nagshead ordination. They only say they remember no such booke, to wit with all the circumstances mentioned, and consequently no speech against it. They may remember a speech vpon occasion of a booke, wherin Durham took harbour in the Nagshead Tarverne, and yet say with truth they do not remember that speech, or any other to have bin made against such a booke signed with all those individual particularities. And further there might have bin such a speech, and such a booke, and such circumstances: and yet they might have forgot them all, or in part, after so many years; but I need not this, for they do not deny to remember the speech, nor the booke, nor any circumstance belonging to the point, we dispute. And I marke their attestation to be couched in termes so precise, and cautious, as both to content you, who presume to make any thing serve your purpose, and yet neyther to contradict, nor wholy conceale the truth. For, those that with so carefull attention tyed their attestation so fast to the circumstantial part of the buisnes, knew full well that the attentive Reader would therby perceave they could have said more of the substance, if they had not bin by themselves, or by others persuaded that it was not convenient to [Page 96]publish all they remembred. But your adding the Clark of the Parliaments testimony is a meere childish simplicity, what sayth he? I do not find any such booke presented, nor any entery of any such speech made by B. Morton. Will you make men beleeve that every speech is entered, or that if just such a booke was not formally presented, that the speech was not made vpon occasion of a booke, or that a booke in good English may not be said to be presented, although it be not delivered in such solemnity, as requires the putting it vpon record? It is much want that brought you doune to such beggarly shifts, to go from dore to dore begging attestations about an inconsiderable circumstance, and make soo poore, and pittifull vse of what you have scraped together. You forget to beg the favour of your adversary to let you talke disparatas in this desperat case, and beg pardon of your Reader for abusing his patiēce, and presuming that he is void of common sense, and no less reason you have to beg pardon of your partners for your want of ability, or Perhaps fidelity in the defence of the common cause. If you were a lawyer by profession, as you professe here much skill to litle purpose in law matters, I beleeve after such pleading as this, you would get few clients, and smal fees.
6. Put the case your Brother Durham had bin accused of treason, and you were allowed to plead for him (which equity in other countries is not denied) now there coms in a witnes [Page 97]whose ingenuity you grant, and no man can deny, he takes vpon his oath, as he hopes to be saved, that he heard the said Durham vpon occasion of a sedicious pamphlet, make a speech to the people, wherin he exhorted them to deliver vp a towne to the enemy; that he knowes the man accused as vvell as you knew Sir George Ratcliffe; that he remembers cleerly the very place, and posture, wherin he made the speech, and further more that the speech was so vnexpected, that it made him in a particular manner attentive, that immediately after, he discoursed vpon it with an other, to informe himself better of the ground of that speech, and all this he protests over, and over agine in all occasions offered, as he is to answer in the day of judgment. Put the case further he should say that he thinks the pamphlet was writ by such a man, or given in such a mans name, and that it was presented by one, that made a leg as he gave it, and delivered it with his right hand; but of these petty circumstances he gives no assurance vnder his hand, as being things he made no very particular account of, or reflexion vpon. Now enters M. Bramhall the lawyer puft vp vvith presumption that he can talke all the world out of their wits, and senses, First bragging, and vapouring, and threatening no lesse then convincing demonstrations, then vpbraiding his adversary with credulity, temerity for taking notice of such a testimony, and forewarning him with a most passionate zeale of his credit, [Page 98]hereafter to turne stoick with Epictetus, and learne to distrust, and having wearied himself, and others with these Preambular impertinences, and disposed all by his presumption, and passion not to beleeve a word he shall say, atlength he coms close to the point, and tels the judge, that the witnesse doth not take himself for so exact Analyser of a discourse, as to vnderstand what is meant by these words, to deliver a tovvne to the enemy, and if this be not sufficient to cleere the matter, he produces a writing wherin some persons say noe more, but that they doe not remember after 17. or 18. yeares such a Pamphlet, that is writ by such a man, and delivered with that ceremony, and in such a mans name, and consequently no speech to have bin made against it, as is pretended, and that it was not in such manner presented, as those are, which are noted in publicke Registers, but as to the effect of the speech not so much as a negative testimony, not so much as a word signifying it to be not remembred, but rather the contrary: otherwise they had spoken home to the substance, and not confined their oblivion within a few circumstances, and those nothing conducing to what is in question. But if the said lawyer should not so much as prove that the witnesses produced by him were present at the foresaid speech, nor give any reason, or conjecture why they said nothing towards the denial of the speech it self, in case they had bin present, but only of their having forgot certaine [Page 99]accidental superflous particularities, not regarded, or formally avouched by the contrary witnes; nor alleadge any Lavv, Custom, president, or argument, why such a negative testimony of the not remembrance of inconsiderable circumstances should prevaile against the plaine, cleere, positive, vndoubted remembrance of a witnes beyond all exce [...]tion: and further should presse his adversary ever, and an on to legal proofes, and admit of no others, and yet himself insist chiefely vpon a proof against the law of all nations that have law, to wit vpon the denial of the person arraigned, and others equally concerned; if, I say, a Lawyer should plead in this manner, would any judge, or any man of judgment cleere the Delinquent of treason, or the Advocate of treacherous prevarication, or ignorant presumption vpon so frivolous, and idle discourse.
