The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile. — Works. 1698

The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile. — Works. 1698

Table of contents

Title page

§

A CHARACTER OF C. Cornelius Tacitus AND HIS WRITINGS.

AN ACCOUNT OF C. Cornelius Tacitus, FROM F. de la Mothe de le-Vayer, IN HIS Iudgment of the HISTORIANS, Both Ancient and Modern.

A Chronological TABLE OF THE Annals and History OF Cornelius Tacitus.

The First Book of the Annals contains the History of almost two Years,

The Second Book contains the History of four Years.

The Third Book contains the Actions of three Years.

The Fourth Book contains the Actions of near six Years.

The Fifth Book contains the Actions of three Years, most of which are lost.

The Sixth Book contains the History of about six Years.

The Eleventh Book contains the Occurrences of two Years.

The Twelfth Book contains the History of six Years.

The Thirteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years.

The Fourteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years.

The Fifteenth Book contains the History of somewhat more than three Years.

The Sixteenth Book contains the Actions of one Year.

The First Book of the History contains the Actions of a few Months.

The Second Book. The Occurrences are of the same Year, but new Consuls.

The Third Book contains the History of the same Year.

The Fourth Book. Part of the Occurrences are of the same Year; part in the Consulship of

The Fifth Book contains the History of that same Year.

BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by MATTHEW GILLYFLOWER, at the Spread-Eagle, in Westminster-hall.

FOLIO'S.

OCTAVO'S.

THE TRANSLATORS.

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus.

Book I.

Vol. I.

The Reign of TIBERIUS: Beginning in the Year of Rome, 767.

The Year of Rome 768.

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus, From the Death of AUGUSTUS.

Book II.

Vol. I.

770 Years after the Building of Rome.

The Year 772. after the Building of the City.

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus, From the Death of AUGUSTUS.

Book III.

Vol. I.

The Year of the City 773.

The Year of the City, 774.

The Year of Rome 775.

THE Life of AGRICOLA.

§

A DISCOURSE OF THE Situation, Customs and People OF GERMANY.

A TABLE OF THE Annals of the First Tome.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

THE ANNALS and HISTORY OF Cornelius Tacitus: His Account of the ANTIENT GERMANS' AND THE LIFE of AGRICOLA.

Made English by several Hands.

WITH THE POLITICAL REFLECTIONS AND HISTORICAL NOTES OF Monsieur AMELOT De La Houssay, and the Learned Sir HENRY SAVILE.

In Three Volumes.

VOL. I.

LONDON: Printed for Matthew Gillyflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall, MDCXCVIII.

[Page]

The WORKS of C. CORNELIVS TACITVS

[Page]

§

[Page]

[Page]

To the Right Honourable WILLIAM Lord DIGBY, Baron of GEASHIL In the Kingdom of Ireland: This Volume of CORNELIUS TACITUS, is most humbly Dedicated, by,

MY LORD,

Your Lordship's Most Devoted Servant, M. GILLYFLOWER.

A CHARACTER OF C. Cornelius Tacitus AND HIS WRITINGS.

[Page]

[Page]

By Iustus Lipsius.

CAIUS CORNELIUS TACITUS, whom we commonly find mentioned with the Praenomen of Publius, descended not from that Noble Cornelian Family, so Celebrated in the Roman Senate and Story, but from another House of the same Name, though of less Note and Quality. The time of his [Page] Birth, so far as I am able to Iudge, must have been about the latter end of Ti. Claudius his Reign. Whether his Father and Grandfather bore publick Offices, or raised themselves to any of the Honourable Posts in the Roman State, is a Matter too dark and distant for me to be positive in; but, if I may be allowed to interpose my private Opinion, it seems to me more probably, that hea was the first Man of Quality in his Family. His first Rise was under Vespasian, who (as Pliny acquaints us) advanced him to the Procuratorship of Gallia Belgica, and made him Superintendant of that Province. Upon his return to Rome, he had the Office of Quaestor conferred upon him, (if I mistake not) by Titus: Thus much at least is out of Dispute, that he, in his own Books of History, acknowledges the Dignity to which Vespasian had first [Page] promoted him, to have received such Accessions from Titus: And what Advancement this could be except the Office of Quaestor, or that of Aedile, is not easie to determine, since we are well assured, he did not attain to the other of Praetor till the Fourteenth Consulate of Domitian, which (by the way) shews us the mistake of a certain Learned Person, who will needs make Tacitus to have been Praetor in the Ninth Consulate of Domitian, and the Second of Verginius Rufus. For Tacitus himself is express in the Eleventh of his Annals, that he, as one of the Quindecimviri, (whose Business it was to see the the Rites and Religious Ceremonies duly observed, and at the same time Praetor too, was particularly carefull in ordering the A Solemnity regularly repeated but once in a hundred years, instituted by Valer. Publicola, celebrated by Augustus after long intermission, then by Claudius out of time, and now by Domitian, computing from those of Augustus, and the seventh from their first Institution. See Alex. ab Alexand. Lib. 5. C. 24. & Lib. 6. C. 19. Ludi Saeculares, exhibited by Domitian. Now these were celebrated in the Eight Hundred and Forty First year after the Founding of Rome; which Computation falls Five years later than Vertrunius hath placed them. But of this Account Antiquity hath left us Evident Proof, there being still extant several Coins with this Inscription: IMP. CAES. FLAV. DOMITIANUS. AUG. GERM. PONT. MAX. TR. POTEST. VIII. COS. XIV. LUD. SAEC. FECIT.

After this it was a great while before his Promotion to the Consulship, which happened under [Page] Nerva, in the year of Rome Eight Hundred and Fifty, he being chosen into the place of F. Verginius Rufus deceased; The same Person, who with such an inflexible firmness of Mind disdained the Offers of the Empire made him by the German Legions, and whose Funeral Oration was spoken by Tacitus himself. Some have pretended, that he was Banished under Domitian; but this surmise I am apt chiefly to charge upon the Temper of the common People, which being extremely given to amuse the World with some very remarkable Events attending the Lives of Great Men, thought Tacitus too considerable to pass without something of this kind. For good Authority to countenance this Opinion I meet with none. The utmost my Reading furnishes me with, is only an Account of his being absent from Rome for some years▪ and this was at the very time of his Father-in-Law Iulius Agricola's Death, when Pompeius Conlega and Cor. Priscus were Consuls: But that absence seems to have been the effect not of Necessity but Choice; no Exile imposed, but a Retirement of a Person sick of Trouble and Business, and desirous to be quiet, and yet rid of a bad World. And as for that other Fancy of the same Authors, That Domitian was at last prevailed upon to recall him from a Ten years Exile, it is Fiction all over: Nor can I think how this particular term of Ten years came to be fixed upon, except their Heads were full of the Trojan War, and so applied the continuance of that to the matter then before them: For every Man awake and in his Senses, must know, [Page] that after those Ludi Saeculares, (at which time Tacitus was undoubtedly Praetor and actually in Rome) Domitian lived but Seven years, for in the Eighth he was Murdered by the Conspirators. And this is the Account of Tacitus with regard to his Publick Character.

As for his private Capacity; we find, that in the Year of Rome Eight Hundred and Thirty, he Married the Daughter of Agricola, then Consul with Vespasian, with whom he lived many years in great Affection and constant good Agreement. There is little doubt to be made of his leaving Issues, for from him I am very apt to believe, M. Claudius Tacitus sprung, who many Descents after was called Emperor; (for so the Coins name him, and not P. Annius Tacitus, as we commonly find him called.) And this Person, Flavius Vopiscus says, used to speak of our Tacitus as his Ancestor.

The former part of his Life was employed in publick Pleadings and the Practice of the Law, but when he grew into (b) years he betook himself to Writing his History. From some Passages in Pliny's Epistles we may plainly perceive, that Tacitus was esteemed one of the best Orators of those times, and that several Orations of his were published. He was Contemporary with Quintilian, both the Pliny's, Iulius Florus, Secundus, Maternus, M. Aper, Eprius Marcellus, and Vipsanius Messalla. The first Compositions of this kind were certainly his Books of History, beginning at Nero's Death, and continued down to the Reign of Nerva. After these, he wrote his Annals, reaching from the Death of Augustus to the end of Nero, of both [Page] which Undertakings, how much and what Parts are lost, I shall have occasion to observe hereafter. Fulgentius mentions some Books of Ingenious Sayings attributed to him, of which he produces this small Fragment, Caesi itaque morum eclogio in filiis relicto. The exact time of his Death I pretend not to determine, though I think I am not mistaken in that of his Birth, for the computing of which, Pliny the younger hath given one hint sufficient in the Seventh Book of his Epistles,Epist. 20. where he says, That he was near upon the matter as old as Tacitus; and he declares, that he was in* his Eighteenth year when that Eruption of Vesuvius happened, in which his Uncle was lost. Now that Burning of the Mountain happened in the Second year of Titus, and therefore Pliny, according to this reckoning, was certainly born in the Year of Rome Eight Hundred and Sixteen; Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus then Consuls. But now Pliny hath told us in the same Epistle, that Tacitus was somewhat the Elder of the two, so that he must needs have been Born about the latter end of Claudius, or more probably the beginning of Nero, and he lived, as I conceive, till the time of Adrian. It is observable that he began not to compose his History till Nerva was dead: This is abundantly manifest from the Title he gives him in the beginning of the First Book. For Divus Nerva, Nerva of Blessed Memory, is an Appellation of Honour never applied to any Prince in his own Life time.

Notes

a

Monsieur Bayle hath truly observed, that in this, Lipsius contradicts himself; for in his Note on those Words, Dignitatem a Vespasiano, &c. Hist. Lib. 1. he makes the Procuratorship of Gallia Belg [...]ca mentioned here shortly after to have been conferred by Vespasian, not upon Tacitus himself, but upon his Father. To which I add, That the Circumstance of his being near Pliny's Age makes it highly improbable, that Vespasian should employ him in such a Trust. For if Pliny were but 18 when his Uncle died, that is, in the 2d of Titus; and if Tacitus were no great matter [...]lder than he, at what Age must we suppose him made by Vespasian Procurator of Gallia Belgica. Now, if his Father had this Post, then it is plain, that Tacitus was not the first Man of Quality in his Family, that Office being, as himself styles it in the Life of Agricola, Equestris Nobilitas: But whatever Lipsius hath taken away from Tacitus his Birth, Morcry hath made up, who by a mistake in the other extreme, represents him as a Branch of the Noble Cornelian F [...]mily.

↵

*

See Pliny's Epist. XVI. and XX. Lib. VI.

↵

AN ACCOUNT OF C. Cornelius Tacitus, FROM F. de la Mothe de le-Vayer, IN HIS Iudgment of the HISTORIANS, Both Ancient and Modern.

[Page]

THE Reason why all the Impressions of Tacitus now extant place his Annals before his History, is, I presume, because they begin higher, and are drawn down from the latter end of Augustus, to that [Page] of Nero, (though even of his Reign the two So it should be deux not ouze. last years are wanting) whereas the History sets out from the Death of that Monster of a Prince, and was continued to the Auspicious Government of Nerva and Trajan. But notwithstanding this Order in the Book it self, there is no doubt, but in Time, the History had Precedence. This, as nearest to his own Knowledge, was his first Composition, and accordingly in the Eleventh of his Annals we find it quoted by himself, and the Reader referred to what he had formerly Written concerning Domitian, whose Actions he no where concerns himself to give any account of that we know, except in that part of his Writings only, which are published under the Title of his Histories. Of these we have now but Five Books remaining, though I believe Lipsius does not guess much amissc, when he thinks that Ten at least have been lost. And indeed, any Man who considers, that from Galba to Nerva andd Trajan contains the space of One and Twenty years at least, will find little difficulty to persuade himself, that by [Page] much the greater part of this Work is wanting, when he reflects, that the Matters contained in the Five Books we now have were most, if not all, transacted within the compass of one single year. The Style of this Part is something more Copious and Florid than that of his Annals, which are written in a close dry way, as the Subject indeed required. Though the Truth is, the particular Talent of Tacitus throughout, is a Grave Majestick manner of Writing, a sort of Eloquence not very different from that strength and sublimity of Expression, which the Masters of Rhetorick have observed, as the constant Character of Demosthenes, and that wherein his Excellency consisted.

Among the many Criticks, who take upon them to find fault with Tacitus, those are without question most to be excused, who complain of his being dark and difficult to be understood. This proceeds very frequently from a way he hath of giving short Hints, and leaving his Narrations abrupt and imperfect. But some part no doubt of this Fault belongs not so properly to the Author as to the Errours of th [...] Copies, and Corruptions of his Original Text, which make him much more intricate. This Reflection was in Iustice but his due, since in other Passages which have escaped those Depravations, we can easily give our selves a tolerable Account of his Meaning. But however, considering that Tacitus, proposed to himself Thucy [...]des for his Pattern, and that [Page] bothe of them made it their Business to tread in the Steps of Demosthenes, we are not to wonder if this Historian retain somewhat of that harshness and severe manner so remarkable in those two Eminent Greek Writers. And what Antiquity applauded as an Excellence in Them, it would be hard measure to charge as a Fault upon One, who seems to have made it his great aim [...]o Write after Them. And in Truth, as [...] Wines are chiefly recommended by a gratef [...] roughness upon the Palate, and the darkn [...]s of Temples adds to the Reverence of the P [...]e, and heightens the Devotion of some who come to Worship there; so there are a sort of Readers, who think a rough dark Style an Advantage, because this awakens the Attention more powerfully, raises the Mind, and keeps it fixed, thus giving occasion for many Observations, which a Man would never take the time or pains to make upon an Author, whose Sense is easie and obvious.

As for those who have the Confidence to Blame Tacitus for not Writing good Latin, I look upon them as Men not well in their Senses, and therefore rather in a Condition for Pity, than a Serious Answer. And yet two [Page] great Lawyers, it must be confess'd, have been of this Opinion. Alciat, who pretends that the Expression of Paulus Iovius was much to be preferr'd before the Thorny Phrase (so he terms it) of this ancient Historian; and Ferretus, who condemns Tacitus likewise for a Diction, which he can by no means think good Roman. Than which Objection, nothing was ever more ridiculous; and the just Indignation raised by so unreasonable a Censure, provokes me to say, That in all appearance, the very meanest Cook or Groom belonging to Tacitus, spoke better Latin than either Alciat or F [...]rretus; who, allowing them the Commendations due to their great Skill in the Law, were yet by no means competent Iudges of the Matter now before us. For Tacitus is not presently to be run down for an ill Writer, because he hath not all the Beauties of Caesar, or Cicero. Eloquence is not confin'd to one particular manner; several sorts of it are commendable in their respective Ways; and the Latin Tongue, we know, flourish'd in all, though not in all equally, down to the Time of Adrian, which is since Tacitus: And he in his own Time had acquir'd such Reputation, that the Principal Orators contemporary with him, made no difficutly to give him Precedence in their own Art. Of these I reckon Pliny the Younger one of the most considerable; and he in several of his Epistles declares, that he bore a great Regard [...]o Tacitus, as one of the most Eloquent Persons [Page] in that Age. In the Twentieth of the First Book, he refers himself to his Iudgment, for determining a Dispute depending between him and an Eminent Lawyer, whether copious and long Orations, or short and concise ones, were more proper for Pleadings at the Bar. In another place, describing the whole Solemnity of Verginius Rusus his Funeral, he observes, as the last and chief Instance of the Good Fortune which befell him,L. 2. Ep. 1. that the making his Funeral Oration, fell into so Masterly a Hand as Tacitus's. In the account given his Friend Arrian, how the great Action entred against a Proconsul of Africk for cheating the Publick had succeeded, he observes,L. 2. Ep. 10. that Cornelius Tacitus replied upon the Defendant's Counsel with wondrous Eloquence and Skill, and particularly with that Gravity and Weight so remarkable in all his Way of expressi [...]g himself. When Pliny was desirous to provide a Publick Master for Instructing the Youth of his own Country at Como, L. 4. Ep. 13. Tacitus was the Person thought fittest to be applied to, as One whom all the Wits of the Age affected to be known to, and most capable of chusing an Undertaker of so considerable a Charge. I forbear the particular Descriptions he gives him in two several Letters of the Death of his Uncle, and the Eruption of Vesuvius, L. 6. Ep. 16. & 20. in the manner related by Tacitus in his History; the earnest Request [Page] of having his Name mention'd there, which passionate Address I think my self oblig'd to insert in his own Terms, (L. 7. Ep. 33.)Auguror, nec me fallit Augurium, Historias [...]uas immortales futuras, quo magis illis, ing [...]nuè fatebor, inseri cupio. Na [...] si esse nobis curae solet, ut facies nostra ab optimo quoque Artific [...] exprimatur, nonne debemus optare, ut operibus nostris similis tui Scriptor Praedicator (que) contingat? I e [...]sily foresee, and dare depend upon the Truth of my Prediction, That your Histories will last for ever: And this Presumption, I must freely own, makes me very ambitious of having my Name read there: For if we are commonly very nice what Hand our Pictures are done by, sure it is much more reasonable, when not the Lineaments of our Faces, but the Account of our Actions must recommend us to Posterity, that a truly-good Artist should form the Piece: In a word, that it should be one, who writes and relates Things just as You do. But the Passage which most fully expresses both his own and the general Esteem all Italy had for Tacitus, is that wherein he declares him to have been the Pattern of Eloquence▪ L. 7. Ep. 20. which from his Youth he set himself to Copy after. And that in the abundance of Eminent Orators then flourishing about Rome, not any one seem'd either so capable, or so worthy of being imitated as He. Equidem adolescentulus cum Tu jam formâ gloriâ (que) floreres, te sequi tibi longo, sed proximus intervallo, & esse & haberi concupiscebam. Et erant mul [...]a clarissima ingenia, sed Tu mihi, (ita similitudo naturae ferebat) maximè imitabilis, maximè imitandu [...] videbaris. This the Reader will find in the Terms of Pliny himself in the Margin; and [Page] there I have the rather inserted it, because it may be of some use to inform us more exactly concerning the Age of these two Learned Men.

It is needless to alledge more Proofs of the mighty Reputation Tacitus was in, even in his own Time, and amidst so many Great and Celebrated Contemporaries: And for the following Ages, every body knows what Honour and Deference have been all along paid to his Labours; some Testimonies whereof I shall alledge, before I shall dismiss this Subject. In the mean while, is it not a prodigious thing, that he should at this time of day meet with such contumelious Treatment from Barbarians? (For Alciat and Ferret are no better, when compar'd with the Old Romans.) Men who have the Hardiness rashly to pronounce, that an Author of this Character was not a competent Master so much as of his own Mother-Tongue? In good Truth, such Assertions as these, require a Brow of Brass, and a heated Brain to advance them. For my own part, though I should observe a thousand things in Tacitus, which I could not tell how to approve; yet I would suspect the Weakness of my own Iudgment, the Corruption of the Copy, or any other Defect, which might be no Imputation upon the Author himself, rather than venture to give all Antiquity the Lye, by cherishing any Imagination so singular and unworthy, as this I have now been con [...]uting.

[Page]Another Fault laid to Tacitus's Charge, is Want of Truth; and one of the Principal who prefer this Accusation against him is Vopiscus. But I beg it may be observ'd upon what occasion this Allegation is brought: 'Tis only to excuse in this general Assertion, That the mixture of some Falshood with Truth, is what the best Historians that ever wrote have never been able to avoid. And now methinks Tacitus his Reputation is not very much concern'd; nor need he apprehend any mighty Danger from such a Complainant; especially since I have elsewhere shew'd, that several other Persons have pleas'd themselves with maintaining the same Proposition. And Dion Chrysostomus (I well remember) pretending in one of his Orations to prove, That we know nothing as it really is, does not only averr, that the taking of Troy by the Graecians is a mere Fable, and that the Persians gave a Relation of Xerxes's and Darius's Expeditions against Greece, very different from what the Greeks themselves do; but he carries his Point farther; and, as an Instance how little any History can be depended upon, he tells you, That of the most Eminent Greek Writers, some make the Sea-Fight of Salamis to have been before that of Platea, and others place it after.

Now it were, I think, a sufficient reply to all this Objection, if a Man should urge, That some Falshoods there, are very reconcileable with Human Infirmity; and such as (according to the [Page] Distinction of the Schools) though not true, are yet no Lyes, because they are utter'd in the Integrity of the Man's Heart. But then, as for the Impostures charged upon Tacitus by Tertullian, and the Reproach of one of the most Scandalous and Profligate Authors extant, cast upon him by Bud [...]us; their true Meaning is, not to load him with such Accusations of Falshood, as simple Ignorance, or Inadvertency, might acquit or excuse him in, or the too easie Credit given to Mistakes generally receiv'd might be alledg'd in mitigation of: But their Intention was to expose his impious Misrepresentations of the Christians, the Scoffs and insolent Railleries against our Holy Religion; attack'd by him in its very Foundations laid in the Old Testament; his ridiculing the Miracles of Moses, and reviling the Iews with Worshipping the Image of a Wild Ass. And these, I acknowledge, are Calumnies full of true Pagan Venom, and such as no Man can be too severe in condemning. But then I must take leave to urge withal, that if this Author must be thrown aside in resentment for what he hath said to traduce the True GOD and the Christian Worship, he must be banish'd in a great deal of Good Company: For the same Rule will oblige us to burn almost all the Heathen Authors, very few of whom are clear of endeavouring to blacken us by such kind of vile Aspersions.

The same Reply may serve to take off that S [...]n [...]nce pronounc'd against this Author by Casaubon; [Page] who in his Preface to Polybius, affirms the Reading of Tacitus to be the most dangerous Study that Princes can employ themselves in, by reason of the many ill Characters to be met with in his Works. There is indeed a very ill Custom to which Casaubon is too much addicted; That, I mean, of never bestowing a Man's Pains upon any Author, without lowering the Reputation of all besides, to gain more Credit and Authority to that One; and however he might think fit to treat Tacitus upon this occasion; we know that at other times he hath not been sparing in Commendations of him. 'Tis true, his History now extant relates the Actions of the Worst and Wickedest Princes that perhaps ever were; and it is our great Misfortune, that those other Books of it, which contain'd the Reigns of Emperours as eminently Good, such as Vespasian, Titus, Nerva, and Trajan are lost. But at this rate, no History in the World, no not even that of the Bible it self, can escape Censure, if the exposing Ill Examples to publick View must be thought to deserve it: For all treat of Bad as well as Good Men, and require a Reader's Iudgment and Care to distinguish between that part of the Account which ought to be imitated, and that which ought to be avoided. I cannot absolutely deny, but in the Times of Tertullian, there might be reason to apprehend some Danger from the bitter Invectives of Pagan Writers, because the World was not then cleansed from Errours, as now (blessed be God) by his Grace it is. But [Page] I can by no means be brought to think, that any Mischief is capable of being done by them now; when every body sure is proof against such Calumnies, and not in a condition to receive ill Impressions from any thing, which the Infidelity they liv [...]d in then might put them upon writing against the Gospel and its Doctrines.

Indeed, without taking all this Pains, Tacitus might have been left to stand upon his own Legs▪ the general Esteem of his Works being more than enough to bear down all the Authorities we have been considering, though no Arguments from the Reason of the thing had been brought to confute them. But if it were necessary to balance one Authority against another, besides the universal Consent and Approbation of Learned Men, I am able to produce Two, of weight sufficient to cast the Scale clearly on the other side: The first is that of Tacitus the Emperour, who, in that highest Elevation this World is capable of, did, at Two hundred Years distance after this Historian's Death, glory in the same Name, and valued himself upon his Descent from so Great and Worthy an Ancestor. As Marks of the Honour he bore to his Memory, Statues of him were by his Order set up in the Libraries, and Ten Transcripts of his Books made constantlyf every Year, that so they might be preserv'd, and [Page] handed down from one Age to another, as we find they are now to ours. The second is, the Great Duke Cosmo de Medicis, whose Memory will always live in Honour, as long as Politics and Good Government (to speak in the Language of his own Country) continue to be cultivated and respected. This Prince singled Tacitus out from the rest of the Historians, as the Person most capable at once of forming his Iudgment, and giving his Curiosity the most solid Satisfaction. But to the Suffrage of Princes and Emperours, we may indeed add the general Voice of Mankind; For what can be a greater Testimony in his Honour, than the Pains all Nations have taken to translate Tacitus into their own Language?

Besides his Annals and History, he hath left us a Treatise concerning the different Sorts of People who inhabited Germany in his Time, and their respective Manners and Customs; as also the Life of his Father-in-Law Agricola. Som [...] there are who father upon him the little Tract concerning the Causes of the Corruption and Decay of Latin Eloquence; which others rather think to be Quintilian's: But Lipsius seems to go upon better grounds, when he thinks it cannot belong to either of them. As for the little Collection of Facetiae, which Fulgentius Planciades quotes under Tacitus his Name, they are so manifestly supposititious, that scarce any body but that wretched Grammarian was ever impos'd upon by them. The genuine Compositions of Tacitus, [Page] do very easily distinguish themselves both by their Matter and their Form: By the former of which, in agreement with Scaliger, I am to understand the Diction, or Manner of the Author; and by the latter, the Substance of Things treated of. He is particularly remarkable for inserting Speeches upon all occasions; sometimes only obliquely, and hinting the principal Arguments; sometimes directly, and in form? but always aptly and judiciously, suitable to the Occasion, the Place, and the Party concern'd. Though his Stile be extreamly concise, and Brevity the thing he seems chiefly to affect, yet does he frequently interweave with his main Business many entertaining Digressions, such as that concerning the God Serapis in the Fourth Book of his History, and that other strange one concerning the Iewish Religion, and their Lawgiver Moses, which we had occasion to pass our Censure on before. He thought, it seems, very truly, that as no Traveller would grudge sometimes to go a little out of his Way, for the sight of a Place extreamly well worth his Pains, or somewhat peculiar to the Country he is passing through; so these little Excursions, which please and refresh the Reader, are no Transgressions of the Laws of History, when seasonably indulged.

Even Thucydides and Salust are not more Sententious than he; which yet is so artfully manag'd, that there is no appearance of Ostentation; but every Maxim he lays down, [...]lows naturally [Page] from the Subject he is treating of; and resembles that Lustre and Beauty of the Stars, which are said to be made out of the very Substance of that Firmament they adorn. Here you see nothing foreign, nothing affected, nothing forc'd or far-fetch'd, nothing superfluous; but every Thought so pertinent, so well fitted, that no Man can dispute the Right it hath to that Place, or think any other would better become it. And which is still more, here you do not learn barely the Events of Things, but the very Reasons and Progress of those Events; the secret Springs of each Action, and all the Motives and Contrivances by which it was carry'd on. And here a Man may say with great Reason, with regard to History, what the Poet does in the case of Husbandry:

Faelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.

Virg. Georg. L. 2.

Happy the Man, who studying Nature's Laws,

Through known Effects, can trace the secret Cause.

Mr. Dryden.

And if the Notion some Philosophers have advanc'd concerning the Sea be true, That its Waters nearer the bottom are much fresher than those about the top; it is undoubtedly a Truth of much greater evidence, that a History which contents it self with an Account of Matter of Fact only, and presents only with the Out [...]side and [Page] S [...]face, as [...] were, of Things, cannot pretend to either the Pleasure or the Profit, which arises from a Discovery of the mysterious Causes, and the several Counsels and Debates upon which each Action mov'd. This reaches the very bottom of the Matter; and every Man can justifie the vulgar Proverb here, That the deeper you go, the sweeter and more delicious you find the Entertainment.

But one particular Character there is, which raises the Merit and Reputation of Tacitus above other Writers; that I mean of ordering Matters so, that a Man may oftentimes receive as much Information from what he does not say, as from what he does. This instructive Silence is an Excellence which others have observ'd before me: And a very peculiar one it is, when (to speak in Terms of Arithmetick) his very Blanks are as considerable as his greatest Summs. So that here you are directed to form a Notion of Men every way; because whether he give Characters, or whether he give none, all is done with mature Consideration, exact Iustice, and accurate Iudgment. 'Tis thus that the Ancients ex [...]ol the Skill of that Eminent Painter [...]imanthes, in whose Pieces there was a great deal more for the Thought to work upon, than lay open to the Eye of the Beholder. And this great Wisdom and Depth, is indeed very agreeable to that ripeness of Age and Iudgment, in which he apply'd himself to Writing: For we ar [...] assur'd from himself, [Page] that this Work was begun after Nerva's, and in Trajan's Reign, at which time he must have been pretty farg advanc'd in Years.

The Reader who is desirous of a more particular Character of Tacitus his Writings, may find it to good Advantage in the Second Volume of Muretus his XIII. XIV. and XV. Orations. The Passages were thought too large to be inserted here.

Notes

c

In all probability there must have been many more; for the Times treated of in the Parts that are lost seem equally fruitful of matter, and indeed the term is much longer than what we find here mentioned: From the Death of Nero to that of Domitian being 28 years and 3 months. Nero died the 10th of Iune, An. V. C. 819. and Domitian was killed in Septemb. 847.

↵

d

His Design in this Piece was laid no farther than Domitian's Death, Nerva and Trajan being set aside as an Argument for a fresh Undertaking. See Note (b).

↵

e

Thucydides flourished some 60 or 70 years before Demos [...]henes, th [...] one about the 87th, the other about the 105th Olympiad. This th [...]efore of D [...]mosthenes being the common pattern to both these Hist [...]ians, is a mistake.

↵

f

How little [...]ff [...]ct this Order had, is plain from the great part of Tacitus his Wo [...]ks now lost: Nor indeed was there time for any great good to come of his intended Respects, for Tacitus [...] [...]eign'd but Six Months.

↵

g

See Note (b).

↵

A Chronological TABLE OF THE Annals and History OF Cornelius Tacitus.

[Page]

[Page]

The First Book of the Annals contains the History of almost two Years,

Consuls.

Sextus Pompeius and

Sextus Apuleius,

C. Iulius Drusus Caesar and

C. Norbanus,

THE Emperor, Augustus, died at Nola, in The Years from the Incarnation of our Lord. 16 The Years from the Building of Rome. 767 Campania, the Nineteenth Day of August.

Claudius Tiberius Nero, the Son-in-law of Augustus, succeeded him, who began his Reign with the Murder of Agrippa Posthumus.

The Consuls Sex. Pompeius, and Sex. Apuleius are the first that took the Oaths of Fidelity to Tiberius.

Germanicus appeases a Sedition in the Army, by pretending to send away his Wife Agrippina, and his Son Caligula.

Iulia, the Daughter of Augustus, formerly banished [Page] by her Father for her Lewdness, died through want of the Necessaries of Life.

Anno Ch. 17 An.U.C. 768 Germanicus defeated Arminius, or Harman, the General of the Cherusci▪ and took his Wife Prisoner, the sixth Year after the Defeat of Quintilius Varus.

A Temple built to Augustus in Spain.

The Tax of the Hundredth Penny upon Commerce, imposed after the Civil Wars, is confirmed.

The Second Book contains the History of four Years.

Consuls.

Sisenna Statilius Taurus and

Lucius Scribonius Libo,

C. Coelius Rufus and

L. Pomponius Flaccus,

Tib. Iul. Caes. Aug. 3io, and

Germanicus Caesar,

M. Iunius Silanus and

C. Norbanus Flaccus,

Anno Ch. 18 An.U.C. 769 THe Beginning of the Parthian War.

Germanicus brings his Fleet into the River Amisia or Ems, and passing over the Weser, defeats Arminius and the Germans.

Germanicus's Army sailing through the Amisia into the Ocean, is shatter'd by a Storm, and the greatest part of it lost.

The Accusation and Death of Libo Drusus.

The Astrologers and Magicians are banished Italy.

A Defence of Luxury.

The Counterfeit Agrippa is taken.

Anno Ch. 19 An.U.C. 770 Germanicus Triumphs for his Victories over the Cherusci, Chatti and other Nations of Germany, betwixt the Rhine and the Elb.

The Tax of the Hundredth Penny is abated by Tiberius, and made the Two Hundredth.

[Page] Twelve Cities of Asia perished by an Earthquake.

Tacfarinas the Numidian, begins a War in Africk.

Germanicus goes into Asia. Anno Ch. 20 An.U.C. 771

Germanicus visits Egypt as far as Syene and Anno Ch. 21 An.U.C. 772 Elephantina.

Maroboduus the King of the Marcomanni, lives at Ravenna in Italy eighteen Years.

Germanicus is poysoned by Piso.

Livia, the Wife of Drusus, Tiberius's Son, and Sister of Germanicus, is delivered of Twins.

Arminius the General of the Cherusci, dies in the thirty seventh Year of his Age.

The Third Book contains the Actions of three Years.

Consuls.

M. Valerius Missala and

M. Aurelius Cotta,

Tiber. Iul. Caes. Augustus 4o, and

C. Iul. Drusus Caesar 2o,

C. Sulpicius Galba and

D. Haterius Agrippa,

THe Grief and Mourning for the Death of Anno Ch. 22 An.U.C. 773 Germanicus.

Nero, Germanicus's Son, is made High Priest, and Marries.

Iulia the Daughter of Drusus.

Salust the Nephew of Salust the Historian dies.

Tiberius retires into Campania.Anno Ch. 23 An.U.C. 774

It is debated whether the Governours should carry their Wives with them into the Provinces.

The Cities of Gaul labouring under the Burthen of excessive Debts rebelled, being headed by Sacrovirus and Florus.

A Debate arose about restraining Luxury.Anno Ch. 24 An.U.C. 775

Caius Silanus accused.

[Page] A Comparison betwixt Anteius Capito, and Labeo Antistius the Lawyer.

The Fourth Book contains the Actions of near six Years.

Consuls.

C. Asinius and

C. Antistius,

Cornelius Cethegus and

Visellius Varro,

Cossus Cornelius Lentulus and

M. Asinius Agrippa,

Cn. Lentulus Getulicus and

C. Calvisius,

M. Licinius Crassus and

L. Calpurnius Piso,

Ap. Iunius Silanus and

P. Silius Nerva,

Anno Ch. 25 An.U.C. 776 IUnia the Wife of C. Cassius, dies the sixty fourth Year after the Philippick War.

Aelius Sejanus, the Praefect of the Praetorian Bands, debauches Livia the Wife of Drusus, Tiberius's Son, and procures Drusus to be poisoned by his Physician Eudemus, which Wickedness was discovered eight Years after.

The Condition of the Roman State that Year is described.

A Temple built to Tiberius in Asia.

Anno Ch. 26 An.U.C. 777 C. Silius being oppressed with false Accusations, prevents his Sentence of Condemnation by a voluntary Death.

Cassius Severus after his Banishment, draws upon himself a severer Punishment.

Tacfarinas the Numidian is conquered.

Q. Vibius Serenus being accused of Treason by his own Son, is banished.

Anno Ch. 27 An.U.C. 778 Cremutius Cordus the Historian is accused for Praising Brutus and Cassius, and puts an end to his own Life.

[Page] Sejanus demands Livia in Marriage.

L. Domitius, Nero's Grandfather, dies.

L. Antonius dies.

Pontius Pilate is sent Governour into Iudaea. Anno Ch. 28 An.U.C. 779

The Triumph of Poppeius Sabinus for the Conquest of the Thracians.

Domitius Afer the Orator.

Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus offends Tiberius.

Tiberius leaves Rome, whence he was absent eleven Years to the Day of his Death.

Coceius Nerva the Lawyer, accompanies Tiberius. Anno Ch. 29 An.U.C. 780

The Amphitheatre at Fidenae fell, where fifty thousand Persons perished.

Tiberius hides himself in the Isle of Capreae. Anno Ch. 30 An.U.C. 781

Titius Sabinus, Germanicus's Friend, is villanously betray'd and put to Death.

Iulia the Grand-daughter of Augustus, dies in the Isle Trimerus, on the Coast of Apuleia, whither she had been banished twenty Years before for Adultery.

The Frisii defeat the Romans.

Agrippina, the Daughter of Germanicus, is married to Cn. Domitius, the Father of Nero.

The Fifth Book contains the Actions of three Years, most of which are lost.

Consuls.

C. Rubellius Geminus and

C. Rufius Geminus,

M. Vinucius Quartinus and

L. Cassius Longinus,

Tiber. Iul. Caes. Augustus 5o, and

L. Aelius Sejanus,

LIvia the Wife of Augustus, and Mother of Anno Ch. 31 An.U.C. 782 Tiberius, dies fifteen Years after the Death of Augustus: Her Grand-son Caligula praises her in a Funeral Oration.

[Page] Tiberius begins to exercise the greatest Cruelties towards the House of Germanicus.

In these two Years Agrippina, Germanicus's Wife, and her Son Nero, are banished to the Islands.

Drusus is kept a Prisoner in the most secret part of the Pallace.

*********** A great Chasm in the History, the Occurrences of almost three Years are wanting.

Sejanus falls, and his Children are punished.

The Counterfeit Drusus is taken.

The Sixth Book contains the History of about six Years.

Consuls.

Cn. Domitius and

M. Furius Camillus,

Ser. Sulpicius Galba and

L. Cornelius Sulla,

Paulus Fabius Persicus and

L. Vitellius,

C. Cestius Gallus and

M. Servilius Rufus,

Q. Plautius and

Sex. Papinius,

Cn. Acerronius and

C. Pontius,

TIberius's abominable Lusts.

Anno Ch. 34 An.U.C. 785 Many Noble Men, Friends of Sejanus, are put to Death.

M. Terentius justifies his Friendship with Sejanus.

L. Piso the High Priest, eighty Years old, dies peaceably.

Anno Ch. 35 An.U.C. 786 Drusilla, the Daughter of Germanicus, is married to L. Cassius, Iulia to M. Vinicius.

Vsuary is taken into Consideration, and Vsurers are prosecuted. Laws relating to Vsury.

[Page] C. Caligula marries Claudia the Daughter of M. Sillanius.

Tiberius's Presage of Ser. Galba.

His Tryal of the Astrologer Thrasyllus.

Drusus the Son of Germanicus, and Asinius Gallus are starved to death.

Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus, is starved to Death.

Cocceius Nerva ends his Life by a voluntary Death.

A Phoenix is seen.

The Poet Mamerius Scaurus is accused.36 An.U.C. 787

The Parthian Affairs.Anno Ch. 37 An.U.C. 788

Poppaeus Sabinus dies.

The Parthian Affairs.Anno Ch. 38 An.U.C. 789

The terrible Death of Agrippa.

The Death of Tiberius, in the 78th Year of Anno Ch. 39 An.U.C. 790 his Age, on the Calends of April.

C. Caligula succeeds him in the Empire.

*********** Here is a Chasm of ten Years, in which the History of the whole Reign of Caligula, and the first six Years of Claudius are lost.

The Eleventh Book contains the Occurrences of two Years.

Consuls.

Ti. Claudius 4o, and

L. Vitellius 3io,

A. Vitellius and

L. Vipstanus.

VAlerius Asiaticus is overborn with false Accusations.

Italus, the Nephew of Arminius, the Leader Anno Ch. 50 An.U.C. 801 of the Cherusci, by his Brother Flavius, is sent into Germany.

Messalina, Wife to the Emperor Claudius, is put to Death.

The Twelfth Book contains the History of six Years.

[Page]

Consuls.

C. Pompeius and

Q. Verranius,

C. Antistius and

M. Suilius Rufus,

Ti. Claudius 5o, and

Ser. Cornelius Orfitus,

P. Cornelius Sulla and

L. Salvius Otho,

D. Iunius Silanus and

Q. Haterius,

M. Asinius Marcellus and

M. Acilius Ariola,

Anno Ch. 51 An.U.C. 802 CLaudius Marries Agrippina, the Daughter of his Brother Germanicus, and Mother of Nero.

Seneca is recalled from Banishment, and made Praeceptor to Nero.

C. Cassius, the Lawyer, Governor of Syria.

Lollia Paulina Banished.

Anno Ch. 52 An.U.C. 803 Domitius Nero Adopted by Claudius.

Agrippina, to shew her Power to the ally'd Nations, procures some Veterans, and a Colony, to be sent to the City of the Ubii, where she was Born, which from her took the Name of Colonia Agrippina, now Cologne.

This was done 40 Years after the Defeat of Varus.

Charactacus, King of Britain, is taken by the Romans, under their General P. Oftorius, in the 9th Year of the British War.

Anno Ch. 53 An.U.C. 804 Agrippina was Daughter, and Sister, and Wife, and Mother to the Emperor.

Nero is admitted to be of Age.

A Famine began under Claudius, of which there is mention made in the Acts of the Apostles, Chap. xi.

[Page] Quadratus Governour of Syria.

The Astrologers Banished, and a Decree of the Senate against the [...]ewdness of Women.

Foelix, Governor of Iudea, (Brother of Pallas, a Freed-man,) who is mention'd in the xiv Chap. of the Acts of the Apostles.

Ventidius Cumanus Governor of Galilee.

Nero, at sixteen Years old, Marries Octavia, Anno Ch. 55 An.U.C. 806 the Daughter of Claudius, and makes an Oration in behalf of the Trojans, and the Inhabitants of Bolonia.

The Emperor Claudius is Poysoned by his Wife.Anno Ch. 56 An.U.C. 807

The Thirteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years.

Consuls.

Nero Claudius, and

L. Antistius Vetus,

Q. Volusius, and

P. Cornelius Scipio,

Nero Claudius Augustus 2o, and

L. Calpumius Piso,

Nero Claudius Augustus 3io, and

Valerius Messala,

NEro begins his Reign well.Anno Ch. 57 An.U.C. 808

He removes Pallas the Freed-man.

He procures his Brother, Britannicus, to be Poysoned.

Nero's Lewdness.Anno Ch. 58 An.U.C. 809

Pomponia Graecina accused of Christianity, or Anno Ch. 59 An.U.C. 810 of Iudaism.

Nero's Amphitheatre.

Provision is made for the Security of Masters against the Attempts of their Slaves.

Artaxata, the capital City of Armenia, is taken Anno Ch. 60 An.U.C. 811 by Domitius Corbulo.

The Cincian Law, against mercenary Pleading, or against those who plead Causes for Reward.

[Page] Sabina Poppaea, Nero's Wife, who had every thing but Vertue.

Nero hath Thoughts of remitting all Taxes.

A Design of joyning the Rivers Moselle and the Arar.

The Catti beaten by the Hermunduri.

The Fourteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years.

Consuls.

C. Vipsanius, and

L. Fonteius Capito,

Nero Cladius Augustus 4o, and

Cossus Corn. Lentulus,

C. Caesenius Paetus, and

C. Petronius Turpilianus,

P. Marius Celsus, and

L. Asinius Gallus,

Anno Ch. 61 An.U.C. 812 NEro's Incest with his Mother Agrippina.

Agrippina's Death.

Nero a Fidler and a Poet.

Domitius Afer, the Orator, dies.

Anno Ch. 62 An.U.C. 813 The Olympick Games instituted at Rome.

A Comet.

Domitius Corbulo, the Roman General, possesses himself of Armenia.

Laodicea, not far from Colossis, is ruined by an Earthquake.

Anno Ch. 63 An.U.C. 814 Seventy thousand Romans slain by the Britains.

London famous for its Merchants and Trade.

The Britains a while after are beaten by Suetonius Paulinus.

Anno Ch. 64 An.U.C. 815 Burrus, Captain of Nero's Pretorian Bands, and Seneca's great Friend, dies.

Seneca is aspersed with Calumnies.

Musonius the Philosopher.

Persius the Poet dies Novemb. 14th.

[Page] Nero puts away Octavia, and takes Poppaea again.

The Death of Pallas the Freed-man.

The Fifteenth Book contains the History of somewhat more than three Years.

Consuls.

C. Memmius Regulus, and

Verginius Rufus,

C. Lecanius Bassus, and

M. Licinius Crassus,

P. Silius Nerva, and

Atticus Vestinus,

A War with Vologeses, the King of the Parthians, Anno Ch. 65 An.U.C. 816 in which Domitius Corbulo is the Roman General.

Poppaea hath a Daughter.

Tiridates is constituted King of Armenia, being placed before Nero's Statue.

The Conflagration of Rome continues six Days.Anno Ch. 66 An.U.C. 817

The Christians are fasly charged with it.

Nero's new House.

A Conspiracy against Nero.

Lucan, the Poet, dies with courage.

The Consul Lateranus is put to Death.

Seneca receives his Death with great Constancy, April 30th.

The Sixteenth Book contains the Actions of one Year.

[Page]

Consuls.

C. Su [...]tonius Paulinus, and

L. Pontius Telesmus,

POppaea big with Child, dies of a Kick which she receives from her Husband Nero in his Rage.

A great Plague rages at Rome.

Anno Ch. 68 An.U.C. 819 Ostorius Scapula is destroyed by Calumny.

Nero puts to Death Bareas Soranus, and Thraseas.

He sets the Diadem on the Head of Tiridates, King of Armenia.

********* The History of the remaining part of this Year, and of the two following Years, viz. 820, 821, is wanting.

The First Book of the History contains the Actions of a few Months.

Consuls.

Ser. Sulpicius Galba, and

T. Vinius,

IUlius Vindex Governor of the Gauls, and Galba revolt.

The Senate declare Nero a publick Enemy, who at last kills himself.

Anno Ch. 71 An.U.C. 822 The Emperor Galba is sent for from Spain.

Galba Adopts Piso.

Piso is Slain the fourth Day after his Adoption.

Galba resumes five hundred and fifty Tuns of Gold of what Nero had given away.

Otho Emperor.

[Page] Otho kills Galba.

Aulus Vitellius is chosen in Germany.

Vitellius marches towards Italy.

The Second Book. The Occurrences are of the same Year, but new Consuls.

A Counterfeit Nero in Asia.

Vitellius enters Italy.

He defeats Otho in a Battle.

The Death of Otho.

Vespasian is encouraged to take upon him the Empire.

The Third Book contains the History of the same Year.

LUcilius and Caecinna desert Vitellius.

Vitellius's Forces are defeated by Vespasian's.

Cremona destroyed.

Vitellius is taken and put to Death.

The Fourth Book. Part of the Occurrences are of the same Year; part in the Consulship of

Consuls.

Vespasian Aug. 2o, and

Ti. Flavius Vespasian,

THe Senate for Vespasian.

Helvidius Priscus.

Comotions in Germany.

[Page] Celer condemned.

Anno Ch. 72 An.U.C. 823 Vespasian cures a Blind and a Lame Man.

The Fifth Book contains the History of that same Year.

TItus Besieges Ierusalem.

A very false Account of the Iews, and their Rites.

The Prodigies preceeding the Destruction of Ierusalem.

A War in Germany.

[Page]

BOOKS Printed for, and Sold by MATTHEW GILLYFLOWER, at the Spread-Eagle, in Westminster-hall.

[Page]

[Page]

FOLIO'S.

CAbala: or, Mysteries of State and Government, in Letters of illustrious Persons, in the Reig [...]s of Henry the VIII. Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, and King Charles. The Third Edition, with large Additions.

The Compleat Gard'ner: or, Directions for the right Ordering of Fruit-gardens, and Kitchen-gardens, with the Culture of Oranges and Melons. Made English by Iohn Evelyn, Esq

The Compleat Horseman; discovering the surest Marks of the Beauty, Goodness, Faults, and Imperfections of Horses, with the Signs and Causes of their Diseases; the true Method both of their Preservation and Cure, with the regular Use of Bleeding and Purging: Also the Art of Shooing, Breeding, and Backing of Colts; with a Supplement of Riding. By the Sieur de Soll [...]ysell, Querry to the French King. Made English from the 8th Edition, by Sir Iohn Hope, Kt. Adorned with Sculptures.

Aesop's Fables. English'd by Sir Roger L'Estrange, Kt.

The Works of the Famous English Poet, Mr. E. Spenser.

Brownlow's Entries of such Declarations, Informations Pleas in Barr, &c. and all other parts of Pleading, now in use; with Additions of Authentick Modern Presidents, inserted under every Title.

The Commentaries of Iulius Caesar, with judicious Observations. By Clement Edmunds, Esq To which is now added, The Duke of Rohan's Remarks, a Geographical Nomenclator; with the Life of Caesar, and an Account of his Medals.

OCTAVO'S.

The Essays of Michael Serginor, de Montaign. English'd by Charles Cotton, Esq In Three Vol.

Tables of Forbearance, and Discompt of Mony. By Roger Clavel, Gent.

Plutarch's Morals, English'd by several Hands. In Five Vol.

Ch [...]on of Wisdom▪ Made English by Dr. Stanhope. In Two Vol.

[Page] Puffendorf's Introduction to the History of Europe.

The Roman History; from the Building of the City, to the Removal of the Imperial Seat, by Constantine the Great: containing the space of three hundred fifty five Years. For the Use of his Highness the Duke of Gloucester. In Two Vol. The Third Edition. By Laurence Etchard, A. M.

An Abridgement of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World, according to his own Method, both as to the Chapters and Paragraphs, in his larger Vol. with his Premonition to Princes.

The Life of Cardinal Richlie [...]. In Two Vol.

A new Voyage into Italy. In Two Vol. By Maximilian Misson. Adorn'd with Sculptures; now Reprinting with large Additions.

A new Voyage into the Levant, by the Sieur du Mont; with Sculptures.

The Life of Monsieur Colbert.

The Compleat English Physitian: or, The Druggist's Shop opened: Explicating all the Particulars of which Medicines are made, with their Names, Natures, Preparations, Vertues, Uses, and Doses, and above 600 Chymical Processes. By W. Salmon.

The Compleat Guide for Iustices of the Peace. In two Parts. The First, Containing the Common and Statute-laws, relating to that Office. The Second, Consisting of the most Authentick and useful Presidents. By Iohn Bond of Gray's-Inn, Esq The Second Edition, enlarg'd and continu'd down to this time, with a Table referring to all the Statutes, relating to a Iustice of the Peace. By E. Bohun, Esq

A View of all the Religions in the World, from the Creation till these times. To which is added, The Lives, Actions and Ends of Notorious Hereticks; with their Effigies in Copper-plates. The Sixth Edition. By Alexander Ross.

Emblems, by Fr. Quarles.

The Elements of Euclid Explain'd, in a New, but most Easie Method; with the Use of every Proposition, through all Parts of the Mathematicks. By Fr. de Chales. Now made English, and a Multitude of Errors Corrected.

The History of Scotland, containing the Lives of Iames the I, II, III, IV, V; with Memorials of State, in the Reigns of Iames the VI. and Charles the I. By W. Drummond.

The Faithful Register: or, The Debates in four several Parliaments, viz. That at Westminster, Octob. 21. 1680; that at Oxford, March 21. 1680; and the two last Sessions of King Iames.

[Page]

THE TRANSLATORS.

[Page]

Vol. I.

Book I. of the Annals.

Book II.

Book III.

VOL. II.

Book IV. V. VI.

Book XI.

Book XII. XIII. XIV.

Book XV. XVI.

VOL. III.

The End of Nero and Beginning of Galba.

Book I. of the History.

Book II.

Book III.

Book IV.

Book V.

Notes on the 5th. Book and Chronological Table.

The Life of Agricola.

An Account of the Ancient Germans.

By Pag.

Mr. Dryden. 1

Mr. William Higden, A. M. 161

William Bromley, Esq 289

Dr. Fearn. 1

William Hart, Esq 223

Sir F. M. 249

Mr. G. C. 377

Sir Henry Savil [...]. I

Sir H. S. 27

Dr. ... 97

Sir Roger L'Estrange. 201

Mr. I. S. 297

Mr. Dennis. 353

Mr. William Higden, A. M. 37 [...]

Iohn Potenger, Esq

Mr. R.

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus.

[Page]

Book I.

Vol. I.

By Mr. DRYDEN.

ROME was govern'd at the first bya Kings.b Liberty¹ and the Consulship were introduc'd by Lucius Brutus: thec Dictatorship was granted, [Page] but as necessi [...]y requir'd, and for some time: And [Page] the Authority of thed Decemvirate continu'd only for two Years.¹. The Consular Power of the [Page] e Military Tribunes remain'd in force but for a little space.¹. Neither was the Arbitrary Dominion of Cinna, or that of Sylla, of any long continuance.². The Power of Pompey and Crassus, were soon transferr'd to Iulius Caesar; and the Arms of Marc Anthony and Lepidus, gave place to those of his Successor, Augustus. Then it was, [Page] that the Civil Wars having exhausted the Forces of the Common-wealth, Augustus Caesar assum'd the Government, ¹, under the Modest Title of Prince² of the Senatef.

But all the good or adverse Fortune, which happen'd to the Ancient Republique of the Romans, has already [Page] been related, by great Authors¹. Neither were there wanting Famous Wits to transfer the Actions of Augustus to future Ages, till they were hinder'd by the Growth of Flattery². During the Reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero; their several Actions were falsify'd through fear, while they were yet living; and after their Decease, were traduc'd through the recent hate of their Historians ³.

For which reason, I shall only give you here a Summary Account of those Actions which were perform'd by Augustus in the latter part of his Life; and afterwards the History of Tiberius, and of the three succeeding Emperors: the whole without Partiality or Prejudice; to neither of which I can have a Motive⁴.

[Page] After the Death of Cassius and Brutus, when there were none remaining to take up Arms for Liberty; the Younger Pompey being defeated in Sicily, Lepidus dispossess'd of his Command, and that Marc Anthony had lost his Life together with his Power, Augustus, the only Survivor of the three Competitors, and Heir of Caesar, laying down the Title of Triumvir¹, took up the less invidious Name of Consul; and pretended to satisfy himself with the Tribunitial Power, thereby to protect the People² in their Rights and Privileges; but when he had once gain'd the Soldiery to his Interest, by rewards³, the People by Donatives and plenty of Provisions⁴, and allur'd all in general, by the Mildness of his Government; He began by degrees to incroach upon them, and to draw into his own hands, the Authority of the Senate, of the Magistrates, and Laws: none daring to oppose him, the most violent of his Enemies being either slain in Battle, or cut off by Proscriptions, and the remaining Nobility, the more ready they were to enter into Servitude, the more sure of Honours and Preferment. Besides, that they who found their account in the Change of Government, were more willing to [Page] embrace the Present Slavery, with an assur'd prospect of Ease and Quiet, than to run the Hazard of new Dangers for the recovery of their Ancient Freedom¹. Neither were the Provinces any ways unwilling to admit these Alterations, as being weary'd out with the continual dissentions of the Senators among themselves, and the Covetousness of their Magistrates, against whom it was in vain to seek the Protection of the Laws: Which either through Force, or Cabals, or Bribery, were become of no effect.

As for the rest, Augustus to strengthen his Authority, advanc'd Claudius Marcellus, the Son of his Sister, and yet very Young, to the Dignity of the Pontificat, and that of Edile g. And also honour'd with two Successive Consulships Marcus Agrippa, a Man of mean Parentage², but an expert Soldier, and the Companion of his Victories; and not long after, Marcellus being dead he Marry'd him to his Daughter Iulia. He also gave Tiberius[Page]Nero, and Claudius Drusus, the Command of Armies, though but the Sons of his Wife Livia, and that his own Family was yet flourishing with Heirs. For he had already adopted into the Iulian Family Cajus and Lucius, his Grandsons by Agrippa and his Daughter: And had earnestly desir'd, though with a seeming repugnance¹, that they should be made Princes of the Youth, and design'd Consuls, while yet they wore the Pretext Robeh. In a short time after Agrippa's Death, his Sons follow'd him, either through the Force of an immature destiny, or through the Treachery of their Mother-in-Law Livia ². One of them as he was going into Spain, to command the Armies there; and the other as he was returning from Armenia, and ill of a Wound, which he had receiv'd. And as Drusus was not long e'er this deceas'd, Tiberius only was remaining: Who from thence-forward, was regarded as Successor to the Sovereignty. Augustus adopted himi; and made him his Collegue in the Empire, and the Tribunitial Power: He sent him also to make his Publick Appearance in all the Armies, that [Page] he might be known to the Soldiers, and all this at the open Sollicitations of Livia; who now no longer manag'd her affairs by Intrigues and secret Artifices, as formerly she had done. For she had gain'd so great an Ascendant over her Husband, now in his declining Age¹, that to satisfie her desires he had banish'd Agrippa Posthumus, his only remaining Grandson, into the Island of Planas [...]a. This Youth, 'tis to be confess'd, had been ill Educated, was of a rude Behaviour, and valu'd himself too brutally on his strength of Body: but otherwise, was free from any apparent Vice. The Emperor had also ³⁶ [Page] plac'd Germanicus, the Son of Drusus, at the Head of Eight Legions, which were quarter'd towards the Rhine ¹, and had commanded Tiberius to adopt him for his Son; that he might thereby strengthen the Succession²; tho▪ Tiberius at that time,³⁹ had a Son also of his own,⁴⁰ then of Age, and capable of Publick Business.

[Page] He had now no other War upon his hands, but that of Germany, which he continu'd rather to blot out th [...] Ignominy which he had receiv'd, by the Defeat of Quintilius Varus, than to extend the Bounds of the Roman Empire: or for any other important Interest. All things at Rome being in a settled Peace; the Magistrates still retain'd their former names:¹ The Youth being born ⁴² [Page] after the Battle of Actium, and the Elder sort, during the Civil War, few were now remaining of those which had seen the times of Liberty; all things had another face. Nothing of the Form or Force of the Ancient Government was left. Equality and Freedom were at once distinguish'd; the Common Interest was to obey and serve the Prince, at least, before he grew subject to the Decays of Age, and cou'd attend with Vigour to the Cares of Government, and to the Fortunes of his Family. But when he was infeebled with Years and Sickness, and his end was visibly approaching; the Minds of Men were alter'd by the prospect of a Change. Some few cry'd up the Advantage of Publick Freedom: Many were fearful of an impending War, which was earnestly desir'd by others. But the greater Part employ'd their time in various Discourses of future Matters¹.

‘Agrippa, they said, was fierce by Nature, and exasperated by the Disgraces which he suffer'd²; besides, that he was wholly unacquainted with Affairs, and incapable of sustaining so great a Weight. Tiberius was indeed mature in Years, and experienc'd in Warfare; but had inherent in him, the Severity and Pride of the Claudian Family, which he cou'd not so [Page] perfectly dissemble, but that some signs of Cruelty might be observ'd in his Nature and his Actions. What was there to be expected from a Man, bred from his Infancyk, in the Imperial House, and amidst Arbitrary Power, loaded with Honours and Triumphs in his Youth¹, and during his retreat at Rhodes, which was, in effect, but a specious Exile; feeding his thoughts with the hopes of Vegeance, forming himself to the Practice of Dissimulation, and consuming the rest of his time in Luxury². His Mother of a Violent and Imperious Nature, according to the Sex themselves, subjected to the Slavery of a Woman; besides, two Youths, who at present were chargeable to the Common-Wealth, and wou'd tear it piece meal after the Emperor's Decease.’

While these things were in agitation, the Health of Augustus was impairing daily; and there wanted not some, who suspected the Impiety of his Wife by Poison ³. For, some Months before, there had been spread a Rumour, that Augustus, attended by some of his most trusty [Page] Servants, and accompany'd only by Fabius Maximus his Friend and Con [...]ident, had made a Secret Voyage to the Island of Planasia, there to visit Young Agrippa; that many tears had been mutually shed, with reciprocal testimonies of tendernessl; from which it might be gather'd, that there were yet some hopes of his being restor'd into the Family of his Grandfather¹. It was farther reported, that Fabius had reveal'd this Secret to his Wife Marcia ², and she to Livia ³, who complain'd of it to Augustus: these things being come at length to the notice of the Emperor, and shortly after, Maximus being [Page] dead, ('tis doubtful whether by a Voluntary Death, or not,) Marcia was heard at his Funeral amidst her sorrows to accuse her self, as the Cause of her Husband's Destiny.¹. But however it was, Tiberius was scarcely enter'd into Illyria; when he was speedily recall'd by Letters from his Mother; and it is not known for certain, whether or no he found Augustus yet livingm when he arriv'd at Nola. For Livia had order'd the Corps du Guard to be all under Arms at every Avenue of the Palace and the Town, and caus'd reports to be hourly [Page] spread of the Emperor's amendment, till having all things in a readiness, which the present Conjunction cou'd require. She declar'd at once the Death of Augustus, n, and the Accession of Tiberius to the Empireo ▪

The Reign of TIBERIUS: Beginning in the Year of Rome, 767.

I. THE first Action of the New Reign, was th [...] Murder of Agrippa Posthumus ¹; who unarm'd as he was, and wholly Ignorant of the design, was not without some difficulty slain, by a Centurion hardned in blood. Tiberius was silent of this matter in the Senate, feigning a Command from his Father Augustus, wherein [Page] he had order'd the Officer of the Guard to murther the Young Man, immediately after his own decease. 'Tis undoubted that Augustus had often, and that with bitterness, complain'd in the Senate, of his Manners; and had also exacted a Decree from them to authorize his Banishment. Yet he had never proceeded to so much cruelty, as to compass the Death of any of his Relations. Nor is it credible that he would command his Grandson to be murder'd, to secure the safety of his Son-in-Law. The suspicion fell more naturally on Tiberius and Livia, for hastning the Death of a Young Man, obnoxious to the hatred of the first through fear of a Competitoro, and of the last, through the inbred malice [Page] of Step-mother. When the Centurion, according to Military Custom, told Tiberius that he had perform'd his orders; his answer was, that he had given him no such Commission²; that the Officer should be answerable to the Senate for his offence, which coming to the knowledge of Sallustius Crispus, who was the confident of all his Secrets, and who had issued out those orders to the Centurion, He fearing that the Murther would be charg'd on him, and knowing that it was equally dangerous in his case, either to confess the Truth, or divulge the Secret, to approve himself, either Innocent or Guilty³; advis'd Livia, that care should be taken not to expose the Secrets of the Imperial House, or the Counsels of Ministers⁴, or the Names of the Soldiers, whom he privately employ'd to execute his orders. For Tiberius would certainly weaken the Government, if he permitted his actions to be scan'd in the Senate⁵. [Page] Arbitrary Dominion being of that nature, that the Performance of a Command, from a single Person, can be accountable but to him alonep.

II. In the mean time, at Rome the Consuls, Senators, and Knights, endeavour'd to out-strip each other in the [...]ace to Servitude. And they who were the most Noble and Illustrious, made the greatest speed; using so specious a behaviour, that without shewing any exterior gladness for the Death of their late Emperor, or any discontent, for the Succession of the Newq, their Mourning was mingled with their Ioy, and their Tears with expressions of Flattery. Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius, [Page] then Consuls, were the first who took the Oath of Fideli [...] ty to Tiberius, and gave it afterwards in his name, to Seju-Strabo, Captain of the Pretorian-Guard, and to Cajus Turranius, Commissary-General of the Publick Provisions: after these, to the Senate, to the Forces, and to the People. For Tiberius affected to begin all publick Functions from the Consuls¹, as in the ancient Common-Wealth, and as if he were yet doubtful, whether or no, he would assume the Government. Even the Edict it self by which he summon'd the Senate to the Court, was short and modest, declaring, that he exercis'd this Right but only in vertue of the Tribunitial Powerr, which was vested in him by Augustus ²; and in order to deliberate on those funeral Honours, which were to be paid to his Father, whose Corps, in the mean time, he would not forsakes, and that all the part to which he pretended in the Publick Administration, was no more [Page] than what was reducible to that Edictt. Yet after the Death of Augustus, it was his Custom to give the word to the Praetorian Cohorts, to be attended by Soldiers, and no part of the State belonging to an Emperor, was wanting to him. Whether he walk'd the Streets, or went to the Senate, his Guards follow'd him. He had also written to the Armies in the style of Emperour and Successor, and all without the least Ambiguity or Hesitation, unless it were when he spoke in Senate³. The principal Cause of his dissimulation⁴ was, that he fear'd Germanicus who commanded so many Legions, assur'd of succour from all the Allies, and lov'd even to Idolatry, by the Roman People, would rather chuse to enjoy the Empire in present, than to attend it from his Death. Neither was there wanting a mixture of Vain-Glory, in these proceedings, for he affected to have it thought, that he was Elected by the Common-Wealth⁵, rather than introduc'd [Page] by the Arti [...]ices of a Woman⁶, and the adoption of an old doting Man. It was afterwards discover'd also, that this Irresolution which he shew'd, tended to sound the Affections of the Great towards him; for he study'd their Countenance, and their Words, to make them guilty afterwards, whom he purpos'd to destroy.

III. The first time he came into the Senate, he would permit no other business to come on, than only what related to the Funeral of his Father¹; whose Testament was brought thither by the Vestals. By it Tiberius and Livia were declar'd his Heirs. Livia was adopted also into the Iulian Family, and honour'd with the Title of Augusta u. In the second Degree were rank'd his Grand-Children, [Page] and their Descendants; in the third, the Greatest of the Romans, not out of Affection, for he hated most of them, but out of Ostentation², to be admir'd by Posterityx. His Legacies exceeded not the common Rules, only he bequeath'd to the People four hundred Thousand great Sesterces; to the most Inferior sort thirty five Thousand great Sesterces; to each of the Praetorian Soldiers (or Guards) a Thousand small Sesterces, and three hundred to every Legionary. After this, they spoke of the Honours which were to be render'd [Page] to the Dead; and the Chief on which they insisted, were, that the Funeral State should pass through the Triumphal Gate, which was first advis'd by Gallus Asinius. That the Titles of the Laws which had been Instituted by him, and the names of the Nations which he had vanquish'd, should be carried before the Body, which was propos'd by Lucius Arruntius. But Messala Valerius adding, that the Oath of Fidelity to Tiberius, should be annually renew'd; Tiberius (interrupting him on the sudden) ask'd, if it were by his Order, that he had thus spoken? And Messala replying, that it was of his own head, adjoin'd farther, that in all things which concern'd the Publick Good, he would never take any Man's opinion but his own, though in so doing he should make Caesar himself his Enemy. This was the only remaining kind of Flattery. The Senators with a General Cry, demanded, that the Imperial Corps should be carried to the Pile on their Shoulders only. But Tiberius dispens'd with that Office rather out of Vanity, and to do himself honour in the refusal, than out of real Modesty. After this he publish'd an Edict to the People, warning them not to disturb these Funerals, as they had done those of Iulius Caesar, with their excess of Zeal, and not obstinately to persist in their desire, that the Body should be burn'd in the Market-place, and not in the Field of Mars, which was the place decreed for that Ceremony. On the day of the Funeral Solemnity, the Soldiers were order'd to be under Arms. Those who had either seen themselves, or had heard from their Fathers of that day, whereon Iulius Caesar the Dictator had been slain, when the sharpness of their Slavery was yet [...] upon them, and their Liberty, with an ill Omen just re [...]or'd, much deriding the superfluous care now us'd by Tiberius on this occasion; for even at that time, as there were some who judg'd his Death an impious action, so there were o [...]hersy who [Page] extoll'd it as a glorious Iustice³. But in the present case, here was an old Emperor, quietly gone out of the World, who had been settled in a long course of Sovereignty of 44 yearsz, and who had establish'd the Succession against the Common-Wealth, by a large Provision of Heirs, and those in power; he, it seems, must have a Guard of Soldiers about his dead body, to secure it from disturbance at his Funeral.

IV. This afforded no small occasion of discourse concerning Augustus himself. The greater part of the Assistants [Page] vainly admiring, that he should happen to die on the same day on which he first assum'd the Empirea: that he died at Nola, in the same House and Chamber, wherein his Father Octavius b had finish'd his Life. The number of his Consulships was extoll'd likewise, which equall'd those of Valerius Corvinus, and Caius Marius c, both together, that had enjoy'd the Tribunitial Power, without Intermission, 37 Years; had been saluted Emperord one and twenty times: Besides, a multitude of other Honours which had been heap'd upon him, or invented for him. But the Politicians examin'd the conduct of his Life, after another manner. Some said, that his filial Piety to Caesar, the necessity of Affairs, and the importance of the Laws had hurry'd him into a Civil War¹; which cou'd not possibly be manag'd with the Forms of Iustice; though the Cause was honest. That he had consented [Page] to many violent proceedings of Anthony ande Lepidus ², because he had need of their assistance, to revenge the Murther of his Father. That Lepidus being grown Effeminate by the Sloath of a Private Life, Anthony drown'd in his debauches, and the Common-Wealth torn in pieces by the Discord of her Citizens, there was no other Remedy left in Nature, but the Government of a single Person; which notwithstanding, Augustus had never taken up the Titlef of King³, or of Dictator⁴, but contented himself to be call'd Prince of the Senate; That the Empire was owing to him, for being surrounded by the Oceang, and remote Rivers⁵; That the Provinces, [Page] the Legions, and the Naval Force, were well united; the Citizens obedient to the Laws; the Allies in terms of dutiful respect, and the Town adorn'd with stately Buildings; that it was to be acknowledg'd he sometimes made use of Severity and Force, but very rarely, and always for preservation of the Publick Safetyh. On the other side it was alledg'd, that the boasted Piety of a Son to a Father, and the Necessities of a Common-Wealth, were only his pretext⁶; that through an insatiable desire of reigning, he being then a Youth, and of a private Fortune, had corrupted the Veteran Troops with Bribes and Donatives, had rais'd an Army, and debauch'd [Page] the Legions of Decimus Brutus then Consul, under colour of reconciliation with Pompey's party; that after he had extorted from the Senate, the Ornaments and Authority of a Praetor, and seiz'd on the Troops which had been commanded by Hirtius and Pansa, newly slaini, either by the Enemy, or by the Treason of this young Caesar, (for Pansa was thought to have been brought to his end by an envenom'd Plaister apply'd to his wound, and Hirtius was slain by the hands of his own Soldiers,) he caused himself to be created Consul in spight of the Senate, and had turn'd those arms against the Common-Wealth, which he had taken up against Anthony: The Proscription of so many Citizens was charg'd on him; and the division of the Landsk disapprov'd even by those to whom they fell. The Death of Cassius and the two Bruti l, must indeed be own'd for a just Vengeance on the Murderers of his Fatherm; though still it had been more glorious for him, to have sacrific'd his private hatred, to the Publick Interest: But the younger Pompey had been unworthily betray'd under the shadow of a pretended [Page] Peace; and Lepidus by a dissembled Friendship: Anthony sooth'd and lull'd asleep, by the Treaties of Tarentum, and Brundusium, and by his Marriage with the Sister of Augustus, had paid with his Life the forfeit of that fraudulent Alliance. After this a Peace was of necessity to ensue, but it was a bloody Peace; and infamous for the punishment of the Varro's, the Egnatii n, and the Iulii of Rome; to which succeeded the Defeats of Lollius o and Varus p in Germany: Neither did they spare his private Life in their discourses. They reproach'd him for having forcibly taken from her Husband a Woman then with Child; and for having made a Scoff of Religion, by demanding of the Priests if it were lawful for him to espouse her before she was deliver'd⁷. They allow'd [Page] him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius, and Vedius Pollio ⁸, his Minors, and also of having given himself up to be govern'd by Livia ⁹, a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth, and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars; That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods, commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity, with the Pomp of Images, Priests, and Sacrifices. That for the rest, he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him¹⁰, not out of any [Page] Affection which he bore him, nor out of any Consideration for the Publick Good, but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory, by the Foyl of that Comparison▪ as having a perfect Insight into his Nature, and knowing him at the bottom to be Proudq and¹¹ Cruel. For not [Page] many Years before, Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberius r, had cast out some Words concerning his Humour, and the Oddness of his Manners, which seeming to Excuse, did in effect Reproach them¹².

V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended, there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him; and [Page] that being done, earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius; who, on his side, spoke ambiguously concerning the Greatness of the Empire, and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities: Saying, ‘That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs¹; and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour², he was sensible by his own Experience, how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government. That in a City, which abounded with the Choice of great and able Persons, all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Management of one; since Publick Functions were better [Page] exercis'd, when many join'd their Cares and Labours³.’ But there was more of Ostentation, than of upright Meaning, in these Discourses. And besides, if Tiberius, whether by Nature, or by Custom, spoke obscurely even on those Subjects, where he had no occasion to dissemble, his Words at this time became more intricate and doubtful, when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts. Then the Senators, who were all equally afraid of seeming to divine his Meaning, broke out into Tears, Complaints and Vows; holding out their Hands to the Gods, and to the Image of Augustus, and embracing the Knees of Tiberius, till he commanded a Registers to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus ⁴, and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues, with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies, which serv'd in the Armies, of the Tributary Kingdoms, of the Conquer'd Provinces, of the Naval Strength, of the Imposts, and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth. To which, Augustus, whether out [Page] of Fear for the Empire, which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany, or out of Iealousie, lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself, added the Advice of Restraining the Empire within the present Limits⁵.

VI. In the mean time, the Senate still descending to the most abject Supplications, it happen'd that Tiberius said unwarily, He found himself uncapable of Governing the whole Empire, but if it pleas'd them to commit some part of it to his Administration, whatsoever it were, he would accept it. Then Asinius Gallus [Page] laying hold of the Word, And what part of it, O Tiberius, said he, wouldst thou undertake? He not expecting such a Question, and not having his Answer in a readiness, for a while stood silent¹: But having recover'd the use of his Reason, answer'd, ‘That it was unbecoming of his Modesty to choose a Share of it, when he had rather discharge himself altogether of the Burden’ ². Asinius, who discover'd in his Countenance, that he had stung him, replied, That the Demand which he had made, tended not to the sharing of that Power, which could not be divided, but to draw this Acknowledgment from his own Mouth, that the Commonwealth, being but one Body, could only be govern'd by one Soul. Then, after he had prais'd Augustus, he desired Tiberius to remember his own Victories in War, and his excellent Actions in Peace, during the space of so many Years, wherein he had the Management of Affairs. But all this was not sufficient to make him well with the Emperour³, who bore him an [Page] ancient Grudge, suspecting him for having espous'd Vipsania, the Daughter of Marcus Agrippa, and formerly the Wife of Tiberius t, as if by that Marriage he design'd to raise himself above the Condition of a private Life⁴, and inherited the imperious Humour of Asinius Pollio his Father.

VII. After this Speech, Lucius Aruncius likewise offended him by another, almost of the same Tenour: For though Tiberius had not any old Animosity against him, yet he hated him for his Riches, for the Excellency of his Natural Endowments, and Moral Perfections; and [Page] for the Reput [...]tion which they had gain'd him with the People, which was not inferiour to his Merit¹ ▪ Besides, that Augustus in one of the last Discourses which he held, speaking of those, who would refuse the Empire, though capable of Ruling it; or who would be Ambitious of it, though uncapable of Governing; or who at once would be capable of Governing, and desirous of the Government; said, That Lepidus would be worthy of it, without wishing for ² it; that Asinius would be desirous of it, without deserving it; that A [...]untius neither was unworthy of it, nor would fail to lay hold of the first Occasion ³, to seize it [...]. Concerning the two first of these, 'tis agreed on all [Page] Hands; but some, in stead of Arruntius, have nam'd Cneius Piso. Certain it is, that all of them, excepting Lepidus, perish'd afterwards, by Tiberius, under the supposition of several Crimes.

Quintus Haterius, and Mamercus Scaurus, incurr'd likewise the Displeasure of that suspicious Soul: The first, for asking him, How long, O Caesar, wilt thou suffer the Commonwealth to be without a Head ⁴? The other, for saying, It was to be hop'd, that the Suit of the Senate would not be unprofitable, because when the Consuls propos'd him to them for Emperour, he interpos'd not his Tribunitial Power to resist the Motion. He reprehended Haterius on the spot, but he said not a Word in reply to Scaurus, against whom he [Page] was more deeplyu offended⁵. At length being tir'd with hearing the general Complaints and Murmurs, and the Remonstrances of each Man in particular, he unbent somewhat of his Stiffness; not to the degree of declaring, that he would accept the Empire; but only as he said, to put an end to their Requests⁶, and his Refusals. 'Tis undoubted, that Haterius going to the Palace to ask his Pardon, wanted but little of being slain by the Soldiers of the Guard, as he was embracing the Knees of Tiberius, who slipping at that instant, happen'd to fall as he was going forward⁷; whether by chance, or having his Legs entangled with the Hands of Haterius: But the Risque, which so great a Personage had run, abated nothing of his Resentment. Haterius continued still obnoxious to his Anger, till the Empress, whose Protection he had sought, [Page] interceding in his Favour, by force of Prayers obtain'd his Pardon.

VIII. The Flatteries of the Senate were yet more excessive, in relation to Livia. Some of them voting her the Title of Mother x, by way of Excellence and Distinction: Others, that of Mother of her Country: And many of them were likewise for passing a Decree, that to the Name of Caesar, should be added the Son of Iulia. But Tiberius replied to all these, That they ought not to confer Honours on Women too lavishly ¹: That for himself, he would use the same Moderation in those which were propos'd for him ². Which he said out of Envy to his Mother, whose Elevation he regarded as a Lessening to his own Authority. He would not, that even a Lictoury should be decreed for her, and hindred the erecting of an Altar, in memory of her Adoption into the Iulian [Page] Family; and forbad them to ascribe to her any other Honour of the like Nature. But he ask'd the Proconsular Power for Germanicus, and sent him the Decree by some of the Senate; who were also commission'd to comfort him for the Death of Augustus ³. The Reason why he requir'd not the same Honours for his Son Drusus, was because he was then in Rome, and besides was design'd Consul. He afterwards nam'd twelve Pretors, which was the Number establish'd by Augustus ⁴; and the Senate requesting him to create more⁵, he took a Solemn Oath, never to exceed that Number.

IX. It was now, that the Assemblyz for electing Magistrates, [Page] was for the first time transferr'd from the Field of Mars to the Senate: For though formerly the Emperour had manag'd all Affairs of Consequence according to his Pleasure, yet some Things were still permitted to be done, by the Intrigues and Suffragesa of the Tribes¹: For which loss of Privileges, the People shewed no other Resentment, but by insignificant Complaints and Murmurs. And the Senate, for their part, were well satisfied, that thereby they were discharg'd from the shameful Necessity of bribing and supplicating the Commons², to favour their Election. And this the more, for that Tiberius reserv'd to himself but the Naming³ of four [Page] Candidatesb, who were to be admitted without Caballing, or any Contradiction. At the same time, the Tribunes of the People demanded the Permission, to celebrate at their own Charges those Plays in Honour of Augustus ⁴, which in their Calendarsc were call'd by the Name of Augustales. But it was order'd, that the Publick should be at the Expence, and that the Tribunes should wear the Triumphal Robed in the Circus; where, nevertheless, it was not allow'd them to be born in Chariots. And the Annual Celebration was thenceforward committed to that particular Praetor, to whose Lot it should fall, to judge the Differences arising betwixt Citizens and Strangers.

X. This was the face of Affairs at Rome, when a Sedition arose, of the Legions in Pannonia e. They had no new occasion of Disturbance; only the change of an Emperour inspir'd them with Boldness to make some Disturbance, in hope to better their Condition by a Civil War¹. Three Legions were quarter'd together in the [Page] same Camp, under the Command of Iunius Blaesus, who having heard of the Death of Augustus, and the Succession of Tiberius, had interrupted the daily Exercises of the Soldiers, either in Token of Mourningf, or of Ioy. This Dispute began to give a Loathing to the Army of their Labour, and Military Discipline, and infuse into them a Propensity of Idleness and Pleasure. It furnish'd them with Occasions of frequent Quarrels with one another; and of lending an Ear to the mutinous Discourses of the most dissolute amongst them. There was in the Camp a Fellow called Percennius, formerly Head of a Faction among the Stage-Players²; afterwards a [Page] private Soldier: Insolent in his Speech, and who had learn'd to raise Sedition, by his Practice, in the Playhouse. This Man haunting the Conversation of the most Ignorant, and Silly, who were very inquisitive to know what their Condition was like to be under their new Emperour, debauch'd them by his Nightly Conversations with them, or at least when it grew late in the Evening; and when the more sober Party were withdrawn to Rest, assembled the Band of Mutineers. At length many others, who were Promoters of Sedition, being associated with him, he question'd them, like a General who Harangues his Army, on these following Propositions.

XI. Why they paid a Slavish Obedience to a small number of Centurions, and a less ofg Tribunes¹? When would they have the Courage to expose their Grievances, and require a Remedy, if not now, in the unsettled Condition of a new Emperour² ▪ with whom they safely might Expostulate, or, if need were, [Page] demand Redress by force of Arms? They had in their own Wrong been already silent for the space of many Years, when would they be weary of so tame a Patience? Not the least Account was made of thirty or forty Years of Service, without mentioning the Infirmities of Age, the greatest part of them had their Bodies mangl'd, and their Limbs disabl'd with their Wounds. That even they who were exempted from their daily Duties, yet saw no end of their Sufferings; being still retain'd under their Colours, they still endur'd the same Miseries, without other Advantage, than that of a more honourable Nameh! If some amongst them surviv'd so many Misadventures, they were sent into remote Countries, where, under the specious Title of Rewards, they had Fens allotted them to drain, or barren Hills of cultivate: That the Trade of Warfare wa [...] of it self Laborious and Unprofitable; that they earn'd a hard Livelihood of Eight Pence a Dayi, or little more, out of which they were to supply themselves with Clothing, Tents and Arms; and pay their exacting Centurions for their Exemption from Military Duties³. That the Blows of their Officers, their Mayms, the Severity of the Winter, the insufferable Toyls of Summerk, a bloody War, and a barren Peace, were endless Evils; for which, there was no other Remedy, than not [Page] [...]o list themselves for Soldiers under the Daily Pay of a Roman Penny (or Denarius l); covenanting also to be discharg'd from Service, at the end of Sixteen Years; to be sent to their respective Homes, to receive their Pay in Silver, and in the Camp where they had serv'd; shall then the Praetorian Soldiers receive each of them a double Sallary to ours, and be dismissed after Sixteen Years of Warfare? Are their Actions, or Sufferings to be compar'd with ours? I speak not this, either out of Envy, or Contempt; but at least we may say for our Reputation, that being in the midst of barbarous and fierce Nations, we have our Enemies in view, even from our Tents.

XII. The whole Company receiv'd his Oration with a general applause; though from different motives: some of them shew'd the Marks of the Civil Blows which their Officers had given them; Others their hoary Hair, and many bar'd their Flesh, ill cover'd, with old and [...]atter'd Cloaths. In short, they were infla [...]'d to that heighth of rage, that they propos'd the Uniting the three Legions into onem; but their jealousy put a stop to that, every Man pretending to the chief Honour for his own Legion. They bethought themselves of another Expedition, which was for mixing the three Eagles confusedly, with the Ensigns of the Cohorts; which having done, they rais'd a Tribunal on sods of Grass, that the Seat might be the farther seen. Blesus arriving thereupon, took those by the Arm whom he met in his Passage, and reproach'd them with great Severity¹. [Page] Rather dip your Hands, said he to the Mutineers, in the live Blood of your General; it will be a less Crime for you to murder me, than to revolt against your Emperor: I will either restrain you within your due Obedience, if you suffer me to live, or I will hasten your Repentance by my Deathn.

XIII. In the mean time they proceeded with their Work, which they had already rais'd to the height of their Shoulders; when at length their Obstinacy being conquer'd by his Courage, they gave it over. Blesus, who was a Master of Well-speaking¹, represented to them, That their Demands ought not to be carri'd to the Emperour, by way of Sedition²; that their Predecessors had never offer'd any thing of that Nature to former Generals; nor they themselves, to the Divine Augustus; that they had ill tim'd their Purpose, to give new Troubles to a Prince, oppress'd with the weight [Page] of his Affairs now in the beginning of his Reign³; that if, notwithstanding, they would make such Demands in the midst of Peace, which the conquering Side in a Civil War had never presum'd to ask from their Commander; yet why would they transgress the Limits of Respect, and violate Discipline by taking Arms? Why nam'd they not their Deputies, for whom they might draw up their Instructions in his Presence? At these Words they answer'd with a general Cry, That the Son of Blesus, who was one of the Tribunes, was the most proper Man to take upon him that Commission; and to require a Discharge for all, when their sixteen Years⁴ of Service should be expir'd; and that they would send him fresh Instructions, when that first Article was accorded. When young Blesus was set forward on his Iourney, they were somewhat calm: But the Soldiers grew more haughty, on the account of that Deputation; which shew'd, that they had carried that by Violence, which by other Methods they could never have obtain'd.

[Page] XIV. In the mean time, those Bands of Soldierso, who, before the Sedition, had been sent to Nauportum p to repair the Ways and Bridges, and for other Occasions, receiving Notice of what had pass'd in the Camp, laid hold on the Ensigns, plunder'd the Neighbourhood, and Nauportum it self, which was in the nature of a Municipal Townq, contemn'd, revil'd, and even beat [Page] their Centurions, who endeavou [...]'d to restrain their Madness. Their Rage was chiefly bent against Au [...]idie [...] Rufus, who, from a private Soldier, had been rais'd to a Centurion, and from thence to a Prefect, or Maresch [...]l de Camp ¹. They pull'd him from his Chariot, they loaded him with Baggage, and made him march at the Head of a Battalion, asking him in scorn, If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden, and to travel so far on Foot? For Rufus was an indefatigable Man, who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Discipline², and who spar'd their Labour so much the less, because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others.

XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tumult, and roaming lawlesly round the Country, they made Waste of all Things in their way. Blesus caus'd some of them, who return'd loaden with their Plunder, to be beaten, and made Prisoners, thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest: (For the Centurions, and the sober part of the Soldiers, still continu'd in their Duty.) The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force [...] to Prison, embrace the Knees of their Camerades, [Page] implore their Succour; either, in particular, by their Names; or, in general, the Company, the Cohort, or the Legion, in which they serv'd; crying out, Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage. They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General, and call the Gods to witness his Injustice. In short, they omit nothing to move Compassion, to raise Envy and Fear, and to foment Sedition. The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief, break open the Prisons, deliver their Companions, and strengthen their Party with Deserters, and Criminals condemn'd to Death.

XVI. From thence, the Mutiny grew more outragious, and the Numbers of their Heads in [...]reas'd. One Vibulenus, a private Soldier¹, being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions, was carried, as it were, in Triumph, before the Tribunal of the General, and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech, and thronging to hear him, thus began. 'Tis true, Companions, you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers; but who shall give me back my Brother, who, being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany, for our common Interests, has this Night been butcher'd by, the Gladiators, who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus, for our General Massacre. Tell me, Blesus, where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body? Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain. When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses, command me to be murder'd; and I consent to my own Death, provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave, like Brothers, who suffer'd Death, not for the Guilt of any Crime, but only for defending the Cause of the r Ligions².

[Page] XVII. He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans, and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast; then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders, he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants, and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge¹, that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus, another secur'd his Menial Servants, whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion. And if, by good Fortune, it had not been immediately discover'd, that Vibulenus never had a Brother, that there was no such Body to be found, and that [Page] the Slaves of Blesus, being put to the Torture, persisted to deny the Murder; the General was in immediate danger of Assassination. In the mean time, they forc'd the Tribunes, and the Praefect of the Camp, to [...]ly for their Safety; they plunder'd their Baggage, and kill'd Lucilius the Centurion, to whom they had given the Nick-name of [...]edo alteram; because when he had broken his Batons on the Back of any Soldier, he was wont to call for another, to continue the Correction. The rest of the Centurions absconded, excepting only Iulius Clemens, who was sav'd; as being one, who, for his ready Wit, was thought a proper Man to execute the Commissions of the Soldiers². There were two of the Legions, the Eighth and the Fifteenth, who were ready to come to Blows with one another concerning one Sirpicus a Centurion; the Eighth demanding him to be produc'd and put to Death, the other defending him: If the Ninth had not interpos'd, and partly with Prayers, partly with Threatnings, brought them to Reason on either side.

XVIII. These Things coming to the knowledge of Tiberius, constrain'd him, as expert as he was in dissembling his Temper, and concealing all ill News¹, to send away his Son with all speed to Pannonia, without other [Page] Instructions, than only to act according to the present Necessity, and as the juncture of Affairs² requir'd. He gave for his Attendants two Praetorian Cohorts, reinforc'd with a Recruit of select Soldiers, with a great part of his Cavalry, and the Choice of his German Guards▪ sent in his Company the principal Men of Rome, and appointed for the Governor of his Person Elius Sejanus, his Favourite³, then Praefect of the Praetorium t, and Collegue to his Father Strabo, in that Office: Employ'd [Page] particularly, on this Occasion, to promise Rewards to those who should submit, and threaten Punishments to such as should persist in their Rebellion. On the approach of Drusus to the Army, the Legions drew out, to meet him on the way, and do him Honour; not with chearful Countenances, as was the Custom, nor with shining Arms and Ensignsu, but in a mean and ragged [Page] Equipage, and with sad and sullen Looks, which shew'd more of Contumacy, than of Repentance.

XIX. When he was enter'd into the Camp, they plac'd Sentinels at the Gates, and Corps-de-Guard in several Parts; the main Body of them gather'd round the Tribunal of Drusus, who was standing, and held out his Hand, as desiring their Attention. As often as the Mutineers cast round their Eyes, and consider'd their own Multitude, they fill'd the Air with Shouts and Threatnings¹, but when they turn'd their Sight towards Drusus, they shook for fear². To this confus'd Noise, and these insolent Clamours, succeeded a profound Silence; and by their different Motions they gave, and took Terror in their turns. At length, the Tumult being ceas'd, Drusus read to them the Letters of his Father; which contain'd in effect, That he would take a particular Care of those valiant Legions which had assisted him in sustaining several Wars³; That so soon as his Grief for the Death of Augustus would give him leave, he would propose their Demands to the Senate; That, in the interim, he had sent his Son to them, with full Power, and without the least Delay, to grant them all that was possible to be done for them on the sudden: And what requir'd more Leisure, should pass through the Hands of the Senate; it being unjust to take from them the Glory of Rewarding, or the Power of Punishing.

XX. To this, the Assembly return'd Answer, That [Page] Iulius Clemens was intrusted by them to make known their Desires. He then began, with their Pretension, to be discharg'd from Service at the end of sixteen Years, with a Recompence in Silver; that their daily Pay should be a Roman Denarius x; and that the Veterans should no longer be detain'd under their Ensigns. Drusus alledging, that the Cognizance of these Matters belong'd to the Senate and his Father¹; was interrupted by their Clamours. ‘What Business has he here, th [...]y cry'd, since he is not impower'd, either to augment the Soldiers Pay, or to redress their Grievances, while in the mean time they are expos'd to be beaten and slain at the Pleasure of their Officers? We remember since Tiberius has evaded our Petitions, by remitting us to Augustus, and has he sent his Son on the same Errand? Shall we always have to deal with Children, who come to us in their Fathers Name? Is it not a strange manner of Proceeding, [Page] that the Emperour refers nothing to the Senate, but what concerns the Rewarding of his Soldiers²! Why does he not also consult the Senate, when he is to give a Battle, or punish us with Death? Is it reasonable, that Recompences should not be given, but by the Consent of so many Masters? And that, on the contrary, every Officer has right to punish us at his own Pleasure, and without Comptrol from any Man?’

XXI. At this, they flung from the Tribunal, threatning all they met of the Prince's Guard, or of his Friends, and seeking an occasion of Quarrel and Revenge. Their Malice was chiefly bent at Cneius Lentulus, because that being elder, and of greater Reputation in War than any of the other Officers: He was thought the Man, who most despis'd the Danger of the Mutineers, and render'd Drusus inflexible¹ to their Demands. And shortly after, when departing from Drusus, to shun the Danger which he foresaw, he took his way to the [Page] Winter Quarters; they inclos'd him in the midst of them, and ask'd him, Whither he was going, and if he was returning to Rome, in order to oppose the Interest of the Legions? And they were already beginning to stone him, if the Troops which Drusus had brought along with him had not rescu'd him from their Hands all over bloody as he was.

XXII. The Night threaten'd some horrible Attempt, but an Accident unforeseen turn'd all to Quiet. The Moon in a calm and serene Night, on the sudden, was eclips'd; and the Soldiers, who were wholly ignorant of Astronomy, drew from thence an Augury, for the present Iuncture of Affairs; and comparing the defect of Light in the Moon to their own Labours, interpreted, that all would go well with them, if the eclips'd Goddess recover'd Light. Therefore, they beat on brazen Instruments, sounded their Trumpets, and rais'd confus'd Clamours; and as she appear'd more bright, or became more dusky, they vary'd their Sadness, and their Ioy. But when the Sky grew cloudy, and took her wholly from their Sight, so that they believ'd her lost in Darkness, as Minds once struckeny with Amazement¹, are prone to Superstition, so they imagin'd a [Page] Perpetuity of Labours was portended to them, and lamented, that the Gods were averse to their impious Attempt. Drusus thought it Wisdom², to lay hold on the Occasion which their Fear administer'd, and order'd some to go into their Tents. He made choice of Clemens, and others, who, by their Merit, had acquir'd [Page] Credit with the common sort. These mixing with the Centries, and those who went the Rounds, or watched about the Gates, redoubl'd their Apprehensions, and withal, awak'd their Hopes. ‘How long, said they, shall we continue to besiege the Son of Caesar? Shall we take the Oath of Fidelity to Percennius, and to Vibulenu [...]? Will they give us the Pay and Rewards which we pretend? In a word, Shall they Usurp the Empire of the Nero's, and the Drusi? Why should not we be the first to repent us, as we have been the last to be seduc'dz’? The Demands which are made in common, are ever slowly granted, and late received; on the contrary, the Reward comes speedily to their Hands, who will eacha deserve it singly³. These Words having once [Page] shaken their Resolution⁴, and cast a Distrust into them of each other, the Love of their Prince re-enter'd into them by degrees, the Legions separate, and the new Soldiers divide from the Veterans: They forsake the Gates, and replace their Eagles by themselves, which they had shuffl'd together in the beginning of the Mutiny.

XXIII. At break of Day, Drusus calls the General Assembly; and though he had not the Gift of Speaking well, yet his Discourse had in it a certain Air of Greatness, inborn to those of Noble Blood¹; highly condemns the past Proceedings, and extols the present. He [Page] tells them, he is not capable of Fear, and that, by consequence, he is not to be mov'd with Threatnings²; that if he finds in them due Repentance, and Respect, he will write to his Father in their behalf; and inclin [...] him to receive their Petition, and graciously to answer it. Accordingly, at their Request, the fore-mention'd Blesus, Lucius Apronius a Roman Knight, of the Cohort of Drusus, and Iustus Catonius Captain of the first Centuryb, are sent to Tiberius. After this, a Council of War was held, where their Iudgments were divided▪ Some were of Opinion, that the Soldiers should be mildly Treated, till the return of their Deputies; othe [...]s [Page] thought it more adviseable to use Rigour, there being no Moderation to be expected from a Multitude³, which makes it self formidale when it fears nothing, and which may [...]afely be despis'd when timorous: That Terrour was to be imprinted in them, while they were yet fill'd with Superstition; and that they were to be made sensible they had a Master, by the Punishment of those who were Authors of the Mutiny⁴.

XXIV. Drusus, whose Nature inclin'd him to Severity¹, caus'd Vibulenus and Percennius to be brought before him, and commanded them to be put to Death². Many relate, that they were slain, and buried in his [Page] Tent³, to keep the Execution secret; others say, that their Bodies were cast out of the Camp, to serve for an Example, and remain a Spectacle to their Companions. Enquiry was made afterwards for the other Promoters of the Sedition, and many flying here and there for shelter, were discover'd and kill'd by Centurions, and Soldiers of the Guard; some of them were deliver'd up by their own Comerades, as a Pledge of their Fidelity. The Disquiets of the Mutineers were yet more augmented by an over-early Winter, with continual Rains, and Storms so furious, that they durst not stir out of their Tents to meet in Assemblies; and hardly were they able to keep their Colours, which the fierceness of the Winds threatned every moment to bear away. Add to this, That they were still in apprehension of the Wrath of Heaven; and their guilty Minds suggested to them, that the Planets were not eclips'd in vain, or that the Tempests roul'd without Presage over the Heads of Rebels⁴; that there was no other Remedy remaining for their present Evils, but to abandon a profan'd Camp, an unfortunate Abode, and to return to their Garisons, after they had expiated their Crime. The eighth Legion remov'd first, and was soon follow'd by the fifteenth. The ninth oppos'd themselves to this Departure, crying out, The Answer of Tiberius was to be attended there; but being surpriz'd with Fear, as being left alone, they prevented [Page] the Necessity of being forc'd to Obedience. So that all Things being compos'd in a settl'd Calm, Drusus went immediately for Rome, without longer waiting for the return of the Deputies.

XXV. Almost at the same time, and for the same Reasons, the Legions in Germany rebell'd¹; and their Mutiny had in it the more of Insolence, because they were in greater Numbers; and all of them concluded, that Germanicus would never submit to the Government of another, but that to prevent Subjection, he would Head those Legions²; by whose means, he might put himself in a condition of reducing all others to his Party. [...]ere were two Armies encamp'd on the Banks of the [...] ▪ that on the upper pa [...]t was commanded by Caius S [...]lius, in Quality of Lieutenant-General; that on the [...]ether, by Aulus Cecina. Their common General was [...]erman [...]cus, who, at that time, was busied in Gaul about gathering the Tributes. But those who were under Silius, protracted the time of declaring themselves▪ till they saw what Fortune would be [...]al the Army of Geci [...]a ³, where the Sedition began from the Twenty first and Fifth Legions, [Page] which also drew into their Party the Twentieth, and the First; for they were quartered together on the Frontiers of the Ubiens c, living in Idleness⁴, or, at least, with small Employment. When the Death of Augustus was known amongst them, the Soldiers of the new Recruits, accustom'd to the Softnesses of Life at Rome, and, consequently, Enemies to the Toyls of War, began to broach amongst those who were Simple and Credulous, That now the Time was come for the Veterans to demand a quick Discharge; for the new-rais'd Troops to have their Pay enlarg'd; for both Parties to require an end of their Sufferings; and to revenge themselves on the Cruelty of their Centurions. It was not any single Person, (as Percennius was amongst the Pannonian Legions,) who declaim'd in this manner: Neither did the Soldiers tremble at the sight of another Army more powerful than their own, and which were Witnesses of what they said and did; but many Mouths which cry'd in Concert, That the Roman Empire was in their Hands, to dispose of as they pleas'd; that they had inlarg'd it by their Victories; and that the Caesars d held it for an Honour, to bear the Sirname of Germanicus.

XXVI. Cecina durst not oppose this, either by Word or Action, their Multitude having over master'd his Resolution. [Page] The Seditious being seiz'd, with one common Fury fell with their drawn Swords on their Centurions, (ever the Object of their Hate, and the first Sacrifice which they offer'd to their Vengeance;) they pull'd them down, and beat them afterwards to Death with Cudgels; Sixty of them at once assaulting one, to equal the Number of the Centurions, which were Sixty to every Legion. To conclude, they cast them out of the Camp half dead, or threw their Bodies into the Rhine. One of them call'd Septimius, who had refug'd himself in the Tribunal of Cecina, and had embrac'd his Knees, was demanded with so much Obstinacy, that the General was forc'd to deliver him up to their Fury. Cassius Chaerea, an intrepid Youth, the same who afterwards eterniz'd his Memory by the Death of Caligula ¹, open'd himself a Passage with his Sword through a Crowd of Arm'd Soldiers, who endeavour'd to have seiz'd him. From that moment, neither the Tribunes, nor the Mareschals de Camp, were any more obey'd. The Mutineers themselves plac'd the Sentinels and the Corps de Guard, and order'd all Things which their present Needs requir'd. Those who pierc'd into the depth of that Affair, drew from thence a certain Augury, that the Sedition would be of a long Continuance; because they acted not with any separate Interest, or, by the Instigation of any particular Men among them; they rais'd their Clamours all at once, and at once they ceas'd [Page] them; with so much Equality, and so good an Understanding amongst themselves, that it might have been reasonably believ'd, they were under the Government of one Head.

XXVII. While Germanicus, as we have said, was detain'd in Gaul to collect the Tributes, he receiv'd the News of Augustus's Death, whose Grand-daughter he had marry'd. He was the Son of Drusus, Nephew to Tiberius, and Grand-son to Livia; But the secret Hatred of his Uncle, and his Grand-mother, gave him great Inquietude, knowing that their Aversion was so much the more to be fear'd, because their Motives to it were unjust¹. For the Memory of Drusus was in high Veneration amongst the Romans; it being the general Opinion, That if he had come to possess the Empire², he would have restor'd their Liberty to the People: From thence, their Favour was deriv'd to Germanicus, and their Hopes of him the same: For Germanicus was of a [Page] soft, pleasing Humour, affable in Conversation, and his Behaviour wholly different from the sullen Reservedness and Arrogance³ of Tiberius. The Quarrels betwixt the Women contributed not a little to this Enmity; For Livia behav'd herself with the Loftiness of a Mother-in-Law to Agrippina, and Agrippina carry'd it somewhat too resentingly towards Livia; but her known Chastity, and the Love she bore her Husband, to whom she had born many Children, wrought so far upon her Soul, that, though naturally haughty and inflexible, she contain'd herself within the Bounds of what was Virtuous and Laudable.

XXVIII. But Germanicus, the nearer he approach'd to the height of Sovereignty, the more eagerly he strove to maintain Tiberius in Possession¹; he caus'd him to be recogniz'd by the Neighbouring Provincese of the Sequani and Belgae; and when he was inform'd, that the [Page] Legions were tumultuously up in Arms, he made all possible Expedition in his Iourney to them. They met him without the Camp with dejected Eyes, as in sign of their Repentance. But as soon as he was enter'd, the Camp resounded with confus'd and jarring Clamours. Some of them taking his Hand, as it were, to kiss it, put his Fingers into their Mouths, to make him sensible that they had lost their Teeth. Others shew'd him their decrepid Limbs, and Shoulders bending under the weight of Age. As they were all mingled in a Crowd, and without Order, he commanded them to draw up in their several Companies, under pretence that they might with more convenience hear his Answer, and to separate their Colours, that he might distinguish every Cohort by its proper Ensign. They obey'd him but as slowly as possibly they could² Then beginning his Oration with the Praises of Augustus ³ he descended to those of Tiberius, but above all enlarging on those Exploits, which he had perform'd with them in Germany. He set before [Page] them the Universal Consent of Italy, the Fidelity of the Gauls, and the Concord of all the other Provinces of the Empire. And thus far he was heard with a respectful Silence, or, at least, with little or no Disturbance.

XXIX. But when he came to ask them, what was become of their Obedience, and of their ancient Discipline, where were their Tribunes, and what they had done with their Centurions? They stripp'd themselves naked, to shew him, by way of Reproach, the Scars of the Wounds, and the Bruises of those Blows which they had receiv'd from their Officers; and afterwards speaking all at once, they complain'd of their scanty Pay, and the intolerable Price with which they were forc'd to purchase their Exemption from Duties; and the Miseries they suffered in¹ labouring Night and Day on their Retrenchments, in providing Forage for their Horses and Beasts of Burden, and heaps of Faggots, (or Fascines;) and what other Employments are invented to keep the Soldiers in exercise, when no Enemy [Page] is near. A fierce Clamour of the Veterans arose, who having serv'd the space of 30 or 40 Years, besought Germanicus to take Pity on them, and not suffer them to die in the Hardships of Warfare, but to give them their Discharge, and wherewithal to subsist afterwards in their Age² Some amongst them also demanded the Legacies of Money, which were left them by Augustus, not without loud Acclamations to Germanicus, and engaging to serve him, if he would accept the Empiref. But he, as if he fear'd there had been Infection in their Crime, leap'd precipitately down from his Tribunal³, and was departing from the Camp, till they held him by the Arm, and turning the Points of their Swords against him, threaten'd to kill him if he refus'd to mount his Seat. He protesting, he would rather die, than be wanting to his Duty, drew his Sword, and raising his Arm, was plunging it into his Breast, if those who were nearest him had not stop'd his Hand. They who stood farmost in [Page] the Crowd press'd nearer, and some of them (what is almost incredible to relate) singling themselves from the rest, came up to him, and exhorted him to strike as he had threaten'd; And a certain Soldier, called Calusidius, offer'd him his naked Sword, assuring him, that the Point was sharperg than his own. But this appear'd of bad Example, and even execrable to those who were mad themselves; so that there was Time given for his Friends to draw him off into his Tent.

[Page] XXX. There a Council was call'd, in order to appease the Mutiny; for Notice had been given, that the Seditious had propos'd to send Deputies to the Army of Silius, and to ingage them in their Revolt¹; that they had resolv'd to plunder the City of the Ubians h; and that if once they had tasted the Sweets of Rapine, they would soon be tempted onwards, to make a Prey of Gaul. It was also apprehended, that the Germans, who were not ignorant of what had pass'd, should make an Irruption into the Roman Province, in case the Legions should withdraw from the Rhine. And that, on the other side, if they should arm the Allies and the Auxiliariesi against the Legions, to hinder their departure, that was in effect to kindle a Civil War. That Severity expos'd Germanicus to Danger, and Mildness tok Contempt²; that whether all Things should be granted, [Page] or all refus'd to the Mutineers, was of equal Hazard to the common Good. In fine, all Reasons, both on the one and the other side▪ being duly weigh'd, it was resolv'd to counterfeit Letters as from Tiberi [...], by which he gave a free Discharge to all such as [...] serv'd fo [...] the space of Twenty Years³; and declar'd those for Voluntiers who had serv'd Sixteen, retaining them und [...]r a particular Ensign, exempted from all sorts of Duty²²⁸, excepting only to repulse the Enemy; and ordaining them to be paid double the Legacy which had been left them by Augustus.

XXXI. The Soldiers suspecting the Designl, requir'd that all this should be immediately perform'd▪ [Page] And the Tribunes expedited the Discharge; but the Payment being postpon'd till they were in Winter-Quarters, the Fifth and the Twenty first Legions refus'd to return into their Garisons: And Germanicus was forc'd to pay them out of the Money² which he brough [...] with him to defray his Voyage, and out of what he could borrow from his Friends. Cecina brought back to the Ubians the First and the Twentieth Legions▪ and i [...] was indeed a shameful March, to see carried, as it were, in Triumph, the Silverm, which they had extorted from [Page]their General, amongst the Eagles and the Ensigns. In the mean time, Germanicus being gone to visit the Army on the Upper Rhine, the Second, the Thirteenth, and the Sixteenth Legion took the Oath of Fidelity without the least demurr; and the Fourteenth having paus'd a little on the Matter, he offer'd them the Money, and their Discharge, without their once demanding it³.

XXXII. But the Sedition was again renewing in the Country of the Chauci n, through the Malice of those Rebellious Veterans, who were there in Garison, if a timely Stop had not been put to the Beginnings by the Execution of two Soldiers, whom Mennius, the Mareschal-de-Camp, caus'd to be suddenly put to Death: A daring Action, and of good Example, rather than of true¹ Iusticeo. Notwithstanding which, the Mutiny still gathering to a greater Head, he took flight, and hid himself; but being discover'd, he call'd his Courage to his Succour. This Violence, said he, is not offer'd to me, but to Germanicus, your General; and to Tiberius, your [Page]lawful Emperour ². Saying this, and seeing them amaz'd, he snatch'd their Ensignp, and turning directly towards the Rhine, he cried out, that he held him for a Deserter who forsook his Rank ³; insomuch, that they all return'd to their Winter-Quarters much discontented, and without daring to proceed in their Attempt.

XXXIII. In the mean time, Germanicus being already on his return from the Upper Germany, the Deputies of the Senate, found him at the Altar of the Ubians q, [Page] where the First and the Twentieth Legions, together with the Veterans, who were discharg'd, had their Winter Quarters, and were still retain'd under their Ensigns. A terrible Affright suddenly seiz'd those Soldiers, who felt the Stings of Conscience for the Crime they had committed. They suspected, that those Deputies had Orders to revoke the Grants, which they had extorted by their Mutiny. And as it is the common Practice of the Multitude to accuse one wrongfully, they make Munatius Plancus, a Consular Man, and Chief of the Deputation, the Author of this Decree of the Senate¹. Towards Midnight they came to a Resolution among themselves to demand the Standard, which was kept in the Lodgings of Germanicus r. Accordingly they ran thither in a Crowd, broke open the Doors, and dragging the² Prince out of his Bed, they threaten'd him with Death, and constrain'd him to deliver up the Ensign ³. Then running through the Camp, they met the Legats, who hearing the Uproar, were hastening to Germanicus; they resolve to murder them, and particularly [Page] Plancus, whom regard of his⁴ Character would not permit to escape by [...]ight; and therefore, having no other Refuge, he cast himself into the Quarter of the First Legion, and made Religion his Buckler, by embracing the Eagle and the Ensingss. Which notwithstanding, the Roman Camp, and even the Altars of the Gods, were in danger of being profan'd by the Blood of a Roman Ambassador, (an unusual Crime even among our Enemies) if Calpurnius, who was Eagle-bearert, had not prevented the Blow by his Resistance. When it was Day-light, and Men and Actions could be discern'd, Germanicus entring the Camp, caus'd Plancus to be brought before him, and seated him by his Side on his Tribunal; then reproaching them with their mad Behaviour, and exclaiming against their fatal Disobedience, which he chose to attribute to the Anger of the Gods⁵, rather than the Fury of the Soldiers, he openly declar'd the Occasion of that Embassy, and eloquently deplor'd the cruel Outrage done to Plancus without cause, and the [Page] Infamy which the Legion had incurr'd, by violating in his Person the sacred Character of Ambassadors⁶. After this Harangue, which rather astonish'd the Multitude, than appeas'd them, he licens'd the Deputies to depart, and caus'd them to be convoy'd by the Auxiliary Troops.

XXXIV. During this Con [...]ernation, Germanicus was generally blam' [...], that he repair'd not to the Army on the [Page] Upper Rhine, where he might have found both Obedience and Aid against the Rebels. Germanicus (said they) has discover'd his Weakness, and his Fear, in rewarding the Revolters¹. If he regarded not his own Safety, yet why should he abandon his Infant Son², and his Wife with Child, to the Fury of those Mutineers, to whom nothing is inviolable? He ought, at least, to have restor'd those Pledges to Tiberius, and to the Commonwealth. After long Consideration, he embrac'd his Wife and Son with many Tears, and order'd their departure: And though Agrippina, to avoid that mournful Separation, said, That the Grand-daughter of Augustus had too much Courage to fear Danger³, [Page] yet at length she submitted to the Iourney. It was a sad Spectacle, to see the Wife of a General, in the Equipage of a Fugitive, carrying a helpless Infant in her Arms, encompass'd with a Troop of other Women, all in Tears; and those who stay'd behind, as much afflicted, as those who went.

XXXV. These lamentable Outcries, which one would have thought had rather come from a sack'd City, than from the Camp of Germanicus, at that time in a flourishing Condition, excited the Curiosity of the Soldiers. They came forth from their Tents to learn the Cause. There they beheld so many Ladies of Illustrious Birth, without any Convoy or Guard to attend them; Agrippina, without her ordinary Train, or any one remaining Sign to distinguish the Wife of their General from other Women: And informing themselves, that she was going for Treves, there to seek a Sanctuary among Strangers, they were equally mov'd with Shame and Pity, by the dear Remembrance of her Father Agrippa, of her Grand-father Augustus, and of her Father-in-Law Drusus; by the Honour of her Fruitfulness, and her inviolable Chastity; and more particularly, by their Regret they had to see her carry away, in a manner so unworthy of her, her Infant Son who was born within their Camp, nurs'd, as it were, in the Bosom of the Legions, and call'd Caligula, because he wore the common Bootsu of Soldiers, to gain their Affections in his very Childhood. But nothing was more grievous to them, than the Envy of that Honour, which was done to those of Treves. Some of them ran after her, and besought her to stay among them; others went to [...], and importun'd him for her Return. But, [Page] as he was yet in the first Ferment of his Grief and Choler, he answer'd them in this manner.

XXXVI. ‘Believe not, that my Wife and Son are dearer to me than the Emperour, and the Empire¹. For my Father, his own Fortune will defend him; and the Empire² wants not other Armies, without this, for its Support. As I would freely sacrifice my Wife and Children for your Honour, so I remove them not at present from you, but to hinder you from becoming yet more guilty, by the Murder of Augustus's Grand-daughter, and the Grand-son of Tiberius; and to expiate by my Blood alone, the Crime which your Fury is about to perpetrate. For what is it you have not [Page] dar'd to Enterprize of late? What is there so Sacred, which you have not presum'd to violate. By what Name can I call you, Soldiers? You who have besieg'd the Son of your Emperour, or Roman Citizens, who have, with so much Insolence, contemn'd the Authority of the Senate? You have profan'd even the sacred Laws of Nations, even the inviolable Persons of Ambassadors³, even the common Rights observ'd by Enemies.⁴ The Divine Iulius sti [...]led a Sedition by one single Word, when he call'd his Soldiers (who were deserting his Servicex) Rabble. The Divine [Page] Augustus made his Actian-Legionsy tremble only with a Look. And though I am unworthy to be nam'd with them, yet having the Honour to be descended from their Loins⁵, I should think it strange, and even unjust, that the Armies of Spain and Syria should despise me: But what shall I say! they are the Fifth and the Twentieth Legion which have revolted! the one of them, inroll'd by the Hand of Tiberius himself; and the other, the constant Companion of his Victories, and enrich'd by his Bounties! And, to do you Right, you have both made him in return, a wonderful Acknowledgment of his Favours. Shall I be the Bearer of such News to him, who receives none but happy [Page] Tidings from all the other Provinces? Shall I tell him, that his Soldiers, as well the Veterans, as the new Recruits, are not to be quieted, either by their Discharge, or by their Pay? That 'tis here they kill Centurions; drive away Tribunes; imprison Legates: That the Camp and Rivers are overflow'd with Blood; and that his Son is at the Mercy of as many Enemies, as he has Soldiers? Ah, my once dear Fellow-Soldiers! why did did you snatch away that Sword, which I was plunging into my Body? He, of your Number, was my best Friend, who presented me his own. I had now been dead; I had not been a Witness of so many Crimes, with which you have stain'd your Honour since that Day! You had chosen another General, who would have left my Death unpunish'd, but in return, would have reveng'd the Massacre of Varus, and his three Legions. For I should be sorry, (for your Honour) that the Belgae, who make offer of their Service, should have the Glory of reducing the Germans to Obedience, and restoring the Reputation of the Romans. Oh! that thy Soul, Divine Augustus, now in Heaven, and thou, Oh my Father Drusus! whose Resemblance I behold in these Ensigns! Oh that the Remembrance of these Actions may inspire these very Soldiers, who now begin to feel the Stings of Shame, and Spurs of Glory, with a Resolution of blotting out that foul Disgrace, and of turning their Swords against our Enemies! And you, in whose alter'd Countenances I read another Heart, in sign, that you will pay your Emperour the Obedience which you owe to him; and to the Senate, to their Ambassadors, to your General, to his Wife, and to his Son; separate your selves from the Company of these Mutineers, as a Pledge of your Fidelity, and an authentick Testimony of your sincere Repentance.’

XXXVII. At this, they threw themselves before his Feet; and confessing, that his Reproaches were all deserv'd and just, they besought him to punish the Offenders; [Page] to pardon those, who had only err'd through Frailty; and to lead them on to Battle: As also, to recal his Wife, and not to give in Hostage to the Gauls the Nursling of the Legions. He excus'd himself as to what regarded Agrippina, by her being so near her Time of Childbed, and by the approach of Winter; as for his Son, he consented to recal him; adding, that he left them to finish what remain'd. From that moment they began to seize on the most Seditious, and brought them bound in Fetters to Caius Cetronius, who commanded the first Legionz; and he caus'd immediate Iustice to be done on them in this manner: The Legions encompass'd his Tribunal with their naked Swords; A Tribunea from above shew'd the Soldier who was accus'd, to those below; if the Assembly pronounc'd him guilty, he was immediately cast down, in order to be executed; and every one took pleasure in killing his Camerade, as if thereby he clear'd his own Innocenceb. Germanicus was silent while this was passing; so that nothing being done by his Command, the whole Hatred of the Massacre fell upon the Actors. The Veterans follow'd this Example, and soon after were commanded into Rhetia, under colour of defending that Province from the Incursions of the Suevae, but in reality, [...]o remove them from a Camp, the very sight of which rais'd Horrour in them, because it set the Image of their late Revolt before their Eyes. Then Germanicus made a strict Enquiry into the Conduct of the Centurions: He examin'd them one by one; each of them was oblig'd [Page] to tell his Name; his Country; whatc Company he commanded; how long he had serv'd; what Actions he had done in War; and they, who had been honour'd with any Military Presents, shew'd them. In short, if any Legion, or any Tribune, gave a good Account of their Probity and Diligence, they were continued in their Stations; and, on the contrary, he degraded those who were accus'd by common Fame, either of Covetousness, or of Cruelty: And in this manner the Sedition was appeas'd.

XXXVIII. But what was yet remaining on his Hands, in reference to the Fifth and Twenty-first Legion, was not of less Importance. Those Legions had their Winter Quarters Sixty Miles from thence, in a Place call'd Vetera d. The Sedition was begun by them; there was no Crime so heinous, which they had not committed; and, to compleat their Villany, they were still for pushing on their Fury to the utmost; nothing frighted with the Punishment of some; nothing mov'd with Remorse, or with the Penitence of others. Germanicus therefore gave his Orders to prepare Vessels on the Rhine; resolving to terrifie them into Duty, in case they persisted in their Disobedience.

XXXIX. The News of this Revolt amongst the Legions being come to Rome, before the Event of the other in Pannonia was known, the City, struck with Fear, began to murmur against Tiberius; accusing him, that while he by his artificial Delays and Dissimulations was still imposing on the People and the Senate, which were both of them unarm'd, and without Power, in the mean time the Soldiers were raising a Rebellion: They said, that the two young Princes, for want of Knowledge and Authority, could not hold the Armies in Obedience: [Page] It was his Duty to go in Person thither, and oppose the Majesty of the Empire to the Mutineers; who would never dare to make Head against a Prince, of consummate Wisdom and Experience; and who alone had their Life and Death at his Dispose; that Augustus, in his declining Age, and languishing with Sickness, had taken many Iourneys into Germany; and that Tiberius, now in the Vigour of his Years, led a sedentary Life at Rome, and employ'd his Time in cavilling at the Expressions of the Senators; that he very sufficiently provided for domestick Slavery; that it was now incumbent on him, to restrain the License of the Soldiers, and teach them how to behave themselves in Peace¹.

XL. Tiberius was unmov'd at thesee Discourses¹; [Page] having fix'd his Resolutions, not to leave the Seat of Empire², or put to hazard his own Life, or the Safety of the Commonwealth. His Mind was perplex'd with [Page] many Cares, and contrary Thoughts. The German Army was the stronger, and the Pannonian nearer Rome; one was supported by the Gauls, and the other had an easie Passage into Italy f. To which of these should he go first? For the Legions, which were last visited, would take Offence, and think themselves neglected. On the other side, by sending his two Sons, both Armies might be at once contented, and the Majesty of the Supream Power preserved, which is always most respected at a distance. Besides, that Germanicus and Drusus might be held excus'd, if they sent extravagant Demands from the Legions to their Father, who would still be in condition either to appease, or punish the Rebellious, when ever they should transgress the Limits of Respect to the young Princes; but if they should once despise the Person of the Emperour, what other Remedy remain'd? In the mean time, he neglected not to prepare a Fleet to provide his Equipage, and set on foot an Army of choice Soldiers, as if they were to follow him to the Wars, and he just upon the March. But sometimes he excus'd his Iourney by the approach of Winter, and at other Times [Page] by the multiplicity of Business³ which interven'd: By which Pretences he at first impos'd on the most Intelligent, then on the Vulgar, and for a long time kept the Provinces in suspenceg.

XLI. But Germanicus, though he had assembled his Forces, and was in a condition to punish the O [...]fenders, yet thought it more expedient to give them leisure to Repent, and make Trial, if, by the Example of the two other Legions, they would prevent his Vengeance. In order to this, he wrote first to Cecina, and gave him notice, that he was already on his march with a powerful Army, fully determin'd to put all the Rebels to the Sword, without sparing the Life of any one, if they themselves did not Iustice on the Criminals before his arrival. Cecina read these Letters privately to the Chief [Page] Commandersh, and to some others, who had no Hand in the Sedition, at the same time adjuring them to preserve themselves from Death, and save their Companions from the Infamy of that Punishment which attended them. Representing also to them, that Reason might be heard in Times of Peace, but in War the Innocent perish'd with the Guilty. Upon this, the Officers sound the Intentions of those Soldiers whom they thought most proper for the Execution of their Design, and finding that the greater Number still continu'd Loyal, they agree with Cecina, on a Time appointed, to put to Death the most Seditious. The Signal being given, they fall at once upon the Factious, and execute them in their Tents, none but the Contrivers, and Assistants in the Action, knowing from whence began the Slaughter, nor when it would conclude.

XLII. Of all the Civil Wars which ever were, none resembled this. It was not in Battle, nor by the Hands of Enemies, that this Massacre was made; but by Men, who the same Day convers'd familiarly, and eat in Company, and at Night were lodg'd together in one Bedi. On the sudden they are divided into Parties opposite▪ nothing but Out [...]ries and Bloodshed, the rest was govern'd by blind Chance, and the cause of Enmity unknown by those who perish'd. Many fell who deserv'd not Death; for the Guilty had taken Arms in their own Defence, when once they found on whom the Slaughter was design'd. Neither Cecina, nor the Tribunes, gave [Page] themselves the Trouble to stop their Fury; the common Soldiers had all manner of Freedom to exercise their Vengeance, till they were tir'd with killing. Germanicus soon after enter'd the Camp, and beholding so many Corps extended on the Ground, said with many Tears, That this was not a Remedy, nor the breathing of a Vein, but a Butchery; and commanded the Bodies to be burn'd. While their Minds were in this Ferment, the Soldiers cried out to be led against the Enemy, as if the Manes of those, whom they had slain, were to be appeas'd no other way, than by exposing their impious Breasts to honest Wounds. Germanicus grati [...]ies their Desire, and having laid a Bridge across the Rhine, passes over Twelve thousand Legionary Soldiers, Twenty six Cohorts of the Allies, and Eight Regiments of Horse, all of try'd Valour, and of Proof against Sedition.

XLIII. The Germans, who were not far distant, pass'd their Time secure in Pleasure, while the War seem'd to sleep about them; and a Cessation of Arms ensu'd of course, from the Death of Augustus, and a Civil Discord amongst our selves. The Romans, by speedy Marches, cross'd the Forest of Cesia k, and posted their Forces on a Rampart, which Tib [...]rius had begun to raise in the time of Augustus; there they forti [...]i'd themselves, both before and behind, with a strong Palisade: Both their Wings were cover'd by huge Trunks of Trees which they had fell'd, and which serv'd them for a Barricade. From thence, traversing thick Forests, they held a Council, which way they should bend their March: The shortest, and most frequented; or that which was farthest about, and more difficult to pass; but where they thought the Enemy would not attend them. The Reasons for the longer Way prevail'd, but all the rest was perform'd with haste; for their Scouts brought back Intelligence, [Page] that the Germans solemniz'd a Feast that Night with publick Rejoycing. Cecina was commanded to advance with the Cohorts without their Baggage, and to free a Passage through the Forest, by cutting down and removing all Incumbrances. The Legions follow'd at some distance; the Night was clear and calm, and favourable to the March. They enter'd the Village of the Marsi, which they encompass'd with Corps-de-Guard. They found the Germans, either asleep in Bed, or laid along by their Tables sides, without Sentinels, or the least suspicion of an Enemy; so great was their Confidence, or their Neglect. They thought themselves secure of War, yet it was not properly a state of Peace, but rather a stupid Debauch, and a Lethargick Rest.

XLIV. To make the Waste yet greater, Germanicus divided his Forces into four Battalions, who breath'd nothing but Revengel, setting the Country on Fire for fifty Miles about, and putting all the Inhabitants to the Sword, neither sparing Age or Sex, or Sacred Places or Profane. The famous Temple call'd Tanfane m, was raz'd to the Foundations; and all this perform'd by ours, without receiving any Wound, having met no opposition; no Enemies, but Men half asleep, disarm'd, or wandring about the Fields. This Massacre awaken'd the Bructeri n, the Tubantes o, and the Us [...]petes p, who incamp'd themselves in certain Forests, through which the Army, in their return, was of necessity to pass. The Auxiliary Cohorts, and one half of the Horse, compos'd [Page] the Van▪ The First Legion march'd after them, inclosing the Baggage in the midst; the Twenty first Legion march'd on the Left Wing; the Fifth on the Right; and the Twentieth in the Rear, with the rest of the Allies. The Enemy mov'd not, till they saw the main Body enter'd into the Wood; then they began a light Skirmish on the Front and Wings, pouring with their Gross upon the Rear. The Cohorts, who were all Light-Horsemen, already bent before the closs Body of the Germans, not being able to sustain the Charge, when Germanicus spurring his Horse at speed, came up with the Twentieth Legion, and cry'd aloud, That now was the Time for [...]em to wash away the Stain of their late Sedition; bid them haste to redeem their Honour, and turn their Offence into Merit, their Infamy to Glory. At these Words, their Courage was kindl'd to that height, that at the first Charge they broke the Enemy, drove them headlong back into the Plain, and there made a terrible [...]cution. At the same time, the Van-Guard got clear of the Forest, and hasted to Retrench. After this, the Way was free, and the Soldiers went into their Winter Quarter [...], highly pleas'd with their Expedition, and [...]tting all that was past into Oblivion.

XLV. When Tiberius had Intelligence of this, it fill'd him with excess of Ioy; but the Pleasure was not so sincere, as not to be mix'd with great Disturbance. He rejoyc'd that the Sedition was wholly quench'd, but it stung him that Germanicus had the Glory of it¹; and more, that he had entirely gain'd the Affections of the [Page] Soldiers by his Bounty²; and above all, by giving them their Discharge so soon. Yet he was not wanting to relate to the Senate his Exploits, and to give large Commendations to his Valour; but in Terms too much affected and labour'd, to be thought sincereq. He spoke more sparingly of Drusus, and of the Success of his Voyage into Illyria; but it was with more Frankness, and more Love; and besides, he order'd the same Conditions to be made for the Legions in Pannonia, which Germanicus had granted to his own.

[Page] XLVI. In the same Year died Iulia, the Daughter of Augustus r, whom, for her Incontinence, he had formerly confin'd to the Isle of Pandataria s, and afterwards to Rhegium, near the Coast of Sicily. During the Life of Caius, and Lucius Agrippa, her Sons, she had been given in second Marriage to Tiberius, whom she despis'd, as a Man below her Quality¹; and this was the principal Occasion of the Retirement of Tiberius to Rhodes. But when he succeeded to the Empire, not content to behold her banish'd, dishonour'd, and, by the Death of Agrippa Posthumus, depriv'd not only of all Hopes, but of all Support, he caus'd her to die in Want and Misery; imagining, that the distance of the Place to which she [Page] was banish'd would hide the manner of her Death. Sempronius Gracchus was likewise slain on her Account. Gracchus, who was of a ready Wit and Eloquent, with Cunning and Insinuation had debauch'd Iulia, during her Marriage with Agrippa; and his Gallantry with that Lady ended not with her first Husband's Death, for he continu'd her perpetual Adulterer even after her Marriage with Tiberius. He was continually provoking her against her Husband, and encourag'd her to Disobedience. It was also thought, that he was the Author of those Letters, which she writ to her Father against Tiberius, and which occasion'd his Disgrace. For these Reasons, he was confin'd to an African Island, call'd Cercina, where he remain'd in Exile 14 Years. He was found by the Soldiers, who were sent to kill him, on a Prominence at a little distance from the Shore; and presaging no Good from their Arrival. He desir'd some little Time to write his Last Will to his Wife Alliaria, after which, he freely offer'd them his Head. A Constancy, not unworthy of the Sempronian Name, though he had degenerated from it by the Voluptuousness of his Life². Some have written, that those Soldiers were not sent from Rome, but from Lucius Asprenas, Proconsul of Africa, on whom Tiberius thought, in vain, to have cast the Odium of that Murder³.

[Page] XLVII. This Year was also made Remarkable by the Institution of new Ceremonies; for there was establish'd at this time a College of Priests in Honour of Augustus, in imitation of the Titian Priests, formerly instituted by Titus Tatius t, to preserve the Religion of the Sabines. Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot, of which Number were Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus ¹. Then it was that [Page] the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Contention of the Stage-Players, and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actoru. Augustus himself had been much addicted to these Divertisements, out of his Complaisance to Maecenas, who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus: Besides, that he was himself no Enemy to those Entertainments, and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince, to enter into the² Pleasures of his Peoplex. [Page] Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different, but he durst not yet subject a Multitude³ to more rigid Customs, which had so long been accustom'd to a soft, voluptuous way of Living.

The Year of Rome 768.

XLVIII. Under the Consulship of Drusus and Norbanus, a Triumph for Germanicus was decreed, though [Page] the War was yet in being. And though he had made great Preparations for the Summer following, yet he anticipated the Time, by a sudden Irruption in the beginning of the Spring into the Country of the Catti: For there were Grounds of Hope, that Factions would arise among them, some taking part with Arminius, others with Segestes; both of them very considerable to the Romans. one by his breach of Faith, the other by his Constancy. Arminius had disturb'd the Peace of Germanicus, and kindl'd the War against the Romans: Segestes had openly declar'd in the last solemn Festivals, and many times before they rose in Arms, that a Conspiracy was hatching to Revolt; at the same time advising Varus ¹ to secure Arminius and himself, and all the Leading Men of the Germans; the People not being in any capacity of Rebelling, when they were unfurnish'd of Commanders. And this once done, Varus would have sufficient [Page] Leisure, to distinguish afterwards betwixt the Guilty and the Innocent² But Varus perish'd by his Destiny ³, and by the Valour of⁴ Arminius a. For Segestes, [Page] though he was drawn into the War by the general Consent of his Country-men, yet he liv'd in perpetual Discord with Arminius; and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence; for Arminius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda, betroth'd already to another. Thus the Father-in-Law, and Son, were equally hateful to each other; and those mutual Ties, which commonly beget Friendship, [Page] were now the Provocations to the most bitter Enmity⁵.

XLIX. Germanicus, on this Account, commanded out Cecina with Four Legions, Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers, and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine: He himself conducted a like Number of Legions, but double the Number of Allies; and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations, which his Father had laid, and which were yet standing, he march'd with great speed against the Catti, leaving behind him Lucius Apronius, with Order to take care, that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains, yet the Ways might be kept in repair, and continue passable. For in setting forward, he found the Waters so very low, and the Ways so dry, (a Thing uncommon in that Climate,) that he found no difficulty in his March; but he feared in his return it might be otherwise. He came so suddenly upon the Catti, that the old Men, the Women, and the Children, were either kill'd at first, or taken Prisoners, and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adrana b; who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans [Page] in the building of a Bridge over it, were repuls'd by their Arrows, and their Engines. These Hopes failing, and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected, some of them came over, and submitted to Germanicus; the rest forsaking their Cantons, retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods. Germanicus having burn'd Martium c, their Capital Town, ravag'd all the Low-lands, and took his March backwards to the Rhine; the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear, as their Custom is when they [...]eign to fly, rather through Stratagem, than Fear. The Cherusci d were desirous to have succour'd their Friends th [...] Catti, but they were apprehensive of Cecina, who ca [...] ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary, the Marsi, having presum'd to charge him, were vigorously repuls'd, and entirely routed.

L. Some time afterwards, there came Deputies from Segestes, to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him, for Arminius had there the stronger Party, because he had advis'd the War¹; it being the common Practice of Barbarians, only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring, and more especially in unquiet Times. Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond, though the Mind [Page] of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employment²; for the Year, in which all Germany revolted, being created Priest of the Altar of the Ubians, he tore in pieces his Sacred Filletse, and went over to the Party of the Rebels. Nevertheless, confiding in the Clemency of the Romans, he undertook the Commission enjoyn'd him by his Father, and was well received³; and sent afterward under Guard to the Confines of the Gauls. Germanicus lost not his Labour by this Return, for after some Encounters, he disingag'd Segestes from the Hands of his Enemies, with many of his Relations and his Vassals. There were also some Ladies of Quality, and, among the rest, the Daughter of Segestes, who shew'd by her Countenance, that he shad more of her Husband's Courage, than of her Father's Temper⁴. She walk'd with [Page] her Hands folded on her Bosom, and seem'd to look downward on the Fruit of her Body, with which she was now big, without shedding one Tear, or saying one single Word, or doing one Action which had any thing of a Suppliant. There were also carried, the Spoils which the Enemies had taken at the Defeat of Varus, and which had been shar'd by many of those who were now Prisoners. At last appear'd Segestes, of a Stature higher than any of the rest, with an assur'd Countenance, as having been always in the Roman Interest: And accordingly he bespoke them in these Terms.

LI. This Day, O Romans, is not the first, wherein I have begun to give you the Proofs of an inviolable Faith. Since the time that the Divine Augustus made me Citizen of Rome, I have had neither Friends nor Enemies, but yours¹; neither have I steer'd this Course out of any Hatred to my Country, (for Traitors are odious, even to them whose Cause they have espous'df,) but only because I preferr'd Peace to [Page] War², and was convinc'd, that Peace was the common Interest of both Nations. On this Account it was, that I accus'd Arminius to Varus, who then commanded the Roman Army; Arminius, I say, the Ravisher of my Daughter, and Infringer of the Alliance made with you³. Tir'd with the Delays and Irresolution of your General⁴, and beside, despairing [Page] of Protection from the Laws, I desir'd of Varus to make me Prisoner, together with Arminius and his Accomplices. I call that Night to witness of this Truth, which I wish to Heaven had been my last. What since has happen'd, may be Deplor'd better than Excus'd. For what remains, I have formerly detain'd Arminius in Fetters, and he and his Faction in their Turn have given me the same Treatment. Even since, I have had the Opportunity of making my Addresses to you, O Caesar, I have constantly retain'd my old Inclinations, and I preferr'd Repose to Trouble: And this not in prospect of any Recompence which I pretend, but to clear my Innocence from Suspicion of Perjury; and to put my self the better in condition to make Terms with Rome for my Compatriots, when ever they consult their Safety by Repentance. I implore your Clemency in my Son's behalf, desiring that his Youth may excuse his Error. I confess, my Daughter is brought hi [...]her against [...]er Consent; I leave it to your Iudgment, whether you will consider her as the Wife of Arminius, or as the Daughter of Segestes.

LII. To this, Germanicus graciously answer'd, That his Children and Relations had no cause of Fear; that for himself, he had provided an honourable Retreat in an ancient Roman Province, where he might live secure from Danger. This Affair being thus ended, he brought back his Army, and receiv'd the Title of Imperator by the Command of Tiberius. The Wife of Arminius was deliver'd of a Son, who had his Breeding at Ravenna. What contumelious Usage he receiv'd when he was grown to Age¹, shall be related in due place.

[Page]LIII. The News of the good Entertainment given to [...], was diversly received; by some with Pleasure by ot [...]ers with Regret; as they either fear'd, or wish'd the War. Arminius, besides the Violence of his Nature, being inflam'd with the Outrage done to him in the [...] of his Wife, whom his Enemies had seiz'd, and [...] [...]is Child unborn, yet already destin'd for a Slave, took a rapid Course through the Country of the Cherus [...]i, solliciting that People to rise in Arms against Germanicus, and sparing no opprobrious Language against Segestes. ‘Behold, said he, a pious Father in Segestes! Behold a doughty Warriour in Germanicus! A wonderful Exploit, for a whole Army to take a Woman Prisoner! I, on the other side, have destroy'd three Legions of theirs, and three Lieutenant-Generals. The Wars I make are without Surprize, or Treachery; I fight fairly, and in the open Field; not with Women big with Child, but with Arm'd Soldiers. There are yet to be seen, in our Sacred Woods, the Roman Eagles, and their Ensigns, which I have hung in Triumph on the Altars of our Gods. Let Segestes please himself with his secure Abode in a conquer'd Country; let l [...]t him restore to his Son the Priesthood of the Ubians; the Germans never can forgive him, for having brought betwixt the Elb and the Rhine the Consulary Fasces, [Page] and Axes of the Romans, with all other the Marks of their Dominion. The rest of the Nations, who are free from their Subjection, know not yet the Names of Punishment and Taxes. After having shaken off the Yoke, and made vain the Attempts of that Augustus, to whom they have given the Title of a God; and of that Tiberius, whom they have chosen in his stead, to inslave our Country; shall we fear a Boy, a Novice in the War, and an Army made up of Mutineers? If then you have more Affection for your Native Country, your Families, and your ancient Laws, than for Tyrants and new Colonies, rather follow Arminius, the Defender of your Freedom and your Honour, than the infamous Segestes, who would betray you into Slavery.’

LIV. Not only the Cherusci, but all the Neighbouring Nations, were set on fire by this Oration. He also drew Inguiomer into his Party, who was his Uncle by the Father's side, and of great Reputation among the Romans; which increas'd the Trouble of Germanicus, who apprehended, lest with their United Forces they should come pouring upon him. To make some Diversiong, he sent Cecina with Forty Roman Cohorts through the Country of the Bructerians; Pedo led the Cavalry by the Confines of Frisia, and he himself embarking with Four Legions, pass'd the Lakes; the Foot, the Horse, and his Navy, arriving at the same time on the Banks of Amisia h, which was the Place appointed for the Rendevous. The Cauci, who had offer'd their Assistance, were receiv'd as Companions of the War. The Bructerians, who had set fire on all their open Towns, were defeated by Lucius Stertinius, whom Germanicus had sent forth [Page] with some Troops of Light-Horsemen to encounter them. Amidst the Dead, and amongst the Spoils, he found the Eagle of the Nineteenth Legion, which was lost at the Overthrow of Varus i. Our Army thereupon advanc'd to the farmost Limits of the Bructerian Coun [...]ry, wasting all Things in their way, betwixt the Rivers of Amisia and Lippa k.

LV. The Army being now within a small march of the [...]orest of T [...]u [...]burg, where it was told Germanicus, that the Bones of the Legions, which were slain with Varus, lay yet unbury'dl, he was seiz'd with a violent Desire of rendring their last Dues to those sad Relicks. The whole Army approv'd their General's Design, whether mov'd with Pity for their Friends and Relations, or by a Natural Re [...]lection on the Chance of War, and the wretched Condition of Mankind. Cecina was sent before to discover the Fastnesses of the Woods, prepare Bridges, and lay Ca [...]seways, where the Footing was unsure, and the Ground treacherous, by reason of the Bogsm. Entring into these mournful Places, which were dreadful to their Sight, and i [...]ksom to their Remembrance, the first Ob [...]ect presented to their view, was the Camp of Varus, remarkable by its large Compass, and by the three [Page] Voidsn, which separated the three Legions. A little farther might be seen, the Retrenchments half in Ruine, inclos'd with a Ditch, now choak'd up, and almost sill'd; in which it was believ'd, that the shatter'd Remnants of the Army had been rally'd for their last Re [...]uge. The middle of the Field was [...]trew'd with Carcasses, and white dry Bones, some scatter'd here and there, and others pil'd on heaps; by which might be observ'd, whether they receiv'd their Death in flight, or fell together in manly Resistance to the last. Every where were found their broken Pikes, and Iavelins; the Limbs of Horses, and their Iaw-bones; and the Heads of Men, which were fix'd to the Trunks, or hung on the Branches of the Trees. In the Woods about the Field were seen the Altars, where those Barbarians had executed the Tribunes and Captains of the first Orderso. They who had escap'd from this Battel, or afterwards from their Captivity, related many Particulars of that dreadful Day. On this Place, said they, were slain the Commanders of the Legions; and there it was we lost our Eagles. Here Varus receiv'd his first Wound, and a little farther he fell upon his Sword, and perish'd by his own unhappy Hand. Behold the Eminence from whence Arminius harangu'd his Soldiers; and yonder he rais'd Gibbets for the Prisoners, or sunk Ditchesp, to behead and bury them according to the Roman Fashion. While the Proud Conquerour forgot not to drag along the Ground, with Scorn, our Ensigns and our Eagles.

LVI. In this manner, the Roman Army, six Years after the Defeat, interr'd the Bones of the three Legions, [Page] it being impossible for any Man to distinguish those of his Relations from the rest: Every one performing his Duty to all in general, as to so many Friends and Brothers, with Hearts equally divided betwixt Sorrow, and desire of Vengeance. Germanicus partaking in their Grief, laid the first Turf on the common Sepulchreq: But this pious Office to the Slain was nothing pleasing to Tiberius; whether he took in the worst sense all the Actions of Germanicus ¹; or that he thought, so sad a Spectacle as that was, of unbury'd Bodies, would slacken the Courage of his Soldiers², and make their Enemies appear more formidable. Besides, that the General of any Army vested with the Augural Priesthood, and design'd for the Ministry of Religious Rites, ought not to have put his Hand to Ceremonies belonging to the Dead.

[Page] LVII. In the mean time, Germanicus pursu'd Arminius, who retir'd into Places unfrequented, and inaccessible; when at length he had join'd the Enemy, he commanded his Cavalry to advance, and dislodge him from the Post he had possess'd. Arminius, with his Forces drawn up in close Order, march'd along the Forest, and suddenly wheeling, fac'd the Romans, giving the Signal to those Soldiers, whom he had laid in Ambush in the Wood. The Roman Horse, amaz'd at the sight of these new Enemies, was put into disorder; and the Cohorts coming up to their Assistance, being incumber'd with a Croud of those who fled from the Germans, and press'd upon their Ranks, were forc'd to open as they could, and make a Passage for them: In this Confusion, and general Affright, the Enemy, who knew the Country, were driving our Men headlong on the Morass, from whence it was impossible to disingage themselves, if Germanicus had not with timely foresight drawn up the Legions in Battalia: This gave Terrour to the Germans, and restor'd the Courage of our Soldiers, so that both Sides retir'd without Advantage. Soon after this, Germanicus march'd back his Army to Amisia, where he embark'd the Legions, to return in the same manner as they came. One part of the Cavalry were order'd to draw towards the Rhine, still coasting the Ocean in their March. Cecina, who led back his Cohorts, was advis'd, That though he was well acquainted with the Way which he had taken, yet he should make all imaginable Haste to get over the long Bridgesr. That way is narrow, inclos'd on either hand with Marshes, over which these Bridges, or rather Causeways, were formerly laid by Lucius Domitius. The rest is all either miry Ground, [Page] or glewy Clay, cumbersom to the Feet, or uncertain, with scattering Rivulets; round about are rising Woods, which, with a gentle Descent, reach even to the Plain. In this place, Arminius had lodg'd a great Number of his Soldiers, having by long Marches, and by shorter Ways, got before our Men, who were loaden with their Arms and Baggage. Cecina, not knowing how to repair the Causway, now decay'd, and at the same time to repulse the Enemy, took a Resolution to incamp in the same place; that while one part of his Army was employ'd in repairing the ruin'd Passage, the other might be in a readiness to fight.

LVIII. The Barbarians made a strong Effort to push our Corps-de-Garde, and afterwards to have pour'd upon the Workmen; they charg'd our Men, sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other, harassing them with continual Attempts, and endeavouring to break in upon them. The Cries of those who were employ'd in working, were confusedly mix'd with theirs who sought: All Things conspir'd against the Romans, the depth of the Morass, the slipperiness of the Ground, on which they could neither march, nor scarcely set a Foot, without danger of falling; the weight of their Armour; and the height of the Waters, which diminish'd their force in lanching their Iavelins. On the other side, the Cherusci were accustom'd to engage in marshy Ground, where the height of their Stature gave them a manifest Advantage, as also their long Pikes, with which they push'd to a great distance. The Night alone was the apparent Safety of our Legions, which began already to give Ground before the Enemy. But the Germans, by their good Fortune made indefatigables, without allowing themselves the least Repose, cut a Passage through the Mountains, round about, for the Waters to [Page] descend on the Roman Camp, thereby to float the Works they had already made, and increase the Difficulties of their new Labours. Cecina, who for the space of Forty Years had exercis'd the Trade of War, either as a private Soldier, or a Leader, had made Trial both of prosperous and adverse Fortune¹, and by Experience was become intrepid, considering all which might possibly [Page] arrive, could find no other Expedient, than to shut up the Enemy in their Woods, till he had pass'd over his Baggage, and his wounded Men. For betwixt the Hilly Ground, and the Morass, there was a narrow Plain, only capable of receiving a small Army. He therefore gave the Right Wing to the Fifth Legion; the Left to the Twenty first; the Van to the First Legion; and the Rear to the Twentieth.

LIX. The Night pass'd without Repose on either side; for the Barbarians, who were in debauch, made the Valleys and the Woods re [...]ound, sometimes with the Noise of their Drunken Songs, and otherwhile with Shouts and Outcries, rais'd on purpose to terri [...]ie the Romans. On the contrary, there was a deep sad Silence among our Troops, unless sometimes interrupted by casual Words; our Fires were languishing; some of our Soldiers leaning on the Palisade; others walking round the Tents, rather like People wanting Sleep, than quite awake. The General himself had a dreadful dream: It seem'd to him that he beheld Qui [...]tilius Varus arising from the bottom of those Marshes, and cover'd over with his Blood; who holding forth his Hand to him¹, implor'd [Page] his Assistancet; but that he, far from answering his Request, had push'd him backward. At break of Day, the Legions plac'd on the Wings, forsook their Post, whether through Fear, or Disobedience, is uncertain, and precipitately rang'd themselves in Battel beyond the Morats. Arminius did not immediately charge them, though nothing hinder'd; but when he saw their Baggage fasten'd in the Mire, and sticking in the Ditches, the Soldiers out of their Ranks, and only sollicitous how to save themselves, (as commonly it happens on such [Page] Occasions, when the Commanders are ill obey'd;) he encourag'd the Germans to the Charge, calling to them with rep [...]ated Cries: ‘Behold Varus and his Legions, who are offering themselves to be once more vanquish [...]d.’ Having said this, he forc'd through our Battalions with the flower of his Troops, and charg'd impetuously on our Horse; who sliding on their own Blood, and floundring in the Mud of the Morats, cast their Riders to the Ground; and then running furiously through the Ranks, crush'd those to Death who were already fallen, and threw down others whom they met. That which gave us the greatest Trouble, was the defence of our Eagles, which could not be carried into the Combat, because of the multitude of Darts, which were continually lanc'd against the Bearers; nor yet fasten'd in the Ground, by reason of the Marshes. While Cecina with great Courage sustain'd this unequal Fight, his Horse was kill'd under him, and himself upon the point of being taken, if the First Legion had not hasten'd to his Succour. On the other side, the Enemy was so greedy of the Spoil, that they intermitted the Slaughter, to seize the Prey. This Covetousness of theirs, was the safety of the Legions; for it gave them the opportunity of making their Retreat², at the close of Day, into a Plain, where the Footing was [...]irm, and the Ground solid. But the end of their Miseries was not yet come. They were of necessity to make new Palisades, and new Retrenchments, though they had lost the greatest part of their Instruments, which were to be employ'd in casting up the Earth, and cutting of the Turfs. They wanted Tents to receive the weary Soldiers, and [Page] Salves to dress the Wounded. Their Food, which they divided into Portions, was soak'd in Mire and Blood; and they deplor'd that fatal Night, which only hid them till the approach of Day, which was to be the last to so many Thousands of valiant Men³.

LX. By chance a Horse, who was broken loose from his Standing, and terrifi'd with the Cries of his Pursue [...]s, bore down those whom he encounter'd in his way. The whole Camp possess'd with a panick Fear, took th [...] Alarm; every one believing, that the Germans ¹ were breaking in upon them, they rush together to the Gates, and chiefly to the Decumane u, which was the farthest from the Enemy, and consequently the most secure. Cecina found it was a false Alarm; but not being able to retain the Soldiers, either by Authority, or Prayer², though he took hold upon their Arms to stop them, he laid himself across the Gate, and block'd up the Issue³, [Page] through the Horrour which they had to pass over the Body of their Generalx: And at the same time, the Tribunes made it evident to them, that their Fear was groundless.

LXI. After this▪ being assembled in the Place of Arms y, Cecina desir'd them to hear him with Silence and Attention, and to consider well the present Iuncture of Affairs. He told them, there was no other Hope of Safety remaining, but in their Courage, which also they were oblig'd to manage with Prudence; that their Safety was to continue in their Camp, till the Germans should approach near it, being allur'd with the hope of Victory; then all at once to sally out upon them from every Side: This Onset, said he, will open you a Passage to the Rhine; whereas if you should fly, you have to cross many other Forests, and to pass over many Morasses, more deep than these; and, after all, remain expos'd to the Fury of your Enemies: When on the other side, if you are Victorious in the Battle, you shall not only assure your Safety, but obtain Immortal Honour. In sine, he set before their Eyes whatsoever they held dearest in the World, their present Friends, their absent Relations, [Page] and the Reputation they had gain'd in Arms; but pass'd over in silence the Miseries they had already suffer'd, and those which they were yet to suffer. After this, he distributed amongst the bravest Soldiers, without Partiality, the Horses of the Tribunes and Lieutenants, and amongst the rest, his own; with Order to those Horsemen to begin the Charge, and for the Infantry to sustain them.