7. And yet this is your case, M. Doctor, this, I say, or worse then this; for besides your illegal plea of producing Morton as a witnes in his owne cause opposing a negative testimony against a positive; and that of the circumstance, this of substance, and his fellow Superintendents as much concerned in this matter as himself, who, if this story be confessed, have no more character, or order, then a Brovvnist Minister, or Tubpreacher, yet there is a special exception against the person of Morton, as having bin often, and evidently convicted of most plaine wilfull, vn excusable lies, and [Page 100]impostures in his severall writings concerning Religion, which shamefull abominable practise he hath vsed when he was less concerned, then in this present occasion. Whether I speake with reason, or passion the Reader will shortly judge of himself, and with all what exception may be taken against his Collegues. I shall give neyther him, or you any names though provoked by both, he calls me an impudent libeller, you call M. Neale a brainesicke foole. I know you are both as vvell versed in Civility, as Divinity, and need not to take you for my Maisters, or Paternes. But I shall teach the Reader to frame a right notion of you, and your tribe, and remit the giving you names to his discretion.
As to the Noblemen you cited, I have examined their attestation with that regard, as neyther to give offence to them, nor advantage to you, nor prejudice to the truth. To whom I make bold to present this humble petition that they will be pleased in their wisdome to consider the difference betwixt these two consequences, which without any artificiall Logique is easily discerned.
8. The first. I remember cleerly, and distinctly to have heard such a speech, which the attention to it, the admiration of it, the reflexion vpon it hath deeply imprinted in my memory, therfore I may securely say, and sweare such a speech y have heard. The second. I doe not remember after 17. or 18. yeares certaine occasional circumstances of such a [Page 101]speech, or perhaps not the speech it self, because I might have bin absent, or not attentive to it, or made litle account of it. Therfore another mans perfect remembrance is not to be credited. Although the Roman Senatour Hortensius is renowned for his prodigious memory, yet I could never heare any thing of him which might give occasion to thinke that if he had forget somthing belonging to a speech made in the senate 17. yeares before, that his oblivion would have bin thought sufficient to voyd the evidence of it drawne from the solemne oath, and perfect remonstrance of a lawfull witnes. And albeit Mithridates could give account of every souldiers name in his army, yet if one had bin proved by the oath of a person of honour to have served him in his warres, can any man imagin the King would have disavowed his service, because after 17 yeares he, or some others had forgot his name? Not many yeares since there appeared a dim Comet observed by fevv, yet I could never find any that hath pervsed their ohservations so mad, as to call it in question, because he or some others can not call to memory the sight of it, notwithstanding a perfect remembrance they might have had of their being abroad that very night it is said to have bin seen by others.
9. But you M. Doctor, advance not so far as to evince the presence of your witnesses, much less their speciall attention, reflexion, [Page 102]admiration, or the like, which are the fundations of a lasting memory, for my witnes doth not mention the day. Wherefore it was a worke not only of supererogation, but superfluity, that your superintending Brethren should put in their attestation, that they sate in the Parliament begun at Wesminster the 3. day of Novemb. 1640. without giving some signe of their sitting, or standing in Parliament the time of the speech. Yet Mortons attestation is not only superflous, but ridiculous. A man that hath bin publickely, manifestly, and frequently convicted of most wilfull, and most impudent lyes in his writings, is grovvne so forgetfull not only of what he spoke, but of what any man in his wits ought to speake, that he delivers himself in these terms. I could never have made such a speech as is there pretended (and the proofe it excellent) seeing y have ever spoken according to my thoughts, and alvvays believed that fable of the Nagshead consecration to have proceeded from the father of lyes. A deafe man might as well say, he heard it with his heeles, as that Morton should say he spoke according to his thoughts, when he thought it convenient to speake otherwise. And no lesse ridiculous industry was vsed in procuring a publique Notary, and five witnesses to make men believe that the attestation is truly his owne, not falsly fathered vpon him, for no body doubted but he would give a most ample testimony for himself, and his cause, but no man that knowes him by his writings vvill [Page 103]give credit to any thing he sayeth in behalfe of religion. Persuade the old man that you have found a new trick to make better vse of of the Nagshead consecration, then that of Lambeth, you shall have him, with double number of witnesses avow the speech, he hath disavowed. For is it credible he feares a fevv private mens silent censure, who hath hardned his face against the publicke reproach of as many schollers as read bookes of controversy? But I shall present him, and his fellowes to your eyes, in their owne glasse, that you may know them better by sight then by hearsay.
AN APPENDIX.