LXII. Neither were the Germans less unquiet, betwixt their Hopes of Victory, and their Desire of Booty; they were also divided in their Councils¹: For Arminius was of Opinion, to leave the Passage open to the Romans, that marching thence, they might oppress them afterwards in other Marshes which lay before them, and involve them yet in greater Difficulties. Inguiomer, on the other side, advis'd to besiege them in their present Camp, which they should be able to force suddenly, and with ease; that they should take more Prisoners, and lose nothing of the Plunder: And this Advice, as the more daring, was most to the humour of the Barbarians ² ▪ At break of Day they issued out of their Forests, and being arriv'd at the Roman Camp, they cast Faggots into the Ditch, and throw in Earth upon them to facilitate their Passage to the Rampart; then attack the Palisadez, [Page] where there appear'd but few Defendants, as if our Soldiers had been seiz'd with Fear. But when the Germans were just upon the Rampart, Cecina gave the Signal, and sounded to the Charge: The Romans fally'd out with a dreadful Clamour, and attack'd the Germans; crying out, They had them now without their Woods, and on stable Ground, unprotected by their Marshes; that the Gods would do Iustice to their Valour, by giving them an equal [...]ield of Combat, for the decision of their Quarrel. The Enemies, who expected an easie Conquest over a handful of Men, and those too half disarm'd, and quite dishearten'd, were terrifi'd with the sound of Trumpets, and the clattering of Arms, and slain almost without Resistance³, wanting Moderation in their good Fortune, and Courage in their bad. Arminius and Inguiomer retir'd out of the Battle, the first untouch'd, the last desperately wounded. The Slaughter lasted all the Day, and, at the shutting of Evening, the Legions return'd into their Camp, many of them being hurt, and all without Victuals, yet well contented, finding in their Victory, Health and Vigour, and large Provision of whatsoever they desir'd.

LXIII. In the mean time, a Report was spread, that [Page] the Romans were defeated, and that the Germans were descending upon Gaul: And they were on the point of breaking down the Bridge upon the Rhine, if Agrippina had not oppos'd her Courage, to the Cowardise of those who had advis'd so infamous an Action. During the time of that Consternation, she discharg'd all Duties of a Generala; she reliev'd the poor Soldiers, she supply'd the Sick with Remedies¹, and provided Clothes for those who were perishing with Cold. Caius [...]li [...]ius, who has written the History of these Wars, says, That she stood on the entry of the Bridge to prai [...]e and [Page] thank the Legions, as they pass'd along. All which Proceedings made a deep Impression of Discontent and Melancholy on the Soul of Tiberius. He strongly suspected, that this Over-Diligence and Care could not possibly be innocent² at the bottom; that it was not against Foreigners, that Agrippina thus fortifi'd herself with the Favour of the Soldiers; that the Generals might now securely take their Ease, when a Woman could perform their Office, take Reviews of the Legions, march amidst the Roman Ensigns and their Eagles, and make Donatives to the Soldiers. How could it be without Design, that her little Son was carried round the Camp in the plain habit of a private Soldier; that she caus'd him to be Sirnam'd Caligula: That she had already more Authority in the Army than all the Generals³, since she [Page] had appeas'd a Mutiny, where the Name of the Emperour had been of no Consideration⁴. Sejanus, who was well acquainted with the suspicious Temper of Tiberius ⁵, was not wanting to foment these Discontents⁶, [Page] but bury'd the Seeds of them deep under Ground⁷, and remov'd from sight, that they might shoot up in their appointed time, and produce the Fruits which he desir'd.

LXIV. Germanicus, who was embark'd already with his Leg [...]ons, intrusted Publius Vitellius with the Command of the Second and the Fourteenth, that he might bring them back by Land, thereby to lighten his Transport Vessels, lest they should knock upon the Sands, or lie a Ground, the Water during the Ebbs, being extreamly sholy upon those Seas. At the beginning, Vitellius, who coasted the Shores, found no Inconvenience in his March, because the Soil was dry, and the Tide moderate. But after the Breeze began to blow, and the Sun was in the Equinox¹, (at which time the Seas begin to [Page] swell, and grow tempestuous,) all the Campaign was floated on the sudden, and the two Legions in apparent danger of being lost. The Sea and Land bore the same Figure; the firm Earth was not to be distinguish'd from the moving Sands, nor the fordable Passages from the Deep. The Billows bore away the Soldiers, and devour'd them; dead Bodies of Men, and Horses, were seen floating confusedly with the Baggage on the Waves. The Brigades were mix'd with one another; some of the Soldiers were wading up to the Waste in Water; others to their Shoulders; and always one or other their Footing failing, were carried to the bottom. Their Cries, and mutual Encouragements, avail'd them nothing against the Fury of the Waves, which suck'd them in, and swallow'd them; no distinction was to be found betwixt the Cowards and the Brave, the Prudent and the Fools, the Cautious and the Bold; all were equally overpower'd by the violence of the Seas and Winds. At length, Vitellius having sav'd himself on a rising Ground, shew'd the way of Safety to the remains of his wreck'd Legions. They pass'd the following Night without Fires, without Provisions, and without Tents, the greatest part of them all bruis'd and naked, and more miserable than those who are surrounded by their Enemies, because their Death was without Honour; whereas the others were in a capacity of selling their Lives at a dear Rate, and dying not ingloriously.

[Page] The return of Day restor'd them to dry Land, and afforded them the means of retiring to the Rhine b, whither Germanicus had already brought his Forces. The two Legions reimbark'd with him, while the Rumour yet continu'd, that they were lost; which was obstinately believ'd, till all the World had seen the return of Germanicus with his Army.

LXV. During this Interval, Stertinius was gone to receive Segimer, the Brother of Segestes, and brought him, together with his Son, into the City of the Ubians. A Pardon was granted to both of them; to the Father without any difficulty, because he had surrender'd himself of his own free motion; but more hardly to his Son, because he was accus'd to have insulted the dead Body of Varus. As for the rest, Spain, Gaul, and Italy, seem'd to vye with each other, in sending Horses, Arms, and Silver, to Germanicus, to repair the Losses which his Army had sustain'd. But he, with high Praises of their Zeal, accepted only of the Arms and Horses, which he wanted to carry on the War, being resolved to supply the Soldiers with his own Money. And to efface wholly from their Memory, the Thoughts of their late Suffering by his Kindness, he visited the Wounded, desir'd to see their Hurts, commended every one in particular, according to the Merits of his Service¹; some he inflam'd [Page] with desire of Honour, others with the hopes of Riches. In short, whether by his Affability, or the Care which he took of them, he won them all to be at his Devotion, and ready to follow him in any Danger.

LXVI. In the same Year, the Triumphal Ornaments were decreed to his Lieutenants, Aulus Cecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius. Tiberius re [...]us'd the Title of Father of his Country c, which the People were often desirous to have given him; nor even would permit, that they should take their Oaths upon his¹ Actsd, many times repeating these words, That there was nothing stable in this Life; and that the more he was exalted, the more in danger of a Fall², But this affected Modesty of his, gain'd him not a better Opinion with the People; for he had lately revived the Law of High-Treason for [Page] Offences committed against the Person or Dignity of the Prince; which 'tis granted had the same Name in the Times of our Fore-Fathers, but was not of the same Extent ³. If any one had betray'd his General in War, or rais'd Sedition, or dishonour'd the Majesty of the Roman People in the publick Exercises of his Function, he was attainted for a Crime of State. Actions were punishable, but Words were free. Augustus was the first, who comprehended Libels within the Cognizance of the Law; being provok'd by the Petulancy of Cassius Severus, who had de [...]am'd, in his Writing, Men and Women of the highest Quality⁴. Tiberius afterwards had answer'd the Praetor Pompeius Macer, who had consulted, him concerning this very Law▪ That his Pleasure was, it should be [Page] observ'd; being piqu'd himself likewise by certain Verses of conceal'd Authors, which had reproach'd him for his Cruelty, his Pride, and his Ingratitudee to his Mother⁵.

LXVII. 'Tis not from the purpose, in this place, to relate the Accusations which were carry'd on against Falanius and Rubrius, two Roman Knights, but both of very moderate Estates, to shew the Birth and Rise of that pernicious Invention, and with what Cunning Tiberius [Page] fomented it: How the Growth of it was stopp'd for a certain time, and how afterwards it was renew'd, and increas'd so much in Strength, that it set the whole Empire in a Flame. He who inform'd against Falanius, accus'd him to have admitted into the Society of those, who were the Adorers of Augustus, and were divided into several Fraternities a certain Buffoon¹, call'd Cassius, who had prostituted his Body; and that he had sold, together with his Gardens, a Statue of that Emperour, which was erected there. Rubrius, in like manner, was accus'd for violating the Divinity of Augustus by Perjury. Tiberius, having Information of these Procedures, writ to the Consuls thus concerning them: That Heaven had not been decreed to his Father, with intention that his Worship should serve for a Pretence, to the Ruine of Roman Citizens²; That Cassius had been accustom'd to assist with those of his Profession at the Plays, which Livia had consecrated to the Memory of Augustus; That to leave his Images, with those of other Gods, in Houses and Gardens which were sold, had not the least reference to Religion; That the Perjury of Rubrius ought not to be held a more enormous Crime, than that of Forswearing himself by the Name of Iupiter ³.

LXVIII. Shortly after, Granius Marcellus, Praetor of Bithynia, was accus'd of High-Treason by Coepio Crispinus, [Page] his Treasurer, with the corroborating Evidence of Romanus Hispo. This Hispo, who was of an unquiet Spirit, had taken up a kind of Life, which the Iniquity of the Times, and the Wickedness of Men, turn'd afterwards into a common Practice¹; for from a poor, unknown, and despicable Fellow², as he was, he accommodated himself so well to the Cruelty of Tiberius, at first by secret Memoirs which he gave him, and afterwards by open Accusations, which he brought against the greatest Men of Rome, that becoming as powerful with the Prince, as hated by the People, he serv'd for an Example to many others; who, like him, rising from Poverty to Riches, and from Contempt to formidable Greatness, split at length upon that Rock to which they had driven others. He accus'd Marcellus to have spoken with too great License of Tiberius. An inevitable Crime! because the Informer picking out all the infamous Actions of the Prince, the Person accus'd was believ'd guilty of saying that, which was notoriously true. He added, That a Statue of Marcellus had been plac'd higher than any of the Caesars; and that he had taken off the Head from and Image of Augustus, and plac'd in the room of it the [Page] Effigies of Tiberius ³. At these Words, Tiberius, without breaking into Choler, cried aloud, That he would deliver his Opinion in open Senate concerning this Affair, and that with a solemn Obtestationf of Iupiter, to oblige the rest to the same Sentence⁴. As there were yet some small Remainders of the ancient Liberty, tho [Page] now expiring, Cneius Piso demanded of him, In what Place he would give his Suffrage? For if you speak first, (added he) I have no more to do, than to follow your Sentence; but if you deliver your Opinion last of all, my Vote by misfortune may have been opposite to yours. Tiberius amaz'd at this unexpected Boldness, and suddenly mollified, out of shame to have been surpriz'd in that Transport of his Passion, suffer'd the Accus'd to be acquitted from the Charge of High-Treason⁵, and remitted him to the common Magistrates to be try'd, for his Management of the publick Treasure.

LXIX. Not satisfi'd to assist only at the Iudiciary Proceedings of the Senate, he frequented also the Inferior Courtg, where he sate on one side of the Tribunal¹, [Page] because he would not displace the Iudge from the Seat of Iustice; and occasion'd by his Presence, that many good Regulations were made concerning the Partial Recommendations of the Great. But while he kept so strict a Hand on Iustice, he extinguish'd Liberty. About this time it was, that Pius Aurelius, a Senator, petition'd the Senate to be consider'd for the Loss he had sustain'd in the Ruine of his House, which was demolish'd for the Convenience of Publick Ways, and the Structure of Aqueducts. Tiberius, who was always pleas'd to exercise his Liberality in those Things which might do him Honour, (a Virtue which he retain'd a long time after he had divested himself of all the rest,) order'd, That the Price of his House should be refunded to him: though the Praetors, who were at that time Commissioners of the Treasury, were against the Grant. Propertius Celer, who had formerly been Praetor, and who desir'd Leave to lay down the Dignity of a Senator, because of his Poverty², receiv'd a Thousand great Sesterces h, to support his Quality; Tiberius being given to understand, [Page] that his Father had left him much in Debt. Some others endeavour'd to obtain the same Favour from Tiberius, but he order'd them to address to the Senate³, affecting to be thought severe, and hard⁴, even in those very Things which were but Acts of Iustice. Which was the cause, that all the rest sate down content with silent Poverty, rather than endure the Shame of owning it unprofitably⁵.

[Page] LXX. The same Year, the Tiber being swell'd by the continual fall of Rains, overflow'd the nether Parts of the Town, and carried off both Houses and Men in its Retreat. Asinius Gallus propos'd in Senate to consult the Sibilsi Books; which Tiberius withstood¹; who was as careful to conceal the Mysteries of Religion, as those of State. But the care of restraining those Inundations, was committed to Ateius Capito, and Lucius Arruntius. On occasion of Complaints, which were made by Greece and Macedonia, it was order'd, That they should be [Page] discharg'd, at present², from the Government of Proconsuls, and rul'd by the Emperourk. Drusus, in the Name of Germanicus, and in his own, gave the Spectacle of Gladiators, at which himself presided, taking, as was thought, too great a Pleasure in the sight of Bloodshed, though it was only the Blood of Inferiour Men. And [Page] his Father, as it was reported, gave him a severe Reprehension for it, because it had given the People an Occasion to murmur, who were apprehensive of his Cruelty, when it should be his Turn to Reign. It was diversly interpreted, why Tiberius refrain'd from that Spectacle. Some conjectur'd, that he lov'd not great Assemblies; others, that being of a sullen and melancholick Humour, he fear'd that an odious Comparison would be made betwixt him and Augustus ³, who was always present at these publick Entertainments, behaving himself with great Familiarity and Complaisance⁴. I cannot think, that it was to put his Son into the ill Opinion of the People⁵, by shewing his Cruel and Sanguinary Temper, though there were some of that Belief.

LXXI. The License of the Theatre, which began the Year before, was now grown excessive. Many Murders were committed, not only on Men of common Rank, but even on some Soldiers, and one Centurion, who would have restrain'd the Quarrels of the Populace, and repress'd the Insults, which they made [Page] on the Persons of the Magistrates: And the Tribune of a Praetorian Cohort was also wounded. A Decree of Senate being made, which impower'd the Praetor, to cause the Actors of those Farces to be scourg'd; Haterius Agrippa, Tribune of the People, oppos'd this Order; and Gallus Asinius sharply reproving him, Tiberius did not interrupt him¹; for he was willing to sooth the Senate with that vain appearance of their Power, and publick Liberty. Nevertheless, the Opposition had the wish'd Effect, because Augustus had declar'd the Farcers to be exempt from the servile Punishment of the Whip; and Tiberius seem'd very scrupulous, in breaking any of his Edicts². Many other Ordinances were made concerning the Stipends of Comediansl, and against the License of their Favourersm; and the most Remarkable [Page] are these: That the Senators should return no Visits to the Pantomimes n; That the Roman Knights should not accompany them in the Streets; That those Farcers should not be permitted to Play, unless only on the Theatres; And that, for the future, the Praetors should have Power to send into Banishment those Spectators, who behav'd [...]hemselves with Insolence.

LXXII. Spain had leave to build a Temple to Augustus Caesar, in the Colony of Terragona; and this serv'd for an Example to all the Provinces. The People desiring to be discharg'd from the Impost laid on the Hundredth part of¹ the Gains by Commerce, Tiberius declar'd, the Fund for Waro subsisted chiefly by that Income; and also, that the whole Revenue of the Commonwealth [Page] would not satisfie for the Payment of the Forces, if the Veterans were dismiss'd before they had serv'd the term of 20 Years. By which, the Promise made for their Discharge at the end of 16 Years was virtually revok'd, which the Seditious Legions had extorted² from Germanicus and Drusus not long before.

LXXIII. Aruntius and Capito consulted the Senate, concerning the Inundations of the Tiber, whether they thought fitting to have them stopp'd, by diverting the Course of the Lakes and Rivers, which discharg'd themselve into it. But before the Debate pass'd farther, they were to hear the Reasons which were offer'd by the Towns and Colonies, which were interess'd in that Affair. It was remonstrated by those of Florence, that thei [...] Country was lost, if the Clane should disburthen it self into the Arn: The Interamnates p alledg'd, that the most fruitful Parts of Italy would be turn'd to marish Ground, if the Nar should be sluc'd out into many Rivulets, which they were ready to have done. The Reatines would not consent, that the Passage should be stopp'd, by which the Lake Velinus runs into the Nar; declaring, That it would overflow the Neighbouring Country; That Nature [Page] had made the best Provision, for the Convenience of Mankind, in disposing the Course of Rivers, ordaining their Outlets, and their Bounds, as she had appointed, where their Springs should rise; That they ought to have regard to the Religion of their Allies, who had consecrated Woods, and Altars, and Priests, to the Rivers of their Country. That even the Tiber q would creep along, diminish'd of his Glory, if he were robb'd of the Income, which was paid him by his Tributary Rivers. At length, whether deterr'd by Superstition, or yielding to the Request of the Colonies, or forc'd by the difficulty of the Undertaking, they decreed, That no Alteration should be made, as Piso from the beginning had advis'd.

LXXIV. Poppeius Sabinus was continu'd in the Government of Mesia, to which were added, Achaia and Macedonia. For it was a Maxim of Tiberius, To let the Governours grow old in the Provinces which they commanded, and many of them died¹ in the Possession of those Places they held, whether Military or Civil.r. [Page] Various Reasons are assign'd for this: Some affirm, That, to spare himself the Care and Trouble of a second Choice, he kept constant to the first; Others [Page] say, That it was to advance as few as possible he could². Some have believ'd, that as he had a quick and piercing Wit, so his Iudgment was always in suspence; for as he could not suffer the Extremities of Vice, so neither did he love extraordinary and shining Virtues: Being jealous of his Authority, he fear'd great Men³; and as he was jealous of his own Reputation, and of the publick Honour, he rejected those who pass'd for Scandalous, or Insufficients In short, his Irresolution was so great, that [Page] he gave Governments to some such Persons, as he had absolutely determin'd, should never leave the Town to take possession of them.

LXXV. As to the Assemblies which were held for the Election of Consuls, I have nothing to affirm for certain, either in the time of Tiberius, or after it. So great is the Difference which is found, not only in the Relations of Historians, but also in his own Speeches. [Page] Sometimes, without naming the Candidates for the Consulship, he describ'd them by their Birth; by their Manners, and by the number of Years which they had serv'd in War. Sometimes, omitting even those Descriptions, he desir'd the Pretenders not to trouble the Assemblies with their Intrigues, promising his own particular Care in their Concerns. And sometimes he said, That no Competitors had presented themselves to him, but only they, whose Names he had deliver'd to the Consuls; yet that others were not debarr'dt from pretending to that Dignity, who either con [...]ided in their own Merits, or in the Favour of the Senate. Specious Words¹, but either void of Meaning, or full of Cunning; and couch'd under a flattering shew of Freedom, [Page] to break out afterwards with greater danger of a worse Servitude.

Notes

a

viz. Romulus its Founder, who, according to Tacitus, rul' [...] with Absolute Power; Romulus ut libitum imperitaverat. Ann. 3. Numa. who Establish'd a Form of Divine Worship, with High-Priests, South-Sayers, and Priests, to perform the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices, Numa religio [...]ibus & divin [...] jure populum d [...]vinxit, Ibid. Tullus Hostilius▪ who taught the Romans the Art of making War, and for this purpose Instituted Military Discipline. Ancus Martius, who adorn'd the City, and Peopled it with the Sabines, and the Latins, whom he had Conquer'd, and Built the City of [...], to be a Port for the Romans. Tarquin I. who built the Cirque, and distinguished the Senators and the Knig [...]ts, by exterior marks of Honour, such as the Ivory Chair, call'd in Latin, Cella Curulis; the Gold Ring; the Purple Robe, call'd Trabea; the Pretexta, or the Robe edg'd with Scarlet. Servius Tullius, who, according to Tacitus, was the Chief Law-giver of the Romans, Praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor legum fuit, Ann. 3. took into the City the Quirinal, the Esquiline, and the Viminal Hills, and caus'd his Laws to be engraven on Tables of Stone; and Tarquin, Sirnam'd, the Proud, who having ascended the Throne by Incest, and by the Murder of Servius Tullius, whose two Daughters he had Married, and endeavouring to maintain himself in it by Violence and Terror, was, with his whole Family, expell'd Rome,

↵

b

Tacitus always opposes Liberty to Regal Power, Res dissociabiles, principatum & libertatem. In Agricola. Haud facile libertas & domini miscentur, Hist. 4, a Master and Liberty are incompatible. Tarquinius Pris [...]us, says he, Lib. 3. of his Hist. had laid the Foundation of the Capitol, and afterwards Servius Tullius and Tarquin the Proud, built it▪ one with the Gi [...]s of the Allies, and the other with the Spoils of the Enemies, but the Glory of finishing this great Work, was reserved for Liberty: As for Iu [...]us Brutus, he was not only Author of the Consulship, but also the first who Exercis'd it, and with so great Zeal for his Country, that not being content with having banished Collatine his Collegue, only because he was of the Royal Family of the Tarquins, he caus'd his own Sons to be beheaded, who endeavoured to restore them to the Throne. The two Magistrates, on whom was transferr'd the Authority which the Kings had, were call'd Consuls, to signifie that they ought to assist the new Common-Wealth with their Counsels, and not to Govern it according to their humour, as the Kings had done.

↵

1.

When once the Regal Power begins to degenerate into Tyranny; the People aspire to Liberty; and when once a Brutus appears, that is, a Head who is capable to give it▪ they seldom fail to shake off the Yoke, not only of the King, who Tyrannizes, but also of the Regal Power, for fear there come another King, who might Tyrannize also. Occultior non Melior.

↵

c

The Dictator was a Sovereign Magistrate, but whose Power lasted no longer than the Danger lasted, which threatned the Common-Wealth; so that he was no more than the Trustee of the Sovereign Authority. The first whom the Romans created was in the War against the Latins, who had given the Tarquins Protection▪ his Name was Titus Lartius, or L [...]rgius. He was call'd Dictator, ab edicendo, or ab edictando, i. e. because he had authority to make Ed [...]ts; or because he was not chosen by the Suffrages of the People, nor by the Scrutiny of the Senate, as other Magistrates were; but only Dictus named by the Consul, and afterwards proclaimed by the People. He was therefore named by the Consul, saith Machiavel, [...]. 34. Lib. [...]. of his Discourses, because, as the Creation of a Dictator was a sort of a Dishonour to the Consul, who from being chief Governor of the City, became thereby subject, as the rest, to a Superior Power, the [...]ans would have him chosen by the Consuls themselves, to the end that [...] as the City should stand in need of one, they might be the more [...] to chuse him, and to have the less reluctance to obey him; the Wounds which we voluntarily give our selves, being far less sensible, than those which others give us. He had power to depose the Consuls, witness & Cincinnatus, who deposed the Consul Minutius; he suspended the Functions of all the Magistrates, except the Tribunes of the People, who sometimes had the better of him▪ At first, the Dictatorship was conferr'd only on the Nobles, but afterwards the Commons were admitted to it, as well as to the Consulship. The Dictatorship, saith Machiavel, deserves to be reckon'd amongst those things, which contributed most to the advancement of the Roman Empire. For in Republicks, which are always slow in their motions. (because no Magistrate can dispatch any business singly, and one having need of anothers agreement in their opinions, the time insensibly slips away.) The ordinary remedies are very dangerous▪ when they are to provide against some pressing Evil, which doth not give time to wait for the Consultation of many; whence I conclude, that Common-Wealths, which in pressing dangers have not recourse either to a Dictator, or some other Magistrate of the like Nature, will certainly run a-ground upon some sudden accident. Heretofore the Dutchy of Braban [...] created a R [...]vert, or a Protector, on whom the Province conferr'd an Absolute Power for the time. The Prince of Orange got himself chosen Ruvert, Anno. 1577. Cabrera, c. 24. l. 11. of his Philip II. and Strada lib. 1. dec. 1.

↵

d

Ten Men who govern'd the Common-Wealth instead of Consuls. It was under them that the XII Tables were compos'd, i. e. a Compilation of the best Laws of Greece, but particularly of Athens, whose Polity was esteem'd the most Excellent. For all those which the Kings had made were abolish'd in hatred of Monarchy. The first year each made his Table according to the several matters, which fell to their lot, and the Year following, they made two more in common, to supply what was wanting in the ten former. But as they were endeavouring to perpetuate their Government, which began to degenerate into Tyranny, the De [...]emvirate was abolished for Ever, and the Consulship restored. The Decemvirs had greater Authority than the Dictator, for the Dictator could make no alteration in the ancient Laws of the City, nor do any thing which was prejudicial to the State, the Tribunes of the People, the Consuls and the Senate, who still subsisted, put a Bridle upon him, which kept him from breaking out of the right way, saith Machiavel; on the contrary the Consulship and the Tribuneship having been abolish'd by the Creation of the Decemvirs, to whom the People transferred all their Rights, these Ten, who had their hands at liberty, there remaining no appeal from them to the People, had an opportunity of becoming insolent.

↵

1.

The surest way to preserve Liberty, saith Livy, is not to permit the Magistracy, wherein the Supreme Authority is lodg'd, to be of long duration. There is no place in the World, where this Maxim is so well observed as at Venice; and it may be this is the chief Cause which hath made it out-live so many Ages, and so many States, which were more powerful than theirs, and not surrounded with so many dangerous Neighbours. Machiavel saith, that the short Duration of the Dictatorship, hinder'd the Dictator from transgressing the Bounds of his Duty. Discourses, lib. 1. ch. 34.

↵

e

The Patricii, or the Nobles being at discord with the People, who would have the Commons admitted to the Consulship, as well as the Nobles, [...]ound an Expedient to create Military Tribunes in the room of the Consuls: so that, as often as the People and the Nobility could not agree in the Election of the Consuls, they created Military Tribunes, who exercised all the Military Functions. A Testimony, saith Machiavel, Discourse l. 1. c. 34. that it was rather the Name of Consul that they hated, than the Authority of the Consulship. And this Custom lasted about 80 Years, not in a continu'd Succession, for there was sometimes of Consuls, and sometimes of Tribunes. Tacitus says nothing here of the Tribunes of the People, who held notwithstanding a considerable Rank in the ancient Common-Wealth, as having been instituted to moderate the Power of the Consuls, and to protect the meaner sort against the Insolence of the Great ones; besides, their Persons were Sacred and Inviolable. They were instituted fifty years before the Creation of Military Tribunes, when the People jealous of the Power of the Nobles, and weary of their Insults, retired to the Crustumerin Hill, call'd afterward the Sacred Hill, because of the happy accommodation of this quarrel. There was at first but two Tribunes of the People, but a little while after there was four other; and in process of time they were multiply'd to ten, and the Nobility excluded from this Office, which was not observed in following times. C. [...]inius Stolo, and Sextius Lateranus put a stop to the Elections of Consuls, for the space of five years, and by these means the Senate was forced to admit Plebeans to the Consulship, which was con [...]err'd upon them the first time in the Persons of Sextus and Lici [...]us. Sylla, the sworn Enemy of the Common People, had much humbled these Tribunes, but after lus Death they resumed all their Authority.

↵

1.

All Power that is Established by Sedition, as was that of these Tribunes, can never subsist long.

↵

2.

Nothing is so weak and so obnoxious to a reverse of Fortune, as a Power, which hath neither Right nor Reason for its Foundation. Cinna was s [...]ain in a Sedition by his own Soldiers▪ and Sylla constrain'd to renounce the Dictatorship. Upon which Caesar said pleasantly, that Sylla could not Read, seeing he knew not how to Dictate.

↵

1.

Ambition and the Quarrels of Great Men, are the Shelves on which the Liberty of Common-Wealths are always split; for the State is weakned in Proportion, as particular Persons fortifie themselves by Arms, under pretence of revenging their Injuries, or of securing themselves against the Resentments of their Enemies, or the Violence of these that are stronger. And as the People suffer themselves in the end to be the Prey of their Dissentions, they are constrain'd to receive an absolute Master, that they may have Peace; Thus Tacitus had good reason to say, that the Factions of Citizens are much more dangerous in Common-Wealths, and that Regal Power came not into the World but since Equality and Modesty went out of it, Periculosiores sunt inimicitiae juxta libertatem. In Germania. Postquam exui aequalitas, & pro modestia ac pudore ambitio & vis incedebat, provenere dominationes. Ann. 3. To conclude, Tacitus seems to observe here, that Rome was never at rest, after the Expulsion of its Kings, until it return'd to the Government of a Single Person, as to its first principle; for in Tully's Opinion it was not the Regal Power, but the Abuse of Regal Power which the Roman People hated, 3 de Legib.

↵

2.

A new Prince ought always to wave odious Titles, for besides that; Authority is not in Titles, those which he accepts give Men occasion to judge of the good or bad dispositions which he brings with him to the Government. It is natural to believe, that a Prince who voluntarily assumed a Title which shocks his Subjects, will take no great care to be belov'd, and will make it his principal Maxim, Oderint, dum metuant. Pope Paul II. gave People an ill opinion of his Pontificate from the Day of his Exaltation, by being desirous to take the name of Form [...] sus. And indeed, his Vanity which sprang thence, made him to do many things unbecoming a Pope, for according to Platina's Relation, he Painted and Dress'd like a Woman.

↵

f

He had yet no Superiority over the Senators, who was equal to him in every thing, except Precedency, and for this Reason Dio calls him [...], i. e. the first of the Senate. This Title was in use under the ancient Common-Wealth. The first who was honour'd with it, was Fabius Ambustus, about the Year of Rome, 435. The Consuls were more than the Prince of the Senate, for they were Princes of the People.

↵

1.

They who relate only these things which make for the Honour of their Country, and suppress the rest, are good Citizens, but very bad Historians,

Dum patriam laudat, dum damnat Poggius hostes,

Nec malus est civis, nec bonus historicus.

In Tacitus's Opinion, History is always better written by the Subjects of a Republick, than by those of a Monarchy, because Flattery reigns less in Republicks.

↵

2.

Flattery increases in proportion as Government is Establish'd. It began under the Reign of Augustus, but it was at its height under that of Tiberius: To see the Extravagant Progress which it made in a little time among Writers, we need only compare the History of Paterculus, with that of Livy. This was written under a Common-Wealth, the other under a Monarchy. It Augustus call'd Livy Pompeian, he would certainly have call'd Paterculus Tiberian.

↵

3.

The History of bad Princes is never Written faithfully, not during their life, because they are fear'd, nor after their Death, because they are calumniated. And besides, those who have made their Fortunes under them, believe that it is permitted to them to lye by way of gratitude. So that Posterity are equally deceived by both, Ita neutris cura posteritatis inter infensos, vel obnoxios. Hist. 1.

↵

4.

They who undertake to write History ought to indulge neither to the Love nor the Hatred which they have towards the Persons they are to speak of; Neither their Animosities, nor their Acknowledgments ought to pass from their Heart to their Writings; they should set themselves above Hope and Fear, that they may be at Liberty to speak Truth. Every one saith d' Aubigne protests at his setting out to make up his wants of Abilities, by an exact Fidelity, every one boasts of Liberty, and of laying his passions at his Feet, even such a one who in the very beginning shews, that his Pen and his Conscience are sold to Favour. Preface of his Universal History.

↵

1.

When a Prince ceases to be Cruel, and grows Merciful, all the Evil that he hath done, is attributed to Necessity, and the Unhappiness of the Times, and all the Good that he doth to his own Nature. Augustus effaced all the Footsteps of his Triumvirate, by quitting the Title of Triumvir; and it may be said, that his Clemency did the Roman Common-Wealth, more mischief than his Triumvirate, seeing it made the People [...]ame for Servitude, by making them love him for a Master, whom they before abhorr'd as a Triumvir.

↵

2.

They who have oppress'd the Liberties of Common-Wealths, have almost all of them begun by defending it; for the People accustom themselves insensibly to obey him who knows how to deceive them, under the specious Title of a Defender. It was by this fine Name Pagano della Terra made himself Lord of Milan, and the Duke of Aten [...]s, of Florence.

↵

3.

An Army hath always a greater love for the Gifts which are bestow'd on them, and the Licentiousness which is allow'd them, than for the publick Liberty. Donis corrumpebatur, says Livy, malebat licentiam suam, quam omnium libertatem.

↵

4.

The Common People love their Bellies better than their Liberty.

↵

1.

It is as dangerous to attempt to restore Liberty to a People who desire to have a Master, as to endeavour to bring a People under Subjection, who desire to live free: Infine, it is to preserve the shadow and appearance of Liberty, to obey [...]hose willingly who have the power to force us to it, Libertatis servaveris [...]mbram, says Lucian, si quicquid jubeare, velis.

↵

g

That is to say an Aedile, for there were Aediles taken out of the Common People, who were not permitted to ride in the City with a Chariot, or to sit in an Ivory-Chair. But this distinction which was odious to the People, was afterwards abolished, and all the Aediles were Curules: They had the oversight of the Government of the City of Publick Games, and of the Reparation of the Temples, and of all things relating to the Worship of the Gods.

↵

2.

The Prince who would be well served ought to honour Virtue wheresoever it is [...]ound, and to look upon him as the most Noble, who is the best able to assist him to govern well. A single Person, saith Co [...]ines, is sometimes the Cause of preventing great Inconveniencies to his Master, although he be not of Noble Birth, provided that he has only Sense and Virtue. Ch. 5. Lib. 5. of his Mem. Cabrera says, that Philip the II. in conferring Offices and Military Honours, preferred Spill'd Blood to Hereditary Blood, Ch. ult. Lib. 2. of his History.

↵

1.

It is enough to guess, that a Prince does not Refuse a thing in good earnest, because he makes no resistance to accept it, when it is offered him again with greater importunity. The more Popes affect to shew in the beginning of their Pontificate, little inclination to call their Relations to the Administration of Affairs, the more the Cardinals, the Ambassadors and the Courtiers are importunate to persuade them to that which they knew they desire, Vid. Reflection 6. of Ch. 7.

↵

h

Praetexta. Robe edg'd with Scarlet, which Children of Quality wore from the time of the Reign of Lucius Tarquinus, Sirnamed Priscus, or the Old, they left it off at 17 years of Age.

↵

2.

The Death of Princes is frequently imputed to those, who have the greatest Advantage by it. As Livia desir'd to reign, even after Augustus's death, she was suspected to have poyson'd Lucius and Caius, to make way for her Son. Henry Duke of Orleance, and Catherine de Medicis, his Wife, were supposed to be the true Authors of the Death of the Dauphine of France, because his Death secured the Crown to them.

↵

i

According to Paterculus, Tiberius was adopted by Augustus in the Consulship of Aelius Catus,[?] and of Caus[?] Sentius, the 27th of Iune [...]. Rome, 754. Hist, 2. Ch. 103.

↵

1.

It is rarely seen, that a Prince growing old, maintains his Authority to the last. Tacitus saith, that the Power of an Old Man is precarious, precarium seni imperium, & brevi transiturum. Hist. 1. For under the colour of relieving his Old Age, his Wife, or his Son, or his Min [...]ters assume the Government. Duke Philip being grown Old, Commines saith, that his Affairs were so manag'd by the Lords of Crouy and of Chimay, that he restor'd to the King the Cities upon the River of Some, at which the Count his Son was much troubled, for they were the Frontiers of their Lordships. The Count call'd a great Council in the Bishop of Cambray's Palace, and there declar'd the whole House of Crouy mortal Enemies to his Father and himself: insomuch that they were all of them forc'd to fly. These proceedings were very displeasing to Duke Philip, but his great Age made him bear it with patience, Ch. 1. & 2. Lib. 1. of his Memoirs. That which also adds much to the Diminution of the Authority of an old and infirm Prince, is, that there being no more to be hop'd for from him, he is abandon'd by his Servants.

↵

36

‘BRUTUS and CASSIUS.’

Paterculus saith, that never any Persons had so favourable a Fortune in the beginning, as Brutus and Cassius, nor so short liv'd a one; Brutus was but 37 years old when he died; Cassius was a better Captain, Brutus a [...]etter Friend; the one had more Vigour, the other more Honesty. And as it was more advantageous to the Common-Wealth to have Augustus for its Master than Anthony, it would likewise have been more agreeable to obey'd Brutus than Cassius. They both kill'd themselves; the latter frighted by a Company of People who came to bring him News of the Victory, believing that they were Enemies; the Former a few days after in despair.

↵

1.

It may be this was not so much to oppose the Incursions of the Germans, as to put a Check upon Tiberius if he should make an attempt upon the Authority of Augustus.

↵

2.

Adoption doth not only serve to multiply the Heirs of a Prince, who is too old for Procreation, but also to secure him from the reproach of Old Age, and incapacity to govern, when it is seen, that he makes a good Choice: And this was Galba's meaning in what he said when he adopted Piso; as soon as the Senate and the City shall hear of thy adoption, they'll no longer think me old. Audita adoptione desinam vider [...] senex. Tac. Hist. 1.

↵

39

‘Young POMPEY.’

This young Man having possessed himself of Sicily, formed on Army of the broken remains of that of Brutus, and of multitudes of Slaves, Fugitives, and proscribed Persons, who flock'd to him. For although he was not much like his Father, and was not Valiant but in a Heat and in a Passion, any Leader was fit for People who had nothing to lose. When he infested the Seas by his Pyracies, Augustus and Anthony were oblig'd to make Peace with him to quiet the People of Rome, who were no longer able to bear the Scarcity of Provisions, which was caused by the Robbery of Pompey's Fleet. Sicily and Greece were yielded to him by this Treaty. But this turbulent Spirit being not content to keep within those bounds, Augustus declared War against him. In the beginning of which Pompey was successful, but Augustus in the latter end, for he forced him to fly into Asia, where he was slain by the Command of Anthony▪ Paterc. Hist. 2. Chap. 72, 73. and 79.

↵

40

‘The Triumvir LEPIDUS.’

After the defeat and flight of Young Pompey, Lepidus, who was come into Sicily with twelve Legions, incorporated with his Army Pompey's Troops. Being therefore at the head of above twenty Legions, he had the boldness to send Augustus word, that Sicily belong'd to him by right of Conquest, although he had only been the Spectator of another's Victory, and which he had also a long time retarded, by giving advice upon every occasion, contrary to that, which all the rest approved. Augustus, notwithstanding he was unarm'd, entred Lepidus his Camp, and not regarding the Arrows which the other caused to be shot at him, he seised the Eagle of a Legion. Lepidus abandon'd by his Soldiers, and fortune which raised him to a degree of power which he no ways deserved, was forc'd to throw himself at Augustus his feet, who gave him his Life and his Estate.

↵

1.

Arcanum novi status imago antiqui, that is to say, the Art of a New Government is to resemble the Old. For the People ought not to be sensible of a Change, for fear of an Insurrection. After that Philip II. had taken possession of Portugal, he left Cardinal Arch-Duke Albert, Vice-Roy there; so that as to Habit, saith Cabrera, King Cardinal Henry seemed not to be dead, History of Philip II. sub fin. It was possibly for the same reason, that Philip gave the Government of the Low-Countrys to the Dutchess of Parma his Sister, considering that the Flemings having been accstomed to a Female Government for the space of 46 Years, that Margaret of Austria, Dutchess Dowager of Savoy, and Mary Queen of Hungary, his Aunt, had govern'd them; it was probable that a Governess would be more agreeable to them than a Governor. Herrera saith, that Philip having recall'd the Arch-Duke Albert from Portugal (in 1592.) the Government of this Kingdom remained in the hands of five Administrators, because that having promis'd the Portuguese to give them always one of the Royal Family for their Governor; and being either not able, or not willing to do it at that time, he thought to make no Innovation by placing in the room of Albert five Portuguese Lords, after the example of the King Cardinal Henry, who by his last Will had named five others, Third Part of his Hist. Lib. 10. C. 23. Henry IV. would make his Abjuration in the Church of St. D [...]nis, to shew that he would follow the Religion and the Examples of the Kings, who were interr'd there▪ Memoirs of the Chancellor Chiverney.

↵

42

‘MARK ANTHONY.’

This Triumvir having resolved to make War on his Country, the Quarrel was decided by a Fight, which put an end to the Civil Wars. This Battle was fought near Actium, a Promontory of the Sea of Albania. After the two Fleets were engaged, Queen Cleopatra flying, Anthony chose rather to accompany a Woman who fled, than his Soldiers who fought. These brave Men however obstinately maintain'd the Fight, and they despaired of the Victory; they held it out a long time, being willing to die for a Deserter. But in the end Augustus having softned them by his Remonstrances, they threw down their Arms, and yielded the Victory to him who merited it as much by his Clemency, as by his Valour.

↵

1.

When a Prince begins to break and grow infirm, all People turn their Eyes towards the Rising Sun, that is to say, towards his Successor, if there is an Heir apparent, as in Hereditary States there is: but if the Successors be uncertain, as in Elective Kingdoms, then every one reasons upon the good or bad Qualities of the several Pretenders, and destines to the Throne him that is most agreeable to himself. Multi, saith Tacitus, occulta spe, prout quis amicus vel cliens, hunc vel illum ambitiosis rumoribus destinabant, Hist. 1.

↵

2.

It has been often observed, that Princes who come from Exile to a Throne, have been cruel, ‘—Regnabit sanguine multo. Quisquis ab exilio venit ad imperium. Apud Suet, in Vita Tib.’ and likewise those who have been despised or ill-treated under the Reign of their Predecessor. When once L [...]wis XI. was crowned and knew his Power, he thought of nothing but revenge▪ Hist. Memoirs, Lib. 1. Ch. 12.

↵

k

Tiberius was not three years old when his Mother was married to Augustus. Tiberius, saith Paterculus, Educated under Augustus, season'd with his Divine Precepts, and endowed moreover with extraordinary Parts, discover'd very early somewhat which promis'd all that we behold in him at this day. Hist. 2. Ch. 94.

↵

1.

It ought to be observed, saith the same Author, that all Men who have ever been great, or have done great things, began very Young. And this lies in Education.

↵

2.

Princes of the Humour of Tiberius can never be in worse Company than with themselves. The fierce and cruel Temper of Don Carlos, Prince of Spain, according to Cabrera, was owing to the Inclination which he had for Solitude. C. 8. L. 1. of his History. For Solitude, saith he, makes young People Wild, Melancholly, Fantastical, Cholerick, and apt to form ill designs. That which none sees none reproves; and consequently temptation meets with no obstacle. l. 4. c. 2.

↵

3.

It is usual for People to impute the Death of Princes to Poyson; as if Princes could not dye of Diseases, or of Old Age; or that their Death must be render'd as mysterious as their Life.

↵

l

The Elder Pliny saith, that Augustus lamented his Grandson Agrippa, after he had banish'd him, and that the Ambitious Designs of Livia and Tiberius, gave him anxious thoughts enough in the latter part of his life. Abdicatio Posthumi Agrippae post adoptionem, desiderium post relegationem.—Hinc uxoris &▪ Tiberii cogitationes suprema ejus cura. C. 45. L. 7. Lastly, concludes he, this Divine Augustus died, leaving his Enemy's Son his Heir and Successor. For Tiberius was the Son of Claudius Nero the High-Priest, who was the declared Protector of all the Malecontents after the Death of Iulius Caesar, and had raised the War in Campania, Pater, Histor. c. 75. Sueton adds, that the Father of Tiberius, was so passionate for Liberty, that he propos'd in the Senate, that rewards might be decreed for Caesar's Murderers. In Tiberio.

↵

1.

Augustus being willing to repair the Error which he had committed in disinheriting his Grandson, made a greater by recalling him to the Succession of the Empire, after he had taken Tiberius for his Collegue. For besides that it was not in his power to undo what he had done, his Repentance which came too late, expos'd him to the Hatred and Revenge of Livia and Tiberius, who were no longer oblig'd to him for a Favour that he was sorry he had done them. When any one will do so great a thing, saith Commines, he ought to consult and debate it well, that he may take the safest side: For there is no Prince so wise, who doth not fail sometimes, and also very often, if he lives long; and this would be evident from his actions, if he always spoke the Truth of them. His Memoirs, l. 5. c. 13.

↵

2.

Cato the Censor had good reason to say, that one of the three things whereof he repented, was, that he had told his Secret to a Woman; for, if you'l believe Plautus, none of that Sex have been Mutes. Two or three contrary Examples, saith a Modern Author, are miracles, which do not make a Precedent. P. Bohours keeping a Secret.

↵

3.

It is a general Custom, saith Commines, more to endeavour to please those whose future advancement we expect, than him who is already raised to such a Degree, that he can ascend no higher. l. 6. c. ult.

↵

1.

Princes always destroy those who have discover'd their Secrets, not only for fear of treachery, but also because they are asham'd to be deceived in those they trusted. Augustus, who was a great discerner of Men, preferr'd Fabius before all the rest of his Friends, and yet this Confident through imprudence discover'd his Secrets. Therefore Princes ought not to confide in any Person, no more than Metellus, who said he would burn his Shirt, if it knew his secret design. By the way, 'tis fit to observe, that there is nothing more dangerous than to trust a married Woman with a Secret, because of her near relation to her Husband; for sooner or later the Bed discovers all, especially if 'tis the Woman's interest not to keep the Secret. Thus, we are not to wonder that Livia, knowing there was a design to set aside her Son Tiberius, and to bestow the Empire upon the Young Agrippa her Son-in-Law, sacrificed without respect and pity, Fabius and Martia to the anger of Augustus, to prevent him recalling his Grandson. In the last age Don Antonio de Padilla having discover'd to Donna Anna the Queen of Spain, that Philip II. had disappointed her of the Regency, by the Will which he had made at Badajoz; this Princess, who thought her self excluded for want of Love and Esteem, did not cease to make complaints, which soon after cost Don Antonio his Life, Cabrara in his History Chap. 3. Lib. 12. and c. 2. l. 13. He must never trust a Secret to a Person who is infinitely below him; for such is the case of Great Ones, that they reckon it a dishonour to stand in awe of their Inferiors; and a ridiculous Folly to be afraid of disobliging him, to whom they told a thing which may be for his advantage to reveal. Antony Pepez, says, that the Tongue is that part of Man which the Ladies are most set against, because of the Secret which they wou'd have kept, and which they are afraid shou'd be discover'd. Men have more reason to be cautious, but especially they who live at Court, or who converse with the Court Ladies, ought to be more jealous of a Womans Tongue, and even of their own Wife's, than of their most dangerous Enemies.

↵

m

Paterculus says, that Tiberius came to Nola before the Death of Augustus and that they had also some discourse together, Chap. 123.

↵

n

Suetonius says, that Tiberius wou'd not publish the Death of Augustus till he had caused the Young Agrippa to be assassinated. In Tiberio.

↵

o

At the Age of Fifty five years.

↵

1.

A Prince who sheds the Royal Blood, gives an Example of most dangerous consequence. The Queen of Naples, Ioan I. says Ammirato, when she caus'd Andrew her Husband to be strangled, taught Charles III. when he had it in his power to strangle her also. And after he had taken from the Queen his Mother her Crown and Life, he also lost his own Crown and Life, by the hands of the Hungarians who were taught by the example which he had given them. Discourse 7. of the 17 Book of his Commentary upon Tacitus. There are many Politicians, says Cabrera, who say on the contrary, that 'tis difficult to keep in Prison Princes of the Royal Blood, and that when they are dead they don't bite: which is the reason why Charles of Anjou, (that is Charles I. King of Naples,) put to death Conradin, the Nephew of Manfrede his Predecessor. But Aragon did not want Heirs, who happily recover'd the Kingdom, and who condemn'd to death the Son of Charles. And though this Sentence was not executed, (for Constance the Eldest Daughter of Manfrede, and Wife of Peter III. King of Aragon, was more generous than Charles I.) yet the innocent Conradin was reveng'd, by that mark of Infamy which his blood imprinted upon the House of Anjou—Philip II. provided for the safety and preservation of Queen Mary of England his Wife, in opposing the execution of the Sentence of Death given against Elizabeth, his Sister-in-Law; for the Prince who puts those of his own blood into the hands of the Executioner, wh [...]ts the Sword against himself. Chap. 10. of Book 1. and 5 of Book 2. of his History of Philip II. Henry IV. would never consent to the Death of Charles of Valois, Count of A [...] vergne, who conspir'd against him, saying, that he ought to have a respect for the blood of Kings; and Mr. Villeroy, one of his Ministers said well to the same purpose, that when the Question was put concerning the Life of Princes of the Blood, the Prince ought for Counsel to hear nature only. Burnet has declared, that the Death of the Queen of Scotland was the greatest Blot of Queen Elizabeth's reign. And I wonder that Pope Sixtus V. who knew so well how to teach others to give respect to Royal Majesty, should envy this Queen the Happiness and Honour to have a Crown'd Head fall at her feet. And never was a Dream more full of instruction, than that Ladies, who usually lay in the Chamber of Queen Elizabeth, and who the Night before that Execution, awak'd in a Fright, crying out, that she saw the Head of Mary Stuart cut off, and that they would also have cut off the Head of Queen Elizabeth with the same Axe. L [...]ti Book 3. of part 2. of the Life of Sixtus V.

↵

o

Paul Piasecki says, in his Chronicle, that Constance of Austria, the Second Wife of Sigismond III. King of Poland, used all her Interest to get her Eldest Son Iohn Casimir to be chosen King, and her Son-in-Law and Nephew U [...]adislaus excluded, who being the Eldest Son of the King, according to the Law and Custom of the Country, was to be preferr'd before all others. Another Polonian says, Nec unquam committunt, quin hic eligatur, cui ipso jure debetur successio. Krzistanowi [...] in his description of the Government of [...]land.

↵

2.

'Tis the Custom of Princes in hurtful cases to throw the Odium upon their Ministers. Anthony Perez, who found it so by sad experience in the Murder of Iohn of Escovedo, which Philip II. gave leave to be enquir'd into; says, that Princes are advis'd to keep a Council of State to clear themselves of all unlucky accidents. Queen Elizabeth imprison'd the Secretary who dispatch'd an Order to hasten the Execution of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, saying, that she was surpris'd when she sign'd the Warrant. Leti.

↵

3.

That Minister is unhappy, who is forc'd to accuse his Prince, to prove his own Innocence; or who must be Criminal, to make his Prince to be reputed Innocent. For if he keeps the Secret, the Iudges condemn him; if he does not keep it, his Maste [...] sacrifices him as an unfaithful Servant. Besides, the Prince is always glad to rid himself of one who may be a Witness against him.

↵

4.

Princes would often want Counsel, if it was dangerous to give them Counsel. D [...]uturos qui suad [...]nt, s [...] suadere periculum sit. Curt. Lib. 7. When a Prince keeps a Secret, says C [...]brera, we freely tell him everything that may do him hurt; which often preserves his State and Person. Philip II. was ignorant of nothing, because every one told him what he knew; and 'twas certain he would never discover what ought to be kept secret. Chap. 3. of the 12 Book of his Life.

↵

5.

'Tis the Destruction of a Republick and introduces a Monarchy to commit the Sovereign Power to one alone, and 'tis the Overthrow of a Monarchy to give this Power to many. This was the mistake of Philip II. after the death of Lewis of Req [...]sen, Governor of the Low-Countrys, in committing the Administration of the [...] of Flanders to the Council of State of that Country. For the People, when they saw themselves delivered from the Yoke of a Spanish Governor, were not afraid of a Power, which being divided among many, seem'd unto 'em a kind of a Republick. Besides, the Interest and Advice of those who were of this Council never agreeing, the People had a fair pretence not to obey, standing neuter among so many Masters, who did not know how to command. 'Tis almost impossible, says Commines, that many great Lords of the same Quality and Estate, should be able to hold long together, unless there be one Superior to command 'em, and 'tis necessary that he should be Wi [...]e and well Approved whom they must all obey. And a little after, he gives this reason for it. Because, says he, they have so many things to dispatch and agree among themselves, that half of the time is lost before they can conclude any thing. The last Chap. of Book 1. of his Memoirs. Cabrera says, that a Prince has need of Counsel and of Ministers to assist him in the Government; for though he be an able Prince, yet he can't know every thing; but they must not be his companions in the Government, because being only his Instruments, 'tis [...]it he should use 'em as he pleases. Chap. 7. of the first book of his History.

↵

p

Mary, Queen of Hungary, Sister of Charles V. shew'd her self of the same opinion, when taking her leave of the Low-Countrys, which she had govern'd 23 years, she used this Expression: If I have fail'd in any thing, I may be excus'd, since I have done the best I could; but if any are dissatisfied with what I have done, I regard it not, since the Emperor my Brother is satisfied, and my care was only to please him. Brantome dis [...]. 4. of brave Women.

↵

q

Don Iohn Antonio de Vera speaking of the Ceremony of the Abdication of Charles V. says, that they who assisted at it gave publick testimony of their sorrow, but however in such a manner as, without displeasing the Prince they received, shew'd what a Prince they lost. Epitome of the Life of Charles V.

↵

1.

Because Liberty began with the Consulship, he affected to propose all things by the Consuls, to amuse the People, and even the Senate, by an image of the ancient Republick. Arcanum enim novi status imago antiqui.

↵

r

Under the ancient Republick, the Tribunes of the People had oftentimes assembled the Senate; so Tiberius acted popularly in convoking them. 'Tis true, the Tribunes had usurp'd this Power, for in the beginning they could only vetare, aut intercedere, i. e. hinder or oppose; whereas the Consuls had a right to command. Consules jubent.

↵

2.

The Edicts of a Prince ought always to be short, for they are Laws and Commandments, of which it belongs not to Subjects to examine the reasons. 'Tis the business of a Doctor to alledge reasons, but not of a Legislator, who ought to make himself obey'd by Authority and not by Persuasion. If reasons were given to Subjects, they would examine them; and this Inquiry would carry 'em to Disobedience when they did not think those Reasons good. The force of a Law, does not formally consist in the Iustice of it, but in the Authority of the Legislator; and therefore Kings, who are the Supreme Legislators, must be obeyed, because they have establish'd such and such Laws, and not because their Laws seem just to us.

↵

s

Because Augustus dying at Nola, a [...] Tacitus says, at the end of the Abridgment of his Life, he would in honour accompany his body to Rome.

↵

t

Iohn Freinshemius gives another sense to this passage: neque abscedere a corpore, idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare; making Tiberius say, that by this assembling the Senate, he did not pretend to a Superiority over it, or over any Senator, but only to acquit himself of his duty to his Father: and that for the future he would not take upon him to give any more commands. And in the Examen of the Translators of Tacitus, which is at the end of his Paraphrase, he says, most Interpreters understand these words, abscedere a corpore, of the Body of Augustus; but I understand 'em of the Body of the Senate. In which he had followed Dati, who renders them thus: Ne voleva egli en cio partirsi dalla volonta de gli altera Senatori: And Rodolphus, the Master, who interprets them in these terms, to be inseparably united to the body of the Senate,

↵

3.

He acted the part of a Republican in the Senate, because that was the only place where there yet remain'd any shadow of the ancient Liberty.

↵

4.

'Tis the Interest of Courtiers to discover the Sentiments of the Prince, in the beginning of his Reign, to know how to behave themselves towards him; but 'tis the Interest of the Prince not to reveal or declare any thing in his affairs, that may exercise their Curiosity. For if they are before hand in discovering what is in his breast, he will never come to know what is in their hearts. Lleva la ventaja, says a Spanish Proverb, el que vee el juego al companero.

↵

5.

In an Elective Empire the Prince ought always to declare, that he holds the Kingdom from them who have a right to Elect, though he obtained it by other means; for otherwise he will be accounted an Usurper, and a declar'd Enemy to the publick Liberty, and by consequence his Life will be always in danger. Nothing can be said more judicious, nor more agreeable to a Republick, or to an Elective State, than that which Galba said of his Election to the Empire. Under the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, said he, the Roman Common-Wealth has been as the Patrimony and Inheritance of one Family alone; but I who have been call'd to the Empire by the consent of the Gods and of Men, can say, that I have restored Liberty to the Common-Wealth, because Election has begun again in my Person▪ and that if the vast body of the Empire could be content to be govern'd by a single Person, I should be the Man, who would revive the ancient Common-Wealth.

↵

6.

In times past, the great Men thought it a dishonour, to be obliged to Women for their Fortune, as if they had been preferr'd by their Favour, rather than by their own Merit. But at this day, we are not so nice in that respect. The Ruelle advances far more than the Sword.

↵

1.

The Prince who Honours and requires others to honour the Memory and Ashes of his Predecessors, gives an example to his Successors, which obliges them to pay him the same respect after his death. Suetonius relates, that 'twas said, Caesar had secured his own Statues and Images from being broken, by restoring the Statues of Sylla and Pompey, which the People had thrown down during the Civil Wars. In Poland the King elect is not crown'd till the dead King be buried: (Piasecki in his Chronicle.) which is probably done out of respect to the dead, who sur [...]enders not the Crown till he has received burial. For the King Elect, does not act as King, nor Seals the Letters he writes to Foreign Princes with the Arms of the Kingdom, till after his Coronation. Philip II. King of Spain, built and founded the Monastery of S. Laurence of the Escurial, to be the burying place of the Emperor Charles V. his Father, and of the Empress Issabella his Mother, and all their Posterity, as he expresly declares in the act of the Foundation, reported by Cabrera, Chap. II. of book 6. of his History. Before he left Portugal he staid three days at the Monastery of Bele [...], which is a little place of Lisbon, and caused to be interr'd the Bodies of the Kings Sebastian and Henry, and of twenty other Princes, the Children and Grand-Children of King Emanuel, which had been buried apart in divers Convents; being willing to make at least this acknowledgment to twenty two Heirs, who had given place to him to succeed in this Kingdom. Spanish Relation of the Interment of Philip in Portugal. Chap. 16. and Conestagio, Book 9. of the Union of Portugal and Castile.

↵

u

That is, with the Name of Empress, and with the Title of Majesty which she had not while her Husband was living.

↵

2.

In Princes, Clemency is often an effect of their Vanity, or of their good Nature.

↵

x

We see here, says Pagliari, what slips sometimes the Wisest Men make. For if on the one side we consider, that Augustus made himself to be lamented, and esteem'd, by an unparellel'd demonstration of Humanity, yet without contributing any thing of his own; his last Will will appear to be made with great Wisdom and Policy, but if we examine more narrowly how he purchas'd the favour of the People, we shall find, that for a Prince of such Understanding he committed a great Fault, because by the bait of an apparent intail, he provoked the great Persons concerned in it, to plot against his Posterity, whom he had strengthen'd by many Adoptions. For if these Noble Persons were Politick Men, as 'tis probable, since Augustus mistrusted them; 'tis not likely that they would be contented with an hope, which according to the ordinary course of Nature, could not take effect in some hundreds of years, Germanicus and Drusus with all their Children, being to succeed before she. I [...] the thirty third of his Observations upon Tacitus.

↵

y

Who call'd Caesar, Tyrant, to authorise this Murther as Lawful. It a enim appellari Caesarem facto ejus expiedebat, says Paterculus, Book 1. Ch. 58. speaking of Brutus.

↵

3.

The actions of great Men may be taken by two handles, some commend, others blame them. They receive divers names, according to the different inclinations of Persons who pass a Iudgment of 'em. Cataline was blamed for what he would have done, and Caesar was commended for what he did. When there are Parties, every one judges according to the Affection and Interest of that side he is of. The Doctors of the League durst compare C [...]ement the Iacobin, who assassinated Henry III. with Ehud who delivered the Children of Israel out of bondage, by killing Eglon King of Moab. The Spaniards put into their Martyrology Baltazar of Guerard, who kill'd the Prince of Orange at Delf, whereas the Hollanders and Protestants have made him a Devil incarnate. In the 14 Book of the Second Part of the History of Anthony of Herrera, there are two Chapters (the 9. and the 10.) which make [...] Panegyrick upon this Guerard, whose death he calls a Martyrdom. I admire amongst others these words: Considerando, como avia de executar s [...] intento, y estando firme con el ex [...]mplo de nuestro Salvador Iesu-Christo, y de sus Santos, &c. i. e. Guerard, considering, how he ought to proceed to the Execution of his design, and continuing firm in his resolution, after the Example of our Saviour Iesus Christ, and his Saints, went the 10th of Iuly to find the Rebel, &c. as if Iesus Christ and his Saints had given any example of murder! The Inquisition of Spain let this pass, as if they approved it. Moreover, this shews how much Men love their own Opinions, and how rash they are to believe things holy or wicked in the sight of God, as their passion moves them. Upon this occasion I shall observe, that the History of the Reformation of England, by Dr. Burnet, is [...]ull of this partiality, every where calling all those Rebels and Superstitious who would not acknowledge H. VIII. to be head of the Church of England, nor consent to the Laws which he made concerning Religion▪ nor to those which were made in the Reign of his Son Edward VI. and on the other side, giving the Glorious Title of Martyrs to the Protestants who suffered under the Reign of Q. Mary, the Sister of Edward, who restor'd the Catholick Religion in England.

↵

z

Counting from the Death of Antho [...]y the Triumvir.

↵

a

The 21. of September, compleat 20 years old, except one day, according to Paterculus, Hist. 2. Chap. 65.

↵

b

At the Death of Cardinal de Richelieu, the Parisians observ'd almost the same, that he was born and died in the same House: that he received Baptism and Extreme Unction in the same Parish. History of Cardinal de Richelieu, Book 6. Chapter the Last. Conestagio and Cabrera have likewise observ'd, that Henry Cardinal King of Portugal, died the same hour in which he was born 68 years before.

↵

c

Paterculus says, that he was Consul eleven times, and refused to be Consul any more. Book 2. Chap. 89. Now Marius had been Consul seven times, and Corvinus six.

↵

d

That is, Victorious General, or Great Captain. Tacitus says, that 'tis an honour which Armies formerly gave to their Captains, when they were over-joy'd for having gain'd a Victory. So that, at the same time, there were many Emperors, who did not take place of one another. At the end of the 3 Book of his Annals.

↵

1.

We must not always ascribe to Princes the Cause of publick Evils; for sometimes the Times contribute more to them than the Men. A Prince, who at his accession to the Throne, finds the Kingdom in disorder, and upon the brink of ruine, must of necessity use violent Remedies to give Life again to the Laws, to root out dissentions, and to set the Government upon a right foot.

↵

e

'Tis true, says Paterculus, they reviv'd again the Proscription which had been begun by Sylla, but this was not approved of by [...], though being single against two he could not oppose the Fury of [...] and Lepidus, joyn'd together.

↵

2.

Sometimes Princes shut their Eyes, that they may not see the Oppressions and Crimes they would be obliged to punish, if their Eyes were open. There are times when rigour wou'd be p [...]ejudicial to their Affairs, and particularly in the midst of a Civil War, when 'tis dangerous to encrease the Number of Male-Contents.

↵

f

Paterculus says, that Caesar was become odious, from the day he assisted at the Feast of the Lupercalia, when Mark Anthony, his Coleague in the Consulship, put upon his Head a Royal Diadem; for Caesar refused it in such a manner as shewed, that though the Action was rash, yet it had not much displeased him. Hist. 2. Chap. 56. Besides, he happen'd to say before, that they must take care how they spoke to him for the future, and that he meant what he said should be a Law. Suetonius in his Life.

↵

3.

A Prince ought to forbear to assume new Titles and Honours; for instead of gaining by the new Power he pretends to, he runs the risque of losing that which no body denied him. Augustus, a wise Prince, was cautious of taking the Title, which a Thought of only cost his Predecessor his Life.

↵

4.

The Dictatorship being an image of the ancient Regal Power, Augustus would never accept it, to shew that he avoided whatsoever had made his Uncle odious. Ovid makes the reign of Augustus and Romulus to oppose each other, as Liberty and Sovereign Power. Ti [...] domini nomen, says he to Romulus, principis ille gerit.

↵

g

The Roman Empire was bounded on the West, by the Ocean; on the North by the Danube and the Rhine; on the East, by the Euphrates and the Tygris; on the South, by the Mountain Atla [...].

↵

5.

The greatest Contests which happen among Princes, arise upon the subject of limits, especially when their Lands lie one among the others, as those of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua in Montferrat; of the King of Spain, and of the Dukedome of Venice in the Milaneze; of the same Republick and of the Grand Signior in Dalmatia, and in the Islands of the Levant. On the contrary, when Kingdoms are divided by the Sea, by Mountains, or by strong Forts, which hinder a Passage, Princes have less disputes with one another.

↵

h

Paterculus says, that Augustus was resolved to refuse the Dictatorship when the People offer'd it to him. Chap. 89.

↵

6.

The actions of great Princes have always been liable to the Peoples censure, how wise soever they may have been, the Speculative have ever been able to give probable reasons for their conduct; nor do the Male-contents and the Envious, ever want matter to de [...]ame them. When Philip II. caused his Son Don Carlos to be arrested, all the Courtiers spoke of it as their inclinations led them, for the Father or the Son. Some call'd him Prudent, and others Severe, because his Sport and his Revenge met together. Cabrera, Chap. 22. the 7th Book of his History. Commines paints Iohn II. King of Portugal as a Cruel and Barbarous Prince, because he kill'd his Co [...]in-German, the Duke of Viseu, and cut off the Head of the Duke of Bragance, Brother to the Queen his Wife. (Chap. 17. of the last Book of his Memoirs.) On the contrary, Mariana says, that he was a lover of [...]ustice, and the Great Men of the Kingdom hated him, because he seiz'd the Criminals who withdrew for shelter into their Territories and Castles. And as for the Dukes of Viseu and Bragance, who had both conspired against the Person of the King and his Kingdom, I believe Commines would have agreed with Mariana, if he more narrowly examin'd this matter. Chap. 23. of the 14th Book, and the 11th of the 26 Book of the History. Where by the way we may observe, that the Resemblance between Vice and Virtue, often causes the Common People to confound and blend 'em together, giving to both the Name which belongs to its contrary.

↵

i

In the War of Modena against Anthony, Hirtius and Pansa were Consuls, and Augustus commanded there in quality of Propraetor. Anthony was forc'd to fly and leave Italy.

↵

k

That is, That these Lands belonging to the Community, could not be given to private Persons, much less to the Soldiers, without wronging the Publick.

↵

l

Marcus, and Decimus Brutus, of whom the first kill'd himself, as I have already said, and the other was killed by the command of Anthony. A punishment he justly deserved for his ingratitude towards Caesar, whom he was so hardy as to Murther, at the same time he received favours from him. He envy'd, says Paterculus, the Fortune of him who had made his, and after having taken away the Life of Caesar, he thought it no injustice to keep the Estate he had received from him. Hist. lib. 2. Chap. 64. 'Tis fit to observe by the way, that of all the Murtherers of Caesar, who were sixty in number, there was not one of them who did not die a Violent Death, nor did any of them out-live him more than three years.

↵

m

Hoc opus, haec pietas, haec prima elementa fuerunt,

Caesaris, ulcisci justa per arma patrem.

Ovid. l. 3. Fast.

Cato the Censor meeting a Young Man who came for a Decree to disgrace one of his Father's greatest Enemies. See there, says he, how a well-bred Child ought to offer sacrifice to the Memory of his Father.

↵

n

Rufus Egnatius, who, according to Paterculus, was in every thing more like a Gladiator than a Senator, having form'd a Cabal of Men like himself; he resolved to kill Augustus; but his design succeeded no better than Lucius Murena's, and Fannius Caepio's, He was punished with the Accomplices of his Treason, by such a Death as his detestable Life deserved.

↵

o

Marcus Lollius, according to Paterculus, was more careful to enrich himself than to do his duty.

↵

p

Quintilius Varus, a Peaceable Man, but heavy, and more fit to command an Army in time of Peace, than to make War. He was so imprudent, says Florus, Book 4. Chap, 12. as to assemble the Germans in the midst of his Camp to do them justice, as if he had been able to restrain the Violence of these barbarous People with a Serpent's Wand. He imagined, saith Paterculus, that they were plain honest People, who had little more than the Shape and voice of Men, and whom he could civilize by mild Laws, and tame by the Forms of Iustice, those, who could not be subdued by the force of Arms. Segestes gave him notice of the intended revolt of Arminius, but he would not believe it, thinking the Germans had as much good will for him, as he had for them; In the mean time his Army is Surpris'd and Massacred by people whom they butcher'd before like Sheep. Poor Varus, more couragious to die than fight, stab'd himself.

↵

7.

Princes often make Religion yield to their Interests, whereas their Interests ought to give place to Religion. Dispensations for marriages within the Degrees forbidden are become so common, that 'tis not any longer a matter of scruple to marry two Sisters, or two Brothers. Philip II. who, according to Historians, had so nice a Conscience, was very near Marrying Elizabeth the Queen of England, and Isabel the Queen-Dowager of France, both his Sisters-in-Law, and the latter also the Daughter of the Empress Mary his Sister; and matching his Son, Don Carlos, with his other Sister, Ioan the Princess-Dowager of Portugal, alledging for a President Moses and Aaron, who were the Sons of Amram by his Father's Sister. Henry the Cardinal King of Portugal, as devout a Priest and Arch-Bishop as he was, at the age of 67 years, was very earnest to obtain a Dispensation to marry the Duke of Braganza's Daughter, who was but 13 years old. Upon which Cabrera tells an odd Story; that Don Duarte de Castelblanco advised Henry to marry, and advised the Iesuits, who govern'd him absolutely, to make him take a Wife that was already with Child, there being no hopes, by reason of his Age and Infirmities, that he could otherwise have Children, Lib. 12. Chap. 14. Paul Piasecki saith, that the Poles abhor incestuous Marriages, and the Dispensations that permit them; and that the Famous Iohn Zamoyski, Great Chancellor of Poland, who to his Death opposed the Marriage of Sigismund III. with Constance of Austria, Sister to his former Wife Ann, remonstrating to Clement VIII. that such a Marriage was repugnant to common honesty, and that the Polish Nation would never suffer this Decency to be Violated by his breeding Mares. Insomuch, that Sigismund was not able to procure the Dispensation he demanded, till after the Death both of the Pope and the Chancellor. In his Latin Chronicle ad An. 1604. I tremble, saith Commines, speaking of the Marriage of Ferrand, King of Naples, with the Sister of his own Father, King Alphonso, to speak of such a Marriage, of which Nature there have already been several in this Family within thirty years last past. Memoirs, L. 8. Ch. 14. Thus the Author of the Satyr Menippe, had reason to say, that the House of Austria do as the Iews, and lie with one another like May- Bugs.

↵

8.

Princes are reproach'd, not only with their own Vices and Irregularities, but also with those of their Ministers and their Favourites. For people suppose they have the Vices which they tolerate in persons who are in their Service or their Favour.

↵

9.

Where is the Difference, saith Aristotle, in being govern'd by Women, or by Men who leave the Management of affairs to Women? Polit. Lib. 2. Ch. 7.

↵

10.

A Prince, who voluntarily chuses a bad Successor, instead of augmenting, effaces the Glory of his Reign; for his Memory becomes as odious as his Successor's person: To leave a good one, saith Cabrera, after the younger Pliny, is a kind of Roman Divinity, Hist. Philip II. Lib. 1. Ch. 8. If some of the better actions of the most moderate Princes are ill interpreted after their Deaths, as Tacitus sheweth, by the Example of Augustus, whom they railed at with so much Liberty, they have Hatred enough to bear, without loading themselves also with that, which the choice of an unworthy Successor draws upon them.

↵

q

Dio and Sueton don't differ much from Tacitus. Suspicio, saith the first▪ quosdam tenuit, consulto Tiberium ab Augusto satis [...]um qualis esset cognescen [...], successorem ordinatum, quo magis ipsius gloria floreret, Lib. 56. Nec i [...]ud ignore, saith the other, aliquos tradidisse Augustum etiam ambitione tractum ut [...]ali successore desiderabilior ipse quandoque fieret: In Tib. cap. 23. So that P. Bouhours[?] censures all at once these three Roman Historians, when he speaks thus: ‘Is it probable, that Augustus preferred Tiberius to Agrippa and Germanicus, for no other Reason, but to acquire Glory by the comparison which would be made of a cruel and arrogant Prince, such as Tiberius was, with himself, his Predecessor. For although Tacitus puts this in the Mouth of the Romans, 'tis visible enough, that the Reflection is his own, as well as that which he makes on the same Augustus, for having put in his Will, amongst his Heirs, the principal Persons of Rome, of whom the greatest part were odious to him; that he had put them in, I say, through Vanity, to make himself estemed by Posterity. Dialogue 3. de sa manier de bien penser.’ If this Reflection is Tacitus's own, it ought to be attributed likewise to Dio and Sueton, who are esteemed nevertheless true and well-informed Historians. And consequently we may say of Pere Bouhours[?], what Raphael dalla Torre said of Strada on occasion of the Censure of this Passage of History, and many others, that he knew better how to accuse Tacitus, than to justifie Augustus: For although S [...]eton▪ saith Raphael, declares in the place forementioned, that so sinister an Opinion is not agreeable to the Goodness of Augustus, yet in stead of confuting it by any Reason, he confirms it by the Knowledge which he owns Augustus had long before of the Evil Qualities of Tiberius. [...]. (Livia) veteres quosdam ad se Augusti codicillos de acerbitate & intolerantia morum ejus è sacrario protulit atque recitavit. And by the Words which he saith Augustus spoke after the last Discourse which he had with Tiberius, crying out, Unhappy is the People of Rome, who [...] to fall under such heavy [...] Sueton therefore may say as much as he will, that he cannot believe, that so prudent a Prince could be willing to choose a Successor of so Tyrannical a Temper to make himself the more regretted; but seeing he consell [...], that Augustus knew the Ill-Nature of him that he chose, he ought at least to have given us some pertinent Reason to excuse so bad a Choice: c [...]p. 4. of his Astrolabe of State.

↵

11.