Of the wilfull, and shamefull falsifications, and falsities of Protestant Ministers.
I require no gentle, and courteous, nor so much as unpartial, and unpassionate readers, I am content with any partiality, or passion, provided that it doe not wholy deprive them of the use of their eyes, and reason. I give but a scantling, and that in hast, and out of such bookes I had at hand, and what I found with litle seeking. I am so assured by my owne experience of the plenty of this kinde of ware, promiscuously to be found in the prime Protestant writers, particularly in the English Nation, that I fear no other reproach, but of my sparing paines in collecting no greater heapes of this abominable filth, to cause therby a wholsom, though noysom detestation of that Religion, which is vpheld by so vnchristian, vnhumane, Diabolical Policy. I begin with Morton.
In a virulent, and calumnious pamphlet intituled. A discovery of Romish doctrinein case of conspiracy, and rebellion pag. 4. he alleageth as an ancient decree out of Gracian. Causa 15. qu. 6. c. 40. Si juravi me soluturum alicui pecuniam qui excommunicatur, non teneor ei solvere: [Page 105]first it is no decree either of Pope, or Councel, but only words of the glosse; secondly it is an objection, not the resolution of the glosse, for it resolves that he is bound to pay, and proves it by divers lawes, and reasons.
In his treatise called a confutation of the Popes supremacy, as supreame head of rebellion pag. 2. He affirmeth that in the old testament the Jesuits are forced to allow that the king was supreame head of the Church in spirituall affaires, and ordering Priests, and for proofe citeth Salmeran. d. 12. in ep. Pauli in gen. §. sed contra. Where he doth not only cleerly hold, but largly prove the quite contrary, and solves the objections, and further ads that in case it had bin so in the old, it doth not follow that it is so in the new.
In his reply, and full satisfaction concerning the charge against Protestants for rebellion &c. pag. 3. he imputeth to Vasques, that he holds a man may be an heretique though he be not obstinate, wheras in the very disputation mentioned; Vasques guieth this definition of heresy, commonly received. Haeresis nihil est aliud, Disp. 126. c. 3.quam error in rebus fidei cum partinacia, and it is impossible that Morton should have bin ignorant of this notion of heresy, so frequently taught, and generally received, and by Vasques expressely.
In the same booke pag. 38. Morton feigneth that divers Catholique authors hold that Popes cannot possibly be heretiques as Popes, now for the conclusion, and consequently cannot be deposed, [Page 106]among these, he brings Bellarmin, and Gratian, though Bellarmin directly teach that the Pope may be an heretique, and therupon deposed by the Church, or rather is ipso facto deposed, and may be so declared by the Church, and citeth the very canon of Gracian, saying haereticum Papam posse judicari, expressè habetur Can. si Papa dist. 40. Morton citeth Azor for the same l. 5. c. 14. & Valentia analy: l. 8. c. 3. and Salmeron. Cam. in Galat: 2. d. 24. and Canus de locis l. 6. cap. 8. and Stapleton doctrin. l. 6. initio. And Costerus de Pontif. in Ench. c. 3. and yet all these in the very places teach plainly, and flatly the very contrary. And further he is not ashamed to ad that these authors confirme their doctrin by the universall consent of Romish Devines, and Canonists for the space of 100. yeares, whereas they boath teache the contrary, to wit, that the Pope may be heretique, and deposed, and innumerable others of that age, true it is that God neyther hath, nor will permit, that any Pope, though heretique in his private opinion should by publique decree ex cathedrâ define any heresy, neither, for any thing wee know out of history well examined, can it be convinced that any Pope hitherto hath bin an heretique in his private perswasion, albeit in this point there be different opinions, which nothing at all belong to the present purpose.
But I must invite the reader, at least for a pleasant entertainment, if no higher motive can induce him, to peruse Mortons discourse [Page 107]against Aequivocation, and confer it with the answer contained in a booke intituled A treatise tending to Mitigation, it will be no smale sporte, I do not say, to catch him napping in ignorant mistakes, but to heare rapping loud lies one after an other, in that very booke where he detesteth Aequivocation, and professeth a most religious precisenes in point of truth. For example, he citeth Azor. l. 11. instit. cap. 4. quite contrary to this meaning, patching words to geather, that were spoken seperatly, and to an other end, and falsly translateth in to English that very text of Azor. which himself citeth in the margen. The words in latin are, Si venit ex loco aliquo peste minimè infecto, qui falsò habetur pro infecto. Which Morton turnes thus into English, if he com from a place infected. But truely translated make the case wholy different, and are these, if he came from a place not infected, which falsely is held to be infected. But he is not only content to be convicted of vnexcusable falsehood by men that study moralists, but even by schoolboys, that read Tullies offices, in his 90. page he doth so grossely pervert the sense, change the words, and distroy the whole drift of Tullies discourse l. 3. offic. §. Regulus and §. sed si, that it is a wonder to see what impudensy growes from a custom of lying. These are but a few examples of the many detected by the aforesaid Treatise of Mitigation, and an other called A quiet, and sober reckoning with Thomas Morton by the reading wherof, and conferring each particular [Page 108]with the bookes cited every one may in a short time, and no great trouble judge by his eyes whether I have reason to except against such a witnes in his owne cause, and what reason there is to follow so wilfully, and wickedly blind leaders.