In Princes, the Vices of the Man don't unqualifie him for good Government. Thus Augustus made no scruple to demand the Tribuneship for Tiberius, although he knew he had many Personal Vices, because he knew he had the Virtues of a Prince to ballance them. Commines, after having observed in several places of his Memoirs all the Vices of Lewis the Eleventh, his Inquietude, his Iealousie, his Levity in Discourse, his Aversion to great Men, his Natural Inclination to Men of mean Birth, his Insincerity, his Cruelty, concluded notwithstanding, that God had made him wiser, and more virtuous in all things, than the Princes, who were contemporary with him; because, without flattering him, he had more of the Qualities requisite to a King, than any Prince that he had [...]ver seen: lib. 6. cap. 10. And speaking of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millain. he saith, That he was a great Tyrant, but Honourable, l. 7. c. 7. Cabrera speaking of Cardinal Henry King of Portugal, saith, That he had the Virtues of a Priest, and the Faults of a Prince; which was as much as to say, That he wanted the Qualities that are necessary to a King▪ cap. 24. lib. 12. of his Philip I [...]. There have been, saith the same Author, Princes and Governours, who, notwithstanding great Vices, have been Venerable, for having had Qualities that deserve Reverence, as Eloquence, Liberality, Civility, the discernment of good and bad Counsels, the Art of governing Cities, and commanding Armies, and other Natural Virtues resembling Moral ones; whence arise great Advantages, which make the Persons, who are the Authors of them, highly Esteemed and Respected. It is for this Reason, that some have said by way of Proverb, A bad Man makes a good King. A severe Prince, who doth not violate Natural and Divine Laws, is never called a Tyrant. The Imperious Majesty of King Francis I. although it was excessive, was more useful than the Sweetness and Humanity of his Son, who authorised Vice and Licentiousness, and who, by the Gifts and Favours which he conferred on Flatterers, converted the Publick Good into Private Interest, and left the People to the Mercy of Great Men, and never punished the Injustice of his Officers: cap. 8. lib. 2. of the same History.

↵

r

He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus, before his [...] to Rhodes. Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99.

↵

12.

This manner of Accusing, while we Excuse, is very much in fashion with Courtiers, who, according to the Floren [...]i [...]e Proverb, have Honey in the Mouth, and a Razor under the Girdle.

↵

1.

The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath performed great Things, doth himself an Honour in exalting him, for besides, that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the [...]mitation of him, he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects, when he equals him, or excels him. Tiberius was not inferior to A [...]gustu [...] in Understanding and Experience. The Day that Charles the Fifth had [...]b [...]icated the Kingdom of S [...]ain, his Son Philip said in his Speech, That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him; That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Imperial Majesty, were it not to contribute to th [...] Preservation of so invaluable a Life. Concluding, that [...]e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtue [...] ▪ since to imitate them all, was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World. Cabrera, lib 1. cap. 7. o [...] his History.

↵

2.

It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig [...] [...], if their Fathers would themselves take pains to instruct them▪ I mean those who are to succeed them; for, from whom shall they learn the Art of Government, if not from him who Governs? And, how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne, if they have never been admitted to any Knowledge of the Affairs of their State▪ It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers, who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance, to render themselves more necessary, and who, to maintain themselves in the Power they have gotten, will never let him see A [...]airs, but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business. On the contrary, a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time, enters trained up and accustomed to act the difficult part of a King. I don't pretend to say, that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thousand Things, which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor. Majus aliquid & exce [...]sius a Princip [...] postulatur. But setting Iealou [...]ie a [...]ide, he cannot fairly dispense with himself from t [...]aching him [...] Maxims, which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government, and which Tacitus calls Arcana Dominationis. And as the Children of Sovereign Princes, saith Cabrera, have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws, they have absolute need of the Instructions of their Fathers; for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them, there are none but their Fathers, who have the Authority to command them, and the Means to make themselves obeyed: cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History.

↵

3.

It is very necessary for a Prince, saith Commines, to have several Persons of his Council; because the wisest sometimes err, and they help to set one another right: l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well, and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities.

↵

s

Sueton calls this Registry, Rat [...]narium, i. e. an Inventory, or a Iour [...]al.

↵

4.

Although Princes have Secretaries, whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing, it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind, which Tacitus calls Dominationis Arcana; that on the contrary, it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of another. There is no Secretary, nor Confident, whosoever he be, that ought to be admitted to the Knowledge of these Secrets. A Prince, who is guilty of this Oversight, will become precario [...] to such a Subject. Edward the Sixth, King of England, wrote himself the Iournal of his Life, whereof the three last Years are extant. So that if this Prince, who died at Sixteen, had lived longer, and continued his Labour, he would have proved a very great Man. In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon d [...] puridade, as much as to say, The Writer or Register of the Confidence, or of the Secrets. And Mariana often makes use of this Word in this sense, when he saith, Communicar sus consejos y puridades. As this is the most important place of the Kingdom, and which hath never been held by any other, but by the chief Minister, it is probable, that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Cabinet, and thence to prepare Memoirs of State. Iohn the Second King of Portugal, and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille, wrote them themselves.

↵

5.

Whether this Counsel proceeded from Fear or Iealousie, it was certainly good. Power is not always augmented in proportion as it is extended. It is often with a vast State, as it is with prodigious Ships, whose Burden hinders their sailing. Besides, there are Conquests, which are burthensome because they can't be preserved. It was for this Reason, that Edward King of England would not hearken to the Proposals of Lewis the Eleventh, who would have engaged him in the Conquest of Flanders, after the Death of the last Duke of Burgundy; answering, ‘That the Cities of Flanders were strong and great, and the Country not easie to keep after it was conquered. Memoires of Commines, l. 6. c. 2.’ The King of Spain would gain more by giving up to France the remainder of the Low-Countries, than by keeping it; for besides, that this Country not only brings him in nothing, but costs him a great deal, it would be much more Honourable to give it up voluntarily, than to lose it by piece-meals after a shameful manner, as it were, by the Attachments of a Sergeant. Pensees diverses, ch. or sect. 40. This Counsel of Aug [...]stus, to shut up the Empire within its Limits, crossed, saith Ammirato, the inviolable Maxim of the Romans, who were ever endeayouring by all ways possible to enlarge their Empire; but Augustus knowing by his own Experience the Evils that might ensue thence, thought it his Duty to leave this Counsel to his Successors, to cut up the Root both of Foreign and Civil Wars. And if Tacitus gives the Name of Fear to this Advice, it is because it is the part of a wise Man to [...]ear that which deserves to be feared, and to foresee how many Dangers he expo [...]es himself to, who never ceases [...]om invading others. Commentary, lib. 1. disc. 6. and lib. 12. disc. 1.

↵

1.

Nothing gives greater Offence to a dissembling Prince, such as Ti [...]erius was, than to endeavour to sound his Heart, or to let him see, that you perceive that he dissembles. We ought never to put Princes upon explaining themselves farther than they are willing; when they speak obscurely, it is a sign that there is some Mystery in it; and, consequently, it is dangerous to enquire into it. The Marquis of Aitone, saith M. de Montresor, went to visit Monsieur, who kept his Bed, pretending to have the Go [...]t, and knew well enough that his Highness acted a Part, but he made no discovery thereof by any outward shew, or by any particular Act to prevent his Retreat out of the Territories of the King his Master. In his Memoirs.

↵

2.

This Answer of Tiberius plainly shews, that Princes do not love to be replied upon, and that it is want of Respect towards them to put them to the Trial. Princes de [...]ire to be thought sincere, because this conduces much to the obtaining their Ends; but they will not be so.

↵

3.

The Praises which a Subject gives his Prince, after he has given him Offence by Words, are never a Plaister so broad as the Sore. The Affronts offered Princes are irreparable, because they impute the Reparations thereof to the Fear which the Offenders have of their Resentment, and not to their Repentance.

↵

t

Dio adds a Reason, which is of yet greater weight. That Asinius having married Vipsa [...]ia, Drusus his Mother, he looked upon Drusus as his own Son. So that not being satisfied with having Tiberius's first Wife, he also shared with him in his Prerogatives of a Father. It looked also as if he would have had a share also in Drusus's Heart, C [...]m Drusum filii instar haberet: These are Dio's Words, lib. 57. Lastly, as Tiberius had always loved Vips [...]n [...], whom he had not divorced but to please Augustus, who gave him his own Daughter; he could not endure that Asinius should' enjoy this Lady, who had as many good Qualities, as Augustus's Daughter had bad ones.

↵

4.

A Prince never looks with a good Eye on him who hath married a Wife whom he hath divorced, whether he divorced her out of Aversion, or by Constraint; for if he did it out of Aversion, he looks on the Husband as a Person who hath taken her Part against him, or who knows the Secrets of the Family, whereof he may make an ill Use: If by Constraint, which was the case of Tiberius, he hates the Husband as a Rival, who hath enrich'd himself with his Spoils; or as an ambitious Person, who, by the advantage of his Marriage, hopes to advance his Fortunes. The Honour which Asinius had of being Father-in-Law to Drusus, one of the presumptive Heirs of the Empire, join'd with his ambitious Spirit▪ distinguished him too much, not to raise Iealousie in Tiberius. Piasecki relates, that Iohn Duke of Filandia, who was afterwards King of Poland, was imprisoned by King Eric, his Brother, with his Wife Catharine, Sister to Sigismund Augustus King of Poland, because he seemed to have compassed this high Alliance, to enable him to seize the Crown of Suedeland, as their Father Gustavus had done. In the beginning of his Chronicle.

↵

1.

Kings, saith Salust, are more a [...]raid or Men of Virtue and Merit, than of ill Men. [...] boni, qu [...]m [...], suspectiores sunt, s [...]mperque his [...] vir [...]us sormid [...]losa est. In Calilina. Tiberius was well perswaded of what Agrippa had said to Augustus, That a Man of great Under [...]anding; and great Courage, could [...]ot but be a Lover of Liberty, and in his Heart an Enemy to an absolute Master. Di [...]n, lib. 52. Commines saith, that Lewis the Eleventh [...]eared all Men, but especially those who were worthy to be in Authority. Memoirs, l. 6. c. 12.

↵

2.

A Prince can never give better sustructions to his Successor, than to [...]ark out what great Men he ought [...] distrust. This Knowledge is the most necessary thing to a Prince when he [...] ascends the Throne, and [...] much the [...], because it is in the [...]ginning that he is most ea [...]y deceived, and the great Men most [...] to make their At [...]mpts upon an Authority that is not yet well e [...]tablished. In the last Counsels, which David on his Death-bed gave to his Son Salomon, he advised him not to let [...] go to the Grave in peace, who had [...] two just Men, Almer and [...] ▪ to bring to the Grave with blood the hoar Head of Shimei, who had dared to curse him, and to caus [...] the Sons of Barzillai to eat at his own Table, who had [...]urnished him with Provisions and other Necessaries for his whole Army, when he fled before Absalom: 1 Kings, chap. 2. Francis the First, in the last Hours of his Life, advised his Son Henry not to admit the House of Lorrain to any share of the Government; foretelling, that the Guises would be the Ruine of the Valois. Counsel that would have saved France from many Wars and Calamities, had Henry the Second been wise enough to have made use of it. On the contrary, Philip the Second employed all those Ministers which Charles the Fifth recommended to him when he resigned the Crown of Spain, and especially the Duke d'Alva, the Bishop of Arras, who was afterwards Granvelle, Diego de Barg [...], Francis de Eraso, and Gonzalo Peres, the Father of Anthony, who was so famous for his Misfortunes. And this he did with so much the more success, because Charles the Fifth, by a secret Memoir which he had sent him, had fully informed him of the true Character of their Minds, and of the difference of their Interests. This was a Paper of so excellent Instructions, saith the Commander of Vera, that if Tiberius had made th [...] like, Tacitus would have given him Immortal Praises. Epit [...]me of the Life of Charles the Fifth, and Cabrera, cap. 7. lib. 1. of his History. Burnet saith, that Edward the Sixth, King of England, wrote in a Book the Portraitures of the Lord-Lieutenants of his Counties, and of the principal Magistrates of his Kingdom, with all the Particulars that he was told of them: Part. 2. l. 1. of his History. Certainly, he had in this [...]ound the Secrets of knowing every thing, and consequently, of being well served.

↵

3.

Ambition, Merit, Courage and Opportunity, are all that are necessary to make a Usurper. A Subject who hath been esteemed worthy to Govern, by a Prince who hath excelled in the Arts of Government, will always be suspected by the Successor of that Prince, and, which is worse, will fall a Sacrifice, if the Prince be of a sanguinary Temper. It was never doubted, but Ferdinand d'Avalos, Marquis de Pesquera, who commanded the Army of Charles the Fifth in Italy, was disposed to accept of the Kingdom of Naples, which Francis Sforsa, Duke of Milain, in the Name of the Pope and the Venetians, offered him with the Title of Captain-General of the Italian League; for he was a long time in Treaty with Ierom Moron, who was this Duke's chief Minister. And that he afterwards discovered all to the Emperour, was an effect of the difficulty of the Enterprize, rather than of his Fidelity, which Charles the Fifth ever after suspected.

↵

4.

Subjects cannot reproach their Prince more, than to complain, that the State is without a Head, and consequently fallen into an Anarchy. From the moment that a Prince ascends the Throne, he ought to set upon Action, and not to give his Subjects space to doubt, whether they have a Master. Anthony Perez said, That the King and Kingdom make a Marriage; that the King is the Husband, and the Kingdom the Wife; and that a Kingdom is a Widow, that hath nor a laborious and vigilant King.

↵

u

Because he discovered, that all Tiberius's refusals of the Empire were not in earnest; whereas Haterius seemed to be perswaded, that his Refusal was sincere, when he conjured him not to suffer the Commonwealth to be longer without a Head; which was also an oblique way of flattering Tiberius, intimating thereby, that the Senate was not the Head of the Empire.

↵

5.

Silence is the most certain sign of a deep Resentment; for whereas the Mouth gives the Heart vent, Silence nourishes in it Hatred, and the desire of Revenge. Tacitus saith, that Agricola was a little too sharp in his Rep [...]imands, but that afterwards there remained no more in his Breast, so that none had any jealousie of his Silence.

↵

6.

Most Popes use this Policy; at first they seem not willing to hear any mention made of a Cardinal Nephew, or of the Acquisition of Principalities or Duchies for their Kindred, but after they have acted this Part some Weeks, they call their Nephews to the Administration of Affairs, to gratifie, as they say, the Ambassadors of Princes, for whom it would be inconvenient to treat always with the Pope himself in Person, whereas treating with their Nephews, they discharge their Office with less Ceremony, and consequently with greater Liberty and Confidence.

↵

7.

When a great Man is fallen under the Hatred of his Prince, Accidents are imputed to him for Crimes, as well as voluntary Faults. Besides, there are always at Court. Persons who are ready to dispatch those, whose Death they know will be pleasing to the Prince.

↵

x

Which was as much as to say, the Empress-Mother.

↵

1.

Kings are obliged, as all other Men, to honour their Mothers, and to have all the Complaisance for them, that domestick and civil Decency require; but as for Honours, which properly belong to Majesty, or which are of dangerous consequence, they ought not to permit them to be decreed to their Mothers. Salomon seeing his Mother coming to him, rose up to meet her, and caused her to [...]it on a separate Throne at his Right Hand; but as soon as she had asked Abishag in Marriage for Ado [...]jah, Salomon's elder Brother, he said to her, Why do you not ask the Kingdom for him also? And was so far from granting her Request, which was very imprudent, that he put Adonijah to death as a Traitor, who aspired to the Crown by marrying the Companion of his Father's Bed: 1 Kings, ch. 2. In Poland, they crown the Queen, but take no Oath of Allegiance to her; for the State allows her no Iurisdiction. Martin Cromer, lib. 2. of Poland.

↵

2.

Princes who will retrench superfluous Titles, and moderate th [...] Vanity of their Subjects, ought to begin with themselves. And this is what Philip the Second did, to give Life and Vigour to the famous Ordinance of 1586, entituled, Pragmatica, where he commanded all those who should hereafter write to him, to give him no other Title in the begin [...]ing of their Letters, than Senor; nor any other Compliment in the end, than this Form, Dios guarde la Catolica Persona de Vuestra Magestad; and after that, the Subscription in the most simple manner, viz. only the Name of him that writes, without the flourish of, Your most humble and most obedient Subject and Servant. And for the Superscription, these Words, Al Rey nuestro Senor. Cabrera saith, that Philip made this Ordinance, that Ambition and Flattery might not come to usurp Divine Titles; and to set his Subjects an Example in all his Grants and Letters Patents, he stiled himself only Don Filipe, &c. without assuming the Sirnames of Magnificent, Triumphant, Invincible, which the Kings Alphonso the Sixth and Seventh, his Predecessors, had used: cap. 21. lib. 12. of his History. See Note 1. Article 38. Lib. 4. of these Annals.

↵

y

i. e. An Usher or Mace-bearer to walk before her.

↵

3.

A Prince, who is disappointed of the Succession of a State, whereof he is the lawful Heir, hath much greater need to be comforted upon the account of the Injustice that is done him, than for the Death of him that hath done it.

↵

4.

A wise Prince ought never to alter the Rules made by his Prededecessor, if he is one whose Memory is had in Veneration by the People; or if he doth it, Prudence requires, that it be not in the beginning of his Reign, which is always the time wherein he is most exposed to Censure. Lewis the Twel [...]th, saith Commines, took possession of the Kingdom, without making any Alterations in the Pensions for that Year, which had yet six Months to come. He displaced few Officers, and said, That he would keep every Man in his Post, and in his Estate. And all this was very becoming him. Cap. ult. of his Memoirs.

↵

5.

The multiplication of the Officers of Iustice, tends always to the Ruine of the People. Whereas it seems probable, that Affairs would be dispatched with more expedition by a great number of Officers, than by a small; on the contrary, they are spun out without end, because there are more People who have an Interest to protract them, that they may subsist thereby, especially when Offices are venal. For, according to the common saying, He that buys Iustice in Gross, will sell it by Retail.

↵

z

The Assembly, where they chose the Magistrates called Comitia a [...] v [...]l comeundo, which was held in the Field of Mars.

↵

a

Romulus divided the People into three Tribes, as the City was then divided into three Quarters; which Number gave occasion to the Name of of Tribe. He afterwards divided these Tribes into thirty Curiae, or Classes. The elder Tarquin doubled these Tribes, to equal their Number to the six Quarters of the City, which was much enlarged. Servius Tullius, the Successor of Tarquin, distributed it into nineteen Tribes, four of which were called Tribus Urbanae, or the Citizens; and the other fifteen, which comprehended all the Inhabitants of the Country, were called Tribus Rusticae. And in process of Time, the Number of Tribes encreased to Thirty five.

↵

1.

When a State is lately changed from a Democracy to a Monarchy, the Prince, as being new, ought to leave the People the Enjoyment of some of their ancient Rights, to accustom them insensibly to Obedience.

↵

2.

There is no Yoke which the great Men and the Nobility will not bear, rather than fall into the Hands of the People, and to make court to them to obtain Offices. It is for this Reason, that a Democracy is always of short duration in States where there is much Nobility.

↵

3.

A Prince newly established, who reserves to himself the naming but of a small number of Officers, so as his Nomination be liable to no Contest, establishes his Power much better, than if he attempted at first to name all. For, in process of Time, it will be easie for him to extend the Prerogatives of a Sovereignty, which the People have once acknowledged. When the Principality it self is in question, the Conditions ought never to be disputed whatsoever they are; it is sufficient to get possession of it, after which, all the rest follows as one would wish Ubi sis ingressus, adesse studia & Ministros. Ann. 4.

↵

b

So they call those who stood for Offices, because during the time of their Suit they wore a White Garment.

↵

4.

A remarkable Example of Flattery▪ Those, who by their Office and their Duty are obliged to preserve the publick Liberty, canonize the Person who destroyed it.

↵

c

In this Calendar, called [...]osti, were set down the Festivals, the Ceremonies, and the Names of the Magistrates of the Cities.

↵

d

It was a figured Robe, edged with Purple, with a Vest wrought with Branches of Palms.

↵

e

These Legions, saith Paterculus, were for a new Head, a new Government, and, in a word, for a new Republick; they threatned to give Laws to the Senate, and even to the Prince himself; they would by main force augment their Pay, and shorten the time of their Service, to have their Reward before the set time. There was nothing wanting to them, but [...] Head, to have lead them on against the Government; and whosoever this Head had been, he would have found this Army ready to have followed him: ch. 125.

↵

1.

The beginnings of Reigns are ever subject to some Tempest; for it is then that all Male-contents are stirring, and are for selling their Obedience as dear as they can, by disturbing an Authority, that while it is in its growth hath need to keep fair with all, to gain Time to establish it self. Want of Power in a Prince, Ambition of great Men, who have always a good Opinion of their own Abilities and Discontents in the People, are the three ordinary Sources of Factions, as those are of Civil Wars. France saw sad Instances thereof during the Minority of Lewis the Great. GOD grant that these may be the last.

↵

f

Ob Iustitium, saith Tacitus. The Iustitium then was a Vacation or Suspension of all Civil Affairs, which was commanded by the Senate, or the Magistrates of the City, as may be gathered from those words of the Second Book of the Annals; Ut ante Edictum Magistratuum, ante Senatusconsultum sumpto justitio[?] desererentur fora, &c.

↵

2.

Great Seditions are commonly raised by pitiful Fellows; and if a Rascal hath a Talent of speaking, the Rabble is always ready to lend an Ear to him. The common People need no other Oracles, especially if the Haranguer inveighs against some Minister that is much hated, as they all are. In the beginning of the Reign of Charles the Fifth, the famous Insurrection of the City of Castille, called Las Communidades, (because it was a Sedition of the common People against the Nobles, which afterwards degenerated into a direct Rebellion against the Prince;) This Revolt, I say, had for its Leaders, a Barbor at Medina del Campo a Fell-monger at Salamanca; a Carder at Valenca; a Tanner at Segovia; a Barber at Avila; and such other Deliverers at Burgos, at Guadalaxara, at Siguenca, at Vailladolid, at Zamora, &c. Epitome of the Commandeur de Vera. Bussy-le-Clerc was one of the principal Supporters of the League; and Peter de Brousell, who was but an ordinary Counsellor, was the Oracle and the Idol of the Fronde.

↵

g

In elder Times the Military Tribunes had none above them, but the General; but afterwards the Lieutenant-Generals took their Place. So that these Tribunes were much the same with our Colonels or Commanders of a thousand Men; for there were six of them in every Legion, which ordinarily consisted of six thousand Men. Their Office was to distribute the Generals Orders, to give the Word to the Sentinels, to take care of Fortifications, to try Deserters and Mutineers for their Lives, &c. Sometimes Tribunu [...] Militum is taken for the chief Commander of a Legion, and sometimes of a Cohort; and hence it came to pass, that the Roman [...] had not so many Officers as we have.

↵

1.

An Army which comes to consider its own Multitude, and the small number of its Officers, is very apt to desire to free it self from Discipline, and makes a Iest of petitioning for those Things which they know well enough durst not be refused them, if they have recourse to Force.

↵

2.

The Male-contents of a preceding Reign, find the beginning of the succeding to be the most favourable time to have their Demands heard. This was the Policy the People of Ghant used towards Charles Duke of Burgundy, who was forced to grant them all they demanded, that he might not have two Wars on his Hands at once, Duke Philip, his Father, having left him one with Liege. Memoirs of Commines, l. 2. c. 4. Pope Innocent the Ninth said, That the beginning of a Reign was not a time for Negotiations, but for Congratulations and Rejoycings, to free himself by this handsom Excuse from the Importunities of those who came to beg Favours of him.

↵

h

They were called Veterans, i. e. Soldiers, who had compleated their time of Service.

↵

i

The Roman Denarius, or Penny, was worth ten Asses, but under Augustus it was worth sixteen; about Sevenpence-Halfpenny of our Money.

↵

3.

It is impossible, that an Army should be ever well disciplined, in which the Officers sell Exemptions from Watches, and other Military Duties; or that it should not abound with Male-contents, seeing that all the Soldiers who buy these Exemptions continuing useless, the rest must necessarily be oftner upon Duty, and withal, more exposed to Dangers. Inter paucos pericula ac labor crebrius rediban [...]. Hist. 2.

↵

k

Because they continued Day and Night.

↵

l

They demanded a Penny in Specie, in stead of ten Asses in Money, because the Penny was then worth sixteen Asses.

↵

m

To make themselves more formidable by this Union, and to be always in a readiness to make a common Effort, if their General should think fit to employ Force against them.

↵

1.

Firmness is the best of Arms against Men in Sedition, especially in unforeseen Accidents; for in a surprise, a Man not having time to counterfeit, shews what he is, and consequently, all his Courage, or all his Weakness. Thus when a General immediately resists the Fury of a seditious Army, Admiration succeeds into the place of Insolence, and Fear seizes them, when once they see that they are not terrible enough to be feared; and that their General hath Courage and Resolution to despise them. In some occasions, saith Cardinal de Richelieu, to speak and act with Resolution, when one hath the Right of his side, is so far from making a Rupture, that, on the contrary, it is the way to prevent it, and stifle it in its Birth. Second Part of his Politick Testament, ch. 2.

↵

n

Because of the Revenge which the Prince will take of it.

↵

1.

Eloquence in the Mouth of a General is a powerful means to suppress a Sedition, especially when he speaks Ex tempore, as Blesus did. But it must be a masculine, nervous, and vehement Eloquence; and without Art; for, according to Tacitus, Soldiers have not the subtilty nor delicacy of Gown-men. In Agricola.

↵

2.

How just and necessary soever the Demands be, which Subjects make to their Princes, they ought to present them with Respect and Submission, otherwise the Circumstances totally change their Nature, i. e. of a good Cause, they make a bad one; and they are so far from deserving to be heard favourably, that they ought to be rigorously punished for their Insolence.

↵

3.

A Prince hath never more Business than in the beginning of his Reign; for besides, that his Authority is unsettled, he his employed in drawing up the Plan of his Government, which is an Affair of great difficulty. A Politick Spaniard said, That no Prudence nor Sagacity was sufficient for the beginning of a Reign; and that the case of Princes, at their Accession to the Throne, is much the same with that of Travellers, who meeting divers Paths, know not which to take for fear of losing their way. Gratian in his Ferdinand. To be short, what Tacitus makes Blesus say, That it was ill-timing their Business, to address to a Prince, whilst he was oppressed with the Weight of Affairs, tea [...]es Ambassadors, that there are Times which are not proper to negotiate [...]cessfully with the Princes, with whom they are resident, and that they ought to watch Opportunitie [...], when the Prince is in a good Humour.

↵

4.

There is nothing more dangerous for a Subject, than to take upon him the Commissions of Rebels, for it is in some sort to espouse their Interests against those of the Prince. And besides, the Prince hath always reason to take it ill, that his Subject will Capitulate with him. Charles the Fifth seeing Don Pedro Laso at the Head of the Deputies of the People of T [...]ledo, who had made an uproar, told him, That he would punish him immediately, but that he considered whose Son he was: And he was very near cutting off the Head of Anthony Vasqu [...] d'Avila, for undertaking to deliver a Letter of the Communeros, i. e. of the Seditious of Tordesillas. Do [...] Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitome of his Life. The Prince of Salerna, of the House of Sanseverino, lost the Favour of this Emperour, and afterwards his Principality and his Reputation, for having undertaken an Embassy from the City of Naples, which had made an Insurrection against the Viceroy Don Pedro de Toledo, (in 1547.) The Duke d'Alva having Notice given him, that a Trumpeter had brought him a Letter from the Rebels of Flanders, commanded him to be hanged immediately. And this is the Answer, [...]aith Bernardin de Mendoza, which Kings and other Sovereign Princes and their Ministers ought to give to Ambassadors, which are sent to them by Subjects in Rebellion, to teach them not to Treat with them as Equals, it belonging only to Princes to send Ambassadors and Trumpeters. Besides, there ought to be no Communication between the Officers of a Prince, and those of Rebels; for Malecontents seeing that Rebels have the liberty to Treat and to Negotiate with safety, are encouraged thereby to Revolt also, to endeavour to make their Condition better. His Memoirs of the Wars of the Low-Countries, l. 4. c. 3. The same Duke being General for Charles the Fifth in Germany, answer'd a Page and a Trumpeter, who came to declare War in the Name of the Princes of the League of Smalkald, That they deserved to be hanged, but that the Emperour was pleased to pardon them, and reserve the Punishment for their Masters. Vera's Epit [...]ne of the Life of Charles V.

↵

o

There was the great and the little Manipulus, or Band. The little one, called Contubernium, as much as to say, a Company that lies in one Chamber, and had but ten Men, but the great one consisted of a Hundred, or a Hundred and twenty. Each great Band had two Centurions, who commanded each sixty Men, as our Captains. Each Cohort had three Bands. These Companies were called Manipuli, i. e. Manualis herbarum fasciculus, because they carried a Bottle of Hay, or a handful of Grass, for their Ensign, such as the Kings of Sweden and Poland, of the House of Wasa, bore in their Arms. The Emperours changed this Ensign into a Hand fixed on the point of a Pike. The little Band had a tenth Man, or Decurio, which was as a Corporal with us.

↵

p

It was a City of Pan [...]onia, called now Laubac in Carniola, a little Province of Hungary.

↵

q

That is, a City which enjoyed the Privileges and Franchises of the Roman People.

↵

1.

Those Men, who from private Soldiers [...] to the great Offices of [...] Army, are commonly the most [...], because, they know better [...]han [...] the Licentious Humour of Soldiers, and all the Tricks which [...] use to d [...]ceive the Vigilance of [...] ▪ as also, all the [...] and Injuries which they [...] in the Towns where they [...] Garison. Such a one in the [...] Age was Colonel [...], who from a private Soldier, and a very poor Gentleman, rose by his Merit to be one of the General [...] of the Spanish Army, and [...]. He was [...] to say, That he was Fransisco for the good Soldiers, and Verdugo for the bad. A Name that in Spanish signifies a Hangman. D. Carlos Colom [...], lib. 8. of his Wars of Flanders.

↵

2.

Rigour is the Soul of Military Discipline, and we see every Day by Experience, that there are no worse Soldiers than those who serve under an indulgent Captain. But we must observe by the way, that as Military Seditions, which arise from the Severity of a General, are less frequent; so they are more dangerous, and of longer continuance than those, whereof Indulgence is the cause.

↵

1.

Nam & hi, saith Tacitus, Hist. 1. [...] temporibus part [...]m se Reipub. faciunt. For, in troublesome [...], the meanest People make a Figure in a State, and private Soldiers have more Authority than Generals. Civilibus bellis plus militibus, quam ducibus licere. Hist. 2.

↵

r

When the Duke of Mai [...] heard at Lyons the News of the Duke and the Cardinal of [...] his Brothers, he caused it to be published through the whole City, that Henry the Third had taken away their Lives, for no other Reason, but because they protected and defended the Catholick Religion against the Huguenots. Herrera, l. 5. of the Third Part of his History, c. 3. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise being at the Estates of Blois, had refused to sign a Declaration which the King caused to be offered to him by a Secretary of State, wherein he promised and swore to make War on the Hug [...] [...]ots, provided that his Subjects would assist him with their Forces, and would make no League with Foreigners without his Approbation; and that those who should act contrary to this Condition, should incur the Penalties of High-Treason: c. 11. l. 4. of the same Part. I cite this Historian here, because being a Spaniard, his Testimony is of greater force against the Guises, whom all the Spanish Writers make to be Maccabees, notwithstanding at the bottom they were acted only by Ambition, to make themselves Kings of France with the Catolic [...] of Spain, against all Laws both Divine and Humane.

↵

2.

All Rebels and Traitors cover their wicked Designs with the Cloke of publick Good. The Count de Charolois, and other Princes of France, having taken Arms against Lewis the Eleventh; this War was afterwards called the Publick Good, because it was undertaken, as they said, for the Publick Good of the Kingdom. Memoirs of C [...]mines, l. 1. c. [...]. The Demands of the Lords, adds he in cap. 12. we [...] great: The Duke of Berry demanded Normandy for his Share; the Count de Charolois the Cities seated on the River of Somme, as Ami [...]ns, Abbeville, S. Quentin, and Perenne; and several other Demands for each, with some Overtures for the Good of the Kingdom: But this was not the bottom of their Designs, for their Publick Good was turned into Private Interest; and, as Salust saith, speaking of Cataline and his Accomplices, Bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia [...]rtabant.

↵

1.

In Seditions, he is always the most mut [...]nous, who is most hearkned to.

↵

s

The Roman Soldiers were chastized with a Wand of a Vine, and the Foreigners in their Service with Blow [...] of Cudgels.

↵

2.

As Soldiers commonly exercise their Hands, more than their Minds; and consequently, understand how to Fight, better than how to Speak; they set a great Value upon a Man who is able to Speak well, and Negotiate, especially when they have Complaints to make at Court against their Generals, or Favours and Rewards to sollicit, which there is some difficulty to obtain.

↵

1.

Princes take great care to conceal ill Success from their Subjects, because they have the less Veneration for them when Fortune is against them. The Army of Lewis the Eleventh having taken several Towns in Burgun [...]y, and defeated all the Forces that opposed them, the Duke, who was then in Picardy, caused a Report to be spread in his Camp, That his Forces had had the better, for fear lest his Army should Revolt, if it should know the News of Burgun [...]y. Commines, l. 3. c. 3. of his Memoirs. But of all Evils, a Sedition, or a Revolt, is that which Princes are most concerned to keep the Knowledge of from their Subjects, because it is an Example which never stops at the place where it begins. It is a Civil Contagion, which spreads from Province to Province, and whose Progress is so much the quicker, as it finds every where many Incendiaries, and very few Physicians.

↵

2.

There are knotty Affairs, in which▪ Princes cannot take certain Measures. Seditions are of this Nature, Severity and Mildness being equally dangerous towards People, who must neither be altogether exasperated, nor wholly satisfied. When the Evil is pressing, the best Expedient is to send them a Person of eminent Quality, with Power to act according as the Occasion shall require, without expecting farther Orders, which would retard the conclusion of the Accommodation. But Commissions of this nature ought never to be given, but to Persons of approved Fidelity. And it was for this Reason, that Tiberius sent his Son and his Favourite to the mutinous Legions.

↵

3.

When a Prince gives a Governor to his Son, he ought to chuse a Man of Authority, to the end, that the young Prince may have an Awe and Respect for him. ‘Education▪ (saith Cabrera) is the Source of all the good and bad Qualities of a Prince, and consequently, of the good or bad Fortune of his Subjects’. For want of good Education, the Prince, in stead of being the Father and the Shepherd of his People, becomes the publick Scourge, and the universal Plague. The inward Counsel of a Prince comes both from Education and Nature, which opens the first Windows to the Understanding, and displays there more or less Light, according to the disposition of the Constitution, which gives the first Lineaments to the Manners and Actions. ... A Prince's Son is born with no more Understanding, than a common Man's; he is a Diamond that is hard to cut, but which casts a great Lustre after it is polished. l. 4. c. 2. of his History. Mariana [...]aith, That Peter King of Castile, Sirnamed The Cruel, had a mixture of great Virtues, and of great Vices; that at his Accession to the Throne, which was at the Age of fifteen Years and a half, he shewed a Mind, a Courage, and Qualities, which gave great Hopes; that his Body was indefa [...]gable, and his Courage invincible in all Difficulties; but that, with these Virtues, there began to appear Vices, which Age encreased, and Time multiplied, and which were owing to the ill Education which he had had under A [...]phonso d'Albuqu [...]rqu [...], the Governour of his Childhood. Insomuch, that his Reign almost in every thing resembled Nero's, for he put to Death two of his Natural Brothers, with their Mother; his Wife, Blanche of Bourbon, to gratifie his Concubine; the Queen of Arragon, his Aunt by the Mother's side; the Infant, Iohn of Arragon, his Cousin-German; Ioan of Lara, his Sister-in-Law; and many more Princes and Lords: c. 16, &c. l. 16, & 17. of his History of Spain.

↵

t

This Office was new, having been created by the Emperors. Some are of Opinion, that the Praefectus Praetorio was much the same with the Magister Equitum, or the General of the Horse under the ancient Commonwealth. For as this General held the first Place after the Dictator, to whom he was properly Lieutenant, the Praefectus Praetorio was the second Person of the Empire, especially after Se [...]anus thought fit to lodge in one Camp all the Praetorian Cohorts, or Companies of Guards, which were before dispersed in several Quarters of the City. (Tacit. ann. 4.) M [...]de [...] speaks properly, in saying. That he was as the Constable of the Empire. His Authority grew so great, that there was no Appeal from his Iudgments, whereas there lay an Appeal from those of the Consuls to the People, when Rome was a Commonwealth. In the Year 1631, Urban the Eighth having created his Nephew Dom Tade Barberino Praefect of Rome, this Lord by virtue of this new Dignity, which was but a Phantom of the Ancient, would have the Precedency of Ambassadors to Solio.

↵

u

The Roman Army was wont to adorn their Ensigns with Garlands of Ribbands, and Bands of water'd Stuff: But on sad Occa [...]ions they carried them without Ornaments.

↵

1.

In Seditions, whether Popular or Military, none dares speak singly, but all together; and all they say, is nothing but confused Complaints, and insolent Clamours and Demands.

↵

2.

Nothing strikes to much Terror into Subjects that are in actual Fault, as the Prince's Presence; for the Wrath of a King, (saith Salomon) is as the Messengers of Death: Prov. 16.

↵

3.

It is a good way to appease a Mutiny, or a Revolt of Soldiers, to shew, that one remembers their former Services; for this Remembrance induces them to return to their Duty, in hopes of being rewarded for them. Besides, after Promises and fair Means have been tried, the Prince may justly treat them with Rigour, when once he hath reduced them by Force.

↵

x

That is to say, a Penny in Specie, which was then worth sixteen [...].

↵

1.

Drusus had full Power, seeing his Father sent him with unlimited Instructions, Nullis satis certis mandatis, ex re consulturum; and yet he would not make use of them, although he ran no Hazard in doing it. An Example, which ought to be imitated by Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries, who desire to keep the Favour of their Prince. For although the Prince is obliged to ratifie all that his Plenipotentiary hath done, that he may not break his Word; yet he hath a Right to chastise his Minister, who hath not made the best use of the Authority that he hath committed to him. Lewis the Thirteenth was willing, at the Desire of Pope Urban the Eighth, to sign the Treaty of Moncon, which du Fargis, his Ambassador, had made in Spain, anno 1626, but he might justly have sealed it with this Ambassador's Blood. It is very necessary to be exact in the choice of Ambassadors, and there can't be too great Severity used in the punishing those, which exceed their Powers, since thereby they put to hazard the Reputations of Princes, and the Safety of States. There are Men, who have such an itch to do something, that if they are not kept within the Bound [...] which are set them, by the fear of being ruined without Remedy, there will always some be sound, who will chuse rather to make an ill Treaty, than none at all. His Pel. Testament, part 2. ch. 6.

↵

2.

It is usual for Princes to consult with none, when they will dispense Favours, that they may have the whole Honour thereof themselves: But when some [...] Action, or at least some odious Thing is to be done, they are willing to call in Counsellors, that the Hatred of the Male contents may fall upon them. And this is what Tiberius did upon this Occasion, when finding it not convenient to grant the Veterans what they demanded of him, he referred them to the Senate, where he knew they would succeed worse, the Senate taking care not to grant that, which they perceived he would refuse.

↵

1.

Counsels are always ascribed to that Minister, who is believed to be of the greatest Power, or of the greatest Abilities. As such a Minister hath the greatest Share in the Glory of Successes, so he is also more exposed than others to the Hatred and Revenge of Disaffected Persons. The Duke of Alvia was insupportable to the Netherlanders, because they knew, that he had been an Enemy to their Nation from the Time of Charles the Fifth, and the Author of all the Evil Counsels, which had been taken to bring the Country into absolute Subjection. Sir W. Temple, c. 1. of his Remarks on Holland. ‘But, saith Pagliari▪ I doubt much, whether they who attribute to the Ministers all odious Resolutions, are well informed whence they proceed; or rather, I believe, that they beat the Saddle, because they dare not beat the Horse.’ In the 71st of his Observations on Tacitus.

↵

y

Don Iuan Antonio de Vera speaking of a Tempest by Sea and Land, which shook the Fleet of Charles the Fifth at his arrival to Algiers, saith, That it exercised its Fury not only on the material part thereof, that is to say, on the Galleys, and the rest of the Equipage, but also on the Courage of the Soldiers, who remained all under a Consternation, for there is nothing that makes them more Superstitious, than unexpected Accidents, which come from the Heavens, on the Elements. Witness the Legions of Pannonia, who having mutinied in the Reign of Tiberius, passed immediately from Fury to Repentance, upon an Eclipse of the Mo [...]n. In the Epit [...]m [...] of the Life of Charles the Fifth.

↵

1.

There is nothing which makes the common People more Superstitious than Fear, nor which makes them more fearful than Superstition. For this Reason, Chance hath oftentimes greater Share in the good or ill Success of dangerous Enterprizes, than the Conduct of those who are the Authors of them. The Deputies of Bohemia having entred by Surprize into the Privy-Chamber of the Emperour Frederick the Second, and threatning him with their Arms in their Hands, That they would do themselves Right, if he did not grant them all their Demands, chang'd their Threats into Submission and Fear, upon the casual coming of Walstein with a new-rais'd Regiment, which he brought to shew the Emperour; and the Thunder ceased on a sudden.

↵

2.

To know how to make use of the Occasion, is an infallible Mark of the Ability of a Prince, and particularly of a General of an Army. Occasion is the Mother of great Events, Opportunos magnis con [...]tibus transit [...]s rerum, saith Tacitus, Hist. 1. The Definition, or rather Description, which Cabrera gives of it, deserves a place here, as an Instruction necessary for those who manage great Affairs. ‘They, (saith he) who boast of starting Occasions, discover sufficiently, that they know not what an Occasion is; for if Wit is the Contriver thereof, it is no longer an Occasion, but a Contrivance: And although it is sometimes founded with Industry, it is notwithstanding quite another Thing.’ It is necessary for a Prince to lay hold on it at the very nick of Time, equally avoiding the being too soon, or too late. Persons that are too quick, lose it by their Precicipitation, because they scarce see the Shadow of it; but they run to catch it. They who are slow, miss it also; for as in its Nature it is perpetually in motion, they are not able to take notice of it at the moment it passes before them; nor to lay hold on it at the very instant that they do take notice of it. There is Understanding required to foresee it, and Patience to wait for it, till it comes. If Things depended only on Fortune, or only on our Wills, there would be no great difficulty in managing them, because Chance, or our Choice, would be our Guide; but when there is a necessity of joining Fortune, Art and Will together, there is need both of Patience and Iudgment to make them act in Concert, which renders them twice stronger. We may easily make use of Art and Will when we please, but not of Fortune, with which we must absolutely comply, in observing the Seasons of her good Humour, without ever exacting of her what we see she obstinately refuses us, or drawing back when she gives us Encouragement to hope for what we desire. His History, l. [...] c. 9.

↵

z

In the Year 1546, the Elector Palatine, who had declared for the League of [...] against Charles the Fifth, reduced some Cities to the Ob [...]dience of this Emperour by the same Remonstrance. ‘We are (said he) the last who have committed this Fault, let us be the first to repair it, that we may more easily obtain Pardon for it.’ Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth, by Iohn Antonio de Vera.

↵

a

The Memoirs of [...] furnish us with many notable Examples of this. ‘Of all Men that I ever knew, (saith he) L [...]wis the Eleventh was the wisest to get himself out of the Briars, and took the greatest Pains to gain a Man, who was able to serve him, or able to hurt him: l. 1. c. 10.’ The Accommodation which he made with he Duke of Brittany by the means of the Seigneur de Lescun, this Duke's Favourite, to whom he gave the Government of [...]; and of some other Places, was the cause that Charles of France his Brother lost the Duchy of Normandy, to the great Displeasure of the Duke of Burgandy, who had made him give him this great Apanage: ch. 15. of the same Book. The said Lescun obtained afterwards the Government of Gu [...]enne, of one of the Castles of Bourdeaux; the Government of Blaie, of Bayonne, of Dax, and of St. Sever; the Earldom of Comminges, the Order of the King, Eighty thousand Crowns in ready Money, and Six thousand Livres in Pension, to have Peace with the Duke of Britany, because so powerful a Duke managed by such a Man, was to be feared: l. 3. c. 11. Garter Herald of England being come into France, to declare War against Lewis, if he did not surrender the Kingdom to the King of England, immediately received a Reward from the King's hands, for the Promise he made to endeavour an Accommodation between the two Kings: l. 4. c. 15. The three Ambassadors from England, who concluded this Agreement, had great Presents in ready Money and Plate, and each of them Two thousand Crowns Pension: c. 8. of the same Book. A Gascon Gentleman, (Lewis de Bretailles,) who was much troubled at the Peace made between France and England, received a Thousand Crowns from King Lewis the Eleventh, after he had had the Honour to dine with him, to prevent him from telling the King of England his Master, that the French laugh'd in their Sleeves, for having driven the English out of France, by a Treaty of Peace, and by some Presents: ch. 10. of the same Book.

↵

3.

There are few People, who are Proof against the Charms of Interest. During the War of Paris, all the Generals of the Sling were meditating, on their particular Accommodation, and each had his secret Correspondence with the Court, to make his Conditions the better. The Counsellor Brousell grew tractable, and [...], after he had a secret Promise of the Government of the Bas [...]ille for his eldest Son. Memoirs of the Minority of Lewis the Fourt [...]nth. The Sieur de Villeroy, saith the Chancellor de Riverny, was engaged as far as any in the League; notwithstanding he quitted it by a particular Treaty which he made for himself, and afterwards returned to serve the King in his former Office of Secretary of State. In his Memoirs.

↵

4.

One Man of Parts is enough to reduce a whole Multitude to Obedience. Every Thing puts Fear into People who are in Sedition, when their first Heat is over, and a wise Man comes to deal with them, who excites in them the Desire of Impunity, which, according to Tacitus, ba [...]es all the Enterprizes which are formed against a Prince.

↵

1.

There is an Eloquence of the Looks, of the Gesture, of the Countenance, which oftentimes prevails more, than that of the greatest Orators. Subjects don't so much regard what their Prince says to them, as the manner after which he speaks it; every thing that he saith, is effectual, if he knows how to speak with Majesty. He ought to speak not as one who is about to Perswade, but as one who hath a Right to Command, and is able to make himself be Obeyed.

↵

2.

The Minister, whom a Prince sends to suppress a Sedition, or a Revolt of Soldiers, ought to take care of nothing more, than of doing any Thing, or suffering any Word to slip from him, that may be taken for a sign of Fear. For if once they come to perceive that he hath Fear, they shall impute it to the Knowledge which they will believe he hath of the Weakness of the Prince, rather than to his own want of Courage or Resolution. What Commines saith upon the occasion of the Town of Nanci surrendred to the Duke of Lorraine by a Lord of the House of Crouy, named de Bievres, who commanded in it for the Duke of Burgundy, shews o [...] what Importance it is to be firm and resolved amongst Soldiers. ‘The English, (saith he) tired because the Duke of Burgundy delayed so long to relieve them, began to murmur▪ and to despair of Succours, and told the Lord de Bievres, that they would Capitulat [...] without him, if he did not Capitulate.’ Although he was a good Officer, yet, he had so little Resolution as to use Intreaties and Remonstrances, and if he had spoken m [...]re boldly, I believe, that it had been taken better from him; for the next Day, or two Days, after the Place was surrendred, the Duke of Burgundy came, well accompanied▪ as the Occasion required. Memoirs, l. 5. c. 5. In great Dangers a General ought to put on a better Countenance; it is not always amiss to fear, but it is always unbecoming not to know how to conceal it. A Captain's Countenance ought to be armed with Dissimulation, as his Body with Steel, otherwise he will [...] betrayed sooner by his Eyes, than by his Soldiers.

↵

b

i.e. Captain of the first Century or Company of the Band or Manipule, which, as I have already said, consisted of two Centuries or Companies, and consequently had two Captains or Centurions. And by centuriones primorum ordinum, Tacitus means those whom we cast Eldest Captains.

↵

3.

Shame is a Passion that is not to be found in the Multitude, but to compensate this, they are mightily subject to Fear. Thus Rigour hath the same Effect upon them, that the Point of Honour hath upon particular Persons.

↵

4.

Rebellions require an unrelenting Physician, that immediately cures by cutting and burning; for otherwise, the Cure will be long and difficult. Princes therefore never pardon the Ringleaders of a Revolt, or a Sedition, because they who sin without Example, are alone more [...]lpable than all those who follow their Example, and consequently deserve less▪ Compassion, Besides, there would be no Seditions or Rebellions, if there were no Incendiaries, forasmuch as the multitude sees only by Trust.

↵

1.

Of all Counsels which are given Princes, those appear to them to be the best, which are most agreeable to their Tempers. When a Prince is cruel or severe, and also affronted by Disrespect, it is in vain to advise him to Clemency. Cardinal Spinosa, and Prince Rui Gomez, found it not convenient to send the Duke of Alva Governour into the Low-Countries, because, in their Opinion, his Rigour would exasperate the Minds of that People, whereas they ought to have been softned; but as it was in this very Particular, that the Duke resembled and pleased Philip the Second, he was preferred before the Duke of Feria, [Gomez Figueroa,] whom the Cardinal and the Prince proposed, and who being equal to Alva in Quality, in Prudence, in greatness of Courage, and in Civil and Military Experience, surpassed him in Moderation and in Liberality▪ and was also more beloved by the King. Cabrera's Hist. l. 7. c. 7.

↵

2.

It is the Fate of the Heads of Seditions and Rebellions, to be the Victims of their Party; sooner or later they are Delivered up to the Prince, or the Magistrate, to wash away with their Blood the Stain of the common Treason. There is nothing more dangerous, saith the Florentine Proverb, than to hang the Bell about the Cat's Neck. And this is what they do, who by a false Bravery, or rather by a fatal Rashness, put themselves at the Head of a Party, which upon the first Check▪ or the first Alarm, will fell them fox a [...] Amnesty.

↵

3.

If the Duke of Alva had put the Earls of Egmont and of Horne to Death in Prison, the Flemmings might perhaps have had less Compassion for them, and less Resentment against him and the Prince. This Execution, saith Sir W. Temple, put them beyond all Patience; so that one may say▪ that the end o [...] the Lives of these Lords was the beginning of the Troubles, which sp [...]t so much Blood in Europe, and which cost Spain a good part of these Provinces. Remarks on the United Provinces, cap. 1.

↵

4.

Nothing hath a greater Force on the Multitude, saith Quintus Curtius, than Superstition; how inconstant and furious soever they be, they will always obey the Divines better than their Governours, if once their Minds be struck with false Images of Religion: lib. 4.

↵

1.

Noth [...]ng gives greater opportunity to an Army, [...]at hath great [...], to Revolt, than the Absence o [...] a General. The f [...]rther off Punish [...] is the less they fear it. ( [...] was then in the [...].)

↵

2.

[...] to believe, [...], who hath his Sword in his [...], and Soldiers entirely [...] to his Service, will not [...] to be deprived of a [...] that of Right belongs to [...] if he▪ who [...] be odious, both [...] the common People, and the [...] was. It is rather [...] ▪ than Moderation, to [...] of Power may [...] excused, but never want of Courage, especially in a Person, who ought to inspire others with it.

↵

3.

The Revolt of a Province, or o [...] an Army, ought to be carefully concealed from other Armies and Provinces, for fear le [...]t such an Example should draw them to Revolt likewise. It was for this Reason; that the Burgundians having been defeated, their Duke, who saw all his Affairs grow worse and worse, and his principal Servants desert him, and go over to Lewis the Eleventh, caused a Report to be spread in Picardy, and in Flanders, that his Army of Burgundy had had the better. Commines's Memoirs, l. 3. c. 3.

↵

c

The Country of Collen.

↵

4.

There is nothing more contrary to Military Discipline than Idleness, saith Paterculus. Res disciplinae inimicissima otium: Hist. 2. c. 78. It was for this Reason, that Augustus hardned his Soldiers by almost continual Expeditions in Dalmatia and Illyria; that Cassius, a Governor of Syria, exercised his Legions in times of Peace, with as much Care, as if he had been in open War. Tacit. Ann. 12. A Lacedemonian said, That nothing was to be done with an Army without Discipline, and that Soldiers ought to fear their General more than their Enemies.

↵

d

As Tiberius, who was Sirnamed Germanicus, in Augustus's Life-time; Drusus, and Germanicus his Son.

↵

1.

There is no Enemy from whom Princes have more reason to fear Attempts against their Lives, than from an undaunted Man, who is animated with Resentment against them, and particularly, if he be a Man who hath a mighty Passion to make his Name memorable to Posterity. Machi [...]vel describes, that Ierom Olgiato, who was one of the three [...] of Gal [...]as Duke of Milain, very much like this Ch [...]re [...], when he saith▪ [...]hat this Cavalier, who was but 23 Years old, underwent his Punishment with no less Courage, than he had executed his Enterprize; and that seeing the Executioner with the Sword in his Hand, he spoke these Words; Mors acerba, [...]am [...] perpetua, stabit vetus memoria sacti. Lib. 7. of his History of Florence.

↵

1.

For, according to Seneca, The more Unjust our Ha [...]red is, the more Obstinate it is: [...] facit iniquitas ir [...]. And, according to [...], it is the Nature of Man always to hate those whom he hath injured: Pr [...]prium [...], odisse quem laeseris. In Agric. [...], saith Q [...]een Margaret, having quit [...]ed the Service of my Brother, [the Duke of [...],] bore so mortal a Hatred to him, (as 'tis usual for him that doth the Injury, never to forgive,) that he plott [...]d his Ruine by all ways possible: [...]. 2. of her Memoirs.

↵

2.

The People always imagine fine Things of those, whom they desire should Reign. Possibly it might have [...]ared with Drusus and Germanicus, had they come to the Empire, as it did with those two Kings of the Suevi, Vangio and Sido, who, Th [...]itus saith, were passionately loved before they Reigned, and as much ha [...]ed when they Reigned: Ann. 12. At least, we may say of Drusus and his Son, what Tacitus saith of [...] that Periculi [...] [...] that both of them dying in the Flower of their Age. (at the Age of 10 Years,) and both by Poison, their Misfortune hath preserved a grateful Fame of their Modesty▪ which possibly they would have lost, had they reigned. The Mildness▪ the [...]ivi [...]ity, and the Familiarity of [...], who aspire, or who begin to Reign, are not so much the [...] of their Nature, as of their Poli [...]y. Add hereto, that the best Men are not always the best Princes. There is a Spanish Proverb, which saith, De [...]al [...]ombre buen Rey▪ i. e. An ill Man makes a good King.

↵

3.

A proud and severe Prince can never love Ministers, who will be beloved by the People; for their popular Humour serves only to make him yet more odious, or at least more disagreeable to his Subjects. It often happens, that the People, and also the Courtiers, make Comparisons between the Prince and the Minister, which never fail of being reported sooner or later to the Prince, nor of ruining the Minister, when they are to his Advantage. And it was one of the Artifices, whereby the Grandees of Spain compassed the Disgrace of Cardinal Espinosa, whom they could not destroy by their Complaints. Lewis S [...]orsa, Duke of Milain, beheaded Cecco Simoneta, his Secretary of State, for saying to him, Thet he could not defend Milain against the French, but by the good-will of his People; because his Counsel gave him to understand, that his Minister was too popular. Now-a-days Princes have no jealousie in this Particular.

↵

1.

The next Heir of a Crown, or of a Principality, ought, according to all the Rules of good Policy, to shew himself the most zealous in the Service of the reigning Prince. As he hath more to lose, he hath more to fear; and, consequently, he ought to be more complaisant and submissive than all others. Strada attributes the cause of all the Misfortunes of Francis, Duke of Alenson, to the Envy which he had conceived against his Brother Henry the Third. For want of considering, that he was the Heir Apparent of the Crown, and, as it were, upon the point of being adored on the Throne, seeing his brother had no Children; he could not bear, that the casual order of Birth had made Henry his Sovereign. Thus looking on his Fortune only on the worse side, he lived in a continual Agitation, equally a Burden to his Brother, and to the State; so that being desirous to Command whatever it cost, not caring in what Country, he put himself at the Head of the Rebels in Flanders, who invited him rather to be the Pretext of the War, than to make him their Prince; and who hastned his Ruine, by the eager Desire which de discovered of imposing the Yoke on that People, who had not shaken off that of the King of Spain, but that they might live as a Free-State: l. 5. of the Second Decad of his History.

↵

e

By the Sequani, now the French Counties; and by the Belg [...], who are the [...]mings.

↵

2.

It is a Degree of Rebellion, for People to deliberate, whether they shall obey; they do not seem to have been willing to obey, who have a long time deliberated, whether they shall obey or no: Qui deliberant, desciverunt. Tacit. Hist. 2.

↵

3.

As the Memory of Augustu [...] was pleasing to them, he gained their Good-will by beginning with his Praises: And as they loved not Tiberius, whose Humour was wholly different from that of Augustus, he made them favourable to him, by putting them in mind, that they had a great Share in the Glory of his Exploits.

↵

1.

Indeed, all this is worthy of Compassion, but Seditions and Revolts are evermore inexcusable, and consequently, Punishment is absolutely necessary, for fear lest Impunity open the Gate to Licentious [...]ess, ‘Good and Evil are so contrary, that they ought not to be put in the Ballance against one another. They are two Enemies, betwixt whom there ought to be no Quarter, nor Exchange given: If one deserves Reward, the other doth Punishment; and both of them ought to be treated according to their Merit.’ Chap. 5. of the Second Part of the Politick Testament. Otherwise the Hopes, which every one will have of obtaining Pardon in consideration of past Services, will make them not care how they offend. [...], who had defended the Capitol against the Gauls, whence he was honoured with the Name of Capitolin [...]s, and of Protector of the Pe [...]ple, notwithstanding he recounted the long Services which he had done his Country, and shewed the Scars of Three and thirty Wounds which he had received in several Fights; the Romans condemn'd him to Death, as soon as his Adversaries had proved that he aspired to Regal Power. There is an indispensable Necessity of proceeding thus, according to the Opinion of Machiavel, in his 22th ch [...]p. of l. 1. of his Discourses; and of Scipio A [...]nirato, in the 7th Disc. of l. 2. of his Commentary on Tacitus, And it is also the Opinion of Tacitus himself, who saith, That the City of Treves effaced by its Revolt all the Merit o [...] the great Services which it had done to the Romans. Hist. 4.

↵

2.

In a State which is governed by Military Maxims, and whose Subjects are Warlike, as were the Romans, the rewarding of Soldiers is the principal part of Government: For the expectation▪ of Rewards, supports Emulation, Affection, Labour, and Discipline. And besides, there is nothing, more Unjust, nor which doth greater Dishonour to the Prince, than to suffer People to die in Poverty, who have spent, their whole Lives in the Danger [...] and Fatigues of War.

↵

f

In the Year 1577, a Flemish Lord having attempted the Fidelity of Don Iohn of Austri [...], Governour of the Low-Countri [...], by offering him the Sovereignty thereof, if he would accept it; Don Iohn, transported with Rage, gave him a stab with a Ponyard, [...], l. 5. c. 11. of Philia [...] This [...]ehaviour; in my Opinion, was more prudent, and also more sincere, than that of Gerinanicus, who would, or [...]eign'd that he would have kill'd himself. For, by immediately punishing so pernicious a [...], he stopp'd their Mouth [...], and struck Terror into all those, who might be capable to draw him to this Design.

↵

3.

In such a Matter, to hear it, is to be Criminal. It is not enough to be innocent, especially, under a jealous and mistrustful. Prince, as Tiberius, was; a Person must also act so, that the Prince may believe, that he hath neither Will nor Power to be culpable. With Princes, it is a Crime: to be thought worthy to Reign; at least, it is a Rock, on which the Fortunes of the bravest Men have been split. Vespasian, by the Counsel of M [...]cian, his Chief Minister, put to Death Calpurnius Galerianus, who yet had never meddled with any dangerous Affair, because his illustrious Birth, his Youth, and his graceful Meen, made him talk'd of, as of a Man that was worthy to possess the Empire. Although Verg [...]nius had refused to accept it, he was yet always suspected by Galba, and kept near him to secure his Fidelity. Tacit. Hist. 4. & 1. Although Don Iohn of Austria had not only rejected the Offers of the Sovereignty of the Low-Countries, but also punished with his own Hand the Person who had made him the Proposals of it. Philip the Second repented much, that he had given him the Government: For there are Suspicions, says Str [...]da, which the greatest Innocence can never cure; and how good an Opinion soever Princes may have of the Fidelity of the great Men whom they employ, they have always a jealous Spirit, and are inclined to believe, that they grow weary of being Obedient and Faithful; and that it is Prudence to use such Precautions, that a Subject, who have once had the Moderation to refuse the Soveraignty, may never be capable to accept it: L. 10. of his First Decad. It was well the Marquis of Pesquera died a little time after he had revealed to Charles the Fifth, that the Pope, the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians, offered him the Kingdom of Naples, for certainly the Emperour would not have long left him the Command of his Armies in Italy.

↵

g

These two Circumstances of Calusidius, who presented Germanicus with his Sword as the sharper, and of the others who cried out, Strike, seemed to imply that the Soldiers believed, that Germanicus's Indignation was but acted, and that his Fidelity towards Tiberius had less of Reality in it, than of Art and Ostentation. For those who encouraged him to kill himself, would not have had occasion to cry Strike, had they not seen that it was only long of Germanicus; that it was not done; and Calusidius would never have thought fit to have presented him with his Sword, had he not been in a condition to make use of it. There is some Reason to believe, that the Faith of Germanicus was like that of young Pompey, who one Day, when he entertained Octavius and Anthony in his Gallery, being asked by the Corsair Menas, Whether he desired they should make him absolute Master, not only of Sicily and of Sardinia, but of the whole Roman Empire; answered, You should do it without giving me notice of it. Plutarch, in the Life of Anthony.

↵

1.

The first Remedy, which a Prince ought to employ against the Revolt of his Subjects, is to prevent the Rebels from gaining the Neighbouring Provinces and Cities which continue in Obedience.

↵

h

Afterwards called Collen.

↵

i

There was this difference betwixt Allies, and Auxiliaries; that the former took an Oath of Fidelity to the Roman Commonwealth, and received no Pay; whereas the others, who were Foreigners, and not under an Oath, took Pay. The Allies had Corn given them.

↵

k

Cabrera saith, That the Commander Dom Lu [...]s de Requesens, in stead of reducing the Rebels of Flanders to Obedience, by his Mildness, and by his Favours, increased their Obstinacy, it appearing to them that he treated them so, because he feared them. Ch. 15. l. 10. of his History.

↵

2.

To use Rigour, is to exasperate their Minds, and to drive them to Despair; to dissemble, temporise or comply with the Will of the Mutineers, is to shew that they are feared, and, by consequence, is to increase their Insolence, and to expose to Contempt the Authority of the Prince and the General. [...] is to be done then in these Occasions, where Gentleness and Rigour are equally, dangerous? He must not amuse himself abou [...] [...] the Go [...]dian knot▪ for this will never be [...]; it must therefore be [...] through. After the Spanish Soldier [...] were gone out of the Low- [...] ▪ by [...] Virtue of the Perpetual Edict, Don Iohn of Austria, who was Governour there▪ soon perceived, that the intention of these Provinces was to govern themselves in the form of [...] that he was constr [...]i [...]ed to [...] retire from [...], where▪ he wa [...] at the Mercy of the [...], to [...], and immediately to recal the [...] Spanish and Italian Troops, (which he had [...] away) to appea [...]e the Rebels. (1577.)

↵

3.

It is Prudence in a General, not to ingage the Prince; and yet to pre [...]d to do that in Ob [...]d [...]ce, which he doth through Necessity. Thus Germanicus, by cou [...]terfeiting Letters from Tiber [...]u [...] who ordered him to g [...]nt them their Demands [...] conc [...]led his Inability to bring them to Reason, and [...] was not in th [...] mean time obliged to make good any of the Promises contained in these forged Letters. And▪ probably, these Letters were only Blank [...] [...] by the Prince; for otherwise, Germanicus, who knew too well how much he was suspected by Tibe [...], [...] not have [...] use of this Exp [...]dient [...]

↵

228

When seditious Persons▪ or Rebels, ob [...]in of a Prince more than they have demanded of him, th [...] have great Reason to believe, th [...] he is much more [...] to deceive them, (as they deserve) than to satisfie them. This puts me in mind of what Christian the Fourth, King of Denmark, did on the like Occasion, who was so far from discovering any Resentment against Mutineers, who had made insolent Demands of him, that he handsomly pretended to yield to their Reasons, and to be willing to give them all the Satisfaction they desired. And, as a Testimony of this, he said, That he would drink with them; which appeared to them the more sincere, because he often did his Friends this Honour, and because in his Nature he was very familiar: But after he had made every one of them as drunk as Beasts, he caused them all to be hanged the same Evening. This Relation was given me by a Danish Envoy.

↵

l

These Soldiers▪ who were kep [...] under the Colours, [...]

↵

2.

Princes and Generals of Armies ought to avoid nothing more carefully, than the necessi [...]y of making Soldiers wait a long time for their Pay; for want of Pay is always followed with want of Respect and Obedience; and, in the mean time, the General dares not punish Men, whose Demands and Complaints are just. Besides, the opportunity of Acting and Fighting are lost, as long as the Mutiny continues; and there is no security in employing them, whilst they believe that they have a Right to do themselves Iustice by Treachery. In fine, the longer their Pay is delayed, the more of their [...]nsolence and cruelty must the People fear. Insomuch, that the Princes Authority remains in suspence betwixt the Impunity of one side, and the desperate Condition of the other. Some Spanish Troops (saith Sir William Temple, c. 1. of his Remarks) having mutinied for want of Pay, and seized the Town of Alost in the Neighbourhood of Brussels, the People of this City were in despair, th [...] Tradesmen left their Shops, and the Hu [...]bandman his Work, and all ran to Arms: So that the Estates being assembled at Ghent in the Year 1576, it was there resolved to drive out of the Low-Countries all Foreigners, and to re-establish the ancient form of Government. Which gave the King of Spain to know by a [...]atal Experiment, that nothing is able to stop the Torrent of an [...]raged and obstinate People, who overturn all that stands in their way.

↵

m

This Money was Sacred.

↵

3.

It's Wisdom for a Man to do that of his own accord, which he sees that he shall be obliged to do by force. This Anticipation makes that received as a Favour, which a little later would pass for Constraint.

↵

n

Now F [...]iseland.

↵

1.

There are Occasions▪ in which a greater Regard is to be had to the publick Service, than to the Laws; the Necessity being some time so pressing, that there is no means to expect their Assistance, which is often retarded by Formalities. Besides, it is not to cross the Laws to procu [...]e the publick Good, in prospect of which all the Laws were made. Salu [...] Populi suprema L [...] esto, says Cicero. 'Tis on these Occasions, said Cardinal Richelieu to the late King, in which your Authority ought to go beyond the Forms of Law to maintain Rule and Discipline; without which, a State is not able to subsist. Part 1. of his Pol. Testament, sect. 2. ch. 3.

↵

o

Because it belonged only to the General to punish with Death.

↵

2.

The Affronts offered to Magistrates, are reputed as done to the Prince; for it is his Authority which they resist, and not the Person of him who exercises it. It was for this, that Charles the Fifth would never recal from Naples the Viceroy Don Pedro de Tol [...]do, against whom the City had made an Insurrection, and even with some appearance of Iustice. Ulloa, in his Life. The Constable of St. Pol having given the Lie to the Lord d'Himbercourt, Ambassador from the Duke of Burgundy, he made him no other Answer, but, ‘That this Affront was not done to him, but to the King, under whose Protection he came thither as Ambassador; (it was to the King in Picardy;) and also to his Master, whose Person he represented, and to whom he would report it.’ Memoirs of Commines, l. 3. ch. 11. The greatest Kings, saith the same Cardinal Richelieu, cannot preserve their Authority inviolable, if they have not a great care to maintain it in the least of their Officers, whether near or distant from their Persons. For these are Outworks which are attack'd first, the taking of which emboldens them to make an Effort against those within, and afterward against the Person of the Prince hims [...]lf. Pol. Testament, part 1. sect. 7. ch. ult.

↵

p

The Ensigns were so highly reverenced by the Romans, that the Seditious themselves durst not re [...]use to follow them.

↵

3.

A Commander, who knows how to speak with Vigour, and to accompany his Words with some Action, wherein Resolution appears, will scarce ever fail of striking Terror into Seditious Persons, although they be numerous. The German Soldiers having made an Insurrection against Alexander Farnese, Governour and Captain-General of the Low-Countries, he went directly to these Mutineers, with his Sword in his Hand, and commanded the Colonel of the Regiment to send him immediately two Soldiers of each Company, which should be found most culpable, whom he caused to be hanged, to the number of Twenty, in the sight of his whole Army, without any Man▪ daring to spea [...] a Word. Strada's Hist. Decad. 2. lib. 5.

↵

q

Some are of Opinion, that this Altar stood where the City of B [...]m is now, the ordinary place of Residence of th [...] Arch-Bishop of [...]ollen.

↵

1.

When once a Minister hath got the Reputation of a severe or violent Man, all rigorous Resolutions are imputed to him. The Flemings imputed all the Rigours of Philip the Second to the Counsels of the Duke of Alva, because they knew that he had said to Charles the Fifth, (who loved them and treated them with Respect, as having been born and educated among them,) that he ought not to give them so much liberty, nor so great a share in publick Affairs, to the great Discontent of other Nations of his Empire, who deserved to be preferred before them Cabrera's Hist. l. 5. c. 2.

↵

r

It was a Scarlet Ensign, which was set up on the General's Pavilion when they were going to give Battel, and it never was out of his Quarters, whence it could not be taken without Sacrilege.

↵

2.

It hath been a Maxim of several Princes, never to lie twice successively in the same Chamber. Henry the Third, King of England, and the Usurper Cromwel, changed almost every Day.

↵

3.

Of two Evils, the least is to be chosen, and consequently, Germanicus did better in giving up the Colours to them, than to let them kill him.

↵

4.

Cicero, in one of his Letters, saith, That the exterior Marks of Dignities and great Offices, are but Obstacles to the safety of the Persons who wear them, that is to say, in Seditions; for at all other Times they are necessary to draw Respect from the People. One Day when Otho entertained the greatest Men of Rome at Supper, the Praetorian Soldiers having taken a false Alarm, came to force open the Doors of the Palace. Otho, who knew not whether their De [...]ign was against him, or the Guests, dismissed the Company; and every one, for his safety, stripp'd himself of the Marks of his Dignity. Tac. Hist. 1.

↵

s

Which were Sacred and Inviolable amongst the Romans, and which Tacitus calls, The particular Gods of the Legions, Propria Legionum numina. Ann. 2.

↵

t

The Person who carried the Eagle of the Legion.

↵

5.

The General of an Army, which hath mutinied, doth prudently to attribute part of the Soldiers Fault to higher Causes, which have drawn them, as it were, by force; to the end, that this handsom manner of excusing them, may make them more readily return to their Duty, in hopes of obtaining a General Pardon.

↵

6.

The Person of an Ambassador is so Sacred, that it is more inviolable than even that of the Prince himself, who sends him, would be, were he in the Places where he represents him. For a Prince, who is in the Territories of another, is but under the Security of the Laws of Hospitality, which make but a part of the Laws of Nations: But his Ambassador is under the Protection of the Laws of Nations themselves, taken in the utmost Extent of their Signification, and of their Privileges, p [...]ovided that he be not in a strange Country, nor for his Pleasure, nor for his own private Affairs, but for the common Good of the two States. The Rights of Ambassadors are even so great, that they e [...]ace those which a Prince hath over his Natural Subjects. That is to say, a French-man, who should be Amba [...]dor from the King of Spain, or a Spaniard, who should be Ambassador from the King of France, would e [...]ace and abolish, by his Character, the Iurisdiction, and all the Rights of Sovereignty which his Natural Prince had before over his Person. Local Customs, which ought to give Place to the Law of Nations, which is the Universal and Common Law of all People, who have a Form of Civil Government, in [...]like manner as the Interest of private Men gives Place without contradiction to the publick Interest. And this is so tru [...] ▪ that the Marquis du Guast, Governor of Milan, having caused to be assassinated on the Po, Anthony Rinco, a Spaniard, invested with the Quality of Ambassador from Francis the First, who sent him as such to Constantinople; Charles the Fi [...]th loudly disowned this Action, and carefully avoided alledging amongst the Excuses, wherewith he coloured it, the Birth of Rinco, which he would not have failed to insist on, had he believed that it was his Right to have recalled him as his Subject, and to have punished him as a Deserter, who had been condemned for Contumacy in Spain. Don Iuan Ant [...]nio de Vera, to justifie this Action of the Governour of Milan, which the force of Truth makes him vindicate by halves, when he saith, Strangers say so, and I am willing to believe it, because it was much of his Character: Porque [...]ue obra muy [...]uya. This Author, I say, complains of Iohn Bodin, who making mention of the Death of Rinco, cunningly dissembles, that this Ambassador was a Spaniard, that he might give a false Colour to this Action; adding, that if Bodin had spoken the who [...]e Truth, it was evident and undoubted, that Charles the Fifth might judicially condemn and punish Rinco with Death, seeing that he was his natural Sovereign, and that no subsequent acquired Privilege could skreen him from the Punishment of his antecedent Treason. But this Reason doth not destroy those which I have alledged to the contrary. And the Example which Don Iuan Antonio brings of Ioab, whom Salomon caused to be slain at the Horns of the Altar, which he laid hold on, is not parallel to our Case, seeing that Ioab was no Ambassador, as was Rinco; nor Rinco a wilful Murderer, as Ioab was, (1 King. 2.) To conclude, the Example of Ioshua, who would not [...]ill the Gibeonites▪ although they circumvented him in obtaining the League which they came to make with him, (Iosh. ch. 9.) may serve as a proper Answer to all the Reasons of this Spanish Lord. See his Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth, and the first Dialogue of his En [...]axador.

↵

1.

When Mildness in a General is not sea [...]ned with Severity, it cures Mut [...]s of nothing but of Fear; whereas they ought to have Terro [...] struck into them, to reduce them to Obedience. The Instructions which Philip the Second gave in Writing to Don Iuan, his Brother, when he sent him to the War; expresly recommended to him in all his publick Actions to observe a De [...]m suitable to his Birth, and to his Office of General, in appe [...]ring grave with Sweetness, that he might be beloved; and modest with Authority, that he might be respected. Cabrera's History, l. 7. c. 23.

↵

2.

The first Thing which a General of an Army ought to do in a Sedition or a Revolt of Soldiers, is to put his Wife and Children in some place of Safety, for [...] le [...]t the Mutineers, or the Rebels, seizing on their Persons, so precious a Pledge might serve them as a Buckler against him, and constrain him to grant them Demands prejudicial to his own Reputation, and to the Authority of the Prince who employs him. In a word, every Thing must be taken from Soldiers that may augment or [...]oment their Violence.

↵

3.