But I cannot but wonder at one circumstance, that after Morton had gained reputation by this practise, he was promoted to the title and profits of a Bishopricke, purchasing by a new kind of fimony, not with buying, but with lyeing, a rich benefice. I Bellarmin, or Perron could have bin convicted of this false, and base proceeding either before, or after their Cardinals caps, what a noyse would have bin, when we heare such a clamour, vpon that which is not proved, but only pretended to be a credulous mistake? Yet when I consider John Foxes Acts, and Monuments, the very Magazin of no lesse malicious, then ridiculous lies, to have got so honorable a place in Protestant Churches, and that not by vulgar simplicity, but by publick authority, not by connivence, or negligence, but vpon designe, and by command: when I see this abomination hath stood so long in the holy place, I wonder no more at Mortons promotion, nor at whole Nations deceaved by Mahomets Alcoran. If I should insist vpon the number of those, that by commaund, or concurrence are guilty of the falsehood of Foxes booke, I should accuse many more, then I am by this present occasion obliged; but the Ministers I cannot excuse [Page 109]vpon any title, for although they be of meane learning, and no extraordinary reading, yet the falsities are so numerous, and obvious, that it is impossible but many should have fallen under the observation of most. And by the booke of the three Conversions of England, and the Examen of Foxes Calender, which have bin printed almost threescore yeares since; and have come to the hands of many Protestant Ministers, this Foxes fowle worke hath bin so plainly discovered, that those, who have seen it, if they had least zeale, or love, or care of truth, ought to have informed their Brethren, and not to have permitted any Christian Religion to be longer prophaned with so publick a slaunder, and shame of Christianity. Should a renegate Captive tell his maister, that the sect amongst Christians, which he had bin taught, was maintained by such false, and shamfull practises, he would easily gaine Credit of a true Proselite turned Turke vpon conscience, and not convenience. I need not set downe Foxes impostures, for you shall see them in the forsaid bookes so grosse, and thick set one by another, that it will be harder to make a way through them, then find the way to them. I will passe my word the Author does him no wrong, and the reader vpon his owne examination will take my word in an other occasion.
But to returne to Morton now with a white Rochet on his backe, but with as little ingenuity, and candour of mind as before. The imposition of those unhallowed hands hath not [Page 110]imprinted the least marke of grace in his soule, or shame in his forehead. In the grand imposture writ by him then B. of Cov. and Lichf. pag. 85. edit. 2. he sets doune a large, and lying description of the Inquisitions cruelty, and addes, So your Authour. And who do you thinke is this Author, but Cornellius Agrippa a Magitian, as himself confesseth of himselfe? And where doth he write what heer is alleaged against vs? In a booke condemned by our Church. Not a word of these circumstances; but only that he is our Author, to make the Reader believe he is one we have no reason to except against. You had better take him to your selfe: for his blacke art is of the same colour with yours, and taught by one maister, who esteems you the better scholler, having done more mischiefe with your false jugling, then Agrippa with his conjuring. Now pag. 388. the same jugling trick over againe. Marke the ensuing words. Els why is it that your owne Thuanus speaking of this separation (Viz of Luther) sayd that some in those days layd the fault vpon the Pope Leo? More fully your Cassander, an Author selected in those days by the King of the Romans, as the chiefest divine of his. And pag. 385. He cals Thuanus our noble Historian. Who knows nothing of Thuanus but by this mans relation, would take him to be, not only a sound unsusspected Catholique, but of special regard amongst vs: wheras both our common opinion, and his owne Annals prove him a Hugonot. But besides falsely reporting him for a Catholic, he [Page 111]is plainly falsified in these very places alleaged. In the first he speaks not of Luthers separation, but of the election of Prelats in France; and in the 2. where he speaks of benefices, Morton makes him speake of Indulgences, in both places evidently against his cleere words, which read as they stand in Thuanus have not the least shadow of ambiguity. But the makeing Cassander ours, and our chiefest Devine being listed in our Index of forfidden bookes amongst the Heretiques of the first ranke, and his owne writings accusing him, not only of the general heresies of these times, but of others also particular to himself, is not only a shamles, but senseles imposture. It is a labour too loathsom to dig any longer in this filthy dunghil of corruptions. And it is a madnes in any man that already knowes Morton by his notoriously impudent lying bookes, or before he take knowledge of him vpon this admonition to give the lest credit to any thing he shal say, write, signe, or sweare concerning Religion, as being convicted by his owne writings to have lost all remorse of conscience, all feare of reproach from men, or punishment from God. Did he believe there is a God who hath prepared a Hel of torments for those, who maintaine a division in the Church by so many wilfull impostures, and seriously intended to prevent the scourge of his heavy hand, could he stand gazing vpon his grave at so nigh a distance without repenting, or can he truly repent without recanting. Be not amazed that he remains without feeling, [Page 112]for, no Pharaos, no Anthiochus pride, and cruelty doth so harden the hart of a Reprobate as a long custome of denving, and belying the known truth, which Morton hath done for many yeares. For, albeit his blindnes were so great as not to see the manifest truth of our Religion, yet impossible it is, he should not see the false calumnies, false translations, and false allegations he bringeth against our Authors, whome he hath read with his owne eyes. Let any man marke his manner of perverting them, he shall cleerly perceave that it could not be so done without haveing seene the very places, and read them at leasure.
But this hath bin the continual practise of defenders of heresy in all ages, and in this last age, and in English writers, and in the most eminent of them most conspicuous. Let the reader, who desirs to be satisfied in this point, procure, as he may easily, the forenamed treatise tending to mitigation, where in the 12. chap. he shall find the prime Protestant writers in the begining of Q. Eliz. reigne, and in the first place Jewel called B. of Salisb. guilty of most enormous, unexcusable untruths. He shal heare this impudent Minister braging, and braving that we cannot alleadge one Author, one Doctor, one sentence, no not two lines in behalf of any one of the 28. articles he attributeth to vs, wherin are contained the real presence, private Masse, images, the Popes primacy, offering vp of Christ in sacrifice, common prayer in a strange language &c. Whether we have sufficient [Page 113]authority for these Tenets is not the present question; but whether we cannot find one ancient Doctor, or two lines in favor of any one oft them. He shall heare him cite S. Austin as allowing mariage after vowes made of chastity in his booke de Bono viduitatis the drift of which booke being wholy, and plainly to the contrary. He shal heare him cry downe another S. Austin the Apostle of Engl. not only against the authority of ancient History, but even against the confession of John Foxes Acts, and Monuments. He shal heare so much, that he will not need to goe further to Seeke Harding, and others, who have at large discovered the false lustre of this counterfeit Jewel, this pretious stone layd in the fundation of the English Babilon. He shal find the like false dealing of Casshill, Clarke, and Perkins. As for John Foxe the Reader after a short tast of his knavery is remitted to the third part of the three conversions of Engl. where in one chap. are sett downe severally above a hundred and twenty wilfull lyes, vttered by Foxe in less then three leaves of his Acts, and Monuments, and those such, as no ways may be excused, eyther by ignorance, or error; but must needs proceed from voluntary fraud, and malice, himself knowing that it was false, which he related. I omit what is further alleadged of malicious fraud in the writings of Sir Francis Hastings, and Sir Edoard Cooke, but a word I must ad of Sir Philip Plessis Mornay a frenchman, to shew that it is not a national inclination of the English, but of any [Page 114]nation infected with heresy to maintaine heretical errours with voluntary falshood. The french Jansenists of late make good my assertion, and this french Calvinist will make it better. In a booke of his full of authorities against the Masse, he was charged by Peron, then B. of Eureux, after Cardinal, with five hundred wilfull falsifications, and vpon suite made to Henry the fourth by the said Peron it came to a publick trial in presence of the King of France, and great part of his Nobility on the 4. of May 1600. Of these five hundred were exhibited threescore to Plessis to take his choise for the first dayes tryall, who tooke nineteene of those, which he thought himself best able to excuse. Now the straitnes of time permitting only nine to be examined, he was both by his owne Protestant Judges, and the Catholick Judges on the other side condemned of falsification, and untrue dealing in all nine, after he had bin permitted to say what he could in his defence. And Peron further pressed him to returne to the like trial of the rest of the five hundred, but Plessis could not be brought to it. This publique trial is largely related, and defended in the end of the first tome of the 3. part of the three Conversions of England, and appeares in the Kings owne letter in print, as also by the publick Acts set forth by the approbation of the said King and his counsel.