There is nothing which makes a Woman more couragious, than the ardent Love which she hath for her Husband. Dona Iuana Coel [...]o, the Wife of Anthony Perez, and Mary de Regelsb [...]rg, the Wife of the [...]amous Hugo Grotius, are two great modern Examples: And when History shall speak of the Disgrace of Mon [...]eur the Surintendant Fou [...]ue [...], [...] will not, it may be, forget to parallel his Wife with those two Foreign Ladies.

↵

u

These Boo [...]s were trimmed with Nails, and were worn only by the [...]mon Soldiers. Wherefore, in Latin Authors, Miles Caligatus is [...]

↵

1.

They who have the Management of publick Affairs, ought to prefer their Country to their Wives and Children. Cari sunt parentes, (saith Cicero) cari liberi, propinqui, familiares, sed omnes omnium caritates Patria una complexa est. Lib. 1. de Off. There is, in Maria [...]a's History, a famous Example of what Governors and publick Ministers owe to their Country, in preference to their own Children. The Infant Don Iuan, Brother of Sancho the Fourth, King of Castille, having besieged the Fortress of Tarifa, in which Don Alonso Perez de Gusman commanded, this General's only Son fell into the Hands of the Infant, the General of the Moors Army. The Besieged making a vigorous Defence, and the Infant beginning to lose all Hopes of taking the Place, he thought fit to expose to their Sight the young Perez, as a Victim to be slain, if they did not surrender. At this sad Spectacle, saith Mariana, the Father, without any Discomposure, protested, That if he had a thousand Sons, he would abandon them all, rather than stain his Honour, by surrendring the Place. And, to make good his Words, he threw over the Battlements of the Walls a Cuttle-Ax to the M [...]rs, to make use of it against his Son, if their Design was such, and went away to Dinner. A little while after hearing the Outcries of the Soldiers, who saw their Master's Son executed before their Eyes, he ran at the Noise, and understanding what was the matter, he said with a Majestick Air, I thought that the Enemies had entred the Town; and returned to [...]at with his Wife, without discovering so much as any Alteration in his Countenance. So well did this Lord (worthy to be compared with the greatest Men of Antiquity) know how to master the impe [...]uous Motions of Paternal Tenderness. From him are descended the Dukes of Medina Sidonia▪ The History of Spain, l. 14. c. 16.

↵

2.

These Words seem to contain [...] Sense, from which we may infer, that German [...]cus did not refuse the Empire, but because it would have been dangerous to accept it, the other Armies and the other Provinces being faithful to Tiberius.

↵

3.

To a [...]ront Persons who represent Kings, saith Cardinal d'Ossat, is to offend against the first Principles of the Policy, and Maintenance of Human Society. Letter 283.

↵

4.

A seasonable Reproach given by a Prince, or a General of an Army, to People who have some Sense of Honour, or who begin to feel some Pricks of Repentance, is sufficient quickly to reduce them to their Duty, and to make them also more affectionate than ever to his Service. The Prisoners of the Army of the League of Smalkald imploring the Mercy of Charles the Fifth, by calling him their Father: Such pa [...]ltry Fellows as you, said he, are no Children of mine; and added, (pointing to his Camp) It is these, of whom I am the true Father. Words which equally augmented the Shame of the Rebels, and the Love of the Soldiers of his Army, and were the cause, that most of the Cities, which took part with the League, returned to their Obedience; and that a certain Count, who thought his Repentance was not equivalent to his Fault, kill'd himself with his Sword, to give an undoubted Testimony of his Fidelity. Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth, by Don Iuan de Vera.

↵

x

Tradite nostra viris ignavi signa Quirites. Whilst Caesar was preparing for the War of Africa, whither Curio and Cat [...], Sirnamed Uticensis, were retired; the Soldiers, who saw he stood in need of them, thought fit to demand their Dismission, not with a design to obtain it, but to oblige him▪ for fear of being left without an Army, to grant them whatsoever they pretended to. But he, without any Concern, discharged them from their Oath, and disbanded them with these Words of Contempt: Etenim▪ O Qui [...] rites, laboribus & vulneribus exhausti estis; at which, they were so surprized, that they threw themselves at his Fe [...], to beg him to continue them in his Service. Dio, l. 42. He did an Action of like Resolution at the Battel of Munda, in the Kingdom of Granada, where seeing the Victory inclining to the Enemy's side, he alighted off his Horse, and cried out to his Soldiers, who gave Ground, That, as for himself, [...]e would not give Ground an Inch; that they should consider well what they were about to do; what a General they aban [...]'d, and in what Necessity. Insomuch, that being spurr'd on by Shame, rather than by Honour, they rallied, and gain'd the Battel. Paterc [...]l. Hist. c. 55. It was in that Battel that he [...]ought for his Life, whereas in others he [...]ought but for the Victory.

↵

y

After the Battel of Actiu [...], Augustus having sent back most of the Veterans into Italy, without giving them any Rewards, these Soldiers being much discontented mutiny'd, whilst he was employ'd in Asia in observing the Steps of Mark [...] ▪ But after he was returned into Italy, his Presence brought such an Awe with it, that none durst stir. E [...]ectum est, saith Dio, ut [...] auderet. Lib. 51.

↵

5.

The more illustrious Extraction a Person is of, the more the great Actions of his Ancestors give him confusion, if he doth not imitate them. As these Actions serve for Examples to others, they lay an indispensible Obligation upon him, who hath their Blood in his Veins, to tread in their Steps. He who boasts of their great Deeds without imitating them, is so far from doing himself Honour, that he makes the Difference that is between them and him taken notice of. Amongst the R [...]mans, the Statues and Pictures of illustrious Persons were set up in the entrances of Houses, to put their Posterity in mind, that they had a great void Space to fill up, and that as many Images as they saw, would be so many Censors and Syndic [...], which would brand them with In [...]amy, if they should degenerate. Boles [...]aus the Chast, Prince of Poland, wore a Gold Medal about his Neck, with his Father's Effigies engraved upon it, and every time he held a Council, or went upon an Expedition, he kissed it with Respect, saying to his Father, as if he had been present, God forbid, that I should do any thing unworthy of your great Name.

↵

z

He was as a Brigad [...]er in our Armies; for our Brigades of Foot much resemble the Roman Legions, and the Battalions, which compose them, their Cohorts, of which the Legions were composed. The Roman Cohorts consisted of betwixt 5 or 600 Men, when the Legion was well supplied▪ our Battalions are 800 Men. In every Legion, there were to Cohorts; [...] [...]very Brigade, there are always 5 or 6 Battalions.

↵

a

That is to say, a Colonel.

↵

b

Every one thought to merit his Pardon, by killing his Companion.

↵

c

Ordo in [...]citus.

↵

d

As much as to say, Vetera Castra, the old Camp.

↵

1.

Soldiers cannot love Peace, because it confounds them with the Citizens, and subjects them to the Laws, from which they set themselves at liberty with Impunity in time of War. Militares artes per otium ignotae, industriosque ac ignavos pax in aequo tenet. Ann. 12. The Citizens, saith Sir W. Temple, pretend to live in safety under the Protection of the Laws, which the Soldiers would subject to their Sword, and to their Will. Chap. of his Remarks on the United Provinces.

↵

e

Fabius Maximus, whose Method was not to fight, slighted those envious Persons, who in a Ieer called him The Temporiser, and Hannibal's Paedagogue, saying, That it was greater Cowardice to fear the Iudgments of the People, than to fear the Enemy. But all Captains (saith Livy, l. 4.) have not that strength of Mind which Fabius had, who would rather unjustly suffer the diminution of his Authority, than do otherwise than what was his Duty, to gain the Approbation of the People. Seneca saith, That there is nothing more ridiculous, than a Man who stands in fear of what others will say of him. Nil s [...]ultius est homine verba metuente. Contradiction, in stead of Sho [...]king, doth but fortifie and [...]arden a resolved Mind.

↵

1.

An able Prince ought not to take his Measures from what the People say, who always speak by a Passion. Non ex ru [...]ore statuendum. Ann. 3. It is a good Commendation, which Tacitus gives Tiberius, that he was always a great Enemy to the Reports of the Town. Tiberium speruendis Rum [...]ribus validum. An. 3. So that Paterculus ought not to be suspected of Flattery, in saying, That he was an excellent Iudge of what he ought to do, and that he embraced not what the Multitude did approve, but what they ought to approve: For, saith he, he was more concerned for his Duty, than for his Reputation; and the Army never directed the Counsels, and the Designs of the General, but the General always gave Laws to his Army. Ch. 113, & 115. Ami [...]ato saith, That Princes who disqu [...]et themselves with the Iudgments of the People, fall into the same Error with those who scruple certain Things which are not sinful; for as the Scrupulous sin by the Opinion which they have of sinning, altho they have not sinn'd; so Princes, who are concerned to hear the People blame what they have done, or are doing with good Counsel, and thorough Information, shew that they have not acted upon certain Principles, but by false Prejudices. Disc. 7. of l. 3. A Baron of Chevreau, who served in Flanders under the Duke of Alva, perceiving that the Duke would not hazard a Battel, which the Officers judged convenient to fight, threw his Pistol in Anger on the Ground, saying, ‘The Duke will never fight.’ To whom the Duke (who had heard him) answered, That he was pleased to see the Desire which the Soldiers had to fight the Enemy, because their Profession required it; but that [...] General ought to consider nothing but conquering. It is ordinary for Soldiers, (saith the Author who furnishes me with this Example) to desire to [...]ight, to get Reputation by shewing their Courage; but the Repu [...]at [...]on of Generals depends upon knowing how to conquer without losing a Soldier, if it be possible; and, consequently, not to fight, unless they are invited to it by the Necessity of relie [...]ing a Place, or by a most certain Advantage. Thus they ought never to comply with the Will of the Soldiers, if Reason doth not absolutely require it; for a Captain hath never suffer'd himself to be prevail'd on by the Discourses and Importunities of his Army, but he hath been afterwards beaten by his Enemies. Bernard. de Mendoza's Memoirs, l. 4. c. 11.

↵

2.

The capital City of a Kingdom, according to Tacitus, is the Centre and Helm of Affairs, Caput Rerum, and consequently, the Prince's Presence is most necessary there, especially in the beginning of a Reign. If the Great Pompey had not left Rome, where he was the strongest, Caesar would have had a great Difficulty to have entred it. Philip the Second consulting in his Council, Whether he should go into Flanders, Don Iohn Manriqua[?] de Lara said wisely, That the War being in a remote Country, the King ought not to leave the Heart of his Kingdom, whence issued out the Strength and the Preservation of all the other Parts. Gabrera's Philip the Second, l. 7. c. 7. In the Year 1591, the City of Saragossa having made an Insurrection against him about the Privileges of the Tribunal, which they call El Iustitia, he would never go thither, although the People of Madrid, and several even of the Grandees aggravated the Danger; and when they had reported to him, what every one said of him on this Occasion, he answered, That it was not agreable to the Grandeur of the Monarchy, that the Prince, for a rebellious City, should quit that, whence he gave Motion to his whole Empire. Herrera's Second Part of his History, l. 7. c. 20. No Reason of State, nor of War, saith Cabrera, requires, that a King should hazard his Person, because neither Vigilance nor Fortune are sufficient Guarantees for the Safety of Princes, who ought not to ground their Deliberations on the Weakness of others, but upon their own Strength: l. 12. c. 29. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera saith on the contrary, That Charles the Fifth had never found a more effectual Remedy against Seditions and Insurrections▪ than to go thither in Person; and that those who are of the other Opinion, upon the Maxim of Tiberius, don't consider the Difference that there is betwixt a Monarchy and a Commonwealth; [i. e. What is safe for a Commonwealth, is pernicious to a Monarchy.] Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth.

↵

f

Through the Cities of Newport and Tergesta, now Triest, which [...]order on Pannonia. Italiam (saith P [...]terculus) [...] sibi Nauporti ac Terge [...]tis confinio. Hist. 2. c. 120.

↵

3.

A Prince, who knows he is hated by his People, can never commit a greater Error, than in leaving his capital City; for if that once come to shake off the Yoke in his Absence, he immediately loses his whole State. The Complaints, which Tacitus saith, that the whole City of Rome made against Tiberius, sufficiently shew, how much his Pre [...]ence there was a Burden to the Senate and to the People, and consequently, he did very wisely not to remove thence. If Henry Duke of Guise, who hath so highly extoll'd his Capacity in the Memoirs which he hath left us of his Government of Naples, had read Tacitus, perhaps he would not have been guilty of the Folly of going out of this City to give a Meeting to a Lady, who sold him to the Spaniards.

↵

g

Philip the Second, King of Spain, used the same Artifice, sending word to Margaret of Parma, Governess of the Low-Countries, that every thing was ready for his Voyage, and that nothing retarded him but a Tertian Ague, and for which also, he would not stay till he was cured, although he was ready to die of it. Strada, dec. 1. l. 5. He communicated the same Advice to all Princes, and demanded a Passport of the King of France, and Counsel of the Duke of Savoy what Road was best to take. The whole Sixth Book of Strada's History is full of these Feints, and Pretences which Philip made use of to [...]lude his own Promises, and the Entr [...]aties of the Governess, and his other Ministers. But there was this diff [...]re [...]ce betwixt him and Tiberius, that this Emperour sent his Sons to his revolted Armies, and that Philip feared nothing more, than to hear any Discourse of sending his Son Don Carlos into Flanders, and repented much that he had sent thither Don Iohn of Austria, his Natural Brother.

↵

h

Tacitus saith, Aquili [...]eris signiferisque, i. e. the Ensign-Colonels, who carried the Eagles of their Legions; and the Ensigns of the Cohorts▪ who carried Wolves, Vultures, Lions, Dragons, Centaurs, Minotaurs, and other Figures in Relief, of Copper, Cast Brass, or Silver.

↵

i

There happen'd in my Time a like Adventure at Venice betwixt the S [...]iri and the Guards appointed for Entries, who having been condemned to Banishment for having shot with their Carbines at the French Ambassador's Watermen, endeavoured to kill one another, that they might obtain their Pardon by bringing the Heads of their Companions.

↵

k

I [...] the Territories of [...].

↵

l

The Romans had conceived a most deep Resentment against the Marsi, because they had contributed, more than all the rest, to the Defeat of Var [...]s, who with his Legions was also buried amongst them, in the Forest of Teu [...] berg.

↵

m

This was the most magnificent Temple of all Germany, dedicated to the Origine of Things, which could be no other than the Supreme Being.

↵

n

People between the Ems and the Rhine, Neighbours of Friseland.

↵

o

People of Westphalia,, on the River Ems.

↵

p

People, who inhabited along the Lippe. The Tubantes, and the Marsi, are now the Country of Cl [...]ves and Guel [...]reland.

↵

1.

Such is the nature of Envy, [...] of Actions which deserve [...] and Reward, it contrives the [...] of the Authors; so that great Captains, and great Men, always run the [...] of being blamed and [...] dangerous Ambition on occasion of good Ones. Don Carlos Coloma, whose Reflection this is, saith▪ That the Duke of Guise having gained the Battel of Aunea [...] in Beausse against the Reitres and the Suisse, who were sent as Succours to the Hugue [...]ots, Henry the Third pretended to be glad of this good Success, but by what followed, it was evident that it was not what he desired. L. 1. of his History of the Wars of Flanders. The Cardinal Maz [...]in rejoyced, that Monsieur the Prince had opened the Way for his return to Paris, upon which depended his Establishment [...]n France; but his Ioy was allay'd with jealousie of the great Actions of this Prince, to whom he offered the Command of the Army in Fla [...] ders, to remove so dangerous a Rival from Court. Memoirs of M. de la Rochef.

↵

2.

The Largesses which are given to the Soldiers, by a General who is hated by the Prince, and who hath Pretensions to the Crown, pass for so many Corruptions, and, by consequence, for so many Crimes; and, particularly, when the General hath a great Military Reputation. The Enemies of the Duke of Guise, (saith Coloma, ibid.) said, That the manner after which he had made the War, and the Money which he dispersed into all Hands, (which was not the Custom of the French) sufficiently shew'd whence his Money came, and what were the Designs of him who sent it him; that he could never take a better Pretext, than that of Religion, to mount the Throne by the assistance of the King of Spain; that Hugh Capel ascended it, although his Right was less than that of the House of Guise, only because the Command of the Army was left to him; that Henry the Third nourished Vipers in his Bosom; that if he any longer deferred the Remedy of the Evils which threatned him, he would see his Fault, when it was too late. It is worth observing by the way, that Coloma himself believed, that the Duke of Guise had sold himself to the King of Spain, when he saith, That the Commander Iohn Mor [...]o, who managed the Money which Philip the Second dist [...]ibuted in France, so entirely gained this Duke, that he became wholly Spanish. L. 3. of the same History.

↵

q

It was his Desire, that they should believe that he exceeded in the Praises of Germanicus, thereby to lessen all the great Things which he had said of him. Pess [...]mum inimicorum genus laudantes.

↵

r

Iulia (saith Paterculus) utterly forgetting that she was Augustus's Daughter, and Tiberius's Wife, gave herself up to all manner of Debaucheries which a Woman was capable of, how shameful and infamous soever. She measured the Greatness of her Fortune by Licentiousness and Impunity. Her Adulterers were Iulius Antonius, the Son of Mark Anthony, and Husband of Marcella, Aug [...]stus's Niece; Quintius Crispinus, Appius Claudius, Sempro [...]ius Gracchus, and Scipio, besides some others of less Quality. Hist. 2. c. 100. She had four Children by Agrippa her second Husband, three Sons, and one Daughter, who inherited her Name and her Manners. Sueton saith, That when she was the Wife of Marc [...]llus, she had a great Passion for Tiberius; as it is the way of Co [...]ue [...]s, and lewd Women, always to love another better than their own Husband. Seneca saith, That Augustus perceiving too late the Error he had committed in publishing the Infamy of his Daughter by banishing her, said with Grief, That all this would not ha [...]e [...] him, i [...] Agrippa or [...] had been alive.

↵

s

Now Pianosa, in the Bay of Po [...]zzoli.

↵

1.

Unequal Marriages are almost always unfortunate, especially those of Gentlemen with Princesses of the Royal Blood. For commonly these Princesses will make up this Inequality at the Expence of the Honour, or the Estate, of their Husbands: And it is of them, that it is truly said, That Majesty and Love never dwell together. Add hereto, that the infinite Respect which they exact upon the account of their Rank, is insupportable to Husbands, who have reason to be highly displeased at Irregularities, which they dare not take notice of. We ought therefore to observe the Precept of the Wise Man of Greece, who advises not to marry a Wife of too great Riches, or too high a Birth, for fear of having a Master in stead of a Companion; or, as an old Poet said wittily, for fear of meeting with a Husband in stead of a Wife.

↵

2.

Men are never throughly known till their Deaths▪ All the Stains of a Voluptuous and Irregular Life, are effaced by a Generous Death. The Count de Chalais did himself as great Honour by his Death, at which he called upon God to the Twentieth Stroke, of the Thirty six that he received from the Executioner's Hand, (an extraordinary Thing) as the Disorders of his Life, and his Conspiracy against the King, had dishonoured him. Letters of the 19th of August, 1626. Tome I. of the Memoirs of Cardinal Richelieu. Don Rodrigo Calderon, the Favourite of Philip the Third, King of Spain, by the Heroick Constancy of his Death, turned the Hatred under which he lay, into Esteem and Compassion. Savadra, Empr. 33. Un bel morir (saith Petrarch) tutta la vita honora.

↵

3.

How desirous soever Princes are to throw upon others the Hatred of the violent Resolutions, which are executed against Great Men, they are always believed to be the Authors thereof, when they let those Persons go unpunished, who have put them in execution. After that Peter the Cruel had secretly put to Death Iohn Nugnez de Prado, Grand Master of Calatrava, this King (saith Mariana) expressed Grief for it, to avoid the Hatred and the Insamy which would be upon him by the unjust Death of a Lord, whose greatest Crime was his Friendship with a disgrac'd Favourite▪ But when he made no inquiry▪ and consequently inflicted no Punishment for so horrid a Fact, the whole Kingdom believed, that what all P [...]ple before suspected of the King, was a Truth, which admitted of no Doubt. History of Spain, lib. 16. cap. 18.

↵

t

These Priests or Knights were instituted, in Romulus's Reign, after th [...] Union of the Sabines with the Romans, who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions, whom the Day before they had Enemies; as Tacitus saith, Eodem die hostes, dein cives habuerit. Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines, and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus, who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation. But his Death, which happen'd a little time after, reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus, who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines.

↵

1.

The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed▪ otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights. This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth, or for their Merit; for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them, and, consequently, the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them. Tacitus saith, That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Ornaments for the least Exploits in War, believed, that it would be more Honourable for them to preserve the Peace, than to renew the War, which would equal to themselves all those, to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed. Ann. 13. In Portugal, it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Habit of Christ, although in truth they were as worthy of it, as most of those, to whom the Count of Castelmelhor sold it.

↵

u

Cabrera well observes, that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause, that the People of Rome, who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws, thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government. For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure, as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently, they began to perceive, that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation, and that their Favour gave them Reputation. So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts, they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates, and afterwards to create Tribunes, Aediles, and Quaestors. At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Consulship and the Dictatorship, and made them thereby equal to the Patricians. L. 10. c. 22. of his History. So that we have no Reason to wonder, if Tiberius, who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government, had an Aversion to Spectacles, and all popular Concourses.

↵

2.

As there are certain Days in the Year, which the Fathers of Families spend in Rejoycings with their Children, it is very reasonable, that there should be also some, on which the Prince should live as in a Family with his People. Tacitus saith, That Nero, who was otherwise a very bad Prince, made Feasts in the publick Places, and shewed himself through the whole City, as if all the City had been his Ho [...]se. Ann. 15. Wise Princes, saith Cabrera, assist at the publick Plays, to gain the Affection of their Subjects, and these Plays, or Spectacles, are assigned to certain Days, to mitigate the ordinary Discontents of the People by Diversions, which deceive their Trouble. Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History. Commines saith, That Princes, who divide their Time according to their Age, sometimes in serious Matters and in Council, at other times in Feasts and Pleasures, are to be commended, and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince. His Memoirs, l. 6. c. 4.

↵

x

Strada saith, That Octavius Farnese, Duke of Parma, and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fi [...]th, was a great Observer of this Maxim, and thereby was as much beloved by the People, as any Prince of his Time. Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat, effecitque, ut inter principes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur. Lib. 9. dec. 1. Burnet saith, That Elizabeth, Queen of England, was a perfect Mistress of th [...] Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the People; and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian, she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs, and made herself more beloved by her. People, by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself, and to regard the People as she passed the Streets, than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands. History of the Reformati [...]n, p. 2. l. 3.

↵

3.

A Prince, upon his coming to the Throne, ought to make no alteration in Things, which he finds to have been of long Establishment, the People parting with old Customs with great diffi [...]ulty. If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People, he ought to conform himself to his manner of Government, at least until his Authority be well established. He must lead the People through long Turnings, and do it so, that they may go where he would have them, without perceiving whither they are going. Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all, by desiring to undo all that his Father had done. When he came to the Grown, (saith Commines) he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights, who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom. But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so, by acknowledging his Error, for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good, which was like to have taken from him his Crown. C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs. When he died, he therefore advised his Son not to do as he had done. Elizabeth Queen of England, at her coming to the Crown, acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh, for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary, by whom she had been ill Treated; and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Protestant, she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome, and ordered Karn, who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome, to make her Compliments to the Pope. Burnet's History, Part 2. l. 3. Mariana saith, That Emanuel, King of Portugal, made some difficulty to recall the Duke of Braganza's Brother and Children, who were in Exile, that he might not in the beginning of his Reign shew, that he had a Design to change what Iohn the Second, his Predecessor, had done; and that he might not make them his Enemies, to whom Iohn had given their confiscated Estates. Ch. 13. of his History.

↵

1.

The good Opinion which most Great Men have of their Ability, or of their Strength, makes them often neglect to search the bottom of the Cabals and Conspiracies which are formed against them. I never (saith Commines) knew a Prince, who was able to know the difference betwixt Men, until he came into Necessity, and into Trouble. They who act in Fear, provide well against Contingencies, and oftner succeed, than those who proceed with Pride. For which Reason, 'tis no Shame to be Suspicious, but it is a great Shame to be deceived, and to be ruined by Negligence. C. 12. of l. 1. the 4th of the 2d. and the 5th of the 3 d. About the middle of the last Age, there happened a Revolution at Sienna, which serves for a Lesson to Governours. A Spark of this general Conspiracy against the Emperour, saith Iohn Ant. de Vera, flew from the Kingdom of Naples to Sien [...]a, where Don Diego de Mendosa then commanded; but this Spark entred so subtilly, that although Don Diego had Notice given him of it, he yet found somewhat in the outward Carriage of the People wherewith to flatter his Incredulity, which in the end cost him very dear; for the People of Sienna coming to cry out Liberty, drove the Spaniards and the Florentines out of their City, and received a French Garison in their stead. Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth. And this was the cause that Don Diego, who had been so great a Man in his Youth, was not employed in his old Age, so that his riper Years paid for the Faults of his younger. Thus Le Dom Baltazar de Suninga speaks of him in the Extract of his Life, which he hath prefixed to his History of the Wars of Grenada, in which he hath very much imitated the Stile of Tacitus.

↵

2.

This is what all Governours ought to do, upon Notice given them of Conspiracies which are a forming against the Prince and the State; immediately to secure (saith a Politician) the Persons suspected, and the Places which they command, that they may afterwards at leisure inform themselves what there is in it, and finding them guilty, punish them according to the Exigence of the Case. For, in such Occurrences, Incredulity is perilous; all Delays are dangerous; the least Iealousie is reputed a Crime; and the slightest suspicious; make room for Iustice to take place, which cannot be too rigorous; Rigour in such a case passing for Clemency, and Favour for Rigour. Thus Princes and Ministers of State, in Treasonable Practices, ought in the first place to take the Buckler of Resolution, and afterwards to unsheath the Sword of Iustice, either against the Heads only of the Conspiracy, for Example, or against all that are engaged in it, for the Offence. In the Memoirs of Montresor. The Cardinal de Richelieu▪ strongly maintains this Maxim: In the course of ordinary Affairs, (saith he) Iustice requires an authentick Proof, but it is not the same, in those which concern the State. For in such a case, that which appears by pressing Conjectures, ought sometimes to be held to be sufficiently proved; because Conspiracies, which are formed against the publick Safety, are commonly managed with so much Cunning and Secrecy, that there is never any evident Proof thereof, but by their Event, which admits of no Remedy. In these cases, we must sometimes begin with the Execution, whereas in all others, legal Evidence by Witnesses, or undeniable Papers, is preferable to all other Ways. Pol. Test. p. 2. c. 5.

↵

3.

The Power of the Destinies, saith Paterculus, is not to be surmounted, when they will destroy any one, they pervert his Counsels, and take away his Iudgment. Ch. 57. and 118. Commines saith, When God is so highly offended, that he will no longer endure a Person, but will shew his Power and his Divine Iustice; then he first diminishes the Understanding [of Princes], so that they shun the Counsel of the Wise, &c. Cap. ult. of l. 5. of his Memoirs. Ierom Moron, Chancellor of Millain, was esteemed the greatest Politician that was in Italy, and yet he fell into the Nets of the Marquis of Pesquera, whom all his Friends advised him to beware of, as of a Man, who would infallibly sacrifice him to Charles the Fifth. A Thing which appeared so much the stranger to me, saith Guichardin, because I remember, that Moron often told me in the time of Leo the Tenth, That there was not a worse, nor a more perfidious Man in Italy, than the Marquis of Pesquera. His History, l. 6.

↵

4.

It is no small Question amongst Politicians and Soldiers, Whether it is better for a General of an Army to have great Courage with a moderate Understanding, or a great Understanding with moderate Courage. The Cardinal de Richelieu gives the Preference to great Courage, and afterwards adds: This Proposition will appear, it may be, surprising, it being contrary to what many have thought of this matter; but the Reason of it is evident. Men of great Courage are not put into a Consternation by danger: and consequently all the Understanding and Iudgment, which God hath given them, is serviceable to them on such Occasions: On the contrary, Men of little Courage being easily put into a Consternation, find themselves so disordered at the least Danger, that how great an Understanding soever they have, it is utterly unserviceable to them, because their Fear deprives them of the Use of it. As a General of an Army should not have Courage that is void of Iudgment; so neither ought he to have too much Flegm, or too much Speculation; because it is to be feared, that the foresight of many Inconveniencies which may happen, but which do not, may hinder him from attempting Things which would succeed in the Hands of others, who are less Speculative▪ and more Daring. Politcical Test. par. 2. sect. 4. c. 9.

↵

a

This young Man, saith Paterculus, was of a robust Constitution, had a quick Apprehension, and a delicate and penetrating Wit, beyond what is to be imagined of a Barbarian. Considering, that nothing is more easie than to destroy those who fear nothing, and that overmuch Confidence is the most ordinary cause of great Misfortunes, he communicates his Design at first to very few People, but afterwards to many more: And this Resolution was so immediately followed with the Execution of it, that Varus having neglected the first Advice of Segestes, had not time to receive a second from him: ch. 118. Charles, Duke of Burgundy, committed the same Error that Varus did, and perished like him, by refusing to give Audience to a Country Gentleman named Cifron, who came to discover to him the Treason of the Count de Campobasso; and by not crediting the Intelligence which Lewis the Eleventh sent him by the Lord de Contay, his Ambassador in France, that this Count was selling his Life. Whereby you see, saith Commines, that God infatuated him on this occasion, Memoirs, l. 4. [...] ▪ ult. & l. 3. c. 6, & [...].

↵

5.

As Princes seldom marry but by Interest, not for Love, Alliance is so far from being a Band of Friendship betwixt them, that it opens a Gap to new Pretensions, which grow into Quarrels, and afterwards into Wars. The last Duke of Burgundy hated Edward King of England, and the whole House of York, against which he assisted the House of Lancaster, whence came his Grandmother by the Mother's side; and yet at last he married Margaret, Sister to Edward, only to strengthen himself against King Lewis the Eleventh. But as this Alliance was not made but by State-Interest, and that both of them might gain their Ends, the Duke notwithstanding hated Edward, on whom he made biting Iests; and Edward offer'd Lewis to joyn with him, and to bear part of the Charges, if he would continue the War against the Duke. Commines, l. 1. c. 5. l. 3. c. 4. l. 4. c. 8▪ & 11. of his Memoirs.

↵

b

Now the Eder.

↵

c

Now Marpurg, the Capital City of Hesse.

↵

d

The People of Brunswick, and of Thuring▪

↵

1.

As there is nothing subject to greater Iealousie, nor more difficult to preserve amongst power [...]ul Neighbours than Liberty, they who advise War, appear to have a greater Affection for their Country, than those who advise Peace, and consequently have more Credit amongst their Fellow-Citizens. It was by this Method that Maurice▪ Prince of Orange, who looked on the Treaty of 1609. as the Ruine of his Authority in Holland, where he aimed at the Sovereignty, found means to destroy Iohn Barnevelt, who had been the principal Promoter of this Treaty, by perswading the People by Pamphlets, that this great Man was corrupted by the Spanish Gold, and held Intelligence with this King, for the reduction of the United Provinces to his Obedience.

↵

2.

When a Subject is conscious that he is guilty of T [...]eason, he ought not to trust to the Prince's Clemency, if he hath not good Security of it. If my Mother was my Iudge, said Alcibiades, I would not trust her; with much greater Reason, they who have the Prince for Iudge and Party, ought to take good Security before they surrender themselves into his Hands. The Cardinal Alphonso Petrucci was no sooner come to Rome but Leo the Tenth caused him to be arrested, and afterwards strangled in Prison, altho he came thither under the Security of the Pope's safe Conduct, whereof the Spa [...]ish Ambassador was Guarantee. The Landgrave of Hesse was cheated by the Confidence he reposed in Charles the Fifth, with whom he had two Electors, and several other Princes of the Empire, for Intercessors.

↵

e

These were peculiar Ornaments of the Priests.

↵

3.

Sometimes Princes, who value themselves upon Gratitude, pardon the Children in consideration of Services don [...] by the Fathers, or by the Ancestors. Charles the Fifth pardon'd Don Pedro Laso, (who brought him the Message from the Rebels of Tol [...]do,) because he was the Son of a Gentleman, whose Memory was dear to him. Philip II. perceiving, whilst he was consulting about an Affair with Mat. Vasquez, his Secretary of State, that a certain Gentleman of his Chamber observed them both with some Curiosity: ‘Go tell that Man, said he, That if I do not take off his Head, he is beholden for it to his Uncle Sebastian de Santoio, who gave him to me.’ Cabrera's History, l. 12. c. 3.

↵

4.

It was much more glorious for Thusnelda to espouse the Interest of Arminius, who was the Deliverer of Germany, than that of Segestes, who was a Traitor to it. Traitors have this Misfortune, That they are oftentimes hated and contemned by their own Children.

↵

1.

He obliquely repro [...]ched the Infidelity of Arminius, his Rival, who having been formerly in the Service of the Romans, had obtained, as well as himself, the Privileges of a Citizen, and the Quality of a Roman Knight. Assiduus militiae nostrae prioris comes, & civitatis Romanae jus, eque [...]remque consecutus gradum▪ s [...]gnitia ducis inoccasionem sceleris usus est. Paterc. Hist. 2. c. 118.

↵

f

Philip of Macedon being asked, whom he hated or loved most: I love those very much, saith he, who will be Traitors to serve me, but I as much hate those who have been so. The Count de Campobache, saith Commines, made an Offer to the King, (Lewis XI.) by a Physician, called Mr. Simon of Pavia, that if he would perform some Things which he demanded, viz. the Payment of 400 Lances, 20000 Crowns in ready Money, and a good County, he engaged to deliver the Duke of Burgundy into his Hands, or to kill him. The King had this Man's Wickedness in great Abhorrence, and acquainted the Duke of Burgundy with the whole Matter. Memoirs, l. 4. c. ult. & l. 5. c. 6. Upon the Count de Campobach's Arrival to the Duke of Lorrain, to whom he had sacrificed his Master the Duke of Burgundy, the Germans gave him to understand, that he should retire, and that they would have no Traitors amongst them. L. 5. c. 8. I ought not to pass over in Silence the Praises which are due to Elizabeth of England, for the handsom Answer which she made to to that Graves [...]on, who gave her an Account of a [...]reacherous Act done to the Spaniards at Berg-op-zoom. After [...]aving gived him a Thousand Crowns for his Pains, and his Voyage; Return home, said she, and if I should ever [...] in need of a Man, who knows how to be a Traitor in perfection, I wi [...] make use of you. Colomma, l. 1. of his History of the Wars of Flanders.

↵

2.

Traitors never want Pretexts to colour over their Treason, nor specious Reasons to defend it. All their Remonstrances are full of those, which Tacitus puts in the Mouth of S [...]gestes. There is scarc [...] any Cause so bad, which a good Advocate can't colour over.

↵

3.

It is common with great Men to revenge their private Quarrel under the Name of the publick Quarrel. Seg [...]stes accused Arminius to Varus, as a Man who hated the Romans, and who rendred their Alliance suspected to the Germans: The Accusation was true, and the Defeat of Varus's Legions confirmed it; but the Motive of this Accusation, the Merit of which he so extols to Germanicus, was not so much an Effect of his Love and his Concern for the Romans, as an Effect of the Hatred which he bore to the Ravisher of his Daughter, and of the Iealousie which he had to see Arminius more Powerful and more Esteemed than himself in his Country. Thus we may apply to Segestes what Paterculus [...]aith of the Consul Opimius, That he sacrificed the Son of the Consul Fulvius Flaccus (who besides his tender Age was innocent) to the Hatred that he had born to his Father, rather than to the publick Vengeance. Visa ultio privato odio magis, quam publicae vindictae data. Hist. l. 2. c. 7.

↵

4.

Irresolution is the greatest Fault that can be in a General, or in any other Man who hath the Management of publick Affairs. What Advantage can be taken of Opportunities, where Execution is more necessary than Deliberation, by a Minister, who knows not what to resolve on, who fears every thing, and who is equally fruitful in Doubts, and barren in Expedients? Princes have but one good Remedy against Conspiracies, which is to prevent the Conspirators; and all Princes, who have not done it, have been overtaken by them. In a word, Whether in War, or in Peace, Irresolution is the Ruine of Affairs, and oftentimes even worse than a bad Resolution; because there is sometimes a Remedy for this, whereas the other renders the least Evils incurable, or lets slip all Occasions.

↵

1.

It is fatal to great Men to be unfortunate Fathers, and to behold Fortune a Step-mother to their Children. If Arminius espoused the Interest of his Father and Mother, as it is to be presumed, he could not expect better Treatment from the Romans than what they gave him, it being the Maxim of all Princes, to revenge upon the Children the Injuries which they have received from the Parents. It may be also observed here, that great Men are often punished by the same Evil [...] which they have inflicted on others, Arminius had taken away from Segestes, his Daughter, who was promis [...]d to another; and Germanicus, by a just ret [...]rn, took away from him h [...] [...], and his Son, whereby Seg [...]s [...] doubly revenged. Comm [...] makes m [...]ny Re [...]ions of [...], kind, whereof this is the most Instructive. Although, said he, the Duke of [...] had just cause to hare the Constable S. Pol, and to procure his Death, yet all the Reasons that can be alledged in this Matter, cannot justifie what he did, in selling him to the King out of Covetousness, in order to have him put to Death, after he had given him a good and authentic [...] Safe-conduct. And as this was at the first S [...]ege of Nancy, that he committed this Crime in dispatching the Order to deliver the Co [...]table to the King's Men▪ God permitted, that at the second Siege of this City, he was betrayed by him in whom he put the greatest con [...]idence, and justly paid for his Per [...]diousness to the Constable. His [...]. l. 5. c. 6.

↵

g

Alphonso, King of Naples, said, That there was no succeeding in War but by Diligence and Diversion. Guiccardin's Hist. l. 1.

↵

h

This River is now called Ems, whence the City of Embd [...]n takes its Name.

↵

i

[...] saith, That in the Defeat of Varus's Legions, there were lost two Eagles, one White, and the other Black; that the White sell to the Auxiliar [...] Sarmatians, and the other to the Germans; whence came the Arms of the Empire, which bears an Eagle Sable, in a Field Or; and of Poland which bears an Eagle A [...]gent, in a Field G [...]les. In his Chronicle.

↵

k

The [...]ippe.

↵

l

The Field, in which Varus was slain with his Legions, is called at this [...], i. e. in High-Dutch, the Field of Victory. Bernardin de Mendo [...] [...]aith, That there remains also to this Day in the Bishoprick of Munster, a place called [...], that is to say, the Borough of Varus, which was [...] by the People of the Country, to preserve the Memory of the Defeat of the [...]. His Memoirs of the Low-Country Wars, l. 3. c. 3.

↵

m

T [...]citus saith, Fallacibus Campis. The same Mendoza saith, That [...] are Lakes and Marshes of 30 Leagues extent, and make the [...] almos [...] a De [...]art▪ Ibid.

↵

n

Principia was a void Place, where the Eagles and the Colours were set. As each Legion had its Eagle, it had also its Principium; so that by these three Principia, it was known that there had been three Legions.

↵

o

That is to say, three Cohorts. For they rise from Cohort to Cohort, according to their Merit, or the time of their Service.

↵

p

These Ditches served for Burying-places for Malefactors, whom they covered with the Earth soked with their Blood.

↵

q

Don Diego de Mendoza hath finely imitated this whole Funeral Description, in his History of the Wars of Grenada, l. 4. c. 9. in his relating the Circumstances of the Defeat and the Death of Don Alphonso d'Aquilar▪ Brother to him whom in Spain they call the Great Captain. Which I have taken notice of here for the sake of those, who love to read Works written on the Model of T [...]itus, whom Don Diego had much studi [...]d.

↵

1.

When a great Man begins to displease the Prince, a sinister Interpretation is put upon all his Actions. The Memoirs of Queen Margaret are full of Examples of this, and particularly the Second Book, in which are to be seen, all the Ombrages that Henry the Third took at the least Actions of the Duke of Alenson, his Brother.

↵

2.

Whereas Germanicus ought to have rouzed the Courage of his Soldiers, he ran the hazard of wholly sinking it, by letting them see that, which he should have carefully hid from them. The frightful Dream of Cecina, of which Tacitus speaks in one of the following Chapters, plainly shews the Effect, which this Spectacle was capable of producing in the Soldiers Imaginations▪ For,

Somnia fallaci ludunt temeraria nocte,

Et pavidas mentes falsa timere jubent.

Tibul. Epigr. l. 3.

So that although Tiberius was angry to see the Care which Germanicus took to gain the Affections of the Soldiers, he had yet most just cause to blame a General, who let his Army see, just as they were going to fight, the Remains of the Butchery of the Roman Legions.

↵

r

It is a Causeway, made upon Piles with a great deal of Sand, above a League long. The Hollanders have made a Fort, by which they pass as they go into Friseland.

↵

s

Coriolanus said, That Victory took away Weariness.

↵

1.

To be a great Man, it is nenessary to have had the Trial of both Fortunes. He, that hath never had any but Good, knows but one side of Nature, and cannot be expert, because he hath had no occasion to exercise his Industry. He, that hath always lived in Adversity, and in Troubles, runs a great Hazard of being corrupted by Prosperity, which, according to Tacitus, hath sharper Goads than Misery. Secundae res acrioribus stimulis animum explorant, quia miseriae tolerantur, feli [...]itate cor [...]umpimur. H [...]st. 1. Which made one of the Ancients say, That he had rather Fortune should a [...]ault him with Adversity, than cherish him with her Delicacies. It is necessary there [...]or [...], that a Man employed in, or d [...]igned for the Admini [...]tration of publick Affairs, should taste of good and bad Fortune, that he may [...] well a [...]quainted with its Strength. Anthony Perez, who had had [...] Share of Adversity, said very judicially, That Nature hath two Carvers, which labour in polishing the Matter of Man, viz. Good, and bad Fortune; that one of them is employed in polishing the coursest Pa [...]t, whilst the others cuts and chi [...]ls that which is most excellent, to make a most accomplish'd Work thereof. In my Opinion, saith Commines, speaking of Lewis XI. the Hardships which he met with in his Youth, when he fled from his Father, were of great Advantage to him; for he was forced to please those whom he stood in need of; and this Good, which was not inconsiderable, he learned from Adversity. And in another place, I dare give him this Commendation, That I never knew a Man so wise in Adversity, nor who was more dextrous in winding himself out of Difficulties. Memoirs, l. 1. c. 10. l. 3. c. 12. Lastly, it hath been often observed, that of all Princes and Captains, those have proved the Bravest, and the most Able, who have had the least Share of good Fortune. And Don Iuan Antonio de Vera saith very judiciou [...]y, That when Caesar seeing himself taken with a furious Tempest, said to his Pilot: Fear not, thou carriest Caesar, and his Fortune; He did not mean his good Fortune, but rather his invinc [...]le Courage; because, in such a Danger, it is certain, that he relied less on his Fortune, though that had never abandon'd him, than on his undaunted Spirit, and on his Experience, which he had acquired amidst the Labours, and the Haza [...]ds of War, which had never put him into any Consternation. His Enbax. Dial. 2. The Cardinal a'Ostat speaking of Henry IV, I have observed, saith he, in the course of his Life▪ that of the many cross and troublesom Events, which he hath had in Peace and in War, God hath drawn out Good and Prosperity for him. Lett [...]r 339.

↵

1.

As we ought not to regard Dreams too much, so neither ought we wholly to slight them, especially when they nearly relate to the present State of Affairs, for the Contempt of them is the cause that we neglect to apply Remedies to those Evils, whereof they are the Fore-runners. There is a prudent Mean betwixt Superstition and Incredulity, which commonly proceeds from Self Love, which always flatters us, rather than from a true Solidity of Spirit. The Queen Margaret makes a Reflection which is of great weight. Some (saith she) hold, That God doth in an especial manner protect the Great, and that to Minds, in which there shines some uncommon Excellency, he gives by good Genius's some secret W [...]rnings of Accidents that are like to happen to them, either of Good or Evil, as to the Queen, my Mother, who the Night before the unfortunate Race dream'd, That she saw the late King, my Father, wounded in the Eye, as it happen'd; and a [...]ter she awaked, desired him several times not to run that Day ... Being dangerously sick at Metz, and having about her Bed the King Charles my Brother, my Sister, and my Brother of Lorraine, and many Ladies and Princesses, she cried out as if she had seen the Battel of Iarna [...]; See how they [...] away, my Son hath the Victory! behold in this Lane the Prince of Conde dead! All that were there, believed that she raved: But the Night after, Monsieur de Losses bringing her the News of it, I knew it well enough, said she, did I not see it yesterday? Then they perceived, that it was not the raving of a Feaver, but a particular Notice, which God gives to illustrious and extraordinary Persons. And for my self, I own, that I was never near any signal Accident, either Unfortunate or Prosperous, of which I had not some Advertisement, either by Dream or otherwise; and may well say this Vers [...],

Of my Good, or my Evil,

My Mind is my Oracle.

L. 1. of her Memoirs.

↵

t

Two or three Months before the Death of Henry the Fourth, the Queen, his Wife, being in Bed with him, saw in a Dream a Man who stabb'd him to Death with a Knife. The News of his Death flew to Lisle in Flanders, to Antwerp, to Bois-le-Duc, and to Mastri [...]h, ten Days before it happen'd. For it often comes to pass, that the News precedes the Accident. On the Eve of his Death, as he a [...]isted at the Coronation of the Queen, a Maid, named Iane Arnaud, seeing him, said to her Sisters, Behold a dead Man, who resembles the King, who are buried here! The Day that he was stain, several Billets were thrown into his Chamber, which all gave him warning of his Fate. But he neglected all this as Caesar did, and perished like him▪ Homer saith, That as the Dreams of common People are to be slighted, because of the Weakness of their Brain; on the contrary, there ought to be a great Regard had to those of Persons who have the Management of State Affairs, because they arise from their Experience, and the continual Reflection, which they make upon the great Events of Civil Life. L. 2. of the Iliads. Cabrera saith, That Ioan of Austria, Mother of Sebastian King of Portugal, being with Child of him, thought that one Night she saw enter into her Chamber a great many Moors, clad in Habits of divers Colours. The first Presage of what was to besal this Prince at the Battel of Al [...]asar in A [...]rick. His Philip II. l. 11. c. 10.

↵

2.

The greediness of Soldiers, who are commonly more intent upon Enriching themselves, than upon Fighting, is the cause that there is scare ever a compleat Victory. This is an Evil that seems to be without Remedy, seeing, that after so many Ages, the Prudence and Severity of Princes and Generals have not been able to put a stop to it.

↵

3.

Reflections of this kind do Soldiers no good, because they serve only to abate their Courage; witness the false Alarm, spoken of in the following Chapter.

↵

1.

When an Army hath been beaten, it is very subject to take false Alarms: And it is on these Occasions, saith Xenophon, that a General is much perplex'd, for the more he encourages his Soldiers, the greater they imagin is the Danger. Quanto magis j [...]beat illos bo no esse animo, tanto existimabunt in majore se esse discrimine. Lib. 5. Cyropaed.

↵

u

The Camp, which was always of a square Figure, had four Gates, the greatest of which was called the Decumane, and served for a Postern▪ through which the Soldiers passed, who were carried to Punishment. It was opposite to the Praetorian, so called from the Praetorium, or the General's Tent, which always stood towards the Enemy. The other two Gate [...], which were on the two Sides, were called Principales.

↵

2.

When Foresight and Counsel have preceded the Danger, Fear is easily overcome; but when Fear hath prevented Foresight and Counsel, Advice and Exhortations will hardly find place.

↵

3.

If it happens, saith On [...]sander, that a vain Terrour, or even a re [...] sonable Fear, hath seized the Spirits, it is then that a General ought to shew the Soldiers an assured Countenance, and u [...]shaken Courage. Stratag. cap. 13. There is nothing that more perplexes the Prudence of a General, than these kind of fals [...] Alarms, in which the disorder'd Minds of an ignorant Multitude are not easily recovered o [...] their Surprise. I observe in the Memoirs of Commines, that a Squib which fell on a Window, where Charles of France, the Duke of Berry, and Charles Count of Charolois, were talking together, was like to have confounded and disorder'd all the Princes and Lords who were in League against Lewis the Eleventh, if Mr. Iohn Boutefe [...], who threw it, had not come and declared that it was he, and had not thrown three or four more in their Presence, to take away the Suspicion which they had of one another. L. 1. c. 5.

↵

x

Don Iuan Antonio de Vera relates an Action exactly like this done by Fredrique Enriquez, Admiral of Castille, at the Battel sought betwixt the French and the Spaniards near Pampelune. In the Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth.

↵

y

Tacitus calls this place Prin [...]ipia.

↵

1.

It is rare, for two Generals to agree well together in one and the same Army, especially when they are both Men of great Parts and Experience, as Arminius and his Uncle were. The Protestants, who were in League against Charles the Fifth, lost the Battel of Meissen, because Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony, and Philip the Landgrave of Hesse, who commanded in conjunction the Army of this League, were both too great Captains, and besides, of too different a Humour, to yield to one another. This Battel was fought the 24th of April, ann. 1547. The Turks had not failed of taking Malta, ann. 1565, if Piali, the General at Sea, would have held good Correspondence with Mustafa, the General at Land.

↵

2.

Amongst barbarous People, the most violent and rashest Persons have always the greatest Credit, for Delays seem to them a sort of Slavery. Barbaris, quanto qui [...] audacia promptus, tanto magis fidus. Ann. 1. Barbaris cunctatio servilis▪ statim exequi, regium vid [...]ur. Ann. 6.

↵

z

The Outworks of the Camp had three Things, viz. a Ditch, (Fossa;) a Rampart of Earth, (Agger;) and a Palisade all round made of great Stakes, (Vallum.)

↵

3.

It seldom happens, that an Army which is commanded by two Generals comes off Victorious. The Roman Armies were almost always defeared by Hannibal, when he had to do with two Consuls; whereas he was always beaten, or, at least, hindred from being Victorious, when a Dictator was at the Head of the Roman Army. As long as the Command of the Army was divided betwixt Monsieur de T [...]renne, and the Ma [...]eschal de la Ferte-Senecterre, their Iealousie rendred the fairest Enterprizes abortive; but from the time that the former was got rid of his Companion, who put every thing to hazard, Fortune always [...]avoured him.

↵

a

In the Siege of Tournay, ann. 1581, Mary of Lalain, Princess of Epinoy, being not contented incessantly to exhort the Soldiers and the Burghers to a vigorous defence against the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards, she so valiantly exposed herself, that she had her Arm broken by the Shot of an Arquebuss, of which she died the Year following. Thus this Lady made good the Character which Commines gives of her Family. [...] Philip de Lalain, saith he, was of a Race, of which there have been few who have not been valiant, and have almost all died in [...] their Princes in War. Memoirs, l. 1. c. 2. Ann. 1595, the Lady De B [...]gny, Wi [...]e of the Lord of Cambray, performed the D [...]y of a Captain, and o [...] a private Soldier, in the defence of this Town again [...]t the Spaniards. Night and Day she went to visit the Sentin [...]s, and to observe the Battery; [...]he wrought on the Fortifications; she di [...]charged the Cannon; with her Pike in her Hand, she exposed hersel [...] to all Dangers, and braved the Spaniaras, and would not hear of a Capitulation. Which might have succeeded, if her Husband had not been so odious to the City, over which he tyrannized without Pity. Herrera calls this Lady, another [...], another V [...]rulana. Hist. part 3. l. 11. c. 16. & Don C [...]r [...]os Coloma, l. [...]. of [...] Wars of F [...]anders.

↵

1.

It is not one of the least Praises of a General, to take care of the [...]ealth and Lives of his Soldiers. As there is nothing so Valuable as Life, so there is no Benefit, whereof Men have a more grateful Sense, than of it; especially Soldiers, who are exposed to more Dangers, than all the rest of Mankind. The Spanish Commentator on Commines saith, That the Soldiers set upon the Tomb of a certain Captain, who died at Milain, the Words of the Creed: Qui propter nos, & propter, nos [...]ram salutem, descendit [...] inf [...]ros. The Spaniards, adds he, gave not this Praise to the Prince of Parma in Flanders; for whilst his Army was in want of every thing, he must not want Mules to [...]etch Spaw-Waters for his Baths. Ch. 9. l. 6.

↵

2.

In the Opinion of Livy, Civility and Liberality are never free in a great Fortune. The Prince can't look upon a great Man, who studies to gain the People's Affections, but as a Rival, who would steal from him the Hearts of his Subjects, that he may afterwards deprive him of their Obedience. Henry the Third, saith a Politick Spaniard, one Day ask'd his Confidents this Question: What doth the Duke of Guise do, thus to charm the People's Hearts? Sir, (said a cunning Courtier,) he gives with both Hands, and when it is not in his Power to grant what they desire, he supplies it with Words: Let them invite him to a Wedding, he goes; to a Funeral, he assists at it; to be Godfather to a Child, he accepts it. He is affable, caressing, and liberal; he carries it fair to all People, and speaks ill of none; in short, he reigns in their Hearts, as your Majesty doth in your Territories. Gracian's Heroes, ch. 12. Of all that Don P [...]dro Giron, Duke of Ossen, did to continue himself in he Viceroyship of Naples, and to hinder the Cardinal Gaspar Borgia from taking Possession of it, nothing rendred him more suspected, or rather more criminal, than what he did after the arrival of the Cardinal to Prochira, an Isle near Naples. Having assembled the common People, he threw among them abundance of Money, and when he had no more left, he pull'd off the Gold Buttons which he had on his Clothes, and a Girdle of Diamonds; and after that, by an extravagant Liberality, he also threw his Hat and his Cloke to them, imploring the Assistance of this Multitude against a Priest, who, he said, was not fit to govern a Kingdom, of which the Pope had a desire to possess himself. Conjuratio Ossuniana 1612, & 1620.

↵

3.

Tiberius transgressed through Distrust and Iealousie, but Agrippina through Imprudence; for she better remembred whence she descended, and whose Wife she was, than whose Subject. The same Commentator on Comminus saith, That Distrust is wont to take away the Iudgment of Women, but that on the contrary it gives Iudgment to Princes, and improves it; that it is a Passion that absolutely masters Ladies; whereas it is a Quality that is absolutely necessary to Kings. Witness Edward the Fourth, King of England, who, according to Commines, was driven out of his Kingdom by the Earl of Warwick, because he always lived withou Suspicion. Chap. 1. of the Commentary, let. E. and ch. 5. of l. 1. of the Memoirs.

↵

4.

Great Services draw Calamities on those who perform them, especially when they are Men, whose Birth, Courage, or Merit, gives Iealousie to the Prince. The younger Pliny saith, That it is seldom seen, that a Prince loves those, to whom he believes himself most obliged; and, according to the Testimony of Commines, Lewis the Eleventh was of the same Opinion. The Reason of this is, because Men do that more heartily which comes purely from Free-will, than that which they are obliged to do by a Motive of Gratitude. Anthony Perez saith, That it fares with the great Obligations which a Prince hath to his Subject, as with those Fruit-Trees, whose Boughs are broken by being overladen; and that to have performed extrao [...]dinary Services to his King, is a sort of Obligation, which ruines the Favourite.

↵

5.

There is nothing, which a Favourite, or a chief Minister, ought to take more Pains about, than throughly to know his Prince's Humour; for without this it is impossible, that his Favour should last long, or that he should not fall a Victim to his Enemies. Cabrera saith, That the Prince of Eboli was not so great a Statesman as the Duke of Alva, his Rival; but withal, that he far better understood his Master's Humour. And it is to this Knowledge, that he attributes the good Fortune of this Prince, to keep the Favour of Philip the Second, to the last moment of his Life. He preserved it, saith he, because he kept him company without being troublesom to him, and without importuning him when he was inclin'd to Solitude. He always bore him a great Respect, and this Respect always increas'd as his Favour, and the Obligations which he received. He discharged the Duties of his Place, without Artifice, and without Constraint. He digested and prepared with care what he had to Negotiate, and spoke his Opinion with a natural Modesty, and hearkned with Attention to his Master's Answer, without ever dilating in impertinent Discourses. He spoke advantagiously of those whom the King loved, and, by a handsom and prudent Dissimulation, he seemed to understand no more, than what the King was willing to tell him. He kept every thing secret which the King said to him, and if others spoke of it, he was the last that did it himself. When he went to Court, he moderated his Train, and never clothed his Domesticks in richer Liveries than the King's; and when he reprimanded any one in the King's Name, he avoided speaking with Heat, and keeping a wise Mean, he inveighed against the Fault, and not against the Person. [...] History, l. 7. c. 7. & l. 10. c. 1. [...] Perez saith, That the Duke o [...] Alv [...] one Day speaking to him of this Favourite, expressed his Opinion of him in these words: The Lord [...], of whose Party you are so great a Favourer, is not one of the ablest Statesmen that we have had; but as for the Art of understanding the Nature of Kings, I acknowledge he hath been so great a Master, that how great soever all [...] that are here are, we meet with the [...] where we think to have the [...] a Letter to a great Favou [...]. The Result of all which is, [...], or a Minister, who [...] only beloved by his Prince, is bett [...] establish'd, than he, who is highly esteem'd by him.

↵

6.

A prudent Minister, and who [...] the Reputation of his Prince, [...] to avoid nothing more, than [...] Disquiets, and his Iea [...] ▪ This is so dangerous a [...] in Princes, and carries them [...] troublesome Resolutions, and oftentimes so unjust, that there [...] Care taken, to calm the Agitation of their Minds. Happy are the Kings, who have Ministers of such a Temper, as was Don Antonio de Toledo, Grand Prior of Leon, who having received an Order to bring a Cassette, in which were the Letters and secret Papers of Don Carlos, tore all those, which might prejudice this young Prince, and his Friends, before he put them into the Hands of Philip the Second. Cabrera's History, l. 7. c. 22.

↵

7.

When Princes dissemble their Resentment, it is a sign that they are meditating a cruel Revenge. The Constable of St. Pol, who had so much Wit, was so weak as to believe Lewis the Eleventh reconciled to him after the Interview at Noion; for if the Hatred was so great before, it was still greater on the King's side, who was ashamed that he had spoken with his Servant, with a Bar betwixt them. Commines's Memoirs, l. 5. c. 11, & 12.

↵

1.

According to Onosander, Generals of Armies ought to unde [...]stand Astronomy. [...]nerrantium per noctem supra terras siderum Imperatori peritiam aliquam in [...]sse oportet. Strategiei, c. 39. And Polybius, as great a Politician as an Historian, saith, That a General of an Army cannot take just Measures neither by Sea nor Land, if he doth not well understand the Summer Solstice, and the Equinoxes. Debet perspicue cognoscere solstitium aestivale & aequinoctias, & intermedias dierum & noctium tam auctiones, quam diminutiones; sic enim duntaxat secundum ratione [...] commensurare potest, quae tam mari, quam terra perficienda sunt. Lib. 9. Christopher Columbus saved his Army, which was perishing by Famine, by the Prediction which he made of an Eclipse to an Indian King, who refused to furnish him with Provisions. Pagliari Observation 74.

↵

b

The Latin hath the Weser, but it ought there to have the Rhine, where was the Winter Quarters of the Legions. For Vitellius carried the two Legions into the Gaules, whereas to have gained the Weser, which was beyond the Ems, had been to have carried them into Germany. There is more reason to conclude, that the word Visurgim is slipt in for Vidrum, called now the Wecht, which is one of the Mouths of the Rhine, than to attribute this Error to Tacitus, who always places the Weser where it is at this Day.

↵

1.

Caresses and Praises are in stead of all Rewards to brave Men. Cardinal de Richelieu saith, That Henry the Fourth being under an extream Necessity, paid his Servants with good Words, and made them do Things with his Caresses, upon which his Weakness permitted him not to put them by other ways. Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6.

↵

c

Sueton saith, That he resolutely refused the Title of Father of the Country, and the Senates swearing to his Acts, for fear lest one Day they should think him unworthy of two so great Honours. Ne mox majore dedecore impar tantis honoribus inveniretur.

↵

1.

There is no Prince so wise, saith Commines, who doth not sometimes fail, and very often if he lives long; and thus would it be found in their Actions, if Truth had been always spoken of them. Lib. 5. cap. 13.

↵

d

It was an Oath which the Magistrates took, to hold for well done whatsoever the Prince should do during his Reign. They renewed it every Year, on the First of Ianuary. It was by this Oath, that the Romans open'd the Gap to Slavery; for to ratifie and to hold for Authentick whatsoever the Prince should please to ordain, was to put an Arbitrary Power into his Hands, and to banish Liberty. Lewis the Eleventh seemed to exact a like Oath, when he said, That none ought ever to withstand the Prince's Will, no not when he was out of his Wits.

↵

2.

This Doctrine can never be too much inculcated on Princes, who, for the most part, presume much on their Power. Would to God, that each Prince, in the course of his Reign, might only meet with such a Minister, or a Confident, as he was, who said to Philip the Second, Sir, Be moderate, acknowledge God on Earth, as well as in Heaven, lest he grow weary of Monarchies, and provoked by the Abuse which Kings make of their Power, in usurping his, he give another form of Government to the World. Anthony Perez, in one of his Spanish Letters. It was very strange Discourse in the Mouth of a Pope, (Paul the Fourth,) who told the Cardinals, That he would make his Memory immortal by the Dominions which he would give his Family, according to the Grandeur of the Pontisicate, by virtue of which, he had Emperours and Kings at his Feet. Cabrera's Hist. l. 2. c. 2.

↵

3.

Bad Princes turn all Offences into new Articles of Treason, to render them unpardonable, under a pretence of not going against Reason of State.

↵

4.

A wise Prince ought not to suffer those Satyrical Writers to go unpunished, who make a Trade to bespatter the Reputation of great Men, of Magistrates, and of private Persons. The Prince, who suffers them, draws upon himself the Hatred of those, who find themselves injured by these Verses, Portraitures, and secret Histories, wherewith they feed, or rather poison the Publick:

—Iam saevus aportam

In rabiem verti coepit jocus, & per honestas

Ire domos impune minax.

Hor. Ep. l. 2. ep. 1.

It was, perhaps, none of the least of the good Actions of Pope Sixtus the Fifth, in punishing that Poet, whom he sent to the Galleys; for a Sonnet which he made on an Advocate's Wife, wherein, whose Name he made, to rhime with the word Putana, notwithstanding she was of an unblemished Life. A Punishment, to which this Pope condemned him for rhiming likewise with his Name, which was, Matera. Leti's[?] Life of this Pope, part 2. l. 3. If the Prince is the Protector and the Preserver of the Lives and Estates of his Subjects, with much more Reason ought he to defend their Honour, which is the most valuable Thing they posses. Charles the Fifth did one day an Action, inwhich it is not easie to say, whether he discovered more his good Nature, or his Merit. Desiring to give one of those Divertisements, which they call in Spain, [...], i. e. tilting with Canes or Reeds, he commanded the Grandees to divide themselves into Troops. Each Lord took care to make up his own Troop of the most considerable Gentlemen of his Acquaintance, but not one of them thought fit to take a certain Cavalier, a Man of Merit and Importance, because he had some sort of Blemish in his Birth. A Gentleman of the Emperour's Chamber speaking to the Emperour of the Mortification which this Cavalier was under upon this account, who was at that time also in the Antichamber; the Emperour, without seeming to know any thing of it, appearing at his Chamber Door, said to the Lords who attended at the Entrance; Sirs, Let none take Don N. ... because he is to be of my Troop. Epitome of his Life by the Commander of Vera. Cabrera saith, That Philip the Second turned his Back on those whom he heard speaking ill of others, and particularly if it was of his Ministers. His History, l. 5. c. 17. He answered a Canon's Letter in these Words: I am informed of what you say concerning your Bishop, and you ought to take care to be more reserved in speaking of such Persons. L. 11. c. 11.

↵

e

He owed the Empire to her.

↵

5.

Nothing offends a Prince more, than to attribute his Fortune, or his Exaltation, to those, whom it is not his Interest to acknowledge as the Authors of it. If the point of Honour is the most tender part of private Persons, how sensible must Princes be of it? Ferdinand the Catholick, who owed the whole Acquisition of the Kingdom of Naples to Gonzalo Hernandez, discover'd how uneasie he was under this Obligation, when he said; I do not see that I have reason to rejoyce for having acquired this Kingdom, seeing that there is no return of Profit to me from it; and that he, who hath conquered it in my Name, seems not to have had a Design to have acquired it for me, but only for himself and those, among whom he hath distributed the Lands and Revenues. Paulus Iovius, l. 5. of the Life of the Grand Capitaine. Maurice, Prince of Orange, could not endure to be told, That he owed his rise to Iohn of Barneveld, who, by his Authority, made him leave the College, and put himself at the Head of the Armies of Holland in his Father's stead.

↵

1.

An Instance, how Scandalous the Profession of Players is accounted, as who have always been excluded from the Rites and Ceremonies of Religion, not only among Christians, but among Heathens likewise. In the Year 1687, the Italian Actors being desirous to offer up publick Prayers for the King's Recovery, had, under the Character of Italian Gentleman, obtain'd Leave to perform their Devotions in the Church of the Great Augustin's at Paris; but the Arch-Bishop discerning the Cheat, recalls his License, and would not permit it. Impias preces, detestanda vota.

↵

2.

Religion ought never to be made use of, either as a colour, or instrument of Cruelty.

↵

3.

'Tis for this Reason, that Crimes against Princes are punished with a greater Severity, than Blasphemy, and many other Offences against God, because the Prince hath no other way to make himself feared, than by present Punishment. In Ireland, where Oaths and Perjury are too usual, they who swear falsly by the Hand of the Governor, or Lord of the Place, are bound by the Payment of an heavy Mulct to repair the Injury done to his Name, whereas they who swear upon the Bible, upon the Altar, upon the Image of St. Patrick, their Apostle, or of any other Saint, are pass'd by without any other Censure, than that of being declard Forsworn.

↵

1.

For bad Examples, saith Paterculus, seldom or never stop at the first Author, who begins them; but when once a Gap is opened to them, how small soever, they soon spread themselves far and near.

↵

2.

In matters of Report and Calumny, poor People, as living most in Obscurity, are more to be feared than others. Inasmuch as such Men are neither by Birth nor Merit qualified for any share in Business, nor yet honest enough to consider the publick Good, they stick not to set every place on fire, out of hopes to make their Fortunes in the confusion. They are sure to forget nothing, that lies in their power, to disturb, by flattering some, and libelling others, that order of Government, which hinders their Advancement to Offices and Honours. Ch. 8. of the Second Part of the Pol. Testament.

↵

3.

When the Witness depos'd all the Ill that was either said or believed of himself he shewed no Displeasure at it, lest he should be thought to confirm the Truth of those Reports, if he had appeared concerned at them; but as soon as any mention was made of an Injury done to Augustus, he immediately vents his Anger against Marcellus, thus, under pretence of what had been done to the Statue of his Father, revenging the A [...]ront, which he took to be offered to himself. Pro Augusto conquer [...]ns [...] dolorem proferebat. Further, a great many People use the Images and Pictures of Princes to the same purpose, to which Signs or Bushes are hung out at Taverns: and I remember, I my self have heard it said, That Onosrio Camaiano, President of the Apostolical Chamber, treated with great Respect the Portraiture of Pius the Fifth, his Friend and Benefactor, as long as that Pope lived; but as soon as he was dead, he orders the Head to be eraz'd, and that of his Successors to be put in its place. Obs. 162. I doubt not many have ob [...]erved oftner than I, what happened a [...]ew years since upon the Death of a great Minister, whose Portraitures gave place to those of his Collegue in a great many Houses in Paris, but after this they were changed.

↵

f

For, in Matters of great Importance, the Iudges were wont to swear▪ That they judg'd according to their Conscience; using this Form, Ex animi sententia; or else this, Si sciens fallam, ita me Diespiter bonis ejiciat, ut [...]g [...] hunc lapidem; The Oath was made on the Altar o [...] Iupit [...]r Lapis.

↵

4.

A Prince, who desires to be well advised, must take care not to give his own Opinion first, because none will dare to contradict that. If he speaks first, it is a sign he expects Approbation, and not Counsel; and therefore it is dangerous for him to declare his own Iudgment. Upon this account, Philip the Second seldom as [...]isted at his Council of State, Because (saith he to Antonio Perez) the Presence of the Prince intimidates the Spirits, restrains the Passions, and makes the Counsellors speak by Form, like Preachers from the Pulpit; whereas being by themselves, they Dispute, they Heat and Provoke one another, and shew without reserve their real Tempers and Interests. This serves much for the Information of the Prince, who, on the contrary, if he be present, is in hazard to disclose his Sentiments, and to argue with his Subjects as with Equals. A thing incompatible with Majesty, which is supported by outward Respects, in the same manner, as the Pontifical Ornaments procure to Prelates the Veneration of the People. Perez, in his first Spanish Letter. A certain Italian Prince said, That when a Prince knows not what to resolve upon, he must hearken to the Advice of his Council, and speak his own Sense last; but that, on the contrary, if his Resolutions be fully fixed, he should give his own Opinion first, that so none may presume to oppose it.

↵

5.

It happens but too often, that Princes suffer for over-talking themselves. Commines, chap. 10. of the First Book, and ch. 10. of the Fourth Book of his Memoirs. When a Sovereign falls into Passion, (says a Spanish Cavalier,) he should call to mind that Emperour, whom his Confessor oblig'd to promise, never to have any Command put in Execution so hastily, as not first to allow himself time to say over all the Letters of the Greek Alphabet. Don Carlos Coloma, in his Tenth Book of the Wars of Flanders. Another speaking of Charles the Fifth, who, contrary to his Oath, granted a Pardon to the Duke of Cleve [...], says, That he never broke his Word, but when it had relation to something of Cruelty. Don Iuan Ant. de Vera, in the Abridgment of his Life. Moreover, Prince Ruy Gomez de Silva had reason to say, That Words uttered in heat of Dispute, and unpremeditated, are more regarded by Princes, than all Remonstrances whatever. Chinas y varillas arrojadas al descuy [...] do ob ran mas que lansas. Ant. Perez, in a Letter, entituled, To a Grand Privado.

↵

g

With what Gravity, saith Paterculus, did Tiberius assist at the Tryals of Causes, not as a Prince, but as if he had been a mee [...] Senator or Iudge. Ch. 129. of his Second Book.

↵

1.

Those Princes very much deceive themselves, saith Pliny the younger, in his Panegyrick, who think they cease to be Princes, if at any time they condescend to do the Office of a Counsellor or Iudge. There are some, says Pagliari, who blame Pope Clement the Eighth, for going in Person to visit the Courts of [...]udicature, the Parish-Churches, Convents, and even the very Cells of the Monks, as if so much Diligence and Concern were beneath the Dignity of the Supream Bishop. As for my self, I believ it was a matter of great trouble to this Pope, whose sole Study it was, to perform the full Duty of his Station, that he could not inspect all the Churche [...] and Monasteries in Christendom; so throughly was he perswaded, that, for the discharge of his Conscience, he ought not to leave to the Care of others, the Administration of Things so material to the Salvation of Souls. Observ. 474. [...] would all Bishops wer [...] effectually convinc'd of this momentous Truth, which that [...]aithful Monitor within is always ready to exhort them to the Practice of.

↵

2.

Wealth is a mighty Ornament to Greatness, and Men in Wealth, who receive such Advantage from outward Splendour, that of two Persons equal in Merit, it may without scruple be affirmed, that the richer is the better, for a poor Magistrate must have a Soul of a very resolute and virtuous Inclination, if he doth not suffer himself to act sometimes by Considerations of Interest. Besides, Experience assures us, that the Rich are under less Temptation to Extortion, than others. Sect. 1. Ch. 4. of the First Part of the Polit. Testament of Card. Rich. The Counsellor Broussel, whose Integrity the Parliament and People of Paris did so highly Extol, having been promis'd the Government of the Bastile for one of his Sons, became from that time, of a furious Bigot for the Faction of Slingers, a great Royalist, and wholly in the Service of Mazarine. Memoirs of L. R. However, the Chancellor of the Hospital, a Person the most considerable for Estate and Probity of any of his Age, affirm'd, He preferr'd the Poverty of the President de la Vacquerie, before the Riches of the Chancellor Raulin; (the one was first President of Paris, and the other Chancellor to the Duke of Burgundy. It is he who founded the Hospital of Beaune.)

↵

h

That is to say, 25000 Crowns.

↵

3.

Those who, to obtain their Suits, address themselves directly to the Prince, desire rather a present Denial, than to be referred to his Ministers, who commonly are little respected for the Kindnesses they do, whether because in truth they are not th [...] proper Donors, or because the number of Petitioners being almost infinite, the Discontented are a thousand times more than the others. Besides, the more Hands the Petition passes through, the less Share has the Prince in the acknowledgment of the Favour; whereas, indeed, 'tis all his Due. To give immediate Dispatch, and without referenc [...] to Officers, says a Spanish Gentleman, i [...] to Reign more, and Disoblige less. That is to say, when a Prince can, without Inconvenience, give a decisive Answer. Don Fadriq [...]e Moles, in his Audiencia de Principes. Hortalus laid open the State and Reasons of his Poverty before a full Senate, and yet Tiberius made him a very rough and angry Reply. See Articles the 37th and 38th, of the Second Book of Annals.

↵

4.

The Denials of a Prince, should be temper'd with Sweetness, and Courtesie of Behaviour. 'Tis not the refusal, but the manner, which occasions the Hatred and Ill-will▪ for nothing more affronts, than Rudeness. Nihil est tam deforme, quam ad su [...]mum imperium etiam acerbitatem naturae adjungere. Cicero, Ep. 1. ad Quint. fratr.

↵

5.

According to Seneca, Favour [...] that must be extorted by the force of Cringes and In [...]eaties, are as Bread made of flinty Gravel. I had rather buy, than ask, says Cicero, speaking of those, who are forc'd to ask and beseech over and over again. Pliny the younger commends Trajan, for that he never put any to the trouble of attending, either for Audience or Courte [...]ies in his Power to grant. Audiuntur statim, dimittuntur statim. Another says, silence is the best Cloke of Poverty.

↵

i

These Books were kept in a private Apartment of the Capitol, as an Instrument of Policy, to awe the Populace and Soldiery during the Calamities of the City and State. The People of Rome were always very inqui [...]itive, to know what was contain'd in these and some other Books, which were in the custody of the Priests; witness the Reward one Flavius received, the Son of a Freeman, who was created Tribune, Senator, and Edile, for having given to the People a Register of the Ceremonies, which he had purloin'd from the Censor Appius Claudius, under whom he serv'd as a [...]lerk.

↵

1.