If I should proceed on with the vnchristian, and vnhuman proceeding of our English Ministers in their shamfull calumniations, and falsifications, [Page 115]it wold be an endles worke. I shall remit the reader to a booke intituled a search made into matters of Religion by Francis Walsingham Deacon of the Protestant Church before his change to the Catholick, where he may find such foule dealing of so many English Protestant Ministers, Bel, Doves, Jewel, Sutclif &c. that with conferring the praces by his owne industry he will never need to informe himself more by the relations of others. Let him but read the Discussion of D. Barlows answer togeather with the suplemēt, and adjoynder, he shall know the lying spirit of Barlow, Reynolds, Dunnes, and Andrewes, and this mans not only falfities, but follies in his answer to Card. Bellarmines Apollogy. Infelix puer, atque impar Achilli. I cannot conceave what excuse a Protestant that hath any sense of Religion can alleadge why he should not endeavour to rectify his judgment vpon so easy conditions. The bookes are not hard to be got, the places are easy to be found, and examined; there is no more exacted of him, but to beleeve what he sees. And in case he be a Protestant of the moderne prelatique fashion, who by an indifferency to any Religion whereunto the Apostles short Creed admitted by Arrians, Macedonians, Nestorians, Eutichians, Pelagians, may be applyed, hath little, or no regard of any Religion at all; yet to satisfy himself in point of curiosity, or Policy concerning Religion, methinks he should be desirous to try by his own experience whether men by facing about [Page 116]with inconstancy of enterchanging opinions, and facing it out with impudency of manifest lies, and calumnies may build, and vphold an imaginary Church in the fancies of ignorant, and careles peeple. I can assure him that he shall discover in the practise of Protestant writers more admirable effects of knavery, then in the precepts and presidents of his only admired, and adored Apostle Machiavel. He will prefer English men in this point of wit, which he esteems the highest, before the Italians; for Machiavel, the sole Italian, he admires could never make such resolutions in Italy, although it was the marke he aimed at, as English Ministers have made in England. Vnles it were not the want of wit in the Minister, but the too much wit of the schollers. Perhaps Machiavel durst not presume to find peeple in his countrey apt to beleeve, that of a number of Popes for many ages could be forged one monstrous man called Antichrist. He could not imagine that Italians would kill one another in good earnest, vpon hopes to destroy this imaginary Monster: nor that Tinkers, and Coblers brains could be so far past mending, that they would be cast into the fire in defence of the fond inventions of a fewlewd, and lying Apostatas: or that the folly of these brainsike Idiots would serve for a testimony to men in their wits. Machiavel had read as much history, as John Foxe, or his Dutch Maisters the Magdeburgeans, and could have made Acts, and Monuments with as many falsities, and fewer follies; yet he had a better [Page 117]conceit of his Nation, then to hope that such a booke should be placed in Churches by publicke authority, and stand so long by the shamles malice of some, and careles stupidity of others. He knew his countrymen had seene many peeces of ancient Architecture, that they would not be easily persuaded to pray with security in a Chappel supported by such a pillar. They had heard so much of the Buls sacrificed to Jupiter Capitolinus, that it would be hard to make them beleeve that the praying before the Picture of Christ was in effect the old Idolatry of the Romans. The Crosses, and Images they had seen in the grots of the ancient Martyrs, freed them from the suspicion of superstitious Novelty. Machiavel knew better then Ministers the vices, and abuses of the Roman Clergy, and desired no lesse to decry, and destroy it; yet he was far from expecting, that Carters, and Catchpols, Porters, and Pedlers would be heard with patience in Italy prate Non-sence out of pulpits, and take vpon them to reforme, and pull downe Pope and Prelates; and much lesse that the successours of these should be respected as priests meerly by their wearing long coats without any evidence produced of their vocation, consecration, and Jurisdiction, besides what they received from a woeman dispensing with the very State, and condition of the Consecraters beyond all that hath bin practised, or pretended by the Vicar of Christ. He could not suspect that wary and jealous Italians would confesse their hidden sins to men who [Page 118]had no other key of power, nor locke of Secrecy, but of a Woemans making. Machiavel could have forged a new Bible with false translations, and knew fullwell that destruction is caused by Division, and no better way to divide Religion in to innumerable sects then to make every mans fond faney the Judge of a falsified Rule of Religion, he had got what he sought and by contrary senses of Gods word had abolished all sense of God, and goodnes, had he thought that Italian Bibles would doe what the English have done, but being by office a Secretary, he was afraid to be proved a notorious falsary. He knew that by abusing scripture as our English translaters have done both he and all those, who should conspire with him would forfeit their credit, and become infamous after so many, so grosse, so palpable discoveryes of their false dealing. I shal note a few, and direct the Reader for many more to be found in Gregory Martins discovery of the manifold corruptions of holy scriptures by the Heretiques of our dayes, especially the English Sectaries.
In the Bible of the yeare 1562. closse vpon the time of the pretended solemne, and Canonical Consecration at Lambeth by imposition of hands, and other things requisite they make the Scripture speake in those termes Act. 14. v. 23. When they had ordained Elders by Election in every Congregation, and the same words are kept saving the Change of Congregation into Church in the Bible 1628. vpon this place I have two things to note first the wresting of the [Page 119]word Chirotonia from the Ecclesiastical to the profane sense of election by stretching forth the hand according to the use of the Atheniens, and against the interpretation of S Hierome, who in cap. 58. Isai. interprets Chirotonia, Clericorum ordinatio, not Electio; and against S. Paul 1. Tim. 5. v. 22. where speaking of ordination he saith, lay hands suddainely on noe man. The second, that both in those first times, and also in these later they declared by their version of Scripture their opinion concerning orders by election, and not by consecration, which includes imposition of hands. Now you shal see how the Scripture is made to speake to the tune of the Princes humour, notwithstanding they preach so lowd that all men, both Kings, and Popes must be put in tune by the sound of the letter. During King Edward the sixt his reigne, the onely translation of this place 1. Petr. 2. v. 13. which in the original Greeke is submit yourselves vnto every humane creature for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King as excelling, or, &c. was then submit your selves vnto all manner ordinauce of man whether it be to the King, as into the chiefe head, or, &c. But vnder Q. Eliz. who, as Cambden in her lise relateth, would not be called head of the Church, but supreme gouvernor, To the King as having preheminence Bible 1577. and To the King as superior Bible 1579. But in King Iames his time, who pressed much the oath of supremacy. To the King as supreme Bibles 1012. 1618. Doe you not see these fawning [Page 120]Parasites make sport vvith the Scripture to please their Princes?
Whilst liberty was cried downe where they should have put he gave them power (exusian) to be made the sonnes of God. Io. 2. v. 12. they place Prerogative. Bible 1558. but novv since liberty is come into credit, they have restored the vvord Power Bible 1628. Is this to follow Scripture, or rather force Scripture to follow themselves? But to be sure their wives may follovv them, they make S. Paul vvandring about the vvorld like a German Souldier with his vvife behind him. 1. Cor. 9. v. 5. Have not we power to lead about a wife being a sister Bible 1580. and this remaines vnchanged even in the Bible 1628. and is like to remaine till Ministers be weary of their wiues. Notwithslanding S. Paul a litle before c. 7. v. 8. sufficiently giveth to be vnderstood, he was not married. Notwithstanding S. Hiorome interprets it, and S. Austin proves it to be, not wife, but woeman, and the Greeke fathers most expressely. Notwithslanding, these very Bibles a litle before c. 7. v. 1. translate woeman, not wife vpon the same Greeke word, and without any article, or particle of difference betwixt the same word in both places, saving that it was not for their purpose to make S. Paul say it were good for aman not to touch a wife. Notwithslanding that all who know Spanish, Portugues, Italian, French, Hebrew, High, or Low dutch, in which languages the same word no lesse then in Greeke signifies both woeman, and wife, are not [Page 121]ignorant that wheresoever there is no more determinative signes then in the text of S. Paul it is generally vnderstood for a woeman, not wife. And this their lewd humour makes them have such a spite against the ever Virgin Mother of God. They could translate (Helcomenos) full of sores Luc. 16. v. 20. speaking of Lazarus, but (Kecharitomene) Luc. 1. v. 28. must not be full of grace, but freely beloved Bible 1628. because it was spoken of the Virgin Mother, and in the margen is put received into favour, as if the Greeke word were capable of many senses but by no meanes, of that sense which might signify that the mother of God being à Virgin should befull of grace. So much she hath lost in the opinion of these lewd fellowes vpon the prerogative of her Virginity.
After their fraud occasioned by a false pretence of ambiguity, they fall vpon downe right falsity. Where both the Greeke and Latin have 1. Cor. 11. v. 27. Who so ever shall eato this bread, or drinke the cup They put, and insteed of (or) Bible 628. to persuade the ignorant that Catholickes gainesay the Scripture in not giving allwayes the communion vnder both kinds. But it is no marvel they sould change or into and when Beza had changed as into signifies and the German heretiques solum for soli to make David say, I have nothing els but sinned, in lieu of, To thee alone I have sinned. Ps. 51. And Luther added the word alone to faith, and said it should stand in spite of all that opposed it. But what are these changes to [Page 122]the making whole bookes Apocryphal because prejudicial to their errours. The Machabees thrust out vpon account of Purgatory, Ecclesiasticus of liberty, Toby of the assistance of Angels. For, as to their having bin questioned, it is a vaine excuse, seing the Apocalypse, no lesse questioned, is held for good because it serves the Ministers to foole the people with the hornes of the beast planted on the Popes head which would become their own much better. But it is ridiculous to see these petty Grammarians so Critical in the Etymological sense that Baptisme must be washing, Priest, Elder, Beelzebub, Lord of afly, Catholique Vniversal, and yet Paradosis must not be traditions 2. Thess. 2. v. 15. but instructions Bible 1628. or ordinances, preachings, institutions, or any thing, but what it should be; yet where mention is made of reprehensible traditions, you shall be sure to have this word to English the same Paradosis as Matt. 15, v. 2. & 3. of the same Bible. Nay you shall have Traditions where the Greeke word is neyther Paradosis, nor any thing like: for; Col. 2. v 20. by (Tidogmatizesthe) any one that knowes the Greeke language, is rather put in mind of Decrees, Doctrines; or opinions, then Traditions; but to make them odious they are left where any thing is spoken to their commendation, although the original Greeke deliver them in their proper word, and here they are thrust in by head and shoulders, where the Greeke hath a word very different, [Page 123]and this not onely in the old Bible 1579. are you led with traditions? but in a later 1628. are you burdened with Traditions? The Greeke having no word proper to Traditions, much lesse to burdening. I wonder the translater of this late Bible was not ashamed here as in another place for 2. Cor. 6. v. 16. he puts, as he ought, what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols, not daring to be so impudent, as to follow the Bible 1567. How agreeth the Temple of God with images, being a thing known that, ever the Iews Temples wanted not images. Much more of this kind, and even more shamefull profanation you may see M. Bramhall in Gregory Martin, whose authority, though you slight, yet you ought not to slight the manifold, and manifest examples he brings. Perhaps the authority of your Brethren the Puritans, whom you now, and then find occasion to flatter in your bookes, vvill be of more weight with you, or at least with others. In a petition directed to her most excellent Majesty, &c. pag they speake in these termes. Our translation of the Psalmes comprised in the booke of common prayer doth in addition, subtraction, and alteration differ from the truth of the Hebrew in two thous and places at least. And M. Carliele a Protestant, in his booke that Christ descended into Hell, sayth of the English translaters, that they have depraved the sense, obscured the truth, deceaved the ignorant.