A Prince newly advanced to the Throne, ought carefully to avoid the Introduction of Novelties among the People, especially in Matters pertaining to Religion. If Tiberius had given leave to make publick the Sibylline Books, the People▪ having no [...]ondness for one of his Humour, would have been sure to expound reflectingly the ambiguous Oracles, as also the vain and [...]allacious Predictions, though, perhap [...], they were never meant for a Prophecy of his Government. The Books of Numa having been found in his Grave, the Senate voted them to the Flames, being informed by the Praetor Rutilius, who by their Order had inspected them, that they contained Points contrary to the Religion then in Vogue with the People. The Areopagus condemned Socrates, because he endeavoured to make the People believe, there was but one God, when yet at the same time many of the Senators were verily perswaded, that it was true. Witness the Altar dedicated to the Unknown God, whom St. Paul affirmed to be the God whom they worshipped. Acts 17.

↵

2.

It is not fitting, a Prince should bestow all that a People may desire, because there will be no end of this; but when the Requests they sue for are reasonable, it then becomes him in Civility and Prudence to yield something, lest otherwise their Minds be exasperated. If a Country happen to be poor and barren, or hath been ruined by a long War, as it often befals Frontier Towns and Provinces, it is most equitable it should be Exempt, and Tax-free, not for ever, but for some very short time; I say, very short, for when the Time shall expire, if the Necessities of the Place still continue, the People will be obliged to crave a further Forbearance, and by this means an opportunity will be afforded for a second Favour, which will be esteemed greater than the first.

↵

k

For every Proconsul had three Lieutenants, which was an Oppression to the Provinces, whose Government was Pr [...]consular; whereas those in the Emperour's Division were under the Government but of one Lieutenant, called a President, from whence they were called Presidial Provinces. The Proconsuls were Annual, but the Presidents continued in their Provinces, till the Emperour sent a Successor. The Proconsuls exercised more Authority than the Presidents, but sometimes the Emperour would advance th [...]se to a Power equal to that of others, by giving them a Commission for Consular Authority. The Presidents were sometimes only of the Order of Knights, whereas the Proconsuls were always of the Senatorial Body, and the Consular Rank. Legatus Caesaris, and Praeses, signifie the same in the Latin Historians. There are also Provinces called Praetorian, or Publi [...] Provinciae, according to Tacitus, Ann. 13. because the People disposed of the Governments; but when these Assemblies of the People were put down by Tiberius, these Provinces became annexed to the Iurisdiction of the Senate, and were held by Lot as the Proconsular. It may be useful to observe by the way, That Augustus, who would assume no Title, but that popular one of Prince of the Senate, yet made no scruple to over-reach them in the distribution of these Provinces; for he took to his own Share all those, where the Legions were in Garison, under colour they were exposed more to danger, as lying nearer to the Enemy; but the true Reason was, That he might make himself Master of all the Roman Militia: Ut in manu sua res omnis militaris esset, says Dion. So that Tacitus had good Reason to say, Patres & plebem invalida & inermia. Ann. 1. And in another place, Speciosa Senatus populique Rom [...] nomina. Hist. 1.

↵

3.

A Prince, who knows he is hated, as Tiberius did, must industriously decline the giving any occasion of Comparison between himself and a Predecessor, that was popular; for the People, whose only Rule [...] Iudging is wont to be their present Humour, will never do him Right, no not even in Things wherein he excels his Predecessor. Inviso sem [...] principe, se [...] bene, seu male sacta pre [...]nt. Tac. Hist. 1. I will add on this Occa [...]on to the two Reasons, which Tacitus here assigns, Why Tiberius declin'd appearing at the publick Shews; another, which was, That he might not be constra [...]ed either to grant or refuse the People the Demands they were w [...]nt to make to the Prince in full Theatre.

↵

4.

A new Prince, as was Augustus, has no better way to keep quiet the People, whose Liberties he has invaded, than by Sights and publick Plays, especially if he seems to take Delight to be at them himself; for then the People, who mind only the outside and appearances of Things, receive it as a piece of Complaisance and Courtship to them; when it is in truth the main Instrument by which they are enslaved.

↵

5.

It was Tib [...]rius's Interest to have his Son Drusus better belov'd than Germanicus. Therefore, it is not probable, he ever intended to render his own Son odious, considering the terrible Iealousie he had of Germanicus, his adoptive Son.

↵

1.

It is sometimes an Advantage to the Prince, to say nothing during the Contest and Disputes his Ministers and Counsellors fall into one with another, for he may benefit himself at their Cost. In the heat of Opposition, something always happens to be said, which both Parties would been unwilling to have spoken in their sober Senses. Tiberius, who bore a mortal spight towards Gallus Asinius, for the Reasons alledged by Tacitus in the beginning of this Book, took, it may be, more Pleasure, to see him contending with so much earnestness and fury, than Asinius did in insulting his Collegues.

↵

2.

A Prince, who would establis [...] his Government, must not venture to alter the Laws of his immediate Predecessor, but to be sure not, if this Predecessor is one much lamented; for such is the way of the People, that they constantly admit kinder Thoughts of a good Prince who is gone, than of him they have at present, though no less deserving. ‘What hath been setled by Princes, whose Management hath been esteemed judicious, must not reasonably be changed, unless an inconvenience be by Experience found to follow from it, or it evidently appear, that it may be altered for the better. Sect. 1. ch. 4. of the First Part of the Pol. Testam.’ As for the Regard Tiberius paid to all the Laws and Edicts of Augustus, it is not amiss to observe, That it proceeded as much at least from Policy and Precaution, as Gratitude, for he could not do otherwise, without weakening the Authority of all that Augustus had enacted in his Favour, for preferring him before Germanicus.

↵

l

Tacitus says, De modo lucaris, which, according to Turnebius, is Merces Histrionum.

↵

m

For every Comedian had his certain Followers, whose Employment it was to set the Spectators a clapping in his Favour, and to decry all others; whence came frequent Quarrellings and Tumults, in which every one took the Side he most fancied; and 'tis for this Reason, that Tacitu [...] stiles them, Operae Theatrales, Histrionale Studium, Certa [...] Histrionum, in several places of this very Book of Annals.

↵

n

Comedians, who play'd by Imitation and Posture, and counter [...]eited all sorts of Persons.

↵

1.

Reason does not allow People to be excus'd from all Charges or Burdens, for if this Badge of their Subjection be wanting, they will be apt to forget their Condition, and by consequence, the Obedience they owe. Many Princes have lost their Kingdoms for want of maintaining Forces sufficient for their Defence, out of fear to burden their Subjects. And some People have become the Slaves of their Enemies, by aspiring to too much Liberty under their Natural Prince. But there is a stated Measure, which cannot be exceeded without Injustice, common Sense being able to inform every one, that a a Proportion ought to be observed between the Burthen and the Strenghth of those who are to bear it. Sect. 5. ch. 4. of the First Part of the Pol. Testament.

↵

o

It was somewhat like the T [...]illm, or the Extraordinary in France, in time of War, This Revenue had three Funds to maintain it; The Twentieth part of [...]ll Estates by Inheritance, and of Legacies; a Twentieth part in the Sale of Slaves; and an Hundredth part of all Goods imported in Trade. Au [...] [...] laid this Duty.

↵

2.

Sooner or later Princes are sure to revoke the Priviledges and Acts of Grace, which were at first granted by Constraint. After Charles Duke of Burgundy had brought the City of Liege to Terms, he passed the Law to the Citizens of Gaunt, who, the very next day after his entry, mutini'd against him, forcing him to restore all Duke Philip, his Father, had taken from them, and to give them whatever Immunities they desired. But being returned to Brussels, he orders the 72 Banners of the Inhabitants of Gaunt to be fetched away, with all the Letters Patents signed in their Favour: The Banners he sent to Boulogne, [...]ulled the Priviledge called that of the Law, which was, That of the Twenty six Sheriffs, the Duke should have power to create but Four; and condemned their City to an Amercement of 36000 Florins. Commines, chap. 4. book, 2. of his Memoirs.

↵

p

Now the Inhabitants of Terni.

↵

q

Under the Popedom of Sixtus V. there was a Proposal to enlarge the Channel of the River Tyber, thereby to render it more commodious for Navigation; but the Pope changed his Mind, upon an Intimation that this would be a means to facilitate the passage of this River to the Turks, and other Enemies of the Roman Church.

↵

1.

In France, where the Offices are for Life, the Maxim of Tiberius hath the Approbation of all the great Men, inasmuch as it favours their Interests; but it is it may be against that of the Prince, who, in some sort, ties up his own Hands, in giving what he cannot take away; and likewise against that of the Publick, where more Persons would be gratified and requited, if Places were Triennial, as in Spain. The Fable of the Fox, which being fallen into a Pit, where the Flies sorely stung and tormented him, refused the assistance of the Hedghog, who proffered to drive them away; Because (saith he) if you drive away these, others will come half starv'd, and exhaust all the Blood I have left. This Fable, I say; which Tiberius alledged as a Reason on which his Maxim was founded, concludes nothing in favour of Governments for Life; because the Fear of being no more employed, and the hope of rising from one Post to another more considerable, will serve as a Curb and Restraint to Triennial Officers. Besides, such a frequent Removal, inclines People to bear the more patiently with the Governours they dislike, in hopes of better e're long. Cardinal Richelieu contends for the Custom of France, that is to say, for Governments during Life; but I may say, that in this matter he was influenced by the consideration, rather of the Ministry he was invested withal, than of the Publick; for seeing the Governments were disposed of absolutely at his Pleasure, 'twas his Interest they should be Perpetual, because his Relatives and Dependants, on whom he bestowed the most Valuable, might then render him more puissant and favourable in the Provinces where they commanded, than they possibly could d [...], in case their Administration had been only Triennial. And this is so true, that if we compare the Arguments he offers for one and the other, (in the Second Section of the Fifth Chapter in the First Part of his Politick Testament,) it will be easie to discern, that the practice of Spain, in changing Governours so often, did not to himself appear altogether so pernicious for France, as he was willing to have it thought in this place. Insomuch, that had he remained Bishop of Luson, or Secretary of State, he had been able as well to defend the contrary Opinion, which he in part inclines to towards the close of the same Paragraph, where he thus speaks: I am not afraid to say, it is better in this particular to keep to the Usage of France, than to imitate that of Spain, which nevertheless [...]s grounded on such Policy and Reason, with respect to the largeness of its Territories, that although it cannot be conveniently reduced to Practice in this Realm, yet, in my Iudgment, it would do well to be observed in such parts of Lorrain and Italy, as shall continue under the Dominion of France. I conclude therefore agreeably with him, That since Countries remote from the Residence of their Princes require change of Governours, because continuance for Life may make them have a mind to throw off the relation of Subjects or Subordinates, and set up for Supream, and Masters of themselves; the Custom of Spain will become absolutely necessary to France, if she go on to extend her Frontiers.

↵

r

Cato the Censor's saying was, That to continue the same Persons long in Offices, did demonstrate, either that the Commonwealth afforded few that were fit, or that they made small account of Magistrates.

↵

2.

A bad Policy this: For a Prince, who prefers few of his Subjects, hath not only few Dependents, but always many Enemies, that is to say, as many as deserve to be intrusted or considered, and are not. Thus plurality of Places is as opposite to the true Interest of the Prince, as plurality of Benefices is to that of the Church. I shall here remark by the way, That the principal Support of the Regal Authority in France is the great number of its Officers. And Augustus of old had never multiplied Offices, but the better to secure his Authority by a multitude of Magistrates and Expectants. Commines speaking of the last Duke of Burgundy, says, his Favours were not well placed, because he was willing every one should share in them. Chap. 9. lib. 5. of his Memoirs.

↵

3.

A Person of ordinary Parts, and a moderate Capacity, is more likely to make his Fortunes with Princes, than one of a sublime and great Wit. For all Superiority being ungrateful to them, and they being ambitious to be accounted Chief and Best at every Thing, will never love, nor consequently prefer a Man, whose Understanding seems larger, and more penetrating, than their own. The Letters of Anthony Perez contain a great deal to this purpose. Among others, there is one directed to a Grand Privado, wherein he thus speaks, when the Holy Spirit says, Seem not wise in the Presence of a King; he meant not to say, Be not wise, but, Seem not to be so; as if he had used these Words, Conceal thy Parts, and thy Prudence, shew not thy Intellectuals. Prince Rui Gomez de Silva, the greatest Master in this Art that has appeared for these many Ages, told me, he learned this Rule from a mighty Favourite of the Kings of Portugal; and that in all the Advices he gave, and in all the Consultations he at any time had with his Prince, he took care to carry himself with all the Wariness and Circumspection he possibly could ... He further added, That he so contrived the Matter, that the good Success of his Counsels might seem to be only the effect of Chance, and not the return of any Care he had to please him, or of an intent Application to his Business, but he seem'd [...]o carry himself like those Gamesters, who in Play depend more on the favour of Fortune, than their Skill. On this Subject, continued he, the same Prince related to me, what passed one day between Emanuel King of Portugal, and Count Lewis de Silveira. The King having received a Dispatch from the Pope, composed with great exactness, sends for the Count, and commands him to draw up an Answer, whilst he himself was making another, for he had a strong inclination to be an Orator, and indeed was so. The Count obeys, but first declares his Reluctancy to enter Competition with his Master, and the next day he brings his Paper to the King, who, after he had heard it, was loth to read his own; but when the Count had prevailed with him to read it, the King acknowledging the Count's Answer to be the better, would have that sent to the Pope, and not his own. The Count, at his return home, orders two Horses to be saddled for his two Sons, and went immediately with them. And when he was in the Fields, he saith to them: ‘My Children, seek ye your Livelihood, and I mine, there is no farther means of living here; for the King knows, that I am wiser than himself.’ Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, who relates the same thing in the First Discourse of his Ambassador, seems to say and believe, that it is a Fable; but be it so or no, it is still very Instructive.

↵

s

These three Reasons, says Scipio Amirato, preceeded from his Vices▪ The first, from Laziness; the second, from Malice; and the third, from a mixture of Laziness and Folly. For, if he liked not to employ deb [...]uched Persons, he should have concerned himself to find out those that were good; and if he was afraid of virtuous and great Men, let him have but changed often, and he had been secure. In the last Discourse of the First Book of his Commentaries. Commines says, All crafty Princes are jealous, that all great Princes are so, and particularly, wise ones, and such as have made many Enemies, and injured many, as Tiberius had done. Ch. 7. l. 6. of his Memoirs. Yet Iealousies are to be admitted with Slowness and Deliberati [...], for to be too much addicted to Iealousie, is not well. L. 3. ch. 5.

↵

t

Tacitus saith, Posse pro [...]iteri. Profiteri therefore was what we call, to stand for an Office, o [...] to get his Name put into the List. Quaesturam petentes, (saith Paterculus) quos indign [...]s judicavit, profiteri [...]. Hist. 2. cap. 92. That is to say, the Consul forbid some of those, who pretended to the Questorship, to give in their Names, because he believed them unworthy of it.

↵

1.

The Words of Princes seldom agree with their Actions; and most frequently they act directly contrary to what they say.

↵

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus, From the Death of AUGUSTUS.

[Page]

[Page]

Book II.

Vol. I.

IN the Consulship of Sisenna Statilius Taurus and of Lucius Scribonius Libo, a War began in the Kingdoms of the East and the Roman Provinces on that side, whereof the Parthians were the occasion¹, who [Page] having desir'd, and received Vonones from Rome for their King, afterwards despis'd him as a Foreigner, although he was of the Family of the² Arsacidae a. He had been given as an Hostage to Augustus, by Phraates b, who, notwithstanding he had repuls'd the Roman Armies and Generals, paid all the respect and submission imaginable to Augustus c, and sent some of his Childrend as a Pledge of his Friendship, not so much out of fear of us, as because he distrusted the Fidelity of his own Subjects³.

[Page] II. After the Death of Phraates and the [two] succeeding Kings, the Principal Men amongst them, being weary of domestick slaughters¹, sent Ambassadors to Rome to demand Vonones, the Eldest of his Sons. Tiberius looking on this to be much for his honour², sent him away with rich presents, and the Barbarous People receiv'd him with joy, as they usually do new Kings³. But they soon began to be asham'd⁴, that they had so far degenerated, as to go to another World for a King that had been trained up in the Arts of their Enemies, and that the Kingdom of the Arsacidae was thereby esteem'd, [Page] and dispos'd of as a Roman Province. Where, said they, is the Glory of those that slew Crassuse, and put Anthonyf to flight, if the Parthians are to be govern'd by one, that hath been so many years a Slave to the Roman Emperor? He himself heightned their Indignation and Contempt, by differing so much from the Manners of his Ancestors, loving neither⁵ Huntingg, nor Horses⁶; passing thro' [Page] the Cities in a Litter, and contemning the Parthian Feasts. They made a Iest of the Graecians which he had in his Train, and at the [...]ealing of the Meanest Utensils of his House. But his easie access, and his affable way, being Virtues, that the Parthians were unacquainted with, passed for new Vices, and they equally hated what was good, as what was bad in him, because it was contrary to their Customs⁷.

III. Wherefore they call in Artabanus, one of the Blood of the Arsacidae, educated amongst the Dahae, who [Page] having been defeated in the first Battel, raiseth new Forces, and Dispossesseth Vonones, who fled into Armenia, where he found an empty Throne, and a Nation fluctuating betwixt the Parthian and the Roman Power¹, ever since the Perfidious Act of Anthony, who after he had under colour of Friendship, invited Artavasdes, King of Armenia, to come to him, put him in Chainsh, and at last to Death², whose Son Artaxias, resenting our base Usage of his Fathe [...], enter'd into an Alliance with the Arsacidae against us, with whose assistance he defended himself and his Kingdom, until he was assassinated by the Treachery of his own Kindred. After which, Augustus gave this Kingdom to Tigranes i, who was put in possession of it by Tiberius Nero. But he had no long reign, nor his Children after him, although they, according [Page] to their Customk, were united by Enter-marriages, and Partnership in Government. Artavasdes succeeded next, by the appointment of Augustus, and was afterwards dispossess'd, but it cost us dear.

IV. Hereupon, the settling of the Affairs of Armenia, was committed to Caius Caesar l, who plac'd on the Throne Ariobarzanes of Medish extraction, the Armenians consenting to it, he being a Person of a Majestick Presence¹, and of great Endowments of Mind; but he dying suddenly, they would not admit his Children to succeed him, but were for trying the Government of a Woman, named Erato, whom they soon laid aside² and [Page] thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition³, and rather without a Master than in Liberty, they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones ⁴. But as soon as Artabanus threatned him, and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians, and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans, who could not defend him, unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians, he retires to Creticus Silanus, the Governor of Syria, who, although he had invited him, set a Guard upon him as soon as he came, leaving him, however, the Title and the State of a King⁵. How he endeavour'd to escape [Page] from this Pageant-Royalty, we will relate in its proper place⁶.

V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius, since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his¹ commandm, and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger. But the more he was hated by his Uncle and [Page] loved by the Soldiers, the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel, in order to which, he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting, and what had succeeded well or ill with him, after three years War in this Country. He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels, and on even Ground; that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes, in short Summers and early Winters; That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms, than for the Wounds they had receiv'd; That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses; That his long train of Carriages, was much exposed to the Enemy, and not easily defended. Whereas if they went by Sea, where they were Masters, and the Enemy Strangers, they would be Earlier in the Field; the Legions together with their Provisions, the Horsemen and their Horses, would be all safely carry'd through the Mouths and the Chanels of the Rivers, into the very Heart of Germany.

VI. He resolves therefore on this Method, and whilst he dispatcheth P. Vitellius, and C. Antius, to receive the Tribute from the Gauls, he appoints Silius Anteius, and Cecinna, to provide a Fleet. A thousand Ships were judg'd sufficient, and they were soon Equipp'd; some of them were short with a narrow Poop and Stern, and a wide Belly, that they might better endure the Waves; others with flat Bottoms, for the conveniency of landing in shallow places; several with Sterns at both ends, that with only changing the stroak of the Oars, without turning the Vessel, they might advance or retire; many were cover'd with Bridges for the carrying of their Artillery, with conveniencies also for Horses and Provisions, and all of them were made both for Sailing and Rowing, and the eagerness and shoutings of the Soldiers, added much to both to the shew and the terror of the Fleet. The Isle of Batavia n was appointed for the place of their [Page] rendezvous, because it had good Landings, and lay convenient for receiving the Forces, and for their passage thence to the Seat of the War. For the Rhine keeps one Channel, or at most makes but little Islands till it enters the Country of Batavia, where it divides it self as it were into two Rivers; whereof, that which runs through Germany retains its Name and rapid Course, till it discharges its self into the Ocean; the other which washes Gaul, runs with a broader and a gentler Stream, and is by the People of the Country call'd, the Wahal o, which name it afterwards changes into that of the Meuse, through whose wide mouth it falls into the same Ocean.

VII. Whilst they were launching the Ships, Germanicus order'd his Lieutenant, Silius, with a Flying Army to invade the Country of the Chatti; and hearing that a Fort which stood on the River Lippe was besieg'd by the Enemy, he march'd himself with six Legions to its relief. Silius, by reason of a sudden fall of Rains, did nothing more than bring away the Wife and Daughter of of Arpus, Prince of the Chattti, with a little Plunder. Nor did the Besiegers give Germanicus opportunity to [...]ight, but stole away from the Siege at the News of his approach; however, they first demolish'd the Monument erected to the Legions of Varus, and the old Altar consecrated to Drusus. Germanicus repaired the Altar, and himself with the Legions, performed funeral rites in honour of his Father, by a Mock-fight before itp. It was not thought fit to rebuild the Monument, but he [Page] fortified all that lay between the Fort of Alison and the Rhine, with the addition of a new Line and Works.

VIII. After the Fleet was arrived, and he had sent the Provisions on board, and assigned the Legions and the Auxiliary Troops their Ships, he enter'd the Drus [...]an Canalq, which took its name from his Father Drusus, to whom he made a Prayer, that he would favour his Son who after his Example was making this attempt. He had a good passage thence through the Lakes and the Sea, into the Mouth of the River Amisia, and anchor'd his Fleet at a Port of the same Namer, which was an oversight, it being on the left hand of the River, and not high enough; so that several days were spent in making bridges for the Army to pass over to the other side. The Cavalry and the Legions safely forded it at low Water; but the Auxiliaries who were in the Rear, especially the Ba [...]avians, whilst they sported in the Waters, and were ambitious of shewing their skill in swimming, were overtaken by the Tide and some of them drowned. As Germanicus was Encamping, news was brought him, that the Angrivarii s, whom he had left behind him, had revolted, whereupon he dispatched Stertinius with a body of Horse, and light-arm'd Foot, who reveng'd their treachery with Fire and Sword.

IX. The Armies of the Romans and the Cherusci, being [Page] separated only by the River Weser, and Arminius, who▪ with his Principal Officers stood on the Bank, understanding that Germanicus was come, desired that he might speak with his Brother Flavius, who was in the Roman Army, and who had signaliz'd himself by his Fidelity, and by the loss of an Eye some years before in a Battel, when he served under Tiberius. His request was granted, and as Flavius came near him Arm [...]nius saluted him, and ordering those that came with him to withdraw themselves, he desires that our Archers who lin'd the Bank of the River might likewise retire; after which Arminius ask'd his Brother how his Face came to be so disfigur'd; who freely telling him the Place, and the Battel where he received the Wound, the other ask'd him farther, What reward he had received for it; Flavius answers him, That his Pay was augmented, and that he was adorned with a Chain, a Crown u, and other Military H [...] nours¹, [Page] which Armenius ridicul'd as base prizes of Slavery.

X. Whereupon they begin to be hot; Flavius, extols the Roman Grandeur, and the Power of the Emperor; His Severity towards those that are Conquer'd, and his Clemency towards those that submit; and that his Wife and his Son were well treated. Arminius, on the other hand, insists on the Rights of his Countrey, their ancient Liberty, the Tutelar Gods of Germany; and adds, that it was their common Mother's request as well as his own, that he would at last chuse rather to be the General of his own Nation, than the Deserter and the Traytor of it. They proceeded by degrees to bitter [Page] reproaches¹, and had certainly come to blows, notwithstanding the River was betwixt them, had not Stertinius ran and held Flavius, who in a Rage² call'd for his Horse and Arms. Arminius, on the other side, with a Menacing Countenance, was heard to Challenge us to a Battel, for he spake several words in Latin, having formerly serv'd in the Roman Army, as a Commander of some Auxiliaries of his own Nation.

XI. The next Day the German Army was drawn up in Battel, on the other side of the Weser. Germanicus thinking it not prudence in a General to hazard the Legions¹, before he had laid Bridges and Guarded them, orders the Cavalry to pass the River where it was Fordaable [Page] under the Command of Stertinius and of Aemilius a Primipilex, who passed over at distant places from each other, that they might divide the Enemy. Cariovalda, General of the Batavi, passed the River in the most rapid part of it, but was by the Cherusci, who seigned flight, drawn into a Plain environ'd with Woods, where they had planted an Ambuscade, whence they sallying out on a Sudden, and surrounding them on all sides, they knocked down those that made resistance, pursued those that gave ground, and broke the rest that had drawn themselves into a Ring, either by fighting with them hand to hand, or by galling them at a Distance, with their Darts and Arrows. Cariovalda having sustain'd the Enemy's Fury a good while, exhorted his Men to draw into a Close Body, and to break through the Enemy's Troops, and he himself led the way into the thickest of the Fight, where his Horse being kill'd under him, and himself over-power'd with Darts, bravely fell with many of the Nobility by his side: The rest escaped either by their own Valour, or by the Assistance of Stertinius and Aemilius, who came in with the Horse to their relief.

[Page] XII. When Germanicus had pass'd the Weser, he was informed by a Deserter, that Arminius had chosen the Place of Battel; that other Nations had joyned him in a Forrest consecrated to Hercules, and that they designed to Storm our Camp by Night. He gave credit to this Intelligence, and the rather because their fires were discern'd, and the Scouts who had been sent out brought back word, that they heard the Neighings of Horses, and a confus'd Noise like that of a Numerous and Undisciplin'd Army on their march. It being like to be a Decisive Battel, and this the critical time of Danger, Germanicus thought it fit to try how the Minds of the Soldiers stood affected, but how to be assur'd of this was not so easie; He consider'd, that the Tribunes and Captains used to give rather acceptable than true Accounts; that the Freemen were of slavish Tempers, and that Friends were too prone to flatter. That if he should call a Council of War, nothing was more common than for all the rest to applaud that Advice, which happen'd to be approv'd by a Few at first¹, and therefore he concluded, that the only certain way of knowing the Soldiers Minds, was when they were at their Meals in their respective Tents and unobserv'd, at which time, if ever, they discoverd their Hopes or Fears.

[Page] XIII. Wherefore, the Evening being closed he goes out of his Pavillion by the Augural Gatey, cover'd¹ with the skin of a Wild Beastz, having no more than one Person to accompany him, and as he passes the Lanes of the Camp through By-ways that were unknown to the Sentinels, he listens at the Tents, enjoys his own Fame; hearing some extoll his high Birth and his good Mein, others his Patience, his Affability, and his even Temper both in Business and Pleasures, and all of them acknowledging, that they were oblig'd in gratitude to serve him to the utmost in the Battel; and that these perfidious violaters of the Peace, ought to be sacrificed to his Glory and Revenge In the mean time, one of the Enemy that understood the Latin Tongue, came on Horseback up to the Line of our Camp, and with a loud Voice declares in Arminius's Name, that as many as would come over to him, should have each 100 Sestercesa a day, during the War, and Wives and Lands assigned them for the rest of their Lives. This Affront exasperated the Legions, who said, the Day was coming in which a Battel would decide that; in the mean time, they accepted it as a good Omen, that the Germans Lands and Wives were to be the Fruits of their Victory. About the third Watch [Page] of the Nightb, they approach'd our Camp, with a Design to Storm it; but finding it strongly guarded and [...]o advantage to be taken, they did not attempt it.

XIV. The same Night Germanicus had a pleasing Dream, wherein he seemed to himself to Sacrifice, and that his Robe being stained with the Blood of the Victim, he received a more splendid one from the hands of his Grandmother Augusta. Encourag'd by this Presage, which was confirmed by the Auspicesc, he calls an Assembly, wherein he proposes the Measures which he had resolved on for the ensuing Battel. The Romans, said he, with good Conduct, can fight as well in Woods and Forests, as on the Plains, for the Unweildy Targats, and the long Pikes of the Enemies are not so easie to be manag'd amongst the Trunks of Trees and the Shrubs, as your Darts and Swords, and your Armour which sits tight to the Body; so that you may redouble your blows, and make directly at the Faces of your Enemies. The Germans have neither Breast-plate nor Helmet, and their Bucklers are not strengthened with Iron or Cords, and are made only of Osier Twigs, or of thin Painted Boards. Their foremost Ranks indeed are armed with a sort of Pikes, but the rest have only Stakes hardned in the fire, or short Darts▪ And although they are terrible in their Looks, and vigorous in their first Charge, yet they will not stand after they are once wounded, but run away without any concern for their own Honour or their General's Safety. They are utterly dispirited under ill-fortune, as they are a most insolent People upon Success, having regard neither to Divine nor Humane Laws. To conclude, if being fatigued with long Voyages and Marches, you desire to see an End of this War, the Elbd is now nearer [Page]to us than the Rhine, and as I follow the Steps of my Father and my Uncle, so I do not desire to carry my Conquests farther than they did theirs. The General's Speech was follow'd with the Acclamations of the Soldiers, and the Signal of Battel was given.

XV. Neither was Arminius and the rest of the German Nobility wanting to encourage their Men, telling them, that these were the fugitive remains of Varus's Army, who rebell'd to avoid the fatigues of War, of whom some having shameful Wounds on their Backs, others their Limbs disabled by storms at Sea, were now again exposed to their incens'd Enemies, without any hopes of success, the Gods being against them. Although they had gotten a Fleet, and taken the most unknown ways of the Sea, that none might meet them as they came, nor pursue them after they should be defeated; yet when they joyn'd Battel, they should find that Oars and Winds would prove but little succour to a routed Army. Let the Germans only remember the Avarice, Cruelty, and Pride of the Romans, and resolve either to defend their Liberty, or die with it.

XVI. The Germans thus encourag'd, and eager to fight, Arminius draws them down into a Plain call'd Idistaviso, which winds with an uneven space betwixt the Weser and the Hills, as the Course of the River gives way to it, or the Hills jet upon it; behind it grew a Wood of high Trees with spreading tops, but with void spaces betwixt their Trunks. The Barbarianse possess'd themselves of this Plain and of the Entrances of the Wood, only the Cherusci kept the Hills that they might fall down upon the Romans when they were engag'd. Our Army marched in this order: The Gaulish and German Auxiliaries were in the Front, follow'd by Archers on Foot, next to whom was Germanicus himself with four Legions, two Praetorian Cohorts and the Flower of the Cavalry: After them as many Legions more, with Lightarm'd [Page] Soldiers and Archers on Horse-back, and the rest of the Confederate Troops, all of them being very careful to march in order of Battel.

XVII. Germanicus perceiving the Cherusci to advance boldly towards us, commands some of the best of the Cavalry to charge them in the Flank, and Stertinius with another Party of Horse to surround them, and to fall upon their Rear, promising that he himself would be ready to support them if there should be occasion. In the mean time appear'd an auspicious Omenf, eight Eagles were seen to fly into the Wood, which as soon as Germanicus observ'd, he cry'd out, That they should march and follow the Roman Birds, which were the Tutelar Gods g of the Legions ¹. The Infantry charg'd them, and [Page] the Detachments of Horse that were sent before, at the same time attack'd them both in the Flank and Rear, and which was most surprizing two Bodies of the Enemy [...]led counter to one another; they who were posted in the Wood [...]led into the Plain, and they who were drawn up in the Plain betook themselves to the Woods. The Cherusci who were posted betwixt these two Bodies were beaten from the Hills, amongst whom Arminius, who might be distinguished by the motion of his Hand, by his Voice, and by his Wounds, bravely maintain'd the Battel. He charges furiously on our Archers, and had broken them if the [...]aetih, Vindelici i, and the Gaulish Cohorts had not supported them; however, through his own strength and the fleetness of his Horse, he made his way through them, having besmeared his Face with his own blood that he might not be known. Some say, that the Chauci who were amongst our Auxiliaries, knew him, but let him pass. Inguimerus escaped by the like Stratagem or Valour. Almost all the rest were slain, many as they endeavour'd to swim over the Weser, of whom some were either kill'd by our Darts, or carry'd away by the Force of the Stream, or were sunk by the Weight of People that threw themselves into the River after them, or of the Banks that fell upon them. Some cowardly climbing to the top of Trees to hide themselves in their Boughs, were shot by our Archers, as Birds, by way of Diversion, and others fell to the Ground with the Trees which were cut down. This was a great Victory, and cost us but little blood.².

[Page] XVIII. The slaughter lasted from Eleven a Clockk in the Morning▪ until Night; so that for the space of ten miles all the Country was strewed with Arms and Dead Bodies, and amongst their spoils were found Chains which, as being sure of the Victory¹, they had prepared for the Romans. The Soldiers proclaimed Tiberius Emperor in the Field of Battel and raised a Monument, whereon they fixed, in the Form of Trophees, the Arms which they had taken, and inscrib'd underneath the Names of the Conquer'd Nations.

[Page] XIX. The Germans were more incens'd and troubled at the sight of this, than for their Wounds and their Defeat¹. They that before thought of nothing but leaving their Countrey, and retiring beyond the Elb, now take Arms again, and will have another Battel. The Commons and Nobles, Old and Young, surprize the Roman Army, and put them in some Disorder. At length they Encamp on a Wet-piece of Ground, having a River on one side of it, and a Wood on the other, surrounded with a deep Marsh, except in one place, where the Angrivarii had cast up a large Work to separate themselves from the Cherusci. The Infantry were posted in this Place; the Cavalry cover'd themselves in an adjoyning thicket, that they might fall upon the Rear of our Legions, as soon as they were entred the Wood.

XX. Germanicus was ignorant of none of these things, he knew the Enemy's Posture, and their secret Designs¹, as well as what they gave out, and turn'd their [Page] own Stratagems on themselves to their ruine. Having given his Lieutenant Sejus Tubero the Command of the Cavalry, with orders to draw them up in the Plain, he divided the Infantry, that one part of them might enter the Wood where the Ground was even, whilst the other part forced the Works which the Enemy had thrown up, and which, as being the most difficult to attack, he commanded himself², and left the other to his Lieutenants. They who were to gain the Even Ground, easily brake in; but those who were to force the Works, found almost as much resistance, as if they had been to scale a Wall. Germanicus perceived that they fought with great disadvantage so near, and therefore causing the Legions to retreat a little, he order'd the Slingers and the Engineersl with their Stones and Darts to beat off the Enemy from their Works: And they no sooner began to play upon them, but they galled them extremely, and dis [...]odg'd them; especially those that were in sight. This Post being taken, Germanicus at the Head of the Praetorian Cohorts broke into the Wood, where the Germans made a stout Resistance. They were shut in by a Morass behind them, and the Romans by the River and the Hills, so that both were under a Necessity to stand their Ground, and no hopes but in their Valour, nor safety but in Victory³.

[Page] XXI. The Germans were not inferior to the Romans in Courage, but their disadvantage lay in their Arms and in the Manner of the Fight; for they being very numerous, and couped up in strait Places, had not room to wield their long Pikes, nor was their Agility of Body of any use to them, when they were forced to a standing Fight, without moving scarce a Foot: Whereas our Soldiers, who were armed with Breast-plates, and who had their Hands guarded with the Hilts of their Swords, made terrible thrusts at the large Bodies and the Naked Faces of the Enemy, and opened themselves a way by the Slaughters that they made. Arminius now began to flag, being either fatigued with continual labour, or disabled by a fresh Wound, but Inguimerus did his utmost to rally the Forces, and wanted rather Fortune than Valour¹. Germanicus, that he might be the better known, took off his Helmet, and desir'd them to give no Quarter, telling them, That they had no need of Captives, and that there was no way of ending the War, but by the entire Excision of the Nation ². Towards the Evening he retir'd with one Legion [Page] out of the Fight, to prepare a Camp, and the rest pursued the Enemy with a great Slaughter till Night. As for the Cavalry, they drew off without any advantage on either side.

XXII. Germanicus having made a Speech in praise of his Victorious Army, erected a Trophy of Arms, with this lo [...]ty Inscription; The Army of the Emperor Tiberius having conquer'd the Nations which are betwixt the Rhine and the Elb, have consecrated this Monument to Mars to Iupiter and to Augustus. He made no mention of his own Name¹, either to avoid Envy, or because he thought his own Conscience was Theatre enough². He ordered Stertinius to march against the Angrivarii, unless they would immediately submit, which they did, and by accepting [Page] what Conditions were imposed on them, obtain'd their Pardon.

XXIII. The Summer declining, some of the Legions were sent back by Land into Winter-Quarters; Germanicus with the rest Embark'd on the River of Amisia to return by Sea; which was so calm at first, that there was no noise heard but of the Oars or Sails of a thousand Ships, but the sky being all on a sudden darkned with black Clouds, which pouring a Hail-storm upon them, and tempestuous Winds blowing at the same time from all quarters, the Waves ran so high, that they were neither able to steer their Ships, nor see their Way. The Soldiers unacquainted with such disasters, were under a great Consternation; and whilst they endeavour'd aukwardly to help, they hinder'd the Seamen. At last the Heavens and the Sea yielding to the Force of the Southwind, which gathering strength from a vast tract of Clouds, the rapid Rivers and High Mountainsm of Germany, as well as from the Cold Neighbourhood of the North, is generally very violent in those parts, and dispersed these Ships through the Ocean, or split them on Rocky Islands, or threw them on Quick-sands¹, whence those that were [Page] upon the return of the Tide, got off with great difficulty, were afterwards driven at the Mercy of the Winds, the Mariners not being able to cast Anchor, or to pump out the Water which broke into them. Their Horses, Arms, and Baggage were thrown over board to lighten the Vessels, which were often driven on their sides, the Waves beating over them.

XXIV. As Germany hath the most boisterous Sea, and the sharpest Climate, so this Wreck exceeded all others for the Greatness and Uncommoness of it. They had no prospect but of an Enemies Country, or of a Boundless and Bottomless Ocean, wherein some of our Ships were sunk, others cast on remote and desart Isles, where the Soldiers were starv'd for want of Food, except some that kept themselves alive with the Flesh of the Horses which the Waves had thrown up on the same Shoresn. [Page] The Galley in which Germanicus was, came alone to the Coast of the Chauci, where as he continu'd several days about the Rocks and Promontories, hoping to get sight of some of his Ships, he was always condemning himself as the Cause of this Calamity, and so sensibly was he touch'd with it¹, that his Friends had much ado to restrain him [Page] from throwing himself into the Sea. At length the Sea settling, and the Wind favouring them, several Ships returned very much shatter'd, some almost without any Oars, others with Cloaths spread instead of Sails, and many so disabled, that they were tow'd by those that were in a better Condition. Having order'd these to be refitted with all haste, he sent them to the Isles in search of their Companions, by which means many of them were recover'd. The Angrivarii, who had lately submitted, brought several whom they had ransom'd from some of their Neighbouring Nations. Some who had been driven on the British Coast, were sent back by the Petty-Kings of that Island. Those that came from remote Countrys made strange relations of uncommon Whirlwinds, Monstrous Birds and Fishes, and Creatures half Man and half Beast, which they had seen, or which their fears made them fancy so.

XXV. As the News of this great Disaster that befell our Fleet, reviv'd the Hopes of the Germans, so it awakned the Care of Germanicus to prevent them¹. He orders C. Stertinius to go against the Chatti with thirty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, whilst he himself with a greater Army invades the Marsi, whose General, Malovendus, lately come over to us, discover'd that the Eagle of one of Varus's Legions was hid under ground [Page] in an adjacent Wood, and but slightly guardedo. A Party was immediately sent out to attack the Enemy in the Front, and by light Skirmishes to draw them from their Posts, whilst another detachment was to wheel about behind them, and open the Earth where the Standard lay, and both succeeded. Wherefore Germanicus advances farther into the Country, which he lays waste, and presseth upon the Enemy, that durst not give him Battel, or whenever they did make resistance were immediately beaten, and as the Prisoners reported, were never under greater Consternation. For they now said, that the Romans were invincible, and to be broken by no Misfortunes, who after such a loss of their Fleet and of their Arms, after the Shores had been cover'd with the Carcasses of their Men, and of their Horses, fought with their wonted Courage and Vigour, and as if their Numbers had been increased.

XXVI. Hence the Army returned into Winter-Quarters, rejoycing that they had repair'd their Losses at Sea, by this prosperous Expedition, and Germanicus with his Bounty increas'd their Ioy, by making up to every one of them what loss they had receiv'd; And there is no doubt but that the Enemy was brought so low, that they design'd to sue for Peace, and that the next Summer would have put an End to the War. But Tiberius by repeated Letters importun'd him to return home to the Triumph [Page] that was decreed him; telling him, That he had seen variety of Events, had run hazards enough, and had fought great and successful Battels. That he would also remember the great Losses he had receiv'd¹, not through any Error of his own, but from the Winds and Waves. As for himself who had been by Augustus sent nine times into Germany, he did more there by Conduct than Force². It was by this way that he oblig'd the Sigambri p to submit, the Su [...]vi, and King Marobod [...]s to accept a Peace. That now the Romans were reveng'd and their Honour repair'd; the Cherusci and the other rebellious Nations might be securely left to worry one another by Domestick Quarrels. Germanicus desiring one Year more to compleat his Undertaking³, Tiberius more briskly attacks his [Page] Modesty with the Offer of a New Consulship, which he was to execute at Rome in Person; adding, That if the War should continue, he ought to leave it as a Scene of Glory for his Brother Drusus, who, now the Empire had no other Enemies, could not acquire the Title of Imperator, nor merit a Triumph, unless in the German War⁴. Germanicus press'd it no farther, though he knew well enough ⁵, that these were no other than specious Pretences, and that he was recall'd through Envy, when he was at the very Point of accomplishing his glorious Enterprizesq.

XXVII. About the same time Lib [...] Drusus of the Family of the Scribonii, was accus'd of a Conspiracy against the Government. I shall give an exact Account of the Rise, Progress, and Issue of this Affair, because this was [Page] the first time those pernicious Practices were set on foot, which for a long time after afflicted the State, and prey'd on the very Vitals of it. Firmius Catus, a Senator, and an intimate Friend of Libo, puts this imprudent Youngman, who was apt enough to be amused with vain Hopesr, upon trinketting with Astrologers, Magicians, and Interpreters of Dreams¹; and to kindle his Ambition reminds him at the same time of his Illustrious Ancestors, that [Page] Pompey was his Great Grandfather; Scribonia, Augustus's first Wife, his Aunt; and the Caesars his Kinsmen²; persuades him to a more Splendid way of Living, to borrow Money to support it; and that he might have the greater Evidence against him, becomes himself a Companion in his Debaucheries, and a Surety for his Debts.

XXVIII. As soon as Catus got witnesses enough, and some of them Libo's Slaves▪ who were ready to corroborate his Evidence, he gave Tiberius, by the means of Flaccus Vescularius a Roman Knight who had his Ear, some account of the Person, and of the Matter which he had to discover, and desir'd that he might himself have access to him. Tiberius did not slight the Discovery, but refus'd to admit him into his presence¹, seeing whatsoever was to be said on either side, might as well be communicated by the intercourse of Flac [...]us. In the mean time, he honours Libo with the Praetorship; takes him to his Table; discovers not the least anger or strangeness [Page] in his Countenance, or in his Words, so dextrous was he in concealing his Resentments; and when he might have stop'd him in his courses, he chose rather to let him go on that he might know all²; Until one Iunius who had been sollicited to raise Infernal Spirits by Spells, discover'd the Matter to Fulcinius Trio, an Eminent Promoter, and one that was ambitious of making himself famous by Villanies³. He immediately draws up an Accusation [Page] against the Criminal, goes to the Consuls, requires the Senators to be assembled. The Senators are summon'd with this Notice, that they were to consult about a Criminal Matter of great Importance.

XXIX. In the mean time, Libo puts on a Mourning Habit, and accompany'd with some Ladies of the Greatest Quality in Rome, goes from House to House to intreat their Relations that they would appear in his behalf, but they excus'd themselves upon different pretences, but all from the same Fears¹. On the Day of his Tryal, being much enfeebled with Grief and Fear, or because, as some say, he would be thought sick, he was brought in a Litter to the Door of the Senate-House, where leaning on his Brother, in the most submissive manner, he begs Pardon of Tiberius, who appear'd not in the least mov'd thereby: By and by the Emperor reads the Accusations, and the Names of their Authors, with such temper, that he seemed neither to extenuate nor aggravate the Crimes.

XXX. Besides Trio and Catus, there came also two Accusers more, Fonteius Agrippa, and C. Livius, amongst whom there was some dispute which of them had the Right to accuse him; but when they could not agree amongst themselves, and Libo came without an Advocate, Livius declar'd, that he would exhibit the several Crimes wherewith he was charged. Of which one was, That he had consulted with the Astrologers, whether he should ever be rich enough to cover the Appian way from Rome to Brundusium with Money, and the rest were much of the same nature, Ridiculous and Pitiful. Only there was a Writing in Libo's hand, upon which the Accuser insisted very much, wherein were the Names of the Caesars, and of some Senators, with Dangerous and Mysterious Notes added to them. Libo disowning it, 'twas [Page] thought [...]it to put some of his Slaves who knew his hand to the Question. But because it was forbidden by an ancient Decree of the Senate, to examine a Slave by torture against the Life of his Master; Tiberius, who was ingenious at inventing new Laws¹, order'd Libo's Slaves to be sold to the Publick Register, that they might be examin'd against him by torture, without infringing the Law². Upon which Libo having desir'd that he might [Page] have time given him till the next Day for his answer, went home, and sent, by the Hands of his Kinsman P. Q [...]irinius, his last Petition to the Emperor; whose Answer was, that he must address himself to the Senate.

XXXI. In the mean time, his House was beset with Soldiers, who made such a Noise in the Porch, as if they desir'd to be taken notice of; so that perceiving what he was to expect, he was Melancholly at this last Feast, which he had made to take his farewell of Pleasure, and called for some body to kill him; laid hold on his Servants, and put a Sword into their Hands; but they trembling and drawing back threw down the Light that stood on the Table, and the Horror of the Darkness suiting with his design, he immediately gave himself two stabs in the Belly. His Freed man hearing him groan as he fell, ran to him, and the Soldiers retired at the sad Spectacle. The Accusation was still prosecuted in the Senate with the same Heat: However, Tiberius swore, that he would have interceeded with the Senate for his Life, notwithstanding his Guilt, had he not prevented him by a Voluntary Death.

XXXII. His Estate was divided amongst the Accu [...]ers, and his Prae [...]orship was given to some of the Senate before the Assembly was held for the Election of Officers. At the same time Cotta Messalinus moved, that Libo's Image might not be carry'd in the Procession of the Funerals of his Kindred. Cneius Lentulus, that none of the Family of the Scribonii might take the Sirname of Drusus. ¹ Pomponius[Page]Flaccus, that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance. Lucius Publius, Gallus Asinius, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius, that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter, to Mars, and to Concord; and that the 13th of September, being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anniversary Festival. I have given the Names and the Flattering Opinions of these Men, to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth. The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers, and Magicians out of Italy, of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone. Publius Martius, according to the ancient Customs was executed without the Esqu [...] line Gate, the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet.

XXXIII. In the next Assembly of the Senate. Q. Haterius, who was a Consular Person, and Octavi [...]s Fronto who had been Praetor, spoke much against the Luxury of the City; and a Decree pass'd, that for the time to come, none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold, nor should Men weart Indian Silk. Fronto [Page] went farther, and mov'd that Silver Plate, Furniture, and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptuary Laws; for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State, as well as to give their Opinion on the Matter already propos'd. Gallus Asinius oppos'd this, saying, That the Empire being enlarg'd, the Wealth of Private Persons was also proportionably Encreas'd, and that this was no new thing, but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors. There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio's, than what had been in that of the Fabricii, and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times. When That was little, the Romans liv'd in little Houses; but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory, it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure. That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Moderation in Plate, Equipage, and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life, but from the Riches of the Possessor. That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights, not for any natural difference that was betwixt them, but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations, might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind, or the Health of the Body ¹; unless they would have [Page]the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares, and be expos'd to more Dangers, and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives, and secure their Persons. Gallus with these specious Colours, gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way; which, however, was no better than a Confession of their Vices² Tiberius added, That this was not a time for Reformation, and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared, the State should not want one to Reform it³

[Page] XXXIV. Upon which L. Piso complain'd of the Illegal ways of obtaining Offices: of the Corruptions of the Courts of Iudicature; of the Insolence of Advocates; who menac'd People with Accusations; protesting that, he would retire from the City, and live in some remote and obscure Country, and at the same time went out of the Senate-House. Tiberius was incens'd, however he caressed Piso with fair words¹, and put his Relations upon using their endeavours to prevail with him to stay. A while after, Piso gave another instance of as great freedom, when he commenced a Law Suit against Urgulania, who was so much in favour with Augusta, that she thought her self above the reach of the Laws. As Urgulania instead of appearing to the Summons, went to the Emperor's Palace², setting Piso at defiance; so he desisted not from his Prosecution, notwithstanding Augusta complain'd that she her self was Affronted, and exposed thereby. Tiberius thinking it was but decent for him to shew so much complaisance to his Mother³. as to promise to go [Page] himself to the Praetor's Court, and appear on Urgulania's behalf; and in order to it went out of his Palace, ordering his Guards to follow him at a Distance. As the People flock'd about him, he appear'd very composed, talking freely of several things as he went to prolong the time; in the mean time, Piso's Friends importun'd him to let fall his suit, but to no purpose; however, before the Emperor had reach'd the Court, he was acquainted, that Augusta had order'd Piso the Sum of Money that he demanded: So that the Issue of this Affair was not inglorious to Piso ⁴, and very much for the Honour of Tiberius. But Urgulania grew so assuming, that she refused to come and give her testimony in a Cause that was heard before the Senate, so that the Praetor was sent to examine her at her own house; whereas it was always the Custom, even for the Vestal Virgins themselves, to come into the Courts whenever they were summon'd to give their Testimony.

XXXV. I would not mention the stop that was put to Publick Affairs this Year, but that it is worth the while to know the different Opinions of Cn. Piso and [Page] Asin [...]us Gallus ¹, on this Occasion. Tiberius having said, that he should be absent for a few days, Piso was of Opinion, that they ought the rather to proceed in publick Business, it being for the Honour of the Common-wealth, that the Senators and the Knights could exercise their Offices in the absence of the Princes². Gallus seeing that Piso had prevented him in taking the Popular side, opposed him; saying, That nothing could be done with Majesty, nor suitable to the Gaandeur of the Roman Empire, but in the Emperor's presence, and therefore the Affairs of Italy and of the Provinces, ought to be adjourn'd until his Return. This Debate was manag'd with great heats on both sides, in the Presence of Tiberius, who held his peace; however Gallus's Opinion prevail'd.

XXXVI. Gallus had also a Contest with the Emperor, for he moved, that the Assemblies for Election of Magistrates should be held but once in five years; that the Commanders of Legions who had not been already Praetors, should be then chosen Praetors Elect; and that the Prince should then nominate 12 Praetors for every year.

[Page] There is no doubt but that there was a farther Design in this Motion, which struck at the very Soul of the Monarchy¹. However, Tiberius, who would seem to take it, as if it had been design'd to enlarge his Power, answer'd, That he could scarce with modesty chuse so many Persons, and exclude as many more at the same time; ² That if it is so hard a matter to prevent Discontents now the Elections are every year, and the Disappointment more tolerable, by reason of so near hopes, what hatred should he incurr from those, who should be put out of a Capacity of being chosen in 5 years. Besides, what assurance could there be had so long before-hand, of the Continuance of any Man's Behaviour or Fortunes? Persons are so apt to be assuming upon annual Designations to Offices, how much more exalted would they be, when they have the Honour of them for five years, either in Possession or Designation ³. [Page] That this would in effect, make the Magistrates five times as many as they are, and subvert those Laws, which to improve the Industry by Competitors, have limited the time both for acquiring and enjoying Offices. And with this plausible Speech he prevented the Diminution of his Power⁴.

XXXVII. The addition which he made to the scanty Reven [...]es of some of the Senators, makes the ill Reception which he gave to the Petition of M. Hortalus, who was notoriously Poor, the more surprising. This young Nobleman was Grandson to the Orator Hortensius, and Augustus, by the Gift of a Thousand great Sesterces, had prevail'd with him to Marry, that so Noble a Family might not be extinguish'd¹. Hortalus having plac'd his [Page] our Children before the Door of the Senate, who met that day in the Palace, instead of delivering his Opinion on the Matter which was under debate, he deliver'd himself to the Senate in these words, (casting his Eyes sometimes on the Statue of Augustus, and sometimes on that of Hortensius, placed amongst the Orators.) I should never, my Lords, have troubled you with these Children, whose number and tender Age you see, had not my Princes commands prevail'd with me against my own Inclinations. My Ancestors have indeed deserv'd to live in a late Posterity, but when by reason of the Changes and Calamities of the times, I was not able to raise an Estate ², or to gain the Affections of the People [...] or to acquire Eloquence, which hath been the Hereditary Riches of our Family, I was contented if my narrow Fortune ³ would preserve me from Contempt, and from being a Burthen to others. It was in obedience to Augustus that I marry'd, and behold here the Posterity of so many Consuls and Dictators, which I do not mention to reproach any man, but to move co [...] passion. These Children, Caesar, may hereafter, under your auspicious reign and the influences of your favour, arrive at Honours; but in the mean time I beseech you, rescue them from[Page]Poverty, as they are the Grand-children of Hortensius, and the Foster-children of Augustus.⁴.

XXXVIII. The Favour which the Senate seem'd to have for him, was a Motive to Tiberius to oppose him¹, as he did in the following words: ‘If all that are needy should begin to come hither and beg Money for their Children, the State would be soon exhausted² and they never satisfy'd. When our Ancestors gave the Senators a Liberty sometimes to make a Digression from the Matter in Hand; and instead of giving their Opinions upon that, to propose somewhat else which they thought would be more for the Publick Good; they did it not with an intention that the Publick Debates should be interrupted by Private Affairs, or that such things should be propos'd which must draw on the Prince and Senate certain hatred from the Petitioners, if the Request be denied, or from the People if it be granted³. Nor can these be call'd Petitions, but [Page] unseasonable and importunate Demands.⁴. When the Senate is met about other business, for a Man to rise up and press their Modesty with a Story of the Number and Age of his Children; and then to turn upon me with the same importunity, and as it were to break open the Treasury, which if we exhaust by Vain-Glorious Bounties, must be supply'd by ill practices⁵. August [...]s gave you Money, Hortalus, but without importunity, and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you. If Men have no reliance on themselves, Industry will flag, and Laziness will grow upon them, and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others, they will do nothing for themselves, and be a constant Burthen to us⁶.’ This Speech, though [Page] it met with Approbation from those, whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong, whatsoever the Emperor said or did; yet many mutter'd softly, and others by their silence shew'd their dislike⁷, which Tiberius perceiv'd well enough⁸, and therefore after a little pause he added, That he had given Hortalus such an Answer, as he thought his Speech requir'd; however after all, if the Senate thought sit, he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece.⁹. The whole Senate thank'd him, only Hortalus said nothing, either out of Fear, or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth, which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune. Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion, although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty.

XXXIX. The same year, the bold attempt of one Slave, if it had not been timely prevented, had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War¹. He was a Slave of Post [...]umus[Page]Agrippa u, named Clemens, who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead, laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it; which was to rescue his Master Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Planasia, whither he was Banish'd, and to convey him to the German Army. But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd, made him too late for this Design, Posthumus being kill'd before he came; which, however, put him on a greater and more hazardous Enterprize; for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosa x, a Promontory of Etruria, he conceal'd himself in desart Places, till his Hair and Beard were grown long, intending to Personate Agrippa, being much about his Age, and not unlike himy. After which, by [Page] means of his Accomplices he gives out that Agrippa was alive, which they whisper'd first in cautious and ambiguous Words, as they usually do obnoxious Reports; but it soon spread among the Credulous Multitude, and was readily entertain'd by turbulent Spirits, who are always dispos'd for Revolutions². About the Eveningtwilight he went to some little Towns, but would never [Page] appear publickly, nor stay long in a Place, because Truth is confirm'd by Sight and Continuance, and Imposture gains credit by Precipitation and uncertain Abode; he commonly came to a Place before he was expected, and left it as soon as he was known to be there; that he might prevent too curious Observation, or at least leave them in suspence.

XL. In the mean time, it was generally reported through Italy, that Agrippa was by the special Providence of the Gods preserv'd alive. It was believ'd at Rome, that he was already come to Ostia ¹, and he was all the subject of Discourse in their private Cabals. Tiberius unresolv'd whether he should chastize the Slave by force of Arms, or leave the Peoples Credulity to be undeceiv'd by time, [...]luctuated betwixt Hope and Fear², sometimes considering that nothing was to be slighted³, and again that not every thing was to be fear'd. At last he commits the Conduct of the Business to Salustius Crispus, who order'd two of his Creatures (some say they were Soldiers) to go to Clemens, and pretending to know his whole Affair, to engage their Lives and Fortunes in his Service, and as a Pledge of their Fidelity, to present him with a Sum of Money. They punctually execute their Orders; after which, having found a Night when he was unguarded, [Page] they seiz'd him with a strong Party of Soldiers, which they had ready, and hurry'd him away to Rome gag'd and bound. It is said, that when he was brought before Tiberius, and ask'd by him, How came you to be Agrippa? He answer'd, As you came to be Tibetius. He could not be brought to discover his Accomplices; nor durst Tiberius suffer him to be executed publickly⁴, but commanded him to be put to Death in a secret Part of the Palace⁵, and his Body to be privately carry'd out. And although he was inform'd, that several Courtiers and Senators, had assisted him with their Counsel and Money; yet no farther enquiry was madez.

[Page] XLI. Towards the End of this Year, a Triumphal Arch was erected near Saturn's Temple, for the recovery of the Eagles, by the Conduct of Germanicus, and under the Auspices of Tiberius, a Temple was dedicated to Fors Fortunae a, in the Gardens near the Tiber, which Iulius Caesar bequeath'd to the People of Rome. A Chapel to the Family of the Iulii, and Statues to Divine Augustus, in a Place call'd the Bovillae.

770 Years after the Building of Rome.

XLII. IN the Consulship of C. Caelius, and L. Pomponius, on the 26th of May, Germanicus triumph'd for his Victories over the Cherusci, Chatti, Angrivarii, and the rest of the Nations lying betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. Spoils, Captives and Pictures of the Mountains, Rivers, and Battels, were carried before him; (as if the War had been ended, because he would have made an end of it had he not been Countermanded) but the Comeliness of Germanicus's Person, sitting in his Triumphal Chariot with his Five Children, added much to the Splendor of the Show, and the satisfaction of the Spectators. But secret Fears allay'd the Ioy of those, who consider'd, that the Favour of the People had not been fortunate to his Father Drusus; that his Uncle Marcellus was snatch'd from their Affections in the Bloom of his Youth, [Page] and that the Love of the People of Rome was commonly fatal, and an Omen of short Life to those they lov'd.¹.

XLIII. Tiberius gave the People three hundred Sesterces b a Man in Germanicus's Name, and nominated him for his Collegue in the Consulshipc; but after all this he was not believ'd to be sincere in his Affection to him¹, and the less when it was known that he resolv'd to send him from Court, pretending it was for his Honour; and in order to it contriv'd Occasions, or laid hold on the first that offer'd. Archelaus had reign'd fifty years in Cappadocia, and was hated by Tiberius d, because he had never paid him any respect during his retreat at Rhodes ², which Archelaus did not omit out of any neglect of Tiberius, [Page] but by the Directions of the Principle Favourites of Augustus, who were of Opinion, that it was not safe for him to hold any correspondence with Tiberius, whilst C. Caesar was living, and had the Government of the East ³. But when Tiberius came to the Empire upon the Extinction of the Family of the Caesars; he wheedles Archelaus by his Mother's Letters to come to Rome, who not dissembling her Son's displeasure assur'd him withal, that he would pardon him upon his Submission⁴. He not [Page] suspecting Treachery, or not daring to shew his suspicions if he did, for fear of the Emperor's Power, hastens to Rome, when meeting with a rough Reception from Tiberius, and an Accusation against him in the Senate, he soon ended his Days, whether by a Natural or a Voluntary Death is not certain; not that he was believ'd to be conscious of those Crimes charg'd upon him, which were meer [...]ictions; but because he was broken with Age and Grief, and a Treatment that is unusual to Kings; to whom a Moderate Fortune is unsupportable, so little able are they to bear Contempt and Misery⁵. His Kingdom was reduc'd into the Form of a Province, and Tiberius declar'd, that by the Addition of the Revenues of it, Rome should be eas'd of one half of the Tax of the hundredth Pennye impos'd on all Commodities that were sold; and that for the future no more than the two Hundredth should be paid. The Death of Antiochus King of Comagena, and of philopator King of Cilicia, which happen'd both about the same time, produc'd great disorders in those Nations; some desiring to be govern'd by Kings of their own, others to be Subject to the Roman Empire. The Provinces [Page] of Syria and Iudaea groaning under the Burden of Ta [...]es, petition'd to be discharg'd of part of them.

XLIV. He acquainted the Senate with those Affairs, and with the State of Armenia, of which I have given an account before; telling them withal, that the Troubles of the East could not be compos'd without the Presence and Conduct of Germanicus ¹ who was the fittest Person for this Expedition, Drusus being too young, and himself in his declining years². Upon which the Senate decreed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas, with a more absolute Power, than those Governors who obtain'd them by Lot, or by the Prince's Nomination. But Tiberius had first recall'd Creticus Silanus from Syria, because he was ally'd to Germanicus ³, by the Contract of the [Page] Daughter of the Former, to Nero the Eldest Son of the Latter, and had put Cneius Piso in his Place; a Man of a Violent and Untractable temper, that inherited all the Haughtiness of his Father Piso, who had been so zealous and vigorous a Supporter of the Civil War against Caesar, when it was reviv'd in Africk, who follow'd the Party of Brutus and Cassius, and who after he had Liberty to come to Rome, never vouchsa [...]ed to put in for any Office⁴, until he was courted by Augustus to accept the Consulship. But he had not only his Father's Spirit, but the Nobility and Riches of his Wife Plancina to exalt himf; insomuch, that he would scarce yield to Tiberius, and thought himself much above his Sons. Nor did he believe that the Government of Syria was given him for any other Reason, but that he might be a Check on Germanicus, ⁵, and many believ'd, that Tiberius gave him secret [Page] Instructions to this Purpose. It is certain, that Augusta out of an Emulation too incident to some of her Sex, encourag'd Plancina to teaze and contend with Agrippina ⁶. The Court was divided by the secret Favour which they had for Germanicus, or for Drusus. Tiberius loved Drusus as his own Son, but others had the greater Affection for Germanicus, as well because of Tiberius's Aversion to him⁷, as because he was of more illustrious Extraction by the Mother's side, by whom Anthony was his Grandfather, and Augustus his Great Uncle, whereas Pomponius Atticus g the Great Grand-father of Drusus, who was no more than a Roman Knight, seem'd to Disgrace the Images of the Family of the Claudii. Besides, Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus, had the Advantage of Livia, Drusus's Wife, in fruitfulness and reputation; but this Emulation betwixt their Relations and their Dependants, [Page] made no manner of Impression on the two Brothers, who continu'd Constant and Unshaken in their love⁸.

XLV. Not long after, Drusus was sent into Illyria to gain the Affections of the Army and Experience in Arms¹, Tiberius thinking that he would wear off in the Camp² the [Page] Debaucheries he had been us'd to in the City; and himself would be safer, when the Legions were under the Command of his two Sons. He was furnish'd with a Pretence by the Suevi, who came to desire assistance from him against the Cherusci; for when these Nations were deliver'd from the Fear of a Foreign Power by the retreat of the Romans, they according to their Custom turn'd their Arms against one anotherh, out of an Emulation of Glory. The two Nations were equally match'd in Power, and their Generals in Valour; but the Title of King drew upon Maroboduus the hatred of his Countrymen, whereas Arminius was ador'd as the Patron of Liberty, and one that fought[?] for it³.

XLVI. Wherefore, not only the Cherusci and their Allies, who had before serv'd under him, took Arms for him now; but the Suevi Semnones and Lombards, who were the Subjects of Maroboduus revolted to Arminius▪ ¹ ▪ with which additional forces he would certainly have been Victorious, had not Inguiomer with all that were under his Command, gone over to Maroboduus, which he [Page] did for no other reason but because he look'd upon it as a Dishonour² for an Uncle that was in years to be commanded by a young Nephewi. The two Armies with equal hopes on both sides rang'd themselves in Battel; not as the Germans us'd to do, in little separate Parties which roved up and down, and skirmished without Order or Discipline; for by their long Wars with us they had learn'd to follow their Colours³ to obey the Orders of [Page] their Generals, and to keep a Reserv'd Body to succour the rest as there was occasion. Arminius took a Review of his Army, and as he rode through it, he put them in mind of their Recover'd Liberty; of the Enemies Legions which they had cut in pieces, and part of whose Arms and Spoils some of them had now in their hands. He called Maroboduus a [Coward]⁴ who understood not how to fight a Battel, and who skulk'd in the lurking Holes of the Wood Hercinia, until he had basely bought the Alliance of the Romans, whereby he was become a Traytor to his Country, and a Slave to the Roman Emperor ⁵, and therefore ought to have no more [Page]quarter given him than Varus had. In the Conclusion, he desir'd, them to remember the many Battels they had fought; by the Event of which, and by the Expulsion of the Romans in the End, it was sufficiently evident on whose side the Victory rested.

XLVII. Nor was Marobodu [...]s wanting to extol himself, or lessen the Enemy, and taking Inguiomer by the Hand; In this Person you see, said he, all the Glory of the Cherusci, and to whose conduct are owing all the Successes they ever had. Arminius himself hath neither Prudence nor Experience, and takes that Glory to himself which is not his due, because he perfidiously surpriz'd three Legions, and their unwary General, which action cost Germany dear, and turn'd to his own Dishonour, seeing his Wife and Children are yet in Slavery. But when Tiberius invaded us with twelve Legio [...]s, I defended the Honour of Germany, and made Peace on equal Terms; and we have no reason to repent of what we hav [...] done, seeing it is now at our choice, whether we will have a Lasting Peace with the Romans, or begin the War again with them on even ground. Besides the Encouragement of these Speeches, each Army had their peculiar Reasons to animate them; for the Ch [...]rusci and Lombards fought either for their Ancient Glory, or for their New-gotten Liberty¹; and the other side to enlarge their Dominions. [Page] They never fought with greater Fury, nor with more equal Success; the right Wings of both Armies were broken: and it was expected that the Fight would have been renew'd had not Maroboduus retreated to the Hills, which was a sign of Consternation; after which his Army being weakned by Desertion², he retir'd into the Country of the Marcomanni, whence he sent Ambassadors to desire succours of Tiberius ³, who answer'd at first, That [Page]it was unreasonable for him to expect assistance from the Roman Arms, when he had never sent any to them, when they were engag'd in a War with the same Enemy k. However, Drusus was sent as I said before to make a Peacel.

XLVIII. The same Year twelve famous Cities of Asia were overturn'd by an Earthquake in the Night, which was the more Fatal, the less it was foreseen; nor could the People save themselves, as many use to do, in this Calamity, by running into the Open Fields, for they were swallow'd up in the Cle [...]ts of the Earth. It is said, that Mountains were levell'd, Plains raised into Mountains, and that Fire flash'd out amidst the Ruines. As the Sardians were the greatest Sufferers, so they drew the greatest Compassion towards them; for Tiberius promis'd them 100 thousand great Sestercesm, and remitted [Page] all their Taxes for five Years¹. Magnesia which lies at the Foot of the Mountain Sipylus, was reliev'd in proportion to its loss, which was next to that of Sardis. Temnis, Philadelphis, Aegea, Appollonia, Mosthena, the Macedonian Hircania, Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cimes and Timolus, were discharged from all Taxes for the same space of time; and it was resolv'd to send a Senator to view, and to repair the Ruines. They Deputed M. Aletus of the Praetorian rank; because the Governor of Asia was a Consular Person, to prevent any Emulation or Contest which might arise betwixt Equals² and retard the Business.

[Page] XLIX. After he had been thus Magnificent in Publick Bounty, he was Liberal to Private Persons, in a Way that was no less grateful. The rich Possessions of Aemilia Musa, who dying intestat and without Heirs, were escheated to his Treasuryn, he gave to Aemilius Lepidus, because it was probable that she was of his Family. And the Estate of Patuleius, a rich Roman Knight, (although he had bequeath'd part of it to himself) he gave to M. Servilius, because he understood that he had made him his Heir by a former Will that was liable to no suspicions: adding, that both these Persons deserv'd a Revenue to support their Honouro.¹ Nor would he ever [Page] be Heir to any Man's Estate, unless he had been so much a Friend to him in his Life, as might give him some pretensions to it. But he utterly rejected the Inheritance of Unknown Persons, and of those especially, who had made him their Heir, only to disappoint their own Relations whom they hated². As he relieved the Poverty [Page] of Men of Virtuep, so he was severe against those who had ruin'd themselves by Vice and Extravagance³; and it was for this Reason that Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla, and Q. Vitellius, were expell'd the Senate by him, or at least suffer'd voluntarily to quit it.

L. About the same time he consecrated the Temples of the Gods, which had been consumed by Fire or Age, and which Augustus had began to rebuild. One near the Great Cirque, which A. Posthumus the Dictator had vow'd to Bacchus, Proserpina, and their Mother Ceres. Another in the same Place to Flora, built by the Aediles, Lucius, and Marcus Publicus; and that to Ianus in the Herb-Market, which was built by Caius Duillius, who obtain'd the First Victory which the Romans ever had at Seaq, for which he was honour'd with a Naval Triumph over the Carthaginians. But the Temple of Hope which Attilius had vow'd in the same War, was Consecrated by Germanicus.

LI. In the mean time, the Law against Treason exerted its force. Apuleia Varilia, who was Grand-Daughter to Octavia, the Sister of Augustus, was accused of Treason [Page] for speaking Scurrilous and Invective Words against Divine Augustus, Tiberius, and his Mother Livia; and for staining her self with Adultery, notwithstanding her relation to the Emperor. As for the Adultery, they thought they needed go no farther than the Iulian Law, which had sufficiently provided in that Case. And as for the Treasons wherewith she was charg'd, Tiberius desir'd that they might be distinguish'd; saying, That she deserv'd Condemnation, if she had spoken Blasphemy against Augustus ¹; but he would not have her question'd for what she had spoken against himself²: And being ask'd by the Consul what should be done in case she should be convicted to have defam'd Livia; he return'd no answer at that time, but at the next Assembly of the Senate, he said, That it was his Mother's desire that none should be molested for any words spoken against her; and thereby acquitted Apuleia from the Indictment of Treason. He also desir'd that her Adultery might not be punish'd with the utmost rigour; and obtain'd that she might, according to the ancient Custom, be only banish'd by her Relations 200 Miles from Rome. But Manlius her Gallant, was banish'd from Italy and Africk.

LII. A Contest arose about the Election of a Praetor, to succeed Vipsanius Gallus, deceas'd. Germanicus and Drusus (for they were yet at Rome) employ'd their Interest in favour of Haterius Agrippa, who was a Kinsman of Germanicus's; but they were oppos'd by a great Party who contended, that the Competitor who had most Children, ought to be prefer'd as the Law requir'd¹. [Page] Tiberius was well enough pleas'd to see the Senate divided betwixt his Children and the Laws²; and it was no wonder that the Laws truckled; however it was carry'd³ but by few Voices, and not without some struggle against the Laws, as it us'd to be sometimes when they were in force.

LIII. The same Year a War brake out in Africk, in which one Tacfarinas, a Numidian, was the Leader, who had formerly served as an Auxiliary in the Roman Army; which having Deserted, and drawn together a Company of Vagabonds and Robbers for Plunder and Rapine; he afterwards form'd them into a regular Body after a Military manner, dividing them into Companies under their respective Colours; after which, he became General¹ of the Musulans, a Potent Nation bordering on [Page] the Desarts of Africk, living without Cities or Houses; who having taken arms against the Romans, drew their Neighbours the Moors into the Quarrel, whose General was named Mazippas; betwixt whom and Tackfarinas the Army was divided. The latter had the choice Troops which he arm'd after the Roman Fashion, and confin'd them in a Camp to inure them to Discipline and Obedience; whilst the Former with a Light-arm'd Body ravag'd the Country with Fire and Sword, carrying Terror where-ever he came; so that they had compell'd the Cinithii, which was no contemptible Nation, to enter into their League, when Furius Camillus, Proconsul of Africk, marched against them with a single Legion, and what Forces of the Roman Allies which were with him, which was a very small Force, in comparison of the numbers of the Numidians and Moors, who were therefore so confident of the Victory, that they feared nothing but that the Romans would not give them Battel; but this Confidence prov'd their Ruine; for Camillus having plac'd his Legion in the Middle, and Light-arm'd Cohorts and two Squadrons of Horse in the Wings, he receiv'd Tackfarinas so warmly, that he defeated the Numidians², and hereby reviv'd after a long tract of time the Military Glory of the Family of the Camilli ³, which since the famous [Page] Deliverer of Rome r, and his Son Camillus, had left to other Families, the glory of furnishing Generals. And he of whom we now speak was never before esteem'd a Soldier⁴, for which reason Tiberius was the more forward to extol this Action to the Senate, who decreed him Triumphal Ornaments, which Honour drew no Envy upon him because he always behaved himself with wonderful Modesty⁶. ⁵

[Page] LIV. The Year following, Tiberius and Germanicus were chosen Consuls, which was the third Consulship of the Former, and the second of the Latter, who receiv'd this Dignity when he was at Nicopolis s, a City of Achaia, whither he came by the Coast of Illyria; after he had visited his Brother Drusus in Dalmatia; and having in his passage met with two Storms, one in the Adriatick, the other in the Ionian Sea, he stay'd a few Days there, to refit his Ships, in which time he went to see the Bay of Actium, famous for the Fight there; He view'd also the Spoils consecrated by Augustus, and the Place of Anthony's Camp; and was mightily affected¹ with these lively Images of the Success of one of his Ancestors, and the Misfortunes of the other; for Augustus, as hath been said before, was his great Uncle, and Anthony his Grand-father.