Now Sir I hope you vvill be pleased, or forced to take notice of the argument which before [Page 124]you passed by vvinking, as if it were vnworthy to be regarded. Ministers falsify Scriptures, no wonder if they forge records. They are so deprived of conscience, and shame, that they conspire to maintaine their religion with John Foxes most false, and foolish stories, with most impudent falsifications of Scripture, of ancient, and moderne Authors, which any man that will take the least paines may evidently see to be wilfull, vnconscionable, vnexcusable; therefore no marvel if they give false attestations of a matter not extant in writing, and which may after so long a time have bin forgot by some, and remembred by others, who are not pressed to testify their remembrāce as being a thing needles to the cause, and dangerous to their persons. You thought that as one mans yawning makes others yavvne, so your winking at this argument, would make others winke, and not marke the force of it. You hoped to persuade the Reader that you might as lawfully reject my Authors, as I yours. As if there were no difference bewixt men of true, and false dealing. Let any man judge that is acquainted with Stapleton, Belarmine, Parsons, Peron, shew in any of them such fowle, and wilfull cheating, as manifestly appeares in Jewel, Morton, Andrews Barlow, and generally in the rest of the prime Protestant Ministers, or if he be not acquainted with our writers, let him but pervse the aforesaid Walsinghams search into Religion, or the Quiet, and sober reckoning with M. Thomas [Page 125]Morton, where he shall find Protestants never more false, then in their imputation of falsood to our Authors. In whom I could never discover any wilfull corruption in defense of our Religion against heretiques, and the Author of the Treatise tending to Mitigation, a man well versed in the writings, of both sides, hath c. 12. pag. 489. long since challenged Morton to bring forth any Catholicke Authors whatsoever that wrote against Protestants since these heresies began, that hath bin taken in this impiety, I meane that hath set downe in print any such falsity, as can not be excused eyther by iguorance, oversight, negligence, error of print, translation, diversity of editions, or the like; but that it must needs be presumed that he knew the vntruth, and yet would set it forth: of this kind, I say, let him shew but one example among all Catholicke writers of our time, and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust, and discredit the Author, whether it be another or my selfe. But if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kind I shall never be able to beleeve him more. Thus he. Certainely, if we were given to this practise, it vvould have bin discovered in the innumerable citations of Bellarmine, or of the Author of the Protestants Apology vvho hath collected the sayings, of all Protestant vvriters, he could possibly find. We have vsed faire dealing in the edition of Scripture, we follow, as having bin in vse many ages in the Church before these Controversies, and therefore not fraudalently chosen, much lesse falsely changed to favour our [Page 126]doctrine, which D Covel Protestant in his answer to M. John Burges pag 94. confesseth to have bin vsed in the Church a thous and three hundred yeares agoe; where he prefers it before others, and pag. 91. prefers amongst English translations, that vvhich comes neerest it. Which is highly commended by Beza in his Annot. in c. 2 Luc. v. 1. and by Molinaeus the famous french Calvinist, is more esteemed then the translation of Erasmus, Bucer, Bullinger, Tigurines, and of Calvin himselfe, and all others.
To conclude, what Protestant so ever will not take the paines to confer the doctrines, and Doctors of both parties, but vvill take M. Bramhals empty words for found arguments, his pretermissions for solutions, his prevarication, or presumption for a serious, and solid defension, his Rhetorical Tropes for rational ansvvers, his negative attestations about a smal accessory, for a positive Vindication of the principal charge made against his Clergy, scraps of History, for Christian Theology, a deceitfull appearance of long coates, and surplesses, for a sufficient evidence of Priestly character, to such a one, I say, that he neyther deserves a more faithfull champion to rescue him in his dangers, nor a more skilfull Devine to resolve him in his doubts, nor a more lawfull Priest to absolve him from his sins.