[Page] Thence he came to Athens; and in regard to the ancient Renown of this City and its Alliance with the Romans, he enter'd it with no more than one Lictor. The Graecians entertain'd him with the most study'd Honours², and, after a more refin'd sort of Flattery, carried before him Pictures representing the Great Actions, and Memorable Sayings of his Ancestors³.

LV. Hence, taking Eubaea t in his way, he pass'd to Lesbos, where Agrippina was deliver'd of Iulia u, which [Page] was her last Child. After which, sailing by the Coasts of Asia, he visited Perintheis and Byzantium, two Cities of Thrace; and entred the Streights of Propontis, and the Mouth of the Euxine Sea, being carry'd on with a desire to see ancient and famous Places; and at the same time he relieved those Provinces which were oppressed by Magistrates, or harass'd by intestine Divisions¹. In his return he intended to have seen the Religious Rites of the Samothracians; but the North-winds beating him back from that shore, he directed his course to Troy, venerable for the Variety of its Fortune and its last Fate, and for being the Mother-City to Rome. Whence coasting back by Asia, he puts to shore at Colophon, to consult the Oracle of Clarius Apollo. It is not a Priestess as at Delphos, but a Priest officiates there, who is chosen out of certain Families▪ and commonly from Miletus. As soon as he is inform'd only of the Number and Names of those who are come to consult the Oracle, he descends into a Cave, where he drinks water of a Secret Fountain; and then, though he is generally a Person of no Learning, nor of any skil in Poetry, he gives his answers in Verse, to what things each Inquirer hath in his thoughts; and it was said, that he predicted to Germanicus his approaching Fate, but in such Dark and ambiguous Phrases², as Oracles always use.

[Page]LVI. But Cn. Piso, that he might lose no time for his Designs, entred Athens with great Precipitation, and made a Speech that surpriz'd them as much as his coming. In which he not only severely rebuk'd them, but made some oblique Re [...]lections on Germanicus; as if he had pro [...]tituted the Majesty of the Empire, by treating them with two much respect¹; who, said he, are not Athenians, (those having been long since extinguish'd, by the many terrible Misfortunes that City had under-gone) but the Off [...]scouring of several Nations, who had been Confederates with Mithridates against Sylla, and with Anthony against Augustus. He reproach'd them also with their ill success against the Macedonians, and their ill treatment of the Bravest of their own Citizens²; Things that had been done some ages past, for he had a Particular quarrel against them, because they had refus'd to pardon at his Intercession, one Theophilus ³, condemn'd for Forgery by the Areopagus. Departing from Athens, he passed in great haste by the shortest cut of the Sea through the Cyclades, and at the Isle of Rhodes overtakes Germanicus, who tho' he had been inform'd of the Invective [Page] Speech which he had made against him, had nevertheless the Humanity to send out Galleys to save him, when a Tempest had cast him amongst the Shelves, where he might have been rid of his Enemy, and his Death imputed to Chance⁴. But this Kindness could not so [...]ten Piso ⁵, who would scarce stay one day with Germanicus, but hastned again on board, that he might get to Syria before him; whither as soon as he came, he gain'd the Common Soldiers by Gifts and Caresses, and in the mean time cashier'd the old Centurions and the [...]evere Tribunes, and fill'd their Places with his own Creatures, or any profligate [...]ellows. And whilst he permitted Laziness in the Camp, Licentiousness in the City, and the Soldiers to commit any Disorders in the Countrey, they gave him the Title (so great was the Dissolution of Manners) of the Father of the Legions. Nor did Plancina keep within the Bounds of the Modesty of her Sex, but was present at the Exercises of the Cavalry, and the Musters of the Cohorts, and made bitter Reflections on Agrippina and Germanicus: And when it was whisper'd that these things were not done without secret Encouragement from Tiberius, [Page] some of the best of the Soldiers were ready enough to carry on the Humour, and to obey ill Orders.

LVII. Germanicus had Intelligence of all this; but his more pressing care was to go to Armenia. This had been always an Unsteady Nation; not only from their Natural Temper, but also by reason of the situation of their Countrey; which bordering on the Roman Provinces on one side, extends it self as far as Media on the other; so that lying betwixt the two greatest Empires of the Worldx, they are engag'd in frequent Quarrels, either with the Romans, or with the Parthians; Hating the Former, and Envying the Latter. They had been without a King ever since the removal of Vonones, but they were well inclin'd to Zeno the Son of Polemon, King of Pontus; because from his Infancy he had imitated the Manners and the Habits of the Armenians, and was much addicted to Hunting, Feasting, and other things which this Barbarous People esteem'd; and which gain'd him the Favour both of the Nobility and the Common-People. Germanicus therefore, with the consent of the Nobility in the City of Artaxata set the Royal Diadem on his Head, in a numerous Assembly; who did him Homage, saluting him by the Name of Artaxias from the Name of their City. The Government of Cappadocia, which had been lately reduc'd into the form of a Province, was given to Q. Veranius, and the People were discharged of part of the Taxes¹ which they formerly [Page] paid their Kings, to give them hopes of being easier under the Roman Government, than they had been under them. Q. Serveus was constituted Governor of Comagena y, which was then first reduc'd under the Government of a Praetor.

LVIII. Notwithstanding, Germanicus had thus happily compos'd the Affairs of our Allies, he could not yet be at ease in his Mind, by reason of the Haughtiness of Piso ¹, who having been commanded by him, either to come himself, or to send his Son with part of the Legions into Armenia, did neither. At last they both met at Cyrrum, where the Tenth Legion was in Winter-Quarters, Piso putting on a Countenance that might betray no Fear; and Germanicus, one that might discover no Resentment; and he was, as I have said before, of a forgiving Nature; but there are a sort of Friends well-skill'd in enflaming Quarrels², who brought divers Accusations against Piso, his Wife, and Children, aggravating somethings that were [Page] True, and suggesting others that were False. At last, Germanicus had a Conference with him in the Presence only of a few intimate Friends, wherein he began to discourse in such Language, as commonly proceeds from a mixture of Anger and Reserve, and which Piso answer'd with such haughty and provoking Excuses, that they parted open³ Enemiesz. After which, Piso came seldom to Germanicus's Tribunal; and when ever he did assist, he appear'd with a [...]our Countenance, and always dissented from him in his Opinion⁴. And when they were invited by the King of the Nabathaeans to a Feast, at which Golden Crowns of great weight were presented to Germanicus and Agrippi [...]a, and light ones to Piso and the rest of the Guests; He said aloud, That this Feast was [Page]made for the Son of a Roman Prince a and not of a Parthian King: And throwing aside his Crown, inveighed against Luxury⁵; which G [...]rmanicus bore with patience, though he was sensible of the Affront.

LIX. It was about this time, that Ambassadors came from Artabanus King of the Parthians; representing, that their Master desir'd to renew the Friendship and League with the Romans, and that in honour to Germanicus he would come as far as the Banks of Euphrates: But in the mean time, he intreated that Vonones might not be suffer'd to continue in Syria, lest so near a Residence might give him opportunity to sollicite the Great Men of his Kingdom to an Insurrection. As to the League betwixt the Romans and the Parthians, Germanicus return'd an answer suitable to the Dignity of the Subject; but as to the King's coming, and the Honour he had done him, he expressed himself with great Modesty and Respect¹. [Page] He remov'd Vonones to Pompeiopolis a Maritime Town of Cilicia, which he did not so much to comply with the request of Artabanus, as to mortifie Piso ², to whom Vonones was very acceptable, upon the account of the many Favours and Presents, wherewith he had oblig'd Plancina.

The Year 772. after the Building of the City.

LX. In the Consulship of M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus, Germanicus takes a Iourney into Aegypt, under colour of taking care of the Province, but in truth to see the Antiquities of the Country¹. By opening the Publick Granaries [Page] he brought down the Price of Corn, did many Popular things, went abroad without Guards², in [Page] Sandalsb, and in a Graecian Habit, in imitation of Scipio, who is said to have done the same in Sicily, in the heat of the Carthaginian War. Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit, but severely reprimanded him, for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission, which was contrary to the Order of Augustus. For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State, had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt, without a Pass from the Emperor³, for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that [Page] Province, (which having the Keys both of the Sea and Landc, might be easily defended by a small Force, against Numerous Armies) should starve Italy ⁴.

LXI. But Germanicus, who did not yet know that his Iourney had given Offence, went up the River Nile, having Embark'd at Canopus, a Town built by the Sparta [...], in Memory of a Captain of a Ship of that Name who was buried there, when M [...]nelaus, in his return to Greece, was driven back by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Lybia. The Mouth of the River that is next to Canopus, is consecrated to Hercules, who, as the Inhabitants affirm, was a Native of their Countrey; and the first of all who bore that Name, with which the rest were honoured after him, because they follow'd him in the same Paths of Valour. He afterwards viewed the great Ruines of Thebes, where there were yet remaining some Inscriptions engraven on Obelisks in Aegyptian Letters, which [Page] describ'd its ancient Grandeur. One of the Eldest Priests who was order'd to interpret it, reported, That it formerly contain'd seven hundred thousand Men of an age able to bear Arms; and that with an Army of that Number King Rhameses conquer'd Libya, Aethiopia, the Medes and Persians, Bactriania, and Scythia, and all the Countrey which is inhabited by the Syrians, Armenians, and their Neighbours the Cappadocians, extending from the Bithynian Sea on one side, to the Lycian on the other. There was also read an account of the Tributes imposed on the Nations; what weight of Gold and Silver; what Numbers of Horses and Arms for War? How much Ivory and Perfumes for Oblations to the Temples; and what quantities of Corn and other Necessaries of Life, each Nation paid; which equall'd in Magnificence and Value, the Tributes that are now imposed either by the Parthian or the Roman Empire.

LXII. But Germanicus was led on with a Desire of seeing other Miracles, whereof the Principal were, the Statue of Memnon cut in Stone, which gave a Sound like that of a Humane Voice, when the Rays of the Sun st [...]uck upon it. Pyramids as high as Mountains rais'd in moving and almost unpassable Sands¹, by the Emulation and Wealth of their Kings. Lakes cut in the Ground for the reception of the Waters of the Nile when it overflows, and in other places Caverns so deep, that their bottoms cannot be sounded. From hence he went to [Page] Elephantine and Syene, heretofore the Boundaries of the Roman Empire, which now extends to the Red Sea.

LXIII. Whilst Germanicus pass'd the Summer in Progresses, Drusus acquired no small Glory amongst the Germans by fomenting their Division¹, and persuaded them, that now Maroboduus d was already weakned, they ought to follow their blow till he was entirely ruin'd². There [Page] was amongst the Gotones, a Young Nobleman named Catualda, who having been banish'd by Maroboduus, attempted now to take his Revenge on him in his declining Fortune³. And in order to it enters the Borders of the Marcomanni with a good Force, and having corrupted the Principal Men of the Countrey to joyn him, he forces the Palace, and the Castle that stood near it, where were found the ancient Spoils of the Suevi, and Cooks, and Traders of our Provinces, whom first Freedom of Commerce, afterwards, desire of Lucre, and at last, Forgetfulness of their own Country, had transplanted from their Habitations into the Enemy's Soil.

LXIV. Maroboduus being deserted on all sides, had no other refuge but to the Mercy of the Roman Emperor. Wherefore passing the Danube where it waters the Province of Norica e, he wrote to Tiberius, not as a Fugitive [Page] or a Peti [...]ioner, but like one that had not forgot his former greatness¹. That although several Nations had courted him, as one who had been lately so renown'd a King to make their Countries his retreat, yet he preferr'd the Friendship of the Romans to all their Offers. Tiberius answer'd him, That he should have a Safe and Honourable retreat in Italy if he thought fit to stay; but if it should be more for the advantage of his Affairs to go elsewhere, he should go with the same Liberty that he came. ². But he afterwards told the Senate, that he had been a more Formidable Enemy, than ever Philip was to the Athenians, or Pyrrhus or Antiochus to the Romans³. His Speech is yet extant, wherein he extoll'd the Greatness of his Person, the Fierceness of the Nations that were subject to him, and what measures he had taken to destroy so Dangerous and so near an Enemy to Italy f. Maroboduus [Page] was kept at Ravenna to awe the Suevi with the fear of his return⁴, if they should at any time grow Insolent. But he stirr'd not out of Italy for the space of Eighteen Years, and he was conscious that he had lessen'd his Glory by setting too great a Value on Life.⁵ Catualda had the [Page] same Fate, and no other refuge; for being expell'd not long after by the Hermunduri under their General Vibilius, he was received by the Romans, who sent him to Forum Iulii, a Colony of Gallia Narbonensis. And lest the Barbarous People who came with these two Princes, might raise any Disturbances in these Provinces, which were in perfect quiet, they were transplanted beyond the Danube, betwixt the River Marus and Cusus, and Vannius of the Nation of the Quadi, was set over them as King.

LXV. The Senate having at the same time receiv'd the News that Germanicus had made Artaxias King of Armenia, they decreed, that he and Drusus should enter the City in Ovation, and that Arches with their Statues should be built on both sides of the Temple of Mars the Avenger. And Tiberius being better pleas'd that he had made Peace by his Prudence¹, than if he had ended the War with the Sword, employs the same Artifices against Rhescuporis, King of Thrace. After the Death of Rhoemetalces, who was in possession of the whole Countrey, Augustus had divided it betwixt his Brother Rhescuporis, and his Son Cotys. In which division, th [...] [Page] Arrable-Land, the Cities, and the Parts adjoyning to Greece, fell to Cotys's share; the Wild uncultivated Parts, and which border'd on Enemies, to Rhescuporis. The tempers of these two Kings were as different; the Former being Mild and Complaisant; the Latter Covetous, Ambitious, and Cruel. However, they liv'd at first in an appearance of Friendship. But in a while, Rhescuporis pass'd his Bounds, usurp'd upon Cotys, and stuck not sometimes to use Force where he found Resistance; but this he did by wary and slow Methods in the Reign of Augustus, who he feared would revenge the Injustice as he was the Founder of these two Kingdoms; But when he heard of his Death, he sent Troops of Robbers, and demolished some of his Castles, to give an occasion for War.

LXVI. Tiberius who feared nothing more than new Troubles, dispatches away a Centurion, with a Message to the two Kings, enjoyning them not to decide their Quarrel by the Sword¹. Cotys immediately disbands the Army he had raised; and Rhescuporis with a feign'd Submission, desir'd, that they might have an Enterview, and terminate their Differences by Treaty; and what with the Easie Compliance of the one, and the Fraudulent Compliance of the other, they soon adjusted not only the Time and Place of their Treaty; but also the Conditions [Page] of their Agreement. Rhescuporis, under colour of ratifying the Agreement with greater Ceremony, makes a Feast, which he protracts till Midnight, and then puts Cotys in Chains², who amidst all his Iollity suspected nothing; but as soon as he perceiv'd the Treachery, he in vain conjur'd him, by the Sacredness of his Character, as a King³, by the Common Gods of their Family, and [Page] by the Rights of Hospitality, to desist. Having thus made himself Master of all Thrace, he wrote to Tiberius, that he had only prevented the Treachery of Cotys, who was plotting his ruine; and at the same time strengthen'd himself with New Levies, both Horse and Foot, under pretence of making War on the Scythians and Bastarnians.

LXVII. Tiberius answer'd him with a great deal of Temper; That if he had used no Fraud, he might safely rely on his own Innocence; but that neither himself, nor the Senate could distinguish Iustice from Wrong, before they had heard the Cause; and that therefore he should deliver up Cotys, and by proving the Injustice with which he charg'd him, vindicate himself. Latinius Pandus, Propraetor of Maesia, sent these Letters into Thrace by the Soldiers who were to receive Cotys. But Rhescuporis fluctuating betwixt Fear and Anger; and chusing rather to be guilty of an accomplish'd Villany, than of an Imperfect one¹, orders Cotys to be murther'dg, and gave out, that he had kill'd himself. Notwithstanding this, Tiberius alter'd not his measures, but acted the same Part towards him; insomuch, [Page] that after the Decease of Pandus, of whom Rhescuporis complain'd that he was his Enemy², he made Pomponius Flaccus h Governor of Maesia, who was a well-experienc'd Soldier, and an intimate Friend of the Kings, and therefore the fittest Person to circumvent him³.

LXVIII. Flaccus arriving in Thrace, prevail'd with him by great Promises to enter our Frontiers, notwithstanding his Guilt made him suspicious¹, and sometimes to hesitate. A strong Guard pretended for his Honour² was [Page] sent to attend him; and the Tribunes and Captains by intreaty drill'd him on, and the farther he went, the Closer they guarded him; so that he perceiv'd at last there was no remedy but that he must go to Rome, where he was accus'd by Cotys's Wife before the Senate, and condemn'd never to return to his Kingdom. Thrace is [...]new divided betwixt his Son Rhoemetalces, who was known to have been an Enemy to the Violences of his Father, and the Children of Cotys: But these being Minors, the Administration of their State, until they should come of Age, was committed to Trebellianus Rufus, who had been Praetor, after the Example of our Ancestors, who sent M. Lepidus into Aegypt to be Guardian to the Children of Ptolomy i. Rhescuporis was carried to Alexandria, where he was put to death for attempting to make his Escape, though possibly this Crime was forg'd against him.

[Page] LXIX. At the same time Vonones, who being, as I have said, confin'd in Cilicia, having corrupted his Guards, under colour of going a Hunting,¹, endeavour'd to make his Escape into Armenia, and thence to the Albanians and the Heniochians, and from thence to the King of the Scythians, who was his Kinsman. Leaving therefore the Sea-coasts, he takes the By-ways of the Forests, and with all the speed that his Horse could make, posts towards the River Pyramus. But the Country People having had notice of the King's Escape, broke down the Bridges, and the River being not Fordable, he was taken and bound on the Banks of the River by Vibius Fronto, General of the Horse, and an Evocatek, named Remius, who before had the Guard of him, run him through the Body with his Sword; as if it had been in revenge of his [...]light, which made it more credible that he was privy to his Escape, and that he kill'd him to prevent his Discovery of it.

LXX. Germanicus at his return from Aegypt found all the Orders which he had Establish'd amongst the Legions, or in the Cities, laid aside, or revers'd,¹, which [Page] drew from him some hard words against Piso, who was designing ill things against him. At last, Piso was preparing to quit Syria, but the Sickness of Germanicus staid him; and when he heard of his recovery, and that Publick Thanks were return'd to the Gods for it, he sent his Guards to disperse the People of Antioch who were solemnizing the Thanksgiving, to force away the very Victims from before the Altars, and to put an End to the Ceremonies. After which, he went to Seleucia l, to expect the Issue of the Relapse which Germanicus fell into, whose suspicion that he was poyson'd by Piso, much increas'd his Distemper². There were found in the Floor and the Walls the Remains of Humane Carcasses dug-up, Charms and Sorceries, and Germanicus's Name engrav'd on Plates of Lead, Bones half burnt, and be [...]mear'd with Gore, and other Witchcra [...]ts³, by which [Page] Souls, as it is believed, are devoted to the Infernal Gods. Some were also accus'd to have been sent by Piso, to observe the Progress of his Distemper⁴.

LXXI. As these things came to the Ears of Germanicus, they added both to his Fears and his Anger. If my Chamber, said he, is beset? If I must expire before my Enemy's Eyes, what will afterwards become of my Miserable Wife, and my Poor Children¹? Piso thinks the Poyson works too slowly, and is impatient till he becomes the sole Master of the Province and the Legions, But Germanicus is not yet sunk so low, but that he is able to hinder the Murderer from enjoying the Prize of his Villany². Hereupon, he writes a Letter to Piso, wherein he renounc'd his Friendship ³; and some add, that he commanded him to leave the Province. Nor did Piso make any longer stay, but took Ship: However, he made the Ship sail but [Page]slowly, that he might the sooner come back, if Germanicus's Death should make way for his return to Syria.

LXXII. Germanicus after some little hopes of recovery [...]lagg'd again ¹; and perceiving that his end was drawing on, he spake to this Effect to his Friends that stood about him. If I had dy'd a Natural Death, I might justly have complain'd of the Gods for ravishing me in the Bloom of my Youth, by an untimely Death from my Parents, my Children², and my Country; but now being taken off by the Treachery of Piso and Plancina ³, I leave my last desires with you: Acquaint my Father and my Brother, what Cruelties I have suffer'd, and with what Perfidiousness I have been treated, and how that at last I end a most miserable Life, by the worst kind of Deaths⁴. They whose good Fortune depended on mine, or who were ally'd to me by blood, way even they who before [Page] envy'd my Glory, will lament⁵ my hard Fat [...], that after all the Successes I have had, and the Battels I have escap'd, I should at last fall by the Treachery of a Woman⁶. You will have opportunity to complain to the Senate, and to demand Iustice. The great Duty of Friends is not to shew their Affections to the Dead in Fruitless Lamentations⁷, but to remember what he desir'd, and execute what he left in charge. Strangers will weep for Germanicus. But it is your part to revenge my Death, if you lov'd me rather than my Fortune⁸. Set before the Eyes of the People of Rome, my Wife, the Grand-Daughter of Augustus, with our six Children. Compassion will be on your side that accuse⁹; and though they should pretend secret Orders for their Villanies¹⁰, they will [Page] either not be believed, or not acquitted. His Friends taking him by the right Hand, as he was ready to expire, swore, they would lose their own Lives, but they would revenge his Death ¹¹.

LXXIII. Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife, he beseech'd her, That if she had any regard to his Memory, and to the Interest of their common Children, she would lay aside her haughty temper, and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune, lest at her return to Rome, she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her ¹. Thus much he spoke publickly, and [Page] something more in secret²; soon after which he expir'd, to the great regret of the Province, and the adjacent Countreys. Foreign Kings and Nations, Enemies as well as Allies, lamented him³; the Former for his Clemency and the Latter for his Courtesie. His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew respect; and although he retain'd an air of Majesty⁴ suitable to his high Birth and Character; yet he never incurr'd Envy, nor the Suspicion of Arrogance.

LXXIV. His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Images and Pomp, but with publick Praises, and the Commemoration of his Virtues¹. And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander ² for his Beauty and his [Page] Age, the Manner of his Death, and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd. For they were both very Handsome, and of Illustrious Birth: Neither of them lived much above thirty Years, and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own Peoplem. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends, moderate in his Pleasures, contented with one Wife³, and a sure Issue. As great a Captain as Alexander, if you'l not reckon the Successes of the other's Rashness; and who, after he had broken the Germans [Page] by so many Victories, would have entirely reduc'd Germany under the Obedience of the Romans, had he not been recall'd when he was upon the Point of finishing his Conquests. But had he been invested with the Title and Power of King⁴, he would as easily have Equall'd Alexander in Military Glory, as he Excell'd him in Clemency, Temperance, and other Virtues. His Body before it was burnt, was exposed naked to be viewed in the Market-place of Antioch, where his Funeral Pile was Erected. It is very uncertain, whether or no, there appeared on it any signs of Poison; for People, as they were influenc'd with Compassion for Germanicus, and with the common Prejudice against Piso on the one hand, or as they were inclin'd to [...]avour him on the other, spake differently of it.

LXXV. The Lieutenant-Generals, and some Senators who were in those Parts, immediately held a Consultation about the Choice of a Person to Administer the Government of Syria. All the Competitors that appear'd for it soon quitted their Pretensions, except Vibius Marsus and Cneius Sentius, betwixt whom there was a warm Competition, until Marsus at last gave it up to Sentius, as being the Elder Person, and the more eager Competitor.¹. [Page] As soon as he was in the Government, at the request of Vit [...]llius, Veranius, and some others who proceeded against Piso and Plancina, as if they had been already convicted, he sent to Rome one Martina, a Woman who had been infamous in that Province for poysoning, and Plancina's great Favourite².

LXXVI. But Agrippina, notwithstanding she was almost sinking under Grief and Indisposition of Body, yet impatient of any thing that might retard her revenge¹, took Ship with her Children, and her Husband's Ashes, which was a Spectacle that drew Compassion from all, to see so great a Princess, who in regard of her happy Marriage was lately Applauded and Ador'd by all People², now carry in her arms her Husband's mournful Urn, full of anxious Thoughts, whether she should find at Rome any Iustice for him, or Safety for her self, and who, by her unhappy Fruitfulness, was obnoxious to so [Page] many more strokes of Fortune³. In the mean time, [...] Messenger overtakes Piso at the Isle of Coos, with the News of Germanicus's Death, which he receiv'd with such extravagant Ioy, that he ran to the Temples and offer'd Sacrifices⁴, and Plancina, who was yet mor [...] insolent, left off the Mourning upon it she was in for her Sister, and put on a Gay Habitn.

LXXVII. The Centurions coming to him, assured him, That the Legions were at his Devotion; and that therefore his best course was to return to the Province of Syria, which was now without a Governor; and whereof he was unjustly dispossess'd. Whereupon consulting what was best to be done, his Son Marcus Piso [Page] was of Opinion, That he ought to hasten to Romeo; That there was nothing done yet which might not be answer'd; That slight Suspicions, and uncertain Reports, were not to be fear'd; That his Differences with Germanicus¹ deserv'd perhaps a Reprimand, but not Punishment; especially since he had given his Enemies the Satisfaction they desir'd, by quitting Syria. But to return thither in opposition to Sentius, would be to begin a Civil War ², wherein he could not rely much on the Fidelity of the Captains and the Soldiers, who had the Memory of their Beloved General Germanicus, fresh in their Minds ³, and an indeliable Affection for the Caesars.

LXXVIII. His great Confident, Domitius Celer, was of a contrary Opinion, and represented to Piso, That he ought to make use of the Occasion; That Piso, and not Sentius, was the Rightful Governor of Syria; That to him only, the Legions, and the Fasces, with the Authority [Page] of Praetor had been committed. If any acts of Hostility should ensue, who could with greater Iustice take Arms, than he who had received his Commission of Lieutenant-General, and his Orders, immediately from the Emperor? That time dissipates false Reports¹, and that Innocence it self is oftentimes over born by Envy in its first heat², but if he were at the head of an Army, and augmented his Forces³, Chance might bring many things to pass which could not be foreseen⁴. But why are we in such haste to get to Rome? Is it that we may arrive there together with the Ashes of Germanicus, and the Lamentations of Agrippina, that you may be torn to pieces unheard and undefended, by the first fury of the giddy Multitude? 'Tis true, Livia is your Accomplice, and you are in favour with Tiberius ⁵, but they'l not dare to protect you openly, and none will mourn for Germanicus with greater Ostentation, than those who rejoyce most at his Death⁶.

[Page] LXXIX. Piso, who was naturally inclin'd to violent Counsels, was, without any great Difficulty, gain'd to this Opinion¹. Upon which he wrote Letters to Tiberius, wherein having accused Germanicus of Luxury and Pride, and of removing him from the Province, only that he might more securely carry on his ill Designs; He declared, that he had resumed the Command of the Army with the same Fidelity he before held it. At the same time he order'd Domitius to take Ship, and avoiding the Shores and Islands, to sail into Syria through the Main Sea. He arms the Servants that follow'd the Camp, and forms into Companies the Deserters that came in to him; and as he sail'd with them to the Continent, he intercepted a Regiment of New rais'd Men that were going to Syria. He writes to the Petty-Princes of Cilicia to send him Succours, and his Son Piso was wanting in nothing that was necessary for the War, although he had dissuaded him from Undertaking it².

[Page] LXXX. Piso's Squadron meeting near the Coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, with that which was carrying Agrippina to Rome, the Enmity was so great, that both sides at first prepar'd for a Fight; but being restrain'd by mutual Fears, they proceeded no farther than hard Words. Marsus Vibius summon'd Piso to come to Rome to defend his Cause; who answer'd him scoffingly, That he would appear there when the Praetor who took Cognizance of Poysonings, should appoint a Day both for the Defendant and the Plaintiffs ¹. In the mean time, Domitius, who was come to Laodicea, a City of Syria, intending to go to the Winter-Quarters of the Sixth Legion, which he suppos'd to be most inclin'd to innovations, is prevented by Pacuvius, who had the Command of it. Sentius acquainted Piso with this by Letter; and advises him to make no farther attempt to debauch the Army by his Emissaries, nor to raise a War in the Province; and drawing together all those whom he knew to have an Affection for the Memory of Germanicus, or to be of an opposite Interest to his Enemies, he speaks great things in praise of him; and by the way, often reminds them, that it was against the Common-wealth it self that Piso made War; and afterwards marches with a good Body that was ready for Battel.

LXXXI. Notwithstanding, things had not succeeded according to Piso's expectation, he was not yet wanting to take the best Measures for his safety in his present Circumstances, but possess'd himself of a strong Fortress in Cilicia, named Celendris, and of the Auxiliaries [Page] which the Petty-Princes of Cilicia had sent him, and the New rais'd Soldiers which he had lately intercepted, with his own and Plancina's Servants, and what Deserters had come to him, formed into a Legion, all of them compleating the Number of one. To whom he made a Speech, declaring, That as he was the Emperor's Lieutenant in Syrid, it was not the Legions which opposed his Entrance into the Province, (for it was upon their Invitation that he return'd) but Sentius, who under pretended Crimes cover'd his own Malice against him. That they might safely range themselves in Battel against Soldiers who would not [...]ight when they saw Piso, whom they heretofore stiled their Father, and who, they knew, had the best Right, if it were to be decided by Law, and wanted not Courage, if by Arms. After which, he draws up his Troops in order of Battel before the Fort, on a Steep and Craggy Hill; the rest being environ'd by the Sea. Opposite to them were ranged our Veteran Soldiers in good Order, with a Reserv'd Body. One side had the advantage in Soldiers, and the other side in Ground; But Piso's Soldiers wanted Courage and Hope; nor had they any but Countrymen's Arms, which were made in haste for the Present Occasion. After once they were Engag'd, the Victory was no longer doubtful than whilst the Romans were climbing up the Hill, which they no sooner gain'd but the Cilicians [...]led, and shut themselves up in the Fort.

LXXXII. In the mean while, Piso attempted to surprize the Fleet which lay at Anchor not [...]ar off, but not succeeding, he returned; and as he stood on the Walls sometimes lamenting his Fate, sometimes calling to the Soldiers by Name, and promising them great Rewards, he endeavour'd to raise a Mutiny amongst them, and did so far prevail, that the Standard Bearer of the Sixth Legion went over to him with his Eagle. Whereupon, Sentius immediately order'd the Signal to be [Page] given by Sound of the Trumpets and Cornets; the Works to be rais'd, the Ladders to be set, and the Stoutest, Men to make the Assault; whilst others ply'd the Enemy with Darts, Stones, and Fire-works thrown from Engines. At length, Piso's obstinacy being broken, he desir'd,¹ that upon laying down his Arms, he might be permitted to remain in the Castle, untill the Emperor was consulted, Whom he would have to be Governor of S [...]ria: But this was not granted, nor could he obtain any thing more than a Passport, and Ships to carry him to Rome.

LXXXIII. After the News of Germanicus's sickness was noised at Rome, and reported, as is usual when bad News comes from far, worse than it was, Grief, Anger, and Complaints, fill'd the City. It was for this, said they, that he was sent to the remotest Parts of the Emprie, and Piso made Governor of the Province of Syria. This is the Effect of Livia's secret Conferences with Plancina. ¹ It is true enough what was said by Old men on Drusus's account, that Emperors don't like a [Page] Modest and Courteous Disposition in their Sons, for both Father and Son have been destroy'd for no other Reason but because they design'd to restore to the People of Rome their Liberty. But the News of his Death incens'd them to that degree, that without waiting for the Edict of the Magistrates, or the Decree of the Senate, they deserted the Courts of Iustice, shut up their Houses, and made a Vacation. In all Places there was either sighing or silence, and nothing was affected or done for Ostentation. And although they neglected not to mourn in their Habits, yet they mourned much more in their Hearts. It happen'd that some Merchants who came from Syria before Germanicus dy'd, brought with them news of his Recovery, which was easily believ'd, and quickly spread abroad: Every one through joy telling it with some addition to the next he met. They run up and down the City, force open the Doors of the Temples. The Night time made some ready to believe it, and others more positive to affirm it. Tiberi [...]s thought not sit to put a stop to this False Report, but left the People to be undeceiv'd by time; and then, as if he had been a second time taken from them, they lamented him more passionately than before².

LXXXIV. Divers honours were invented and decreed to his Memory¹, agreeable to the Genius of the Senators or their Affection to Germanicus. That his [Page] Name should be inserted into the Saliar Hymn, which was sung by the Priests of Mars. That the Curule Chair should be plac'd for him amongst the Seats of the Priests of Augustus, with a Garland of Oak over it. That his Statue made in Ivory should be carried the foremost in the Circensian Games. That none should be elected Priest or Augur in his Place, who was not of the Iulian Family. At Rome, on the Banks of the Rhine, and on Mount Amanus in Syria, Triumphal Arches were erected to him with Inscriptions, which made mention of his great actions, and that he died for the sake of the Common-Wealth. A Monument was Erected to him at Antioch p, where his Body was burnt; and a Tribunal at Epidaphne q, where he died. But the Places where Statues were set up, or Altars dedicated to him, are almost innumerable. When it was decreed, that a Buckler of Massy Gold of an extraordinary sizer should be [Page] plac'd for him among the great Masters of Eloquence, Tiberius said, that he would dedicate one to him of the Ordinary size and make, for Eloquence was not to be distinguished by Fortune; and that it was a sufficient Honour for his Son to be rank'd amongst the ancient Authors. That which before was call'd the Regiment of Iuniors, was by the Knights now named the Regiment of Germanicus, who also order'd, that on the 15th of Iuly his Statue should be carried in the Head of their Regiment. Many of these Orders are yet observ'd, but some of them were soon neglected, and others are worn out by time.

LXXXV. But whilst this Grief was green, Livia, the Sister of Germanicus who was married to Drusus, had two Sons at a Birth, which being a Thing rare, and welcome to mean Families, was received with such joy by Tiberius, that according to his way of turning all things, even the most Casual to his Glory, he could not refrain from boasting to the Senate, that never a Roman of his quality, before him, had the good Fortune to have two Sons at a Births. But at this time it had a quite different Effect upon the People, who were concern'd at the Increase of Drusus's Family; for fear it should depress Germanicus's.

LXXXVI. The same Year the Senate made severe Decrees to repress the Lewdness of Women. It was decreed, that no Woman should prostitute her self for [Page] Money¹, whose Grandfather, Father, or Husband, was a Roman Knight, because Vistilia a Lady of a Praetorian Family, had declared to the Aediles, that she would prostitute her self according to a Custom establish'd amongst our Ancestors, who thought it a sufficient Punishment for Unchast Woment, to make this publick Profession of their Infamy. Titidius Labeo, being question'd why he had omitted to punish his Wife according to Lawu seeing she was notoriously criminal; and he pretending, that the Sixty days allowed by the Law to consult, were not yet expired, they thought it sufficient to proceed against Vistilia, and banish'd her into the Island Seriphos. x. The Senate took into consideration, the Extirpation of the Egyptian and Iewish Religion out of Rome, and a Decree pass'd, that 4000 Persons infected with that Superstition, who were of the Race of Freedmen, and of an Age fit for Service should be sent into the Island of Sardinia, to suppress the Robberies there, as [Page] being People whose loss would be inconsiderable, if they should perish by the Unwholsomeness of the Air, and that the rest should leave Italy, if they did not by such a Day renounce their Prophane Rites².

LXXXVII. After which Tiberius propos'd the Election of a Virgin to succeed Occia, who for the space of fifty seven Years had presided over the Vestals, with great Integrity. He thank'd Fonteius Agrippa and Domitius Pollio, because that by offering their Daughters, they [...]ied with one another in their Zeal for the Common-Wealth. Pollio's Daughter was preferr'd, for no other reason, but because her Mother had always lived with her first Husband, whereas Agrippa had lessen'd the Reputation of his Family by a Divorce¹; However, Tiberius to comfort her that lost it, gave her five thousand Pounds for her Dowry.

LXXXVIII. The People complaining of the Dearth of Corn, he set a Price for the Buyer to pay; and promis'd [Page] that he would add two Nummi y a Bushel¹ to the Seller. And yet for all this, he would not assume the Title of the Father of the Country, which was now again offer'd him²; and he gave a sharp Reprimand to those who stil'd him Lord, and his Employments Divine³. So that there was but little left to be said, and that scarce with safety, under a Prince who hated Flattery, and feared Liberty.

LXXXIX. I find in the ancient Writers of those times, That Letters from Adgandestrius a Prince of the Chatti, were read in the Senate, wherein he engaged to put Arminius to death, if they would send him Poison [Page] for that purpose¹; who was answer'd, That the Romans did revenge themselves on their Enemies, not Clandestinely and by Treachery, but Openly and in Arms; whereby Tiberius equall'd himself to the Glory of the old Roman Generals, who prevented the Design of Poysoning King Pyrrus, and discover'd it to him. At last, after the Romans were retir'd, and Maroboduus was expell'd, Arminius aspiring to Monarchy, made his own Countrymen his Enemies, who taking up Arms against him in defence of their Liberties², after variety of Fortune, he fell at last by the Treachery of his own Kindred. He was the undoubted Deliverer of Germany; and which adds to his glory, he did not attack the Romans in their Infancy, as other Kings and Captains had done, but in the most flourishing State of their Empire. His Fortune was various in the Battels which he fought; but he was not conquer'd in the War. He lived 37 years, and commanded 12; and his Memory is still famous amongst those barbarous Nations, who celebrate his great actions in their Songsz, although he is not known in the Annals of the Greeks, who admire [Page] nothing but what is done amongst themselves; nor so renown'd as he deserves amongst us, who whilst we extoll things done long since, are apt to neglect late Examples³.

Notes

1.

As soon as a Powerful Prince hath taken Arms, the War spreads it self as it were by contagion, into all the Neighbouring States. Some arm for their own safety; others for the defence of the weaker side; others follow the fortune of the Stronger, either that they may have a share in the Spoils of the Conquered, or that they might not themselves fall a Prey to the Conqueror. Thus there needs but one unquiet Prince to trouble a whole World. For, saith Comm [...] nes, although in the beginning there are but two o [...] three Princes or inferior persons, before the Feast hath lasted two years, all the Neighbours are invited to it. Cap. 8. Lib. 3.

↵

2.

The People look upon those Princes as Strangers, who have had a Foreign Education. Indeed Education is a second Birth. The first forms the Body, but the second forms the Manners. It is of little Importance to Subjects, that the Body of the Prince is Foreign, but it is of great Importance to them that his Manners be not so; forasmuch as it is not the Body but the Mind that governs. Cicero saith, That the Romans freely tolerated Sacrifices after the Graecian fashion, provided that the Ceremonies thereof were performed by a Roman Citizen, ut Deos immortales scientia peregrina & externa, mente domestica & civili precarentur. Pro. Corn. Balbo. The Dutch would never permit Philip-William of Nassaw, Prince of Orange, the Eldest Son of their Deliverer, to reside in their Countrey, till after the Truce was made with the Spaniards, for he having been almost thirty years a Prisoner in Spain, they believed his humour to be Spanish. For the same reason Princes ought not to absent themselves any long time from their Dominions, because it is believed at their return, that they bring Outlandish humours with them.

↵

a

Which is as much as to say of the Royal Family of the Parthians, which began with two Brothers, named Arsaces and T [...]ridates, who threw off the Yoke of the Selucidae.

↵

b

Iustin saith, That when Vonones was put into the hands of Augustus, this Prince said, that the Kingdom of the Parthians would in [...]ime become a Part of the Roman Empire, if the Romans gave Kings to the Parthians. Iuris Romanorum futuram Parthiam aff [...]rmans, si ejus regnum muneris ejus [...]uisse [...], Lib. 42.

↵

c

In the interview, which Caius Caesar and Phraates had on the Euphrates, this King passed over first to the Bank on which Caius was, and afterwards Caius to the Bank on which the King was. Paterc, Hist. 2. Cap. 101.

↵

d

Four Sons, and four Grandsons.

↵

3.

A Prince who is not beloved by his Subjects, ought to avoid as much as possibly he can, engaging in War, or having any misunderstanding with his Neighbours. Lewis XI. saith Commines, would put nothing to hazard, and he did so not only for fear of the Duke of Burgundy, but also out of an apprehension of Seditions that might break out in France if he should happen to lose a Battel; for he knew that he was not much beloved by his Subjects; and particularly by the Great Men. And he hath often said to me, that he should find it, if his affairs went ill. Ch. 1. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs.

↵

1.

To preserve Peace in a Monarchical State, it is necessary that the Great Men intermeddle not with the Administration of Affairs; for their ambition never suffers them to agree together. The weaker desiring an Equality, and the more powerful not being contented with that, they perpetually bandy into Factions one against another; so that the State is torn with their quarrels, until a Prince comes, who hath the Courage and the Skill to resume all the Authority which both sides have usurped.

↵

2.

The greatest Honour that a Foreign Nation can do to a Prince is to be willing to receive a King from his hands, especially, when it is a Nation equal, or very near equal in power, as the Parthians were to the Romans. Sociis virium aemulis, saith Tacitus, cedentibusque per reve, rentiam. Ann. 12. i. e. The Parthians who do not give place to the Romans, but out of Respect and Friendship.

↵

3.

A new Reign, saith Cabrera, or a new Minister, always pleaseth the People best, who in this cross the Custom that is almost Universal, to praise the past and condemn the present. As the Successor differs from his Predecessor, either in Age or Manners, how good qualities soever the Predecessor had, he that succeeds is always more acceptable▪ People grow weary of, and in time disrelish every thing, and particularly every thing that is Uniform; the same kind of Dish served up two days successively, becomes insipid; a way that is all even and alike, tires if it be long. Lib. 7. Cap. ult. Cardinal Delfin said one day to me, that at Rome no Popes were hated more than those who reigned long, and that la longhezza del dominare (it was the Expression he used) made a good Pope as insupportable as a Bad one.

↵

4.

Tacitus saith, that the Parthians regretted their Princes, when they were absent, and disliked them when they were present. Parthos absentiun [...] aequos, praesentibus mobiles, Ann. 6. By the first, Vonones, who had been so long absent, ought to have been very agreeable to them at his return; but by the second, he could not fail of soon experiencing their Inconstancy. Besides, it is common for Men to have a good Opinion of the Absent, majora credi de absentibus, Hist. 2. and to find themselves deceived when they see them, because it is much easier to form a great Idea of those whom we love, before we know them, than it is to answer a great Expectation, when we ar [...] known.

↵

e

He was slain with the greatest part of the Roman Army, by the Cavalry of King O [...]odes, the Father of Phraates; and the Parthians were going to posses▪ themselves of Syria, whereof he was Governor, if Calus Cassius, who served in the Roman Army in the Quality of Qu [...]estor, had not prevented them. Paterc. Cap. 46. Lib. 2.

↵

f

Having entred Armenia with 16 Legions, he marched through Media, in order to attack the Parthians. But as he advanced in the Enemy's Country, [...] met [...] King of the Parthians, and Artavasdes King of Media, who hinder'd him from passing the Euphrates, and defeated his Lieutenant Oppius Statianus with two Legions, and all the Cavalry, which he had under his Command. Afterwards, he was forced to raise the Siege of Praaspes, the Capital City of Media, and to send to beg Peace of Phraates, who gave it him on such Conditions as used to be impos'd on the [...] Lib. 42. Anthony, saith Paterculus, stuck not to call his [...] because he had escaped out of the hands of his Enemies with his [...], although he had lost the fourth part of his Army, all his Baggage and Artillery, Chap. 82.

↵

5.

According to Xenophon, Hunting is the truest Image of War, for there is nothing to be seen in War, which is not seen in Hunting; and consequently Hunting is the most profitable Diversion that a Prince can take, who de [...]igns to be a great Captain. David offering himself to Saul to fight with Goliah, alledges, as a Proof of his Courage, and of his Experience, that he had pursued the Lyon and the Bear, and that he had strangled and slew them, in stopping their mouths with his hands; ( [...] Sam. 17.) An instance of the Re [...]emblance that there is betwixt Hunting and War. Commines saith, that of all Diversions Lewis XI. took the greatest Delight in Hunting; but that he scarce returned from it, but he was angry with somebody. For it is a thing, saith he, that is not always [...]anag'd to please those, who are the Principal Persons in the Field. An Observation for Princes, who love this Diversion, and for those who accompany them at it. Chap. 13. Book. 6. of his Memoirs.

↵

g

[...] in the Preface to his Cataline, reckons Hunting amongst [...]ervile [...] and [...] ▪ Non fuit consilium socordia atque defidia bonum otiu [...] conterere; neque vero agrum colendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum, aetatem aegere. Reasoning in this like a Roman, for in his time the Romans did not hunt; and it is taken notice of by Su [...]tonius, that Tiberius branded a Commander of a Legion with infamy, for sending some Soldiers a Hunting▪ Here we ought to observe, that Republicans have never been great Hunters, because they are always taken up with affairs of Government. So we are not to wonder, if the Noble [...]Venetians, are neither Hunters nor Soldiers. They don't so much as understand how to sit a Horse; for besides that they have no Horses in their City, they don't care to be Horsemen, because they dont make War but by Sea, all their Military Land-Offices being given to Strangers. Cabrera calls Hunting a Royal Exercise, Real exercicio de la casa; and saith, that Philip II. took great delight in it. Chap. of his History.

↵

6.

In a Nation, such as the Parthians, whose whole strength [...]ay in Cavalry, a King cannot have a greater Fault, than not to be a good Horseman. The Polanders, who much resemble the Parthians, could never endure a King that was not a good Horseman. It is well known, how much they contemn'd their King Michael Wisniovecki.

↵

7.

A Prince who comes to govern a Foreign Country, will never be agreeable to his New Subjects, if he doth not conform himself to their Manners, at least in the beginning of his Reign. Those Virtues, with which they are unacquainted, will appear Vices to them, if he hath not the address to accommodate himself, for a while to their Vices, as if they were Virtues. Italas King of the Cheraschi, gain'd the Affection of his people, in making a Debauch sometimes, although he was born at Rome, and had been trained up in Maxims directly opposite to those of the Barbarians. Charles V. according to the report of Strada, had such a Command of his temper, that he changed his Manners, as easily as his Residence, living after the German fashion in Germany; after the Italian in Italy; after the Spanish in Spain; and every where as much belov'd as he was in [...]landers, the Country where he was born. On the contrary Philip II▪ by so much affecting to be and appear Spanish to the whole World, render'd himsel [...] intolerable to the English and odious to the Netherlands, who had been a long time accustomed to the Affable and Popular humour of Charles V. Commines saith▪ that a Prince who goes into a strange Countrey, had need be wise, to guard every side. ch. 3. lib. 6.

↵

1.

A Prince whose Dominions are situated betwixt two Neighbours stronger than himself, is always forc'd to side with the most Powerful, or the most Successful of them. Now as the Romans and the Parthians were almost equal in strength, as I have before observ'd; and because Fortune favoured sometimes one and sometimes the other; multa Romanis secunda, quaedam Parthis evenisse—damnis mutuis. Armenia, which equally depended on each of them, (for the Romans had the Sovereignty of it in Right, but the Parthians in possession) espous'd the Interests of That of these two Empires which it feared most, being perpetually divided betwixt Obedience and Revolt.

↵

h

But in chains of Gold, saith Patercuius, to do the greater Honour to the Royal Character. Rege [...] Armeniae Ar [...]avasden, fraude deceptum, catenis, sed ne quid honori deesset, aureis vinxit, Hist. 2. Argenteis catenis vinxit, saith Di [...], quia nimirum turpe erat Regem ferreis in catenis haberi, Lib. 49. This King had contributed much to the ill success of Anthony's Expedition against the Parthians.

↵

2.

It is, saith Commines, a great Folly in a Prince to put himself in the Power of another; especially when they are in War, or there is any quarrel betwixt them: and it is a great Advantage to Princes to have read Histories, where there are instances of such Interviews, and of the great Treachery that some of the Ancients have used towards one another, having seized and Assassinated those, who have trusted to such a security.—The Example of one is sufficient to make many Wise by it, and to take care of themselves. Chap. 6. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs.

↵

i

Brother to Artaxias.

↵

k

In the East the Brother and Sister marry'd together, and reign'd in common. There are several Examples in the Families of the P [...]ol [...]my' [...] of Aegypt. Dio saith, that Cleopatra was marry'd to her Eldest Brother Ptol [...]my, and Arsinoe to another Ptolomy her Younger Brother.

↵

l

The Son of Agrippa.

↵

1.

A good Meen and fine Shape, are not always indications of the Merits of the Persons, but they serve at least to impose on the People, all whose Iudgment lies in their Eyes. So that it is not without reason, that Princes take so much care to have a good outside; for every one sees their Bodies, and very few their Minds. Cabrera saith, that the first time that the Queens Mary and Eleanor, Sisters to Charles V. saw Philip Prince of Spain, he appeared of small stature in their Eyes, which had been accustomed to the sight of Germans. As if Man's Body, saith he, were a Cage, which by being too little or too strait, could not lodge the Soul for which the whole Earth is not a Quarry large enough. Ch. 3. Lib. 1. of his History. Don Iohn Antonio de Vera, mentions a Law of King Don Alonso el Sabio (the same who compiled the Customary which they call las Partidas) by which he recommended to the Kings of Castile to marry none but handsom well-shap'd Women, that their Children might be handsome and well-shap'd▪ which is of great importance to the Sons of Kings. The same Author adds, that the Ambassadors of Poland, who brought to the Duke of An [...]ou the Decree of his Election, told him, that he was obliged for it in part to his Good Presence, and his Charming Meen, In the second Discourse of his Ambassador. His Sister, Queen Margaret said, that Beauty which gives a Grace to every action, did shine in him to that Degree, that it seemed to vie with his good Fortune, which of the two should make him most glorious. Lib. 1. of his Memoirs.

↵

2.

Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments. For this Sex, saith Tacitus, is not only weak and voluptuous, and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State; but besides, is Cruel, Untractable, and desirous infinitely to extend its Power, if its Ambition be not rest [...]in'd. The Prophet Isaiah, (Ch. 3.) threatens the Iews with the Government of Children, and with that of Women, as with two equal Curses. So that we are not to wonder, if [...] is so odious in those very [...], where Women have right of Succession, nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne.

↵

3.

Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom o [...] a Common-Wealth can fall into; and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted: For it is impossible for Civil [...] to sub [...]ist without a Master, and without Laws. And this is the r [...]ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration.

↵

4.

A State, however it changes the Form of its Government, sooner or later, will return to that which it had in its Original. The first Gover [...]ment to a Body-Politick, is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body.

↵

5.

It is not the Royal Title or [...], that make a King, but the Authority; The Majesty is in the Functions, not in the Ornaments; and it is [...] this reason that the Title of [...] d [...]d not belong to the Senate o [...] Rome, although it had all the exterior Marks of it, as the Rods, the Purple Robe, the Ivory-Chair, &c. but to the People, in whom the Supreme Power resided. Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies, Velitis, Iubeatis, Quirites, which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies. Cabrera saith, that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England, and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage, took it very ill, that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it, and the more because, he was hereby King of Naples and of England, only in Title and Name. There were also some Englishmen, who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband, Chap. 5, and 7. Lib. 1. of his History. The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva, without the privity of the Dutchess of [...], Governess the Low-Countreys, this Princess who saw that the Duke, besides his large power, had secret Orders, which le [...]t her [...] more than the Name of Governess, desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces, saying, that it was neither for his Service, nor her Honour, whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister, to continue there with a Title without Authority. Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad.

↵

6.

A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions, doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath go [...] possession of them, how well soever he is treated by him. For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph. Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles, whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered, or Usurped; but this Prince soon passed into Africk. For, saith Mariana, those who have seen themselves Kings, have not constancy or pa [...]ience enough to lead a Private Life, Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain.

↵

1.

How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be, to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty, it is prudence in a Prince, under some specious pretence, to remove him from this Army or Province, for fea [...] lest the Infidelity of others, and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him. The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions, had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune, if he would seize the Empire, (Ann. [...].) and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus, and of the Affection which these Legions had for him, and Ag [...]ippinae, who was continually giving them largesse▪ The Satisfaction which the Neapoli [...]ans had in the Gove [...]nment of Gonsalo Hernandez, whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain, was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain, with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iam [...]s, which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom.

↵

m

Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner. He sent him into France to the assistance of the League, whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys, where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority, having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany; the Duke of Alonson into [...] ▪ the Earl of Liecester into England, and the Prince of Orange into Holland. For his absence gave the Rebels new strength, and was the Cause, that they recovered a great part of what they had lo [...]t. So that Don Carlos Coloma, had good reason to say, that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy, Lib. 2, and 3. of his Wars of Flanders.

↵

n

Holland.

↵

o

Now Wahal.

↵

p

This was a Ceremony used amongst the Romans at the Funerals of Princes and Illustrious Persons. Exercitus, saith Sueton speaking of Drusus, honorarium ei tumulum excitavit, circa quem deinceps stato die quotannis miles decurreret. These Altars were like our Epitaphs:

Hectoreum ad tumulum, &c.

Et geminas, caussam lacrymis, sacraverat aras.

Virg. Aeneid. 5.

Aggeritur tumulo tellus, stant manibus arae.

Aen. 3.

↵

q

It was a Canal which Drusus cut betwixt the Rhine and the Isell, from Arnheim to Doesburg, which is as much as to say, the City of Drusus, for the Passage of his Army from the Rhine to the Bay of the Zuyder-Sea, and thence into the Ocean.

↵

r

There was a Place named Amista, as there was the Fort and the River of Alison, and as the Place and the River, saith Mr. [...]ick in his No [...]es, had one Name, they have so also at this day. For the Ems giveth its name to the C [...]y of Embden.

↵

s

A People who dwell betwixt the Ems and the Weser.

↵

u

These Crowns were of several sorts, but all of very common matter. The Triumphal Crown, which was the Noblest of all, was of Laurel; [...] Luxury, which is always at War with Moderation, brought afterwards in use Crowns of Gold for Victorious Generals, and this Present was call'd Aurum C [...]ronarium. The Obsidional Crown which the Soldiers presented to their General, for raising the Enemy's Siege, was made of Grass; because heretofore the Conquer'd gave a handful of Grass to the Conqueror, to shew, that he took possession of their Lands▪ Plin. Lib. 22. and Ch. 3, and 4. This Crown was esteemed above all the rest, because it was the only one, which was given to the Generals by the Soldiers; whereas the Soldiers received the others from their General. Sicinius [...], who had obtain'd eight Crowns of Gold, three Mu [...]al, and fourteen Civick, had never but one Ob [...]idional Crown. The Civick was of Oak or Holm, and was given for saving the Life of a Citizen, and killing him who was going to take it away. The Mural and the Camp or Trench Cr [...]m, was given to those who first mounted the Breach, or Forced the Enemy's Camp: Which was represented by Battlements or Pallisadoes engraved on these Crowns. They who obtain'd an Ovation, i. e. The lesser Triumph, wore a Myrtle Crown on their Heads. Paterculus saith, that Agrippa, Son-in-Law to Augustus, was the first Roman who was honoured with a Naval Crown, Hist. 2. Ch. 87. This sort of Crown had for distinction the Beaks of Ships engraved round it, whence it was called Corona [...] ▪ The Romans, saith Cobrera, used Crowns of Grass and Wood, and rings of Iron, to exclude mercenary rewards, by separating Profit from Glory, and to engrave the Love of Virtue on their Hearts, with the graving Instrument of Honour, Ch. 12. of the 8th Book of his History. Rewards of this kind, saith a Modern Author, have no bounds, because the Royal Power is a Fountain, whence new Honours and new Dignities incessantly spring, as Rays of Light every moment emane from the Sun, which are so far from exhausting that they increase its light, Chap. 9. of the Politicks of France.

↵

1.

It is not the matter of the Gift which is regarded in these rewards, but the Opinion which Men have of them. Their Esteem is not paid to the Mettal of the Collar, of the Crown, or of the Cross, but to the Reason for which they are given. Thus it signifies little. whether these Exterior Marks be of Gold, Silver, Brass, Wood, or Stuff. These are Arms of Inquest, which by exciting the Curiosity of those that see them, draw Respect and Admiration on him that wears them. T. Labienus having given Golden Bracelets, (a Military Gift which Soldiers wore on the left Arm) to a Trooper, who had perform'd some great actions, Scipio said to this Trooper, for whom he had a great Esteem; You have the share of a rich Man: as much as to say, You have not the share of a Soldier. The Trooper blushing at this Raillery, went and threw this Present at the Feet of Labienus, after which Scipio, his General, having sent him Bracelets of Silver, he esteem'd himself highly honour'd therewith. An instance, that it is easie for Princes to reward their Soldiers and Servants [...]t a Cheap Rate, and that brave Men set a Greater Value upon that which honours them, than upon that which enriches them. Sebastian King of Portugal, presenting a Sword set with precious Stones to the young Duke of Pastrana the Son of Ruy Gomez de Silva, Prince of Eboli; this Duke, who was but fifteen years old, immediately unsheath'd it, and touching the Blade, without regarding the precious Stones, said, It is very good. Cabrera, Chap. 10. Lib. 11. of his Philip II. To conclude, Princes give what value they please to things, and Iron and Lead are more precions in their hands, when they know how seasonably to make use of them, than Gold is in the hands of Subjects. If the shameful Hair of a Lady of Bruges, hath served for the Occasion and Institution of an Order, of which the Kings of Spain, and the Emperors of Germany, think it a Glory to wear the Collar; what is there so Base and Vile, which may not furnish Princes with an inexhaustible Fund wherewith to recompence Great Men.

↵

1.

The Interviews of Great Men do rather exasperate than sweeten their Spirits; for there is always something said, either by themselves, or by those that accompany them, whence they take an occasion to part Enemies.

↵

2.

Even those who have renounc'd their Honour, and who glory in their Wickedness, are offended when they are call'd Traytors. Flavius had patiently endur'd the cutting Raillery of Arminius, who had reproach'd him with being a Slave of the Romans; [irridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia] but so soon as his Brother call'd him Traytor, he could no longer dissemble; and had it not been for Stertinius, who stopt him by main force, he was going to revenge the Affron. I cannot omit here the Answer of one Iohn Bravo, when he was on the Scaffold to be beheaded, at these Words of the Sentence, a est [...]s Cavalleros por traidores, which the Executioner pronounc'd with a loud Voice; he cry'd out, You Lie in that, and all those who make you say it. A Heat which did not indeed discover a Contrite Heart; but it shew'd at least one that was but little stained with the Guilt of Treason: Which are the words of Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitome of the life of Charles the Fifth.

↵

1.

A good General ought never to hazard a Battel till he hath put all things in good order. To begin to be in a Condition not to be Conquer'd, is to begin to Conquer. Lewis XI. saith Commines, understood this Point very well; He was slow in Undertaking, but when once he undertook, he took such care for every thing, that it was a very great chance if he did not succeed in his Enterprize, Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Prosper Colonna, and the Duke of Alva, who took him for his Patern, would never give their Enemies Battel, till they were sure of gaining it. Ste th [...] first Note of the 40th Article of the first Book. Henry the IV. having sent to demand Battel of the Dukes of Parma and Maine; the first answered the Herald, (they are the Words of Chancellor de Chiverny) that the King of Spain had sent him to prevent the Alteration of the Catholick Religion in France; and to raise the Siege of Paris: As for the Former he had already done it; and for the Latter, if he should find that the shortest way to succeed in it, was to give Battel, he would do it, and force the King of Navarre to accept it▪ or that, in fine, he would take what other resolution he should think fit. In his Memoirs.

↵

x

The Primipiles were the Lieutenant-Colonels of Legions. Every Primipile commanded all the Centurions or Captains of his Legion. Qui primus Triari [...]rum Centurio, sive Triariorum manipulo in prima cohorte praeerat, atque reliqu [...]s omnes Centuriones dignitate anteibat, Primopilus, sive Primipilus, sive Primipili Centurio vocabatur. Rosin. Antiquit. Rom. Lib. 10. Cap. 7▪

↵

1.

In such a Council, saith Commines, there are a great many People, who are only Ecchoes to others, without scarce understanding the Matter, and desire to shew their complaisance to some Person, who hath spoke and who is esteemed to be in authority, Lib. 2. Cap. 2. There are others who will not contradict, because they make it a Point of Honour not to be over-born by their Adversary; insomuch, that they had rather suffer an opinion, which they believe must be prejudicial to pass, than not to have the Glo [...]y of carrying what they appear for. Which Vanity is yet more blameable than Complaisance. It is much better, saith Cabrera, to pass for Wise and Prudent, than for a Man of Authority; for if your Advice is rejected, and there follows thence any Evil to the Prince or the Publick, this turns to your Honour, and to the Disgrace of him who carry'd it by his Credit or his Favour, Lib. 2. Cap. 7.

↵

y

This was the Praetorian Gate, where the Augural always stood, i. e. the Place where the General took the Augury and the Auspices, before he Enterprized any thing. The Augural was on the Right hand, and the General's Pavilion on the Le [...]t.

↵

1.

Princes cannot make themselves familiar with Truth, unless it be disguis'd; nor Truth with them, unless they are disguis'd. When Truth knows them, it flys from them, whereas it seeks them, when it doth not know them. There is scarce any Prince, who at the End of his Reign is not yet to know, as well as Pilate, what is Truth.

↵

z

This was the common Habit of the German Auxiliaries, and Germanicus wore it at that time, to pass for one of the Germans of his Guard. Tergis ferarum horrentes. Hist. 2. Gerunt & ferarum pelles. In Germania.

↵

a

About 12 Shillings of our Money.

↵

b

The Night was divided into Watches or Guards, each of which consisted of three hours.

↵

c

The Auspices were taken from the Flight of Birds.

↵

d

The Reason of this was, because the Romans would have the Elb the Boundary of their Empire on that side, according to the Counsel of Augustus. Co [...]rcendi intra terminos Imperii. Ann. 1.

↵

e

Those, which Tacitus said, joyn'd Arminius▪

↵

f

Don Iuan Antonio de Vera & Ulloa, relates in the Life of Charles V. that as he was upon the point of giving Battle to Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony, there appeared an Eagle, which after it had flown for a long time round the Imperial Army, at last took his flight towards the North, as it were to carry the News of the Emperor's Victory. Herrera saith, that another Eagle came from the Turk's Camp, pitched on the Pavillion of Sigismund Battori, Prince of Transilvania, and suffer'd himself to be taken and manag'd like a tame Bird, Lib. 21. Cap. 21. of the third part of his History. It is reported in the Chronicle of Paul Piasecki, that the Scholars of the College of Zamoyski playing one day in a Neighbouring Field, caught an Eagle, about which a Serpent had turn'd it self, which was taken for a Presage, that the Crown-General, Iohn Zaymoyski, who departed that day, to joyn his Army at Cracow, would soon rescue the Polish Eagle out of the S [...]ares of Maximilian, Arch-Duke of Austria, Elected King by the Faction of Zborowvi and Gorka, who were for annulling the Election of Sigismund, Prince of Suedeland, 1587. If these Prodigies pass for Truths, I know not for what reason that which Tacitus mentions here, appear'd fabulous to Lipsius. He ought to have remembred that Tacitus saith, that as it would be beneath the Dignity of History to entertain the Reader with fabulous Stories, so it would be rashness not to give credit to what all People have published. Hist. 2.

↵

g

The Romans had so great a Veneration for their Eagles, that they [...] Gods, and even preferred them before the other [...], saith Tertullian in his Apology, sig [...] veneratar, [...].

↵

1.

It is Prudence in a General of an Army always to interpret Prodigies to his advantage; for nothing should be said to Soldiers, how Brave and Warlike soever they are, which may discourage them. Besides, a General who lets his Army know, that he presages ill from any appearance or casual Event, is suspected to be himself under fear; which always produces bad Effects.

↵

h

The [...].

↵

i

The Bavarians.

↵

2.

A Victory which costs little [...] is a [...] Victory, and consequently this Name is not very properly given to Battels, wherein they lose fifty or sixty thousand Men, as the Spani [...]rds did at O [...]end. And this was Pyrrhus's meaning, when he said, after he had gain'd two Battels against the Romans, that he was ruin'd if he should gain a Third. The Romans refused the Honour of a Triumph to Generals who had paid dear for a Victory, they refused it amongst others, to the Consul Attilius, who had made above seven thousand Samnites pass under the Yoke, because he had lost almost as many of his own Men; and to his Collegue Posthum [...]us for the same reason.

↵

k

Forenoon▪

↵

1.

Quintus Curtius saith, that there are no little Enemies. You strengthen those whom you despise. They who do things with fear, saith Commines, make good Provision, and succeed oftner than those who act with Pride and Security, Lib. 2. Cap. 4. The Emperor, Frederick III. said wisely, that we ought not to [...]ell the Skin before we have kill'd the Bear. Lib. 4. Cap. 3. The Duke of Alva who promised Philip II. to smother the Hollanders in their Butter, had the dissatis [...]action to see before he dy'd, The Union of Utretcht, that is to say, The first Establishment of their Common-Wealth on the Ruines of the Spanish Government. Sebastian King of Portugal, thought himself so well assur'd of the Conquest of the Kingdom of Morr [...]co▪ that before his departure, he caused a Crown and Regal Ornaments to be made on purpose, to be used at the Ceremony of his Coronation in Africk; whereas he ought to have carry'd thither Funeral Ornaments. Lib. 1. of the History of the Union of Portugal. The Spanish relation of the Entrance of Philip II. into Portugal, saith, that this Crown, which Sebastian carry'd with him, was made after the Fashion of that of the Empire, because he intended to take upon himself the Title of Emperor, after the Victory, which he thought himself as good as possessed of. Cr [...]yend [...] intitulars [...] E [...]perador [...] las esp [...]rancas de [...] victoria. Cap. 103. It had been more for the Honour of the Governor of Luxemburg, not to have made a shew of Violins on the Rampart of the Town▪ in derision of our Army that was approaching it, and to have consider'd that he had to do with Enemies who knew how to dance to the Sound of Cannon.

↵

1.

The Conqueror ought never to reproach the Conquered with his Victory. Such Monuments exasperate their Minds, and provoke them to revenge it, if they are Equals; and to revolt if they are Subjects. The Brass Statue of the Duke of Alva trampling under his Feet two Statues more, which represented the Nobility and Commons of the Low-Countrys, cost the King of Spain the Revolt of Antwerp, and of several other Cities. Wherefore Don Luis de Requesens, who succeeded him in the Government of these Provinces, enter'd on his Administration with the Demolishing of this Statue, not, said he, that so great a Man did not deserve this Honour, but to remove ou [...] of the Peoples sight, a Monument which shock'd them, and to give them hopes of a milder Treatment. Herrera, Ch. 11. Lib. 3. of the second Part of his History, (1575.) Diodorus Siculus saith, that heretofore the Greeks did not suffer Trophees to be made of any other Materials but of Wood, to the end that these Monuments of Discord, (for so he calls them) might be soon destroy'd and consum'd, Lib. 13. of his History.

↵

1.

There is nothing more necessary, nor more useful to Generals of Armies than Spies, whom Strada had reason to call the Ears and Eyes of Princes. God himself, as it may be seen in the Holy Scriptures, commanded Moses to send Spies into the Land of Promise. The Lord spake unto Moses saying, send Men who may search the Land of Canaan, which I give unto the Children of Israel. All the Instructions which a General can give to the Spies that he employs are expressed in this Chapter.

↵

2.

When a General undertakes the most dangerous part himself, the Officers and Soldiers very chearfully do all the rest.

↵

l

These Engines threw pieces of Stone, of Lead, of Wood, and Dart [...], whose Iron Points were two or three foot long.

↵

3.

Nothing makes an Army more invincible, than a Necessity either to Conquer or to Die. Count Maurice of Nassaw, being just going to fight the Battel of Newport, sent back all the Ships which had brought his Army to Flanders, telling his Soldiers, that they must either cut their way through the Enemy, or drink up all the Water of the Sea. Which was followed with a Victory so much the more Glorious, as the Army of Arch-Duke Albert was much stronger than his▪ [Iuly 2. 1600.]

↵

1.

Fortune may rob great Captains of Victory, but not of the Glory which is due to them, when they have acquitted themselves well of their Duty. We ought not to judge of them by the Success, which is o [...]tentimes the Effect of meer Chance; but by their Conduct which shews their Ability, or their Insufficiency. Notwithstanding the Admiral Gas [...]ar de Coligny had lost four Battels, he was so far from losing his Reputation thereby, that Charles IX. was even obliged to [...]ue to him for Peace, so well was the Court satisfy'd that his Courage was much greater than the Malignity of his Fortune.

↵

2.

When two Nations have been Engag'd in many Quarrels, there is always either open War betwixt them, or Preparations for War; and whatsoever Peace they patch up, good Faith or Confidence is never found amongst them., Aut bellum inter [...]os populos, aut belli preparatio, aut inf [...]da pax. Paterculus Hist. 1. For the hatred, saith the same Author, lasts longer than the Fear, and the Victorious Nation never ceases to hate that which is conquer'd, (although it has no more to fear from them) until it is entirely extinguished, Odium ultra metum durat, & ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque ante invisum esse de [...]n [...], quam esse desiit. Ibidem.

↵

1.

A wise Minister ought to dissemble his own Glory, and refer all to the Honour of his Prince. The Duke of Alva having caused his Elogium to be put on the Pedestal of a Statute which he had erected for himself at Antwerp, with these Words in the Close, Regis optimi Ministro fidelissimo positum. Ruy [...]omez de Sylva, a Favourite of King Philip II. said very smartly, That the Character of the most Faithful Minister, agreed very ill to him who robb'd his Prince of his Glory, Strada Lib. [...]. of his first Decad. Cabrera adds, That Cardinal Spinoza and Ruy Gomez said, that to make this a Monument of the Duke's Fidelity, he ought to place King Philip's Statue there instead of his own, Ch. 12. Lib. 8. Aubery du Maurier observes farther, That Alva having built the City of Antwerp with five Bas [...]ions, he called four of them▪ after his own Name and Titles, viz. The Duke, Ferdinand, Toled [...], and Alva, and the fifth Paciotti, which was the Name of the Ingineer; without making any mention of his Prince, whose most faithful Minister he call'd himself, In his Memoirs of Holl [...]nd. There is an Example in the second Book of Sam [...]el, which ought never to be forgotten by Ministers, to whom the Prince commits the Command of his Armies, or the Direction of his Affairs; Ioab, David's General, having reduc'd the City of Rabbah to a Necessity of Surrendring it self, wrote to David in these Words; I have [...]ought against Rabbah, and the City is reduc'd to extremity; Now therefore gather the rest of the people together and Encamp against the City and take it, lest I take the City and it be called after my Name, Ch. 12. Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of Hilary of Grenoble a Capuchin-Fryar, who boasted thar he had an absolute Power over the Mind of Henry IV. Although, said he, he had given such Counsel to the King, it was more decent for a good Servant, such a one as he would pass for, to have concealed himself in it, and to have left the praise of it to the Goodness and Prudence of his Majesty, Letter 251.

↵

2.

Virtue hath its reward in it self, and the Wages of a good Action is to have done it, Seneca Epist. 81.

↵

m

Tacitus saith, That Mountains are the Cause and the Matter of Tempests, Mo [...]tes causa & materia tempestatu [...]. In Agricola.

↵

1.

It hath been often observ'd, that Captains who have been Successful in Expeditions at Land, have always been Unfortunate in those at Sea. Every thing succeeded to Germanicus, when he fought at Land, and all things conspir'd against him when he was on the Seas. On the contrary, the Prince of Orange, who was the Founder of the Common-Wealth of Holland, was always beaten at Land, where he lost four or five Battels, whereas in a continu'd War of ten years he gain'd every Battel that he fought against the Spaniards at Sea, Memoirs de M. Aubery du Maurier. Thus it was not without reason, that that brave Spaniard, Iulian Romero, who had signaliz'd himself by so many Exploits in Land-fights, having been worsted in a Sea-fight, out of which he swam for his Life, said to the Governor Don Lewis de Requesens; ‘Your Excellency knoweth well, that I was no Seaman, but a Good Foot Soldier: I desire you therefore to trust me no more with a Fleet, for if you should commit a Hundred to me, it is much to be fear'd, that I should lose them all,’ Bernardin de Mend [...]za, Cap. 2. Lib. 11. of his Memoirs of the Low-Countreys.

↵

n

Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, relates a Disaster altogether like this, which [...]e [...]el the Fleet of Charles V. at Algiers. Most of the Galleys, saith he, were broken to pieces, and most of the Ships perished in the Emperor's sight, who had neither Bisket nor Powder left; insomuch, that for the Subsistence of his Army that Night and the Day following, they were forc'd to kill Horses, and to distribute them through the Quarters. At last, after he had marched twenty Leagues, he Embarked his Troops at the Cape of Metafuz; and when there remain'd not a sufficient Number of Ships to receive them, he caused all the Horses to be thrown into the Sea, which increased the general Grief, every one being troubled to see these poor Creatures swim, and as it were, beg help from the Men who abandon'd them; for, according to the Proverb, a Man ought to have Humanity even for the Beasts that serve him. In the Epitome of the Life of C. V. Cabrera recites a Consolatory Letter, which his Son Philip wrote him upon this Disaster, wherein he said to his Father, ‘That to return from difficult Enterprizes, without Victory, never took from Kings nor Great Captains that Glory, which is always due to Martial Valour; the most Prudent and most Prosperous having lost as well as won; that he ought so much the more to comfort himself, because he had yielded to nothing but the Force of Fortune, which had conspir'd with the Elements against his Prudence and Greatness; that he ought never to be angry with accidents, which depended purely on Chance; that one hath acquitted himself well, when he has projected and ordered things well; that the good Fortune of Augustus, and that of King Ferdinand, Grandfather to his Imperial Majesty, by the Mother's side, appeared prodigious; and that nevertheless, if we compare their Successes with their Misfortunes, it is hard to say, whether Fortune was a Mother or a Step-mother to them,’ Cap. 2. Lib. 1. of his History.

↵

1.

There are Men, saith the same Antonio de Vera, who to shew that they are above Events, affect a Stoical Constancy in their Afflictions; and Glory, as of a Greatness of Soul, in not shedding a Tear, or changing their Countenance under the most sensible Calamities: But, for my part, I believe, this is altogether contrary to what they ought to do, because such People by their insensibility or their hardness, offend the Providence of God, who sends them these Afflictions. A certain Person hath said with great judgment, that Iob that he might not be charged with Pride, lamented his Calamity, and expressed his Grief, even to the rending of his Cloaths, not that he had lost his Patience, but to shew his Doc [...]lity and Submission. And this Doctrine concludes yet more strongly, when a Peo [...]le fall under some very great Misfortune by obeying the Will of their Prince; for in this case indeed, the Prince may glory of Constancy in not appearing [...], but not of his Gratitude: St. Paul saying, that he who hath not care of his own, hath [...] the Faith and is worse than an Infidel. And if a Passage of the Holy Scriptures is not su [...]ficient to convince the Author, [who blames the Tenderness and Grief, which Charles V. expressed under this Adversity] he will have, it may be, a greater Difference to the Authority of Tacitus, who saith, that Germanicus being afflicted for the loss of part of his Army, ran up and down, accusing himself as the Cause of this Disaster, and was about to have kill'd himself. Augustus was troubled to that degree for the loss of the Legions of Varus, that for several day [...] he would eat nothing; and he was heard to sigh often in the Night, and to cry out, Varus, Varus, give [...] my Legions. It is therefore commendable for a Prince to be sensible of the Calamities of his People, and to give outward Expressions of it; but withall he ought not so far to indulge to Grief, as to neglect his Health, or the Publick Affairs. Commines with reason blames the Duke of Burgundy, for shutting himself up above six weeks, after he had lost the Battels of Granson and Morat. Which made an alteration not only in his Health, but also in his Se [...]se and his Spirit. ‘Such, saith he, are the Passions of those, who seek not the true Remedies; and especially of Proud Princes.—No man ought to be asham'd to shew his Grief to his private Friends; for this lightens the Heart, and makes the Spirits return; and if not, he ought to seek for some other Remedy, as Exercise and Business, and not to take the way this Duke took, to hide himself, and be Solitary, but on the contrary, to drive away all Austerity,’ Cap. 5. Lib. 5. of his Memoirs. Lastly, the same Commines relates with commendation, what Charles Duke of Berry, Brother to Lewis XI. said on the occasion of 7 or 800 Men of Count de Charolois being wounded at the Battel of Montlh [...]ri, That he had much rather that things had never been begu [...], than to see so many Evils come to pass upon his account, Cap. 5. Lib. 1.

↵

1.

Misfortunes are so far from sinking the Courage of Great Captains, that on the contrary, they re [...]ine their Prudence, rouze their Activity, augment their Constancy, and accustom them to Brave dangers. The loss of Ostend, which after a Siege of above three years, was no better than one great Church-yard or Burying-place, inspir'd Prince Maurice of Nass [...]w with a Resolution to take Esclusen, which was a Place of much greater importance, and which he took in a few Days. The Arch-Duke Albert, having cut off two Regiments of his Foot, and four Troops of his Horse, which he had sent to take a Pass, he nevertheless the next day fought the Battel of Newport, in which the Arch-Duke was wounded; above six hundred men slain; the Admiral of Arragon, and several other Principal Spanish Officers made Prisoners; and all their Cannon taken, with a hundred and five Colours.

↵

o

I have already observ'd, that the Romans reverenc'd their Eagles, as their Tutelar Gods. So that we need not wonder that Germanicus was so much concern'd to recover that Eagle which Malovendus gave intelligence of. For as it was ignominious to lose the Eagles, it was Sacrilege and Impiety, not to rescue them out of the Enemy's hands, when an occasion offer'd it self. It was for this Reason, that Augustus reckon'd it amongst his most glorious Actions, that he had obliged that Parthians to restore the Eagles, which Crassus and Marc-Anthony had lost amongst them, Sueton in his Life, and Paterculus, Cap. 91. Lib. 2. Charles V. set such a Value on his Standard, that when he was about to give Battel to Francis I. before Landrecy, he commanded those who Environ'd it, to save the Standard, rather than his Person, i [...] it should come to that pass, that they must chuse one or the other. Don Iuan de Vera in the Epitomy of his Life.

↵

1.

There was never a Captain so Fortunate, whose Undertakings have not been sometimes checquer'd with Misfortunes; and the greatest Generals of Armies, have had the greatest Disasters. Besides, that Fortune is fickle in War, there are a thousand Accidents, which the greatest humane Prudence is not able to foresee, nor able to prevent, if it could foresee them.

↵

2.

Men more easily wind themselves out of difficulties by address, than break through them by force [...] Lewis XI. the Tiberius of our Kings, obtain'd his ends of the King of England, and the Dukes of Normandy, of Britany, of Burgundy, and of the Dutchess of Savoy, who were all in a Confederacy against him, by as many Particular Treaties, which ba [...]led all their ill designs. After the Death of the Duke of Burgunay he Re-united to his Crown Peronne, Mondidier, Roie, Arras, Hesdin and Bo [...]logne, by gaining the Lord of Cordes, who was Governor thereof. And Co [...]ines saith, that he could not in a long time have done tha [...] by Force, which he did by secret ln telligence, by the means of this Lord▪ Lib. 5. Cap. 15. & 16. And of all the Persons that I ever knew Lewis XI. was the most dextrous in getting himself out of the Briars in times o [...] Adversity, and in gaining to his interest a Man that could serve or hurt him, Lib. 1. Cap. 10.

↵

p

The People of Guelderland and Fries [...]and.

↵

3.

Iealous and Suspicious Princes, as Tiberius was, had rather lose a certain Good, than to be oblig'd for it to a Captain, whose Glory gives them jealousie. They love Conquests very well, but commonly they cannot endu [...]e the Conquerors. Cardinal Richelieu said, that there is no Prince in a worse Condition than [...]e, who instead of governing himself with respect to the Publick Interests, hath Passion for his Guide; and who being not able always to do himself the things which he is obliged to, is uneasie to let them be done by another; and that to be capable to suffer himself to be served, is not one of the least Qualities which a great King can have. Chap. 6. de la 1 partie de son Testament Pol. Observe by the way, the Malignity of Tiberius. He calls Germani [...]us to the Enjoyment of the Consulship, and to the Honour of a Triumph, before he had compleated the Conquest of Germany to turn that into Grace and Favour to him, which he was upon the Point of meriting under the Title of a Reward. By this advance, he chang'd the Obligation, and would have that appear to be the Effect of Paternal Kindness, which was Tyrannical injustice.

↵

4.

Thus Princes endeavour to justifie their Resolutions, by spec [...]ous Reasons, notwithstanding they have power to command absolutely. Modesty serves for a Cover of the Injustice.

↵

5.

The more insight we have into the Thoughts of Princes, the less we ought to discover it; for nothing offends them more, than to shew them that we are more cunning than themselves. Part of our respect, saith Tacitus, consists in feigning that we understand nothing of their Artifices. Intelligebantur artes, sed pars obsequii in [...]o, ne depre [...]enderentur Hist.

↵

q

Philip II. of Spain, a Prince who had much of Tiberius in him, dealt, almost in the same manner with his Brother Don Iohn of Austria, in giving the Command of the Army in the War of Grenada, to Don Lewis Fejar [...]o Marquis of V [...]lez, under colour of [...]asing Don Iohn who had the whole weight of the Government of this Kingdom upon him; but in truth to take out of his hands the Glory of reducing the Rebels, which were already much weakned. D [...]go de Mendoza, Cap. [...]. Lib. 3. of the War of Grenada.

↵

r

Monsieur de Cinqmars, Grand-Ecuier of France, much resembled Lib [...] ▪ but with this Difference, that Libo was ruin'd by the Treachery of his Confident, whereas Monsieur de Cinqmars ruin'd his Confident, Monsieur [...], a Man of as great Virtue, as Ca [...]us was of Vill [...]y.

↵

1.

The Predictions of Astrologers and Fortune-tellers, have in all times been fatal to Great Men, who hav [...] given credit to them; for either they have render'd them suspected to their Prince, as Persons who build their hopes on Revolutions and Opportunities which they wait for, or they have engaged them in Unfortunate Enterprizes, of which they would have never dreamt, if their Credulity had not blinded them. Mariana relates a remarkable Instance of this in Don Diego, Duke of Viseu, who being at the Head of a Conspiracy against Iohn II. King of Portugal, had the Confidence or rather Rashness to go to the King, who sent for him; being persuaded that he should escape so great a Danger, because it had been predicted to him that he should reign; and that if the King seized him, he should be succour'd in the very nick of time, by all the Great Men that were engag'd in the Conspiracy. But he was mistaken in his reasoning, for the King stabb'd him with his own hand; saying to him. Go and tell the Duke of Braganza the issue of the Plot which he laid. Whereupon Mariana concludes with the Words of Tacitus, That Astrologers are a Generation of Men [...]it only to abuse Great Persons, by Vain and Flattering Promises, who have and always will find Belief and Applause in all Countrys, notwithstanding their Lies are so common and so well known to all the World▪ Lib. 24. Cap. ult. of his History. 'Tis true, saith Father Paul, these Predictions sometimes come to pass by Chance, or by some other secret Cause; but most commonly they are the Cause that a great many Credulous People run themselves upo [...] ruine, Hist. of the Council of Trent, Lib. 5. To conclude, it looks as if God permitted Great Men to be beset by Astrologers to humble them; for he hath always sent them so many Disgraces and Afflictions, as these Ra [...]cally Cheats have promised them Grandeurs and Successes. These study only to make them Prognosticks, which set them above the Condition of Mortals; and God, on the contrary, sooner or later lets them see, that their Hopes are Vain and Wicked.

↵

2.

B [...]hold here what is incident to most great Mens Children, their Governors foment their Ambition, instead of giving a Check to it: they ent [...]tain them with nothing but their Noble Extraction, with their g [...]eat Alliances, with the Pretensions of their Family, which are very often imaginary; and with the great Estate they have in reversion, the Prospect of which plunges them in Luxury, and sometimes reduces them to a shameful Poverty. They puff them up with the Titles of your H [...]ghness and your Se [...]enity; which in a little time will grow as common, as those of Count and Marquis, which are now taken by the Sons of Fa [...]mers of the King's Revenues, and such upstar [...] Men: Insomuch, that i [...] this Abu [...]e continues, one may say in [...]rance and Italy what was said to the Emperor by an Italian Ambassador, who went from his Court in very [...]ll Weather. That there was no need to fear either Rain or Thunder, since his Imperial Majesty had fill'd the World with so much Serenity.

↵

1.

It is a Niceness becoming the Prudence of Princes, to have no communication with Traytors. Guicardin commends it as a Noble Resolution of a Spanish Lord, who would not lend his Palace to lodge the Duke of Bourbon, Constable of France, who was come to Madrid. I can re [...]use your Majes [...]y nothing, (said he [...]o Charles V.) but I do acclare, that if the Duke of Bou [...]bon lodges in my house, I will burn it as soon as he hath left it, as a Place infected with the Contagion of his p [...]rfidiousness, and consequently not fit to be ever inhabited by Men of Honour. Lib. 16. of his History of Italy. And it is for this Reason, that they raze to the Ground, the Houses of Traytors, and sow the Place with Salt, that nothing may grow there.

↵

2.

There is nothing more dangerous than the Silence of Princes, with respect to those whom they hate. For this Silence, as Commines observes well, emboldning those who are in fault, to attempt imprudent things, gives the Prince an opportunity to take a full Revenge on them. Cap. 1. ult. Lib. 3. And speaking of Lewis XI. and of the Duke of Burgundy: The King, saith he, more effectually made War against him, by letti [...]g him alone, and by secretly raising Enemies against him, than if he had declar'd against him; for had the Duke seen a Declaration against him, he would have quitted his Undertaking, and so have prevented all that which afterwards came upon him, Lib. 5. Cap. 4. By a contrary Reason, a Prince can never do a greater Favour to his Subject, than to admonish him of his Faults, or to prevent him from committing them. Nothing can be more kind, than what Cardinal de Richelieu did to a Page of his, who was a Relation of the Messieurs de Marilla [...]. Having asked this Page, W [...]ether these Gentlemen knew that he was in his service, the Page answer'd, No, but that he intended to go and see them with the first Opportunity; not knowing that they were the declar'd Enemies of his Master: The Cardinal, who had a Kindness for this Youngman, said to him, Don't do it, if you would have me continue my kindness to you; but never speak a Syllable of this that I have now said to you; for if you do, you must never expect any thing from me. Memoirs [...] C. de R. concerning the Ministry of the Cardinals de Richelieu and Mazarine. But to return to the Honour which Tiberius did Libo, to admit him to his Table, and to give him a Praetorship; I may say, that there are Princes who dissemble their resentments, as Horace's Eutrapelus, who gave rich Cloths so those whom he would destroy, knowing that these Cloths would pu [...] them up, and make them forget their Duty. Epist▪ 18. Book 1.

↵

3.

There are People of such corrupt Minds, that they had rather perpetuate their Names by detestable actions, than lead an obscure Li [...]e, which will never be spoken of after their [...]eaths. Tacitus saith Ann. 11. that the Greater the In [...]amy is, the more Charms it hath for great Villains. Such a one was Cabrino [...]onduli, Lord of Cremona, who as he went to Execution, told his Confessor and those also that were present, that he repented of nothing more, than of having let slip one brave opportunity, which was of throwing headlong from the top of the [...] of a Castle, Pope Iohn XXIII, and the Emperor Sigismund, who went up alone with him, saying, that this Action would have made him been talk'd of for ever. Pa [...]us Iovius in the Elogy of Philip Maria, Duke of Milan.

↵

1.

There is a Proverb which saith, That the Unfortunate have no Kindred. Insaelicium nulli sunt affines.

↵

1.

There are occasions wherein the Prince for the Safety of his Person, or for the Repose of his People, is constrain'd to accommodate the Laws to the Necessity of his Affairs. Politicians pretend, that the Laws consist not in words, but in the Sense which the Publick Authority gives them; and that they have no force but as far as the Prince lends it them, who is the sole legal Interpreter of them. Howsoever that be, a good Prince ought as much as is possible to avoid coming to new Examples of severity therein; for whatsoever the Cause or the Colour may be, the Novelty of the procedure makes him pass for Cruel. The action of Pope Sixtus-Quintus who order'd a Youth to be put to Death, who was under Seventeen years old, telling the Governor of Rome, that he would give him ten of his own years, that he might be of the Age requir'd by the Laws*, this Action I say ought rather to be forgotten, than imitated.

↵

*

Leti lib. 1. part 2 of his Life.

↵

2.

It ill becomes Princes to use certain tricks and shams of Art, to put a colour upon Frauds, and real Injustice. The manner of the same Sixtus-Quintu [...]'s dealing with the Author of a Pasquinade upon his Sister Donna Camilla, is another action that did no honour to his Pontificate. We have promis'd you your Life and 1000 Pistols, said he to this Unhappy Man, and we freely give you both, [for coming and making the Discovery your self] but we reserv'd in our mind a Power to have your [...]ongue and both your Hands cut off, to hinder you from speaking or writing any more. L [...]ti lib. 2. part 2. of his Life. It is of him that the Pagliari speaks in his 210 Observation, where he saith. We have seen in our days a Prince, who did not invent new Laws, but who extended the old ones to all cases which he had a Mind to comprehend under them; saying, that this was the Intention of the Prince, who made them, although [...] these Cases were not expressed in them. Not only all Germany, but also all Europe, detested the Fraud which Charles V. put upon the Landtgrave of Hesse, by the help of one word of the Treaty, wherein his Ministers slipt in a W instead of an N, so that in the Copy which the Landtgrave signed, it was written Euvige, whereas the Minutes or the rough Draught had Einige; which entirely alter'd one of the Essential Conditions of the Treaty, which was, that the Landtgrave stipulated to be sent back without any Imprisonment, ohne einige ge fangus; whereas the Emperor on the contrary, having caus'd him to be arrested by the Duke of Alva, said, that by the Treaty he was obliged only not to hold him in perpetual Imprisonment, as the Word Euvige signifies. Heiss. li▪ 3. part. 1. of his History of the Empire. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera endeavours to [...] Charles V, by saying, that the [...] had no reason [...]o [...] that a Promise to exempt him [...] perpetual Imprisonment, [...] that he was [...] But this doth [...] the [...] to the Let [...] ( [...] written in it) yet he can't he excused from breaking his Word, seeing he knew, that the Landtgrave and his Mediators, Maurice Duke of Saxony, and the Elector of Brandenburgh, had agreed, and capitulated for the Contrary.

↵

1.

The Names of Traytors ought to be bury'd in Eternal [...]. To bear their Name, is to partake of their Infamy with them, and in some sort to approve of what they have done. Iohn II. King of Portugal, giving to Emanuel, who afterwards succeeded him in the Throne, the Con [...]i [...]cation of the Duke of Viseu, his Brother's Estate, made him take the Title of Duke of Beja, instead of that of Viseu, that this young Prince might not bear the Name of a Tray [...]or who would have kill'd his King, Mariana, Cap. ult. Lib. 24, of his History. And since that time, there have never been any Dukes of Vise [...], notwithstanding Emanuel and his Son Iohn III had a great many Children. The Family of Valieri at Venice, is, as they say, a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers, which changed the first Letter of their Name, to shew, that they detested and execrated the Memory of the Doge, Marin Falier, who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sovereign of the State▪

↵

s

Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off.

↵

t

A very Rich and Costly Silk, much different from ours, in which the Great Men of Rome, so magnificent in their Habits, would have thought themselves poorly clad.

↵

1.

It is but just, that Princes who have so great Cares, and such laborious Employs, should have Diversions in proportion to their Toyls, that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body, that one might not be a Burthen to the other. The nature of Affairs of State, saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu, so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind, as the weight thereof is heavier than that of all other Affairs; and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited, continual labour would in a little time exhaust them. It allows all sorts of honest Diversions, which do not take off the Persons, who make use of them, from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testament, Sect. 5, Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People; it is their Mind that measures them, and not their Body. They keep a certain Mean, by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vigorous, in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures, but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body, and consequently, to continue still Princes. For in effect, they are not so, when Health fails them, seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd, Audiences not given, their Designs broken or suspended, and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Movement: Whereupon follow Complaints, Murmurings, Change of Minds, Tyranny in the Ministers, and Despair in the Subjects. In short, nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health, since without it there is no true Pleasure, and with it any labour is supportable, Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History. And in another place, he saith, that it is Health that makes great Kings, whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them. And from this Principle he concludes, that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women; the Frequency of which enervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body, and is the Cause, that most of them die in the Flower of their Age, Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Ep [...]rnon, who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life, under a Pretence of taking care of his Health, he saith, That on the contrary, there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer, than those who have employ'd their Minds most about the Affairs of Government, lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy, and [...]hristian IV. King of Denmark, both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe, and both threescore and ten years old. Happy was that King of Portugal, (Alphonso) who having spent some days successively in hunting, met with Counsellors at his return, who took the Liberty to tell him, that at the Hour of his Death, God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd, but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear.* Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes.

↵

*

In a Spanish Treatise, Entituled, Audiencia de Principes.

↵

2.

Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners; and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions, ‘La [...]dibus arguitur vini vin [...]sus Homerus, saith Horace, Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19.’

↵

3.

Princes are never pleas'd to hear Discourses of Reformation; for under the Colour of reforming Luxury, and other Abuses, which creep into Civil Societies, the Censors often go up to the very Springs of Government, the Secrets of which ought not to be laid open to Subjects. Besides, the Reformation of Abuses is not proper to be made at all times. If Physicians need wait for a Proper time to purge a sick Person, [...] Prince hath much greater reason to use this Precaution, seasonably to apply the Remedies which are necessary to the Body-Politick, which is always charged with many humours, which it is dangerous to stir too much. A great Person said to some who spoke to him of the Disorders of his age; Let it run, it will die soon, for it is very sick. In the Aphorisms of Anthony Perez.

↵

1.

It is the Quintessence of Knowledge, to pass sometimes for Ignorant; and the greatest Victory of Reason, to suffer ones self to be overcome by the present Necessity. David himself put this Reason of State in practice. He was willing enough to punish Ioab, for killing Abner; but it being dangerous to raise troubles in the beginning of his Reign, he defer'd the Punishment of this Crime, saying, I am this day weak though anointed King, 2 Sam. 3.

↵

2.

It is of pernicious example for a Prince to permit his Palace to be a Sanctuary to those who contemn the Authority of the Magistrates. A famous Carver, who fled into Arragon, for having resisted the Iustice of Madrid, could never obtain his Pardon of Philip II. notwithstanding that he was the best Workman of his Profession, and that this King had great need of him to work on the Escurial.

↵

3.

It is very becoming a Prince to be complaisant to his Mother, so long as it is not to the prejudice of the Laws and his Reputation. A certain Prince being importun'd by his Mother, to grant her an unjust thing, excus'd himself, saying, that she would sell him too dear the Nine Months that she had carry'd him. The Pagliari saith, after the Goselin, That that which ruined Ferrante Gonzaga, Governor of Milan, with C. V. was his suffering his Daughter and his Son-in-Law Fabricius Colonna to intermeddle in recommending the Causes of private Persons to the Publick Magistrates. Observation 40. Queen Margaret blamed her Brother Henry III. for suffering himself to be influenc'd by the Persuasions of his Minions Maugiron and Saint-Luke, to that degree, that he went himself to sollicite a Law-suit for Madame de Seneterre, against M. de la Chastre, because the Latter was in the Service of the Duke of Alenson his Brother, Lib. 2. of his Memoirs, The Majesty of Kings, saith Cardinal de Richelieu, obliges them to reserve themselves for the Party of Reason, which is the only one that they ought to espouse on all occasions. They cannot do otherwise, without divesting themselves of the Quality of Iudges and Sovereigns, to take upon them that of Parties, which in some sort sinks them into the Condition of Private Men. Those who are to defend themselves against the Power of a King, know too well that they cannot do it by force, and therefore have recourse to Intrigues, to Artifices, and secret Practices to secure themselves, which often raises great disturbances in Kingdoms. Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6.

↵

4.

There is nothing more dangerous for a Great Man, than to come off with advantage from an Affair wherein the Prince's Authority seems to have been [...]

↵

1.

It is the Duty of an Historian, as Tacitus saith in the Preface to his History, to relate not only the Events of things, but also the Causes and Motives which producèd them, nothing can make a History more instructive, than faithfully to report the Opinions of those who have had a share in the Consultations of the Great Affairs which it speaks of. For it is in these Opinions, that we discern the Ability, the Interests, the Passions, and all the Good or Evil qualities of those who have deliver'd them. Amongst the Modern Writers, those who have excell'd in this Kind, are the Famous Fryar Paul in the Histories of the Council of Trent, and of the Interdict of Venice; the C. Bentivoglio and Strada in the History of the Wars of the Low-Countrys; Lewis Cabr [...] in his Philip II. The Author of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castile, attributed by the Italians to Ierom Conestaggi [...] a Genouese Gentleman; and restor'd by Father Bel [...]azar Gracian, and by some other Spanish Writers, to Do [...] Iohn de Silva, Count of Portelegre in Portugal.

↵

2.

A Republican Opinion, as Pis [...]'s was, was not in season under an absolute Prince. And although Opinions ought to be free, they ought however to be suited to the Form of the present Government. And it i [...] thus that Tacitus makes a Roman Senator speak, who remember'd the Times he was born in, and the Form of Government in the City and the State, under his Fathers; that h [...] admir'd the Past, and conform'd himself to the Present, Hist. 4.

↵

1.

Princes can't be too careful in examining the Opinions and Counsels of their Ministers; for it happens oftentimes, that they lose their Authority by the Methods which appear to them proper to enlarge it, for want of reflecting sufficiently on the Motives which they who advise them may have, Ips [...] qui suadet, considerandus est, said Mucian to Vespasian, Tacit. Hist. 2. Ferdinand the Catholick, told his Son-in-Law, Philip [...]. the Father of Charles V. That the Ministers and Counsellors of Princes, were like Spectacles, which although they are convenient for those who have not good Eyes, are of such a use that it is unfortunate to stand in need of them. The Treatise Entituled, The Audience of Princes.

↵

2.

Men, saith Anthony Perez, in the Epistle Dedicatory of his Relations, present themselves before Kings as a Picture, and with the best Colours, that Arti [...]ice can lay on. Thus, it is almost impossible, but Princes must be often deceived in the Choice of their Ministers and their Couns [...]llor [...]. Cardinal d [...] [...] comments thus, upon this Aphorism of Perez. Oftentimes, saith he, Men have no sooner chang'd their Condition, but they change their Humour [...] or to speak more properly, they discover that, which they had dissembled until that time, to compass their Ends, Section 1. Cap. 2. of the first Part of his Polit. Testam. If, saith he in another place, the Mask with which most Men cover their Faces; and if the Artifices which they commonly make use of to disguise themselves, and conceal their Faults, keep them from being known, until that being possess'd of great Places, they appear as much Unworthy, as they were esteem'd Virtuous when they were chosen, the mistake ought immediately to be redress'd; and if indulgence may bear with some [...]ight incapacity, it ought never to go so far in favour of particular Interests, as to suffer Vices which are prejudicial to the State, Cap. 7. of the second Part of the same Testament.

↵

3.

All these Reasons conclude against the Perpetuity of Governments, which is spoken of in the first Note on the 7th Chap. of the first Book of the Annals.

↵

4.

Princes, saith Anthony Perez, get rid of a troublesome Affair, by answering upon some other subject, quite different from what is propos'd to them, when they see that there is a design to surprize them. This Policy was much practis'd by Cardinal Mazarine, who affected to answer as if he had been at Cross-purposes, when any thing was desir'd of him which he was not willing to grant; or when he was spoken to upon a Business, on which he did not think it sit to explain himself. He told one of his Confidents, that nothing had been more useful [...] him in Audiences, than to [...]eign some difficulty to express himself well in French.

↵

1.

Ammirato in the 8th Discourse of the second Book of his Commentary on Tacitus, [...]aith, That it is the Glory of Princes to preserve the ancient Nobility, perche a quanto piu nobili persone commandano [...] piu la lor gloria ne divien maggiore; That is, the more Noble Subjects they have, the more Honour and Esteem redounds thence to their Government. And half a Page after, he adds, ‘I am not ignorant that some may be ready to tell me, that I reason more like a plain Simple Man, than like a Statesman, because the meaner Birth and the meaner Fortunes the Subjects are of, the more the Prin [...] lives in Peace and Safet [...].’—I answer, That my Intention is not to give lessons to Tyrants, but to shew what good Princes ought to be. [An answer which would give offence to many at this day, who make their greatness consist in the depressing of great Families.] As for Ammirato's reason for the Preservation of Illustrious Families, it puts me in mind of that, which a Duke of Ostrook gave me at Venice, to prove to me, that the King of Poland is the greatest of all Kings, est enim, these are his own Words, dominus dominantium, & tot Regum Rex, quot Pal [...]tinorum. To whom I answer'd, That this reason proved, that his King was the least of all Kings, seeing that all the Palatines of Poland were Kings. And it was in this Sense that the last Duke of Burgundy said unpleasantly, that for one King that there was in France, he wish'd there were six. Commines, Chap. 8. Book 3. of his Memoirs. Whence it follows, that the fewer great Men that there are in a State, the Greater is the Prince of it.

↵

2.

Tacitus confirms here what he hath said in the Preface to the first Book of his Annals, that Flattery which insinuates it self into Courts, corrupts brave Minds; and he takes notice farther, that it is much more difficult to arrive at honours in a Monarchy than in a Republick. Indeed Hortalus made he [...]e an odious Comparison, betwixt the ancient Republick in which Eloquence sto [...] ris [...]ed, and the Government of Tiberius, whereby he seemed to say, that Eloquence expired with Liberty. By these words varietate temporum, he offended Tiberius, who desir'd to pass for a Popular and a Republican Person, especially in th [...] Senate, where he made as great a shew of modesty as he was able.

↵

3.

A single Life is the most commodious Seat, and the most honourable cover of Poverty. Gaston Duke of Orleance had reason to [...]ay of the Marriage of two Persons of Quality who had very little Estate, that Hunger and Thirst had marry'd one another.

↵

4.

It is seldom seen, that a Prince shews favour to his Predecessor's favourites, for he looks upon them as the Creatures of another. And besides, he can no more suffer others to share with him in Acknowledgments than in Authority. And it is for the same Reason that most Princes make little account of the Recommendations which their Fathers make to them at their Death, in favour of their Ministers or other Servants, whom they have loved.

↵

1.

He that would obtain Favours from a Prince, ought to beware of asking him before those whose presence may seem to impose a Necessity on him to grant them. It was the Error which Hortalus committed, who trusted more to the Protection of the Senate, than to the Compassion of Tiberius.

↵

2.

The Prince who knows not how to deny, knows not how to reign. If he gives to all who ask of him, he must give a thousand People, who deserve to have nothing given them. If I gave to all who ask of me, said Philip II. I should soon ask my self. Cabrer [...] Cap. 26. Lib. 1 [...]. of his Life. By being too liberal, Men are reduc'd to an incapacity of being so at all. Therefore a Prince, who would be respected and well serv'd, ought never to suffer the Sources of his Bounty to be drein'd; for Men are more forward to do service for the Good they expect, than for that which they have receiv'd.

↵

3.

The People like a Frugal Prince better than a Liberal one, for they always believe that he is Liberal a [...] their Expence, and that he would be more sparing if he did not reckon on recruiting himself out of their Purses [...]

↵

4.

A Prince who gives to deliver himself from the Importunity of those who ask, draws upon himself that of a thousand People who never durst have ask'd any thing of them, had they not known his Weakness. Besides, they are not oblig'd by what he gives, being persuaded that he would not give it, if [...]e had resolution enough to re [...]use it. Commines speaking of Henry IV. of Castile, saith, ‘That this King was very weak of pusillanimous, for he gave away his whole Estate, or suffer'd it to be taken from him, by any one that would or could take it. I have seen him abandon'd by his Servants, and the Poorest King I ever saw, Memoirs, Lib. 2. Cap. 8.’ Indeed there is not a more Noble Error in a Prince than Bounty, but withall there is not a more Dangerous one, if it be not regulated by reason. The Spanish Commentaries on Commines speaking of that instruction which Lewis XI. gave his Son, Qui nescit simulare, nescit regn [...]re, adds, that Charles VIII. stood in great need to have been taught another Rule which his Successor Lewis XI. made his Principal Maxim of State, Nescit regnare, qui nescit negare, i. e. He that understands not how to Deny, understands not how to Govern. There is no doubt, but that if this King, and Don Henry IV. of Castile, had govern'd themselves, they would have been better govern'd, than they were by their Favourites, Cap. 34.

↵

5.

The Liberality of Princes i [...] oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition, than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counter [...]eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers; and our Historians have very well observ'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Government to their Minions.

↵

6.

An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do, or are capable of doing service to his State. Machiavel saith, that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art, and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce, to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects, Cap, 21. of his Prince. It hath been a saying, That Princes, ought not to keep Fowls, which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Voluptuous Persons.

↵

7.

As it is dangerous to blame Princes, and shameful to flatter them, when they do ill, honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty, which is Silence.

↵

8.

When Courtiers keep Silence, it is easie for the Prince to perceive, that they approve not that which they durst not condemn. Witness the Young Italian, who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati, when he was in dispute with a Person who was playing at Chess with him, at first [...]ight gave it against him, without hearing the Reasons on either side. And the Cardinal asking him, why he judg'd so, before he knew the Fact: Because, said he, if you were in the Right, all these Gentlemen (pointing to the Company) [...] culd have immediately given it for you; whereas no body [...]urst speak his Opinion, [...]ause you are in the Wrong.

↵

9.

When [...] Prince gives [...] little, and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth; it is a sign that he gives unwillingly, and consequently that no more is to be expected from him. There are Princes who have not resolution enough to give a Denial: but who in revenge give such small Gifts, that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them, pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons, as if they gave nothing. Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal. The History of the Union of Portugal and Castil [...]e, Lib. [...].

↵

1.

A whole Council hath work enough to settle a State that is troubled with Civil Dissentions, but there needs but one dangerous Man to disturb a State that is in Peace; especially if he be one who hath nothing to lose. Anthony Perez saith, That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock, and the Elephant to see a Mouse, is an Example which reacheth Princes, that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames. In his Aphorism [...].

↵

u

In the last Age one Cornelius Hock, who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there, had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such, and to hearken to the Proposals which [...]e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth, when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague. 1583. Her [...]era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14.

↵

x

In Toscany near Porto-Hercole.

↵

y

In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova, and the Son of a Tile-maker; the other named Matthew Alvarez, a Native of the Isle of Tercera, and the Son of a Stone-cutter; both Hermites, and drawn out of their Hermitage, to be imaginary Kings of Portugal. When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom, that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Battel of Alcasar; and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men, which fell in that Battel, he had retir'd into a Desart for seven years, the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Superstition, believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King, who hath lost a Battel. The Country People, who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led, suspected, that this might be King Sebastian. Th [...] first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde, who received the Alms that were given him, and had set down the Names of all those who gave; to the end, said he, that Sebastian might recompence them, when he should return to Lisbon. This Bishop was hang'd, and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys, that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him; and to undeceive themselves by seeing him, for he was not at all like King Sebastian, Herrera, Cap. 18. Lib. 1 [...]. of the second Part of his History. As for Matthew Alvarez, in the beginning he was sincere; telling all those who took him for Don Sebastian, because he had the Air of his Face, and brown hair as he had, that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter; but when he saw that his words were interpreted to proceed from Humility, and from a Desire not to be known, and that the more he deny'd himself to be Don Sebastian, the more obstinate they were in believing it; he cunningly confirm'd in their Error, those who would not be cur'd. He rose at Midnight to give himself discipline, and beg'd leave of God to discover himself to his Subjects, and to return to the [...]hrone of his Ancestors. An Artifice, which succeeded as he desir'd with those who were within hearing. For they being persuaded after this, that he was the True Sebastian, stuck not to publish it every where. In fine, all the People [...]ocking about him, to kiss his hand, he acknowledg'd that he was Don Sebastian, and eat in publick with all the Royal Ceremonies in the little City of Rezeira, or Elzera. And some days after he had the Confidence to write a Letter to the Arch-Duke Cardinal Albert, Viceroy of Portugal, in which he commanded him in rough terms immediately to quit his Palaces, because he was coming to take possession of his Throne. The Arch-Duke sent Di [...]go de Fonseca with some Forces to the Place. Alvarez had about a thousand Men, which after some resistance were defeated, and as he fled the third Day through Rocks, he was taken and carried with his two Companions to Lisbon, where his hand being first cut off, he was Hang'd and Quarter'd. Herrera, c. 18. and 19. of the same Book. It is not amiss to observe here by the way, that the Incredulity of the Portugues [...] about the Death of King Sebastian, was grounded upon that of King Cardinal Henry, who would never dwell in the Palace Royal at Lisbon, out of respect to Sebastian, whom he believed to be yet alive. For before his Coronation he dwelt in the House of the Duke of Bragansa, and after it he took for his Palace, the House of Martin Alphonso de Sousa near the Cordeliers. Cap. 4. and 6. of a Relati [...], Entituled, La Entrada de Don Filippe [...] Reine de Portugal.

↵

2.

They who hate the Present Government, have not a fairer occasion to Embroil the State, than that of a Counterfeit Prince, who sets up against the True one. When Don Ant [...]onio Prior of Crato, was not able to succeed his Uncle King Cardinal Henry, he always countenanc'd the Belief, which the People had, that King Sebastian was alive, to raise a general Insurrection against Philip I [...].

↵

1.

People easily belive that to be true, which they desire should be so; for Desire, when it is not guided by Reason, finds probability in the most impossible things.

↵

2.

On such Occasions, where the People side with the Male-contents, it is prudent and safe to Fear. It is an honour, saith Commines, to [...]ear what one ought, and to provide well against it. Those who win have always the Honour, cap. 5. lib. 3. & 9. of lib. 5. If Diego d [...] Fonseca had punish'd the Portuguese Gentleman, (Herrera calls him Don Diego de Melo) who entred Arzille by the Name of King Sebastian, and who had been that day at the Battel of Al [...]asar, they would possibly never have thought [...]it to have reviv'd him again, to impose upon the World, Cabrera, cap. 9. lib. 12, and Herrera, cap. 14. lib. 8. of their Histories.

↵

3.

Great Con [...]agrations arise from little Sparks: whosoever extinguishes one of them, knows not what a Fire he hath prevented; but to know that, if he leaves one of them unextinguish'd, he will find himself it may be in such extremity, as he is not capable to remedy. C. 8. Part 2. of the Politick Testament.

↵

4.

There are Occasions wherein it is dangerous to proceed according to the ordinary Forms of Iustice. A publick Punishment had been more Honour than Shame to this Counter [...]it Agrippa, whom the People did not look upon as an Impostor, but [...] a Man who design'd to revenge his Master's Death. And besides, possibly the People might not have been idle Spectators of his Execution. If Iohn II. King of Portugal had re [...]er [...]'d the Duke of [...] to the ordinary Course of Iustice, he would it may be have given success to this Duke's Conspiracy, who had almost all the Great Men his Accomplices; or at least he would have run the [...] General Insurrection.

↵

5.

A Prince who causes Criminals [...]o be e [...]ecut [...]d in [...], exposes himself to the Suspicion and Reproach of having put them to Death unjustly. Wherefore, all Executions ought to be Publick, either for Example, or for the Honour of the Prince; unless it be some matter, which the People ought not to know, or some Person on whose behalf they may desire to make an Insurrection. Don Iuan de Vega, answer'd a Lady of Palermo, who offer'd a hundred thousand Ducats, that her Husband might not be Executed at the publick Place, La justicia no tiene lugar, si no se haze en su lugar; that is, Iustice takes not place, if it be not done in its Place. Gracian Discourse, 30 of his Agudeza. When there is a great Number of People involv'd in a Conspiracy, or any attempt against a Prince or State; and consequently, that it requires a long Inquiry to discover them all, it is more expedient for him to dissemble, that he may not irritate Wasps. All Punishment, which is extended far, how just foever it be, passes not for an Act or Iustice, nor for Example; but for a Butchery, and makes the Prince hated as Sanguinary.

↵

z

A Courier who was carrying Letters from several Protestant Princes and Lords of Germ [...]ny, to the Land [...]grave of H [...]sse, being taken by some [...] of Charles V. they found among his Dispatches, a Memorandum of Succours which they offer'd him, in order to continue the War against the Emperor; but this Prince, without reading any more than the Title, threw it into the Fire, judging, as Iulius Caesar, who would not read the Letters sent to Pompey from the Nobility of Rome, that the most agreeable way to Pardon was voluntarily to be ignorant of the Offence. Epit [...]e of his Life, by Don Iuan Ant. de Vera.

↵

a

Tacitus saith, Aedes Fortis Fortun [...]. There was at Rome a Fortune, named F [...]rs Fortunae, as if one should say, Casual Fortune, or Fortune which decides the Lot of War. With which may agree Prosperous For [...], which Rodolph the Master gave her. This Goddess had a Temple first at Rome, under the Reign of Servius T [...]lli [...], and receiv'd then Gifts of those, who liv'd on their Rents, without being of any Trade.

↵

1.

A Great Man who hath the Favour of the People, and cultivates it by popular actions, as Germanicus did, and his Father had done, is always hated by his Prince; either because such a Subject seems not to stand in need of his Favour; or because a Man who hath the People at his Devotion, exposes himself to a thousand Suspicions, which his Rivals have opportunity to raise and foment in the Prince's Mind. Insomuch, that this Great Man must fall soon or late, if he continues at Court, or amongst the People whose Idol he is. Every body knows what the Battel of Barieades, May 12. 1588. cost the Duke of Guise, when the Parisians declar'd so openly for him, that Henry III. was forc'd to leave the City. To conclude, as the Hatred of the People, is the reward of the Prince's Favourites, the Hatred of the Prince is reciprocally the reward of the Peoples Favourites.

↵

b

About thiry five Shillings in our Money.

↵

c

It is to be observ'd, That all the Collegues of Tiberius's Consulships came to Unfortunate Ends: Quintilius Varus by Despair; Germanicus and Drusus by Poyson; Piso, Governor of Syria, and Sejanus, by the Sentence of the Senate.

↵

1.

When the Prince is hated, his sincerest actions are mis-interpreted; but above all, the Caresses and Honours which he doth to a Great Man, whom the People knows or imagines that he doth not love.

↵

d

Dio saith, that when Archelaus was accused by his Subjects before Augustus, Tiberius pleaded his Cause in the Senate. So that Tiberius might [...] him for his Ingratitude, Lib. 14.

↵

2.

Commines saith, that most People have naturally an Eye to aggrandize or to save themselves, and this is the Reason, that they easily range themselves on the strongest side, Memo [...]rs l. 1. c. 9.

↵

3.

The Counsel which Augustus's Ministers gave Archelaus, was according to all the Rules of Policy, and so much the more because that Caius Caesar had also two Brothers, and that they were all three younger than Tiberius. Notwithstanding, this Counsel was the principle Cause of this King's ruine. An instance that Humane Prudence serves for the sport of Fortune; which, to speak with Polibius, often takes delight to give the greatest Actions of Men, an issue directly contrary to what they design'd, Hist. 2. All that Archelaus could have done, was to have carry'd himself after such a manner towards these two Princes, as to have honour'd Calus as the Principal, and Tiberius as Subordinate, which would not have given [...]ealousie to Caius, nor have affronted Tiberius, who had not himself retir'd to Rhodes, but that he might not by his presence obscure the Glory of the Grandsons of Augustus, who were enter'd on Employments. In fine, Evils that are very remote and not certain, ought not to hinder a Prudent Man, from making his advantage of the present Conveniencies; for if one must take into consideration all accidents that may happen one, what can one ever resolve with safety? When Ferdinand the Catholick came to take possession of his Kingdom of Spain, he said to Do [...] Antonio de la Cueva, who notwithstanding he had receiv'd many favours from him, preferr'd Philip I. King of Castile before him: Wh [...] could have thought, Don Antonio, that you would have abandon'd me on this Occasion? But, Sir, reply'd La C [...]eva, who could have thought, that a very old King had longer to live than a Young one; and that Philip fresh and blooming like a Rose was t [...] wither and die in three days? [...]Such is the Method of all Courtiers, they adore the Rising, and turn their backs on the Declining Prince, Epitome of the Life of Charles V. and Lib. 3. of the Life of the Great Captain.

↵

4.

Princes who have been neglected, despised, or persecuted by the Favourites or Ministers of their Predecessors, rarely forgive them when they come to reign. As soon as the Cardinal Henry of Portugal came to the Throne, he abandon'd all the Ministers of King Sebastian, and all the Principal Officers of the Crown, who (little thinking that he, who was so old, would survive Sebastian. who was Young, and who had no great Esteen or Affection for him) had not paid him that respect which was due to his Rank. Hist. of th [...] Union of Protugal with Castile, Lib. 3.

↵

5.

Things that are tolerable appear insupportable to Kings, and those which are really rough and hard to bear, are almost always mortal to them. Commines comparing the Evils which Lewis XI. had made many persons suffer, with those which he suffer'd himself before his Death, saith, that his were neither so great nor of so long continuance; but besides that he was in a higher Station in the World than those he had treated ill; the little that he suffer'd against his Nature, and against what he was accustom'd to, was harder for him to bear. And four Pages after, speaking of his Physician who handled him in the rudest manner: This was, saith he, a great Purgatory to him in this World, considering the Ob [...] dience which he had had from so many good and great Men. His Memoirs, lib. 6. cap. 12.

↵

e

Establish'd by Augustus, about the Year 760. [...] is [...]poken of at the [...]nd of the first Book of the Annals.

↵

1.

When a Great Man i [...] so belov'd of the People, that the Prince is Iealous of him, but dares not shew his resentment of it, the most common expedient is to give him some remote Government, or some splendid Embassy, to with-draw him from the Eyes and the Applause of the People; under a pretence that none but he is capable of that Employment. For if the Prince hath [...] Design to destory him, he easily finds ways for it by the advantage of his distance, which prevents the People from knowing the Orders that he sends.

↵

2.

There are some Employments, for which a good Understanding with a long Experience is sufficient; but there are others, for which vigour of body is also necessary. Philibert-Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, said, that a General of an Army ought to be of a middle Age, betwixt Manhood and Old Age, that he might be capable of being sometimes Marcellus and sometimes Fabius; That is to say, to know how to wait for Opportunities as the Latter, and to fight as the Former. Charles V. said of a Count of Feria, that by his Prudence [...] command [...]d as a Captain, and that his Vigour made him sight as a Common Soldier, Epitome of his Life.

↵

3.

There is nothing more dangerous than to give two Neighbouring Governments to two Men, betwixt whom there is a Close tye of Kindred, Friendship, or Interests; for it is to give them an opportunity to act by concert, and to rebel against the Prince. Lewis XI. having agreed by the Treaty of [...] to give for Appanage to his Brother Charles, Champagne, Brie, and some neighbouring Places, was careful enough not to accomplish this Tre [...]ty, which left him to the Discretion of Charles and of the Duke of B [...]rgundy. ‘For the situation of Champague and Brie was convenient for them both; and Charles might upon a Days notice have succours from [...]. the two Countreys joyning together. So that Lewis chose rather to give him Guien [...]e, with [...] although this Partition was of much greater value, than that of Brie and Champagne; being resolv'd that his Brother and the Duke should not be so near Neighbours.’ Commin [...]s, lib. 2. cap. ult. of his Memoirs.

↵

4.

It is not always a sign of Modesty not to sue for Offices and Honours; on the contrary, it is often a sign of Pride and Presumption: for there are people who have so great an Opinion of themselves, that they hold it for a Dishonor to have Competitors; and there are others who believe themselves to be so necessary to the State, that the Prince will be constrain'd to offer them what they would not ask. As Albert Walstein obstinately refus'd the Generalship of the Emperor's Armies, that he might be forc'd to accept that which the Extremity of the Affairs oblig'd the Emperor to offer him.

↵

f

She was the Daughter of Munatius Plancus, a Consular Person, who is mention'd in the 33 Chapter of the First Book of these Annals.

↵

5.

A Governor of a Province, who [...]nows that another Governor his Neighbour is hated or suspected by the Prince, never fails to make his Court, at the Expence of his Collegue, either by heightning the Suspicions of the Prince, or by raising Complaints, which may hasten the ruine of him, whom they design to sacrifice. But besides, of what use to Germanicus was that absolute Power, which the Senate decreed him, since he had an imperious Supervisor, that was inflexible and charged with orders altogether contrary to his Commission. Germanicus, had the Name and Show of Governor, and Piso the Power. Don Diego de Mendoca speaking of the sending of Don Iohn of Austria into Granada, saith, that his Commission was so large that it extended to every thing; but that his Liberty was so strictly restrain'd, that he could dispose of nothing Great or Small, without the Consent of those of his Council; nor even without an Order from Philip II. The War of Grenada, Lib. 2. Cap. 26. Thus most Princes use Great Men, who for the most part, saith Commines, go only to prepare the Feast, and commonly at their own Expence.

↵

6.

A Proud and Imperious Woman, as Plancina was, never obeys more willingly, than when the Prince commands her to mortifie her Rival. All Ladies, to whom Princes have given the like Commissions, have always well acquitted themselves therein.

↵

7.

There is almost always a certain Antipathy betwixt the Prince and his Subjects, whence the Subjects love the Persons whom the Prince hates, and he reciprocally loves those who are hated by his Subjects. I [...] the Quarrel which happen'd betwixt Lewis of Bourbon, Count of Soissons; and Charles of Vaudemont, afterwards Duke of L [...] rain, who gave him a Box o'the Ear in the Presence of Lewis XIII, every one having declar'd: in favour of the Count, the King declar [...]d for Vaudement. Memoirs of the Reign of Charles IV. Duke of Lorrain, by the Marquis of Beauvau.

↵

g

Vipsania the Mother of Drusus, was the Daughter of Agrippa, and Grand-Daughter of Pomponius Atticus [...]

↵

8.

If the Children of Sovereign Princes knew what prejudice they do themselves by their Misunderstandings and their Quarrels, they would beware of Engaging therein [...] M. de Guise, saith Queen Margaret was not sorry for the Divisions which he saw break out in our Family; hoping that he should gather up the Pieces of the broken Vessel, Lib. 1. of his Memoirs. Anthony Perez saith in one of his Letters, that Prince Ruy Go [...]ez said, That he knew by his own Experience, how much it concerns Courtiers to stop their Ears against Reports and Calumnies; if they will keep their Friends, and avoid making themselves Enemies. The Count de Brion, saith M. de M [...]ntresor, suffer'd himself to be prepossed, although we were very near Relations, and had always liv'd friendly together. When I was advertis'd of it. I took him aside, and acquainted him, that I was very well inform'd of what had been told him of me: That if Monsieur committed his Secrets to him. I should be extremely glad of it; but that I thought, he ought not to take it ill, that his Royal Higness, did me the s [...]me honour; that in fine, it would be shameful for him to suffer himself to be surpriz'd by the Artifices of Persons who had always deceiv'd their Master, and to break with his Kinsman and his Friend, who had never given him any occasion of complaint. He own'd to me that the thing was true, and we afterwards liv'd in an entire Friendship.

↵

1.

It is Machi [...]vel's advice, That a Prince apply his Mind wholly to the Art of War, as being the only one that is of importance for him to understand, Ch. 4. of his Prince. For States are not preserv'd by Cowardice, but by Arms. Non enim ignavia magna Imperia contineri, Ann. 15. Phil [...]bert-Emanuel Duke of Sav [...]y, Nephew to Charles V. wrote on a time to Philip II. who was not of a Warlike temper, that indeed War was not one of those things that was to be desir'd; but that it nearly concern'd great Princes to understand the Management of it; and that therefore he ought to be pleas'd to find in the beginning of his Reign an occasion to make War; that he might gain betimes the Reputation of a Powerful and a Formidable Prince; and might learn, although at great Expences, what is an Army, Squadron, Battel, Siege, Artillery, Ammunition, Baggage, Spies, Guides, and a thousand Nec [...]sities, which must be provided for. Cabrera cap. 1. lib. 4. of his History.

↵

2.

There is no greater Spur than that of Military glory; Especially to Princes, who are naturally inclin'd to be dazled with the splendid Titl [...] of Conquerors. Commines saith, that after the Battel of Montl [...]ery, the Count of Charolois, who before that day had never been useful in War, nor ever lov'd any thing that belong'd to it, entirely chang'd his Humour, and became so Warlike, that he pursu'd it as long as he liv'd, desiring above all things to tread in the Steps of those ancient Princes, who are so famous for it, Cap. 4. Lib. [...]. and Cap. 9, Lib. 5. of his Memoirs.

↵

h

When in a Civil War amongst the Athenians, many were for Banishing or Extirpating all the Contrary Faction. We ought not to do it, said another, for we shall have nothing to exercise our selves upon.

↵

3.

The Defence of Liberty is the most specious Pretext which Boutefeus[?] and Male-Contents have always had to kindle a War in their Countreys. The People have been gull'd with it a hundred thousand Times, and they will be gull'd with it a hundred thousand times more, before they will be disabus'd: For they give more credit to Words than Actions, and they judge not of Good and Evil, but by those false Idaeas thereof which they give them, who take to them of Liberty, for no other end, but to make them more pliable to be led into Slavery. Quia apud (eum) verba plurimum valent, bonaque ac mala non sua natura, sed [...]o [...]ibus seditiosorum aestimantur, libertas & speciosa nomina praetexuntur. Tac. Hist. 4.

↵

1.

The People never love their Prince so much, how Good and Valiant soever he be, but they love Liberty more; Nullam tantam potestatem cuiquam dari posse, ut non sit gratior potestate libertas. Plin. in Paneg[?].

↵

2.

There is no tye so strong which Iealousie doth not break. The Duke of Mayne would never hearken to the Proposal, which was made to him, for chusing the Young Duke of Guise his Nephew, King of France. As he desir'd to be so himself, saith Colonna, he was, it may be more afraid of the Crown, on the Head of his Nephew, than to see it on the Head of a Prince of Be [...]rn; so true is it, that Envy is stronger and more obstinate than Hatred. After, said he, that I have sustain'd the whole Weight of the League, is it [...]ust, that another should gather the Fruits of my Labours? Must I be reduc'd to beg the Government of a Province? I who have govern'd and defended the whole Kingdom at the price of my Blood: Is it because my Nephew is [...] Young and un-married, that they would give him the Crown of France, and the Infanta of Spain? My Eldest Son is 17 years old, and for his Person, not unworthy so high a Dignity. Let them make him King, if they will not have me; for in this Case I will content my self with the Honour of being his Governor, and of commanding the Armies of the most Serene Infanta, Lib. 6. of his History of the Wars of Flanders. He saith, that these were the very Expressions which the Duke of Maine us'd in his private Conferences with the Count Charles of Mansfield, and the Duke of Feria. It was thus that the Uncle and the Nephew weakned, and by degrees ruin'd the Union and good Understanding that was necessary for them to maintain their Party. Memoirs de Chiverny.

↵

i

During the War of Paris, there was the like Iealousie betwixt the Duke of B [...]auf [...]rt and Nemours; who, although Brothers-in-Law, could never agree with one another. Diego de Mendoza [...]ith, that Gonsalo Fernand [...] de [...]ordoua, stiled by way of Excellence the Great Captain, would never serve under his Brother Don Alphonso d' Aguil [...]r, one of the most renowned Captains of Spain. Guerra de Grenada, Cap. 2, Lib. 1.

↵

3.

A Warlike People ought never to make frequent or long Wars with the same Neighbours, for fear of training them up to War. This was heretofore the Maxim of the Lacedemonians, and is at this Day of the Turks. Philip II. King of Spain had time to repent that he had not follow'd the Counsel of Don Gomez Figure [...], Duke of F [...]ria, who would not have had him carry the War into the Low-Countrys, saying, that he oug [...]t to reduce these Provinces by gentle methods for fear of teaching them to handle Arms and make War on their Prince, Strada, Lib. 6. of the first Decad. From the very beginning of the Troubles of the Low-Countreys, Cardinal Granvelle had advis'd Philip to extinguish this War as soon as he could, either by a Battel, or by a Treaty of Peace, for fear this People should come to know their Strength; [...]ore-telling, that if once they knew it, he would never be able to keep them in Obedience. Pio M [...]tio consideration, 259. Lib. 1. of his Commentary on Tacitus.

↵

4.

It is a Reproach often cast upon Great Captains, That they know not how to fight; but it never lessens their Reputation, when they are known to be Persons, who will hazard nothing unseasonably. This Reproach was sometimes cast on the Famous Duke of Alva, either by the Duke of Guise, or by the Prince of Orang [...]; and by several others, but they could never make him change the Method; and his Constancy in despising the Censures and the Railleries of his Enemies, was the Principal Cause of his Good Fortune and his Glory. For he that hath the Profit of the War, saith Commines, hath all the Honour of it; and he ought never to run the Hazard of a Battel, who can avoid it, Cap. 2. Lib. 2. and c. 4. l. 4. of his Memoirs. Where [...]ore the Answer very well became the D. of Alva, which he made to the Duke of Guise, That he would not play a Kingdom against a Coat of Cloth of Gold, l. 9, of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castille. And Alexander Duke of P [...]rm [...], answer'd a Trumpeter, who offer'd him Battel from Henry IV. That it was not his Custom to fight when it pleas'd his Enemies, only when he thought it fit. D. Carlos Co [...]oma, Lib. 3. of [...]is Wars of the Low-Countries. Count Peter Ernest of Mans [...]ield saying to a Trumpeter, That he wonder'd, that his Master, who was Young and full of Vigour, kept himself always close, and cover'd within his Intrenchments; the Trumpeter answer'd him ingeniously, That Maurice did so, that he might one Day become as Experienc'd a Captain as his Excellency of Mansfield. Memoirs of Aubery du Maurier.

↵

5.

It doth not become Princes and Generals of Armies to utter reproaches against one another. Those who have force in their hands, ought never to use this kind of Revenge, which is sit only for Women, and which also more dishonours him that attacks, than him that is attack'd. Besides, words which wound a Man's Honour are never forgiven. A Lie given the S [...]ig [...]eur a Himbercourt, Am [...]as [...]ado [...] [...]rom the Duke of Burgundy, c [...]st the Constable of St. Pol afterw [...]rds his Life. For this Reason, saith Commines, Princes, and those wh [...] are in great Places: ought to [...] to whom they offer such [...]; for the Greater they a [...]e, the more sensible are the Affronts which they [...] inasmuch as those who are affronted, think, (and with reason) that the Authority of the Person who affronts them, casts a greater Blemish on their Honour. Cap. 11. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs.

↵

1.

In Guiccardin's Opinion, there is more Courage and Fury in those who recover their Liberty, than in those who defend it. Lib. 18 of his History of Italy. And I think it is because they who recover their Liberty have [...]elt Oppression, and have therefore a greater Resentment, than those who having not yet lost their Liberty, have not tried the Severities of Tyranny and of Slavery. Thus, the Lombards had a double Motive to animate them to fight; that of the Common Defence, and that of their Private Revenge; for according to Paterculus, Marobodu [...] was not contented with a Regal Power, regulated by the Laws and Customs of the Country; but would have one that was entirely Absolute and Despotick. Hist. 2. Cap. 108.

↵

2.

The loss of a Battel, saith Commines, hath always a long and sad Train, for him that loses it; for it often happens that the Vanquish'd People entertain a contemptible Opinion of their Master; fall into Mutinies and Contrivances against him; make insolent Demands, and desert him, if they don't obtain them. Cap. 2. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs. And speaking of the Battel of Granson lost by the Duke of Burgundy. What damage, saith he, receiv'd he that day for acting on his own Head, and despising counsel? What damage receiv'd his Family thereby; and in what a Condition is it to this Day? How many People became his Enemies and declar'd themselves, who the Day before temporis'd with him, and pretended to be his Friends. Gelasius Duke of Milan, who three Weeks before had sent him a solemn Embassy, to make an Alliance with him against Lewis XI. renounc'd this Alliance to make one with Lewis. Renatus, King of Sicily, who design'd[?] to make the Duke of Burg [...]ndy his Heir, and who was going to put him in possession of the County of Provence, dispos'd of it in favour of his Nephew, Lewis XI. His Sister, the Dutchess of Savoy, who was entirely in the Interests of the Duke, and whom Lewis therefore call'd Madame de Bourgogne, reconcil'd her self to him, and utterly abandon'd the Duke. Nuremberg, Francfort, and several Imperial Cities more, declar'd against him; and they thought that to do him all the Mischief they could, was to procure their Pardons: So much did the World change after this Battel.

↵

3.

How Haughty and Courageous soever Princes are, a reverse of Fortune humbles them as well as other Men. When they are concern'd for their own Preservation or Defence, their Point of Honour always gives place to their Interest. Paterculus saith, that Maroboduus had exalted his power to such a Degree, that he was grown formidable to the Romans, and that without openly attacking them, he gave them sufficiently to understand, that he wanted neither Strength nor Courage to defend himself, if they should attack him; that the Ambassadors which he sent to them, spake to them sometimes as from an Equal to an Equal; and that in short, his Dominions were a Retreat to as many as revolted from their Obedience to the Romans. After all this, he stuck not to address himself to Tiberius, to support his Fortune, shock'd by an Unfortunate Battel, who before this Battel, boast [...]d that he was the Arbitrator of Peace and War. After the Battel of Granson, the Duke of Burgundy sent the Lord of Contay to Lewis XI. with a Submissive and Obliging Message, which was not his custom, so much was his Temper or his Courage chang'd in an hours time. Commines, cap. 2. lib. 5. of his Memoirs. We ought therefore to conclude with him; that if Great Men, were always wise they would be so modest in their words, in time of Prosperity, that they need not be constrain'd to change their Language in the time of Adversity, Ch. 21. of the same Book. And this is what Charles V. intimated to Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony his Prisoner of War, hearing him call'd him, Most Powerful and most Gracious Emperor, he answer'd, You were wont to call me otherwise; reproaching him thereby with the Nick-name of Charles of Ghant, which the Protestant Princes of Germany, of whom the Elector was the Head, gave him heretofore in their Manifesto's. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitomy of his Life.

↵

k

Henry III. King of France returned much the same Answer to Deputies from Flanders in 1579. How dare you, saith he, to demand succours of me against your Prince, when ye would give me none against my Subjects? Cavriana.

↵

l

Tiberius had quite another design, as will be seen in the 63 Paragraph.

↵

m

250000 Crowns▪

↵

1.

Inundations, Fires, Earthquakes, Famine, and other Publick Calamities, are so many Occasions, for a Prince to signalize his Magnificence, and to perpe [...]uate his Name. Private Men may do good to Private Men; but there is none but a Prince, who can do it to a whole People. A Prince ought not to desire these Occasions, but he ought to take the Advantage of them when they offer. Debet esse major & propensior in calamito [...]os liberalitas, saith Cicero, 2. of his Offices.

↵

2.

It is not easie to determine, whether is more fit to be sent as a Commissioner into a Province, an Inferior, or an Equal to him that is Governor of it. For, according to Tacitus himself, Iealousie is stronger in an Inferior than in an Equal, quia minoribus major aemuland [...] cura, Hist, 4. I know not, saith Pio Mutio, whether Tiberius did prudently to send into Asia a Minister that was of an Inferi [...]r Rank, to the Consular Person who govern'd it; for this Inequality drew after it, not only that Emulation, which he would have prevented, but also Envy which is the fruitful Source of Dis [...]entions and Quarrels. And some lines after: If the Emulation be good, it makes each of the Rivals more Diligent and Punctual, whereby the Prince is the better serv'd. Witnes [...] what Titus Livy makes Papirius Cursor the Dictator say; A laevone cornu victoria incipiet, & dextrum cornu, Dictatoris acies, alienam pugnam sequetur? i. e. Shall the Victory begin in the Left Wing? And shall the Right Wing, where the Dictator is, only assist the other in the Fight? (Because the General of the Horse, who commanded the Le [...]t Wi [...]g, had broken that of the Enemy). Consider. 121. on the 2. lib. Cabrera saith, That the Triumviral Government of the Cardinal of Trent, the Marquis of Pesquera, and of Iohn-Baptist Castaldo, whom Philip II. had sent to Naples, to oppose the Designs of Pope Paul IV. was prejudicial to his affairs, because these three Ministers were near Equal in Authority. Cap. 3. Lib. 3. of his History. The Cardinal de Richelieu hath clearly decided this Question. Divers Experiments, saith he, have made me so knowing in this Matter, that I should think my self accountable in the sight of God, if this Testament did not in express terms declare, that there is nothing more dangerous in a State, than divers Authorities equal in the Administration of Affairs. What one un [...]rtakes is cross'd by the other; and if the Honestest Man is not the A [...]lest, although his Opinion be the [...], it will be always Eluded, by him that hath the greatest Parts. As the Diseases and Death of Men proc [...]ed from the Discord of the Elements whe [...]eof they are compos'd; so it is ce [...]tain, that the Opposition and Disunion, which is always found amongst Equal Powers, will disturb the Quiet of the States, which they shall Govern, and will produce divers Accidents which will in the End r [...]ine them. As several Pilots do never set their h [...]nds all together to the Helm, so no more than one ought to hold that of the State. He may very well receive advice from others. [...] also sometimes to ask it; bu [...] it belongs to him to examine the Expediency thereof, and to turn the Hand on one side or the other, according as he thinks it most convenient to escape the Storm, and to make his course successful. Section 6. Cap. 8. of the first part.

↵

n

By the Law. Iulia.

↵

o

Ph [...]lip II. caused an Historical Abridgment of all the Noble Families to be Compos'd, that he might know their Rise, Increase, or Declension, and at what Time, and in what Services they had acquir'd the Titles and Privileges which they Enjoy'd. A Knowledge which Enabled him to recompence the Descendants, according to the Merits of their Ancestors. Cabrera, Cap. 16. Lib. 12. of his History. Having understood by this Nobiliary, that the Kings of Castile, made the Marquis [...]ès de Moya dine at their Table on St. Lucy's Day, which is the 13th of December; and the Counts de Salines, on Epiphany, for the great Service these two Families had done the State; in 1593, he restored this Preheminence to them, which time had abolish'd, and sent solemnly to the Marquis de Moya the Golden Cup, in which he had drank that Day; that he might punctually observe what the Kings his Predecessors had done. Herrera, cap. ult. lib. 3. part 3. of his History.

↵

1.

Although it is not always for the Interest of the Prince to preserve the Ancient Nobility; it is yet for his Honour, and but Policy sometimes to raise up again some Illustrious Families, that the Nobility may have no occasion to believe that he takes pleasure to sink and to destroy it. Salust saith, That Great Men who fall into Poverty, and consequently into Contempt, hate the Present Government; and leave no Stone unturn'd to introduce a New one, wherein their Condition may be better; as he shews by the Example of Cataline. Egnatius Rusus conspir'd against Augustus, for no other Reason, but because he was poor, and out of hopes of being reliev'd by this Prince. For, saith Paterculus, Such is the Wickedness of Men, (and particularly of Great Men) that every one of them had rather be involved in the Publick Ruine, than perish alone. Hist. 2. 91. Cecina rebell'd against Galba, who required him to give an account of the Publick Treasury which he manag'd in Spain, that he might hide the Disorder of his A [...]airs in the general Confusions. Caecina aegre passus miscere cuncta, & privata v [...]lnera Reip. malis operire statuit. Tacit. Hist. 1. Of all which the Result is, that the Prince ought sometimes to scatter his bounty on great Families that are decay'd, but especially on those, in which there are Persons capable of making a Party, or putting themselves at the Head of Male-Contents. It was herein that Philip II. King of Spain, fail'd, who lost the Obedience of the Prince of Orange, and the Counts of Egmont and Horn; for saving 150000 Crowns which Granvelle Bishop of Arras advis'd him to distribute amongst them, before he left the Low-Countrys. Which, saith Cabrera, cost him afterwards above 150 Millions; besides the Blood of so many thousand Men which was spilt. Cap. 3. Lib. 5. of his History. The same Historian saith, That this King impower'd the Great Men of Spain to Mortgage or to Sell their Estates; and that by this Method he weakned and lessen'd them befor they were aware of it. The Effects whereof their Posterity feel at this Day. Cap. 16. Lib. 12.

↵

2.

The Moderation of Tiberius, who, though a Heathen, scrupled to accept the Estates of those who bequeath'd them to him, to deprive their Relations of them, ought to shame those Monks who procure themselves to be made Heirs to the prejudice of the Children of the Family, and of a thousand and a thousand poor Relations, who perish through want. They who by their Vows and their Ministry, are more strictly oblig'd than all other Ecclesiasticks, to lead a Retired and Mortified Life, can they in Conscience spend their Time in solliciting the Iudges, and besetting the Tribunals, and in commencing every day fresh Suits against the Lawful Heirs, whose Patrimonies they would possess.

↵

p

How many times, saith Paterculus, hath he furnished those Senators who were unprovided, with what was Necessary; Honourably to support their Dignity? But as he suffer'd not an innocent Poverty to be deprived of Offices and Honours; so he took car [...] of giving to debauch'd Persons, for fear of encouraging or fomenting Luxury and Voluptuousness. Hist. 2. c. 129.

↵

3.

Publick Affairs can never be in worse hands, than in those of Persons, who understand not how to manage their Domestick Affairs. For it is almost impossible, that such Magistrates should be dis-interess'd, or consequently incorrupt.

↵

q

As the Romans were at that time as much Strangers on the Sea, as the Carthaginians were Experienc'd and Powerful on it; Duillius provided Iron Hooks and other Instruments, with which he grappled the Enemy's Ships, who were thereby forc'd to fight without [...]irring, as if they had been on Land.

↵

1.

A wife and prudent Prince ought severely to punish the Injuries which are done to the Memory of his Predecessors; for besides that, the Honour which he doth herein to them, returns directly on himself, it is an Example which he leaves his Successors to do the like for him after his Death.

↵

2.

The Lashes of Womens Tongues deserv'd to be despised, rather than resented. If fools have Liberty to say any thing, because what they say signifies nothing, it is for the Honour of Princes to let some Women eternally enjoy this Privilege.

↵

1.

In the Disposal of great Offices, it is for the Interest of the Prince, to prefer those Competitors, who, [...]aeteris paribus, have the more numerous Families; because more persons remain thereby oblig'd to him.

↵

2.

A new Prince, I mean a Prince whose form of Government is new, can't have a greater Pleasure than to see the Laws weakned, which had been made in those times, when the State was govern'd in the Form of a Common-Wealth. Thus, when the Senate was divided betwixt the ancient Laws and the Parties of Germanicus and Drusus, it was insensibly sinking to that Slavery, to which Tiberius design'd to bring it. Observe by the way, that Germanicus, who was the Darling of the People and the Senate, for his popular temper, did not himself stick to destroy the Liberties; and that if ever he had come to the Empire, he might possibly have had quite different sentiments, from those which he shew'd under another's Reign.

↵

3.

In the pursuit of Offices and Honours, the support of Princes, is of much greater advantage, than that of the Laws. And it is upon this Maxim, that the Cardinal de Richelieu concludes for the selling of Offices; because, if that be suppress'd the Disorders that will proceed from Competitions, and Underhand-practices, by which Offices will be obtain'd, will be greater than those which arise from the Liberty of buying and Selling them; because, in that case, all would depend on the Favour and Artifice of those, who are in the greatest Credit with Kings. Sect. 1. Chap. 4. of the first part of his Politick Testament.

↵

1.

War is the best of all Trades for those to whom Nature hath given great Courage. It is the School wherein Fortune hath raised most of her greatest Favourites; and whence Men born in Poverty, Contempt, and the most abject state of Mankind, have ascended to the supreme Command of Armies; and oftentimes to the Regal Power it self. Francis Sforsa, from the Son of a poor Shoemaker, became General of an Army, and his Son Duke of Milan. The Constable de Lediguieres, and the Mareschals de Toiras, de Gassion, and de Fabret, who all three had no other Estate, nor other maintenance, but their Sword, are Examples of a late Date, which, like the Trophees of Miltiades, ought to rouze the Courage and Industry of so many poor Gentlemen, who live in shameful idleness.

↵

2.

An over-confidence of Generals in their strength, is oftentimes the Cause of the Defeat of their Armies. As there is no little Errors in War, we need not wonder that the strongest are sometimes vanquish'd. Add hereto, on the Occasion of this Diversion, which was made betwixt Tuckfarinas and Mazipp [...] that a single Head, with ordinary Prudence, makes better Officers, than two brave Generals, who are jealous of each other.

↵

3.

It is with Families as with Cities; sometimes they flourish, sometimes they decline; sometimes they are utterly Extinguish'd; sometimes they rise again out of their Ashes, after they have been whole ages buried in Obscurity and Oblivion. This Vicissitude is more rare in Common-Wealths, in which they more easily preserve themselves by means of Equality, which covers them from Oppression; whereas in Monarchy [...], a thousand of them perish under one reign, when the Prince, or his principal Ministers, are Sanguinary or Covetous.

↵

r

It was in the Consulship of Furius Philo, or Furius Camillus, as others call him, that the Gauls were beaten from Rome; but it was his Collegue Caius Flaminius, who gain'd this Victory, without Furius's having any share in it. Therefore Livy makes no mention but of the Triumph of Flaminius. M. Iunius Dictator, saith he, sex millia hominum gallicis spoliis, quae triumpho C. Flaminii translata fuere, armavit. And in another place, speaking of this Consul's Death, who was slain by Ha [...]ibal in the Battel of the Lake of Perousa, he puts these words in Hannibal's Mouth, Consul hic est, qui legiones nostras, &c. So that this Passage of Tacitus which seems to ascribe the Expulsion of the Gauls to Furius, is to be understood of the Year of his Confulship, and not of his Person.

↵

4.

Place shews the Man, saith the Proverb; To know the Capacity of a Man he must be employ'd. Nothing doth more honour to the Prince, than the Choice, which he hath made of a Minister, who succeeds in his Employment much otherwise than the World expected of him. Commines relates, that Lewis XI. having told him, that he had sent Master Oliver his Barber to Ghant, to reduce that City under his Obedience, and others to other great Cities: He said to the King, That he doubted that Master Oliver and the rest would not succeed in their Designs on those Cities. Cap. 13. Lib. 5. of his Memoirs. But in the 14th Chapter he saith, That although this Commission was too great for Oliver, yet he shew'd in what he did, that he had some understanding. For being forc'd to [...]ly from Gha [...]t, he made to Tournay, and found a way to put this fine City into the King's Hands. And this Honour, as Commines concludes, was procur'd to the King, by the said Oliver. A Wiser and a Greater Man, had probably fail'd in the Management of this Enterprize.

↵

6.

A Minister, or a Favourite can't long keep the Favour of his Prince, but by Submission and Dependance. When he will rise of himself, the Prince never fails of depressing him, as one that will be no longer his Creature. Lisander saying to Agesilaus, whose chief Confident he had been before: Truly you know very well how to slight your Friends. Yes, answered Agesilaus, When they would be greater than my self. Plutarch in his Life. It is just so with all Princes. And this ought to be well consider'd by Great Men, who have a great Military Reputation; for it is that which gives Princes the greatest Iealousie, there being nothing which the People speaks of with so much applause, as of Battels and Victories. Don Bernardin de Mendoza saith, That that Victory which the Count d'Egmont gain'd at Gravelin, was possibly one of the Principal Causes of his Misfortune, because it exalted him so much. Cap. 4. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs of Flanders.

↵

5.

Princes more freely praise an ordinary Man, than they do a great Person; because the praising of one is an Act of Grace, but the praising of the other is no more than an Act of Iustice: And Princes would have Men oblig'd to them for every thing.

↵

s

A City built by Augustus, in memory of the Victory that he obtain'd over Anthony.

↵

1.

It is an advantage to Princes to see the very Places, where their Ancestors have done some Memorable thing; for this Sight makes a strong Impression on their Minds, and inspires them, as the Trophies of Miltiades did Themis [...]ocles; with a generous Desire to imitate or to excell them. Philip II. King of Spain, was curious to see where-ever he travell'd, the Edi [...]ices and the Tombs of his Predecessors. He caused their very Co [...]ins to be open'd, and stood uncover'd before their Bodies, with as much respect, as if they had been living. Being at Segovia, he repair'd the Town-House, for the sake of a great Hall, called, sala de los Reges, where are the Statues of the Kings, under which he caus'd to be set their Names, and a short account of their Reign, with an equal Number of Lines and Letters in every Elogy, thus to revive their Memories. Cabrera, c. 12. l. 9. of his History.

↵

2.

The more Modest and Popular a Prince is, the greater Honours are paid him. The People are never more prodigal thereof, than to those who exact none. Spreta in tempore gloria, saith Livy, cumulatior redi [...], i. e. The Honours Great Men don't seek for, are paid them with Usury. Charles V. won the Heart of the Catalans, (a Nation not to be conquer'd when their Privileges are at stake) by answering those who were deputed to know his pleasure, how he would make his Entry into Barcelona; That he was contented to be receiv'd as their Counts; i. e. The Counsellors of the City not to alight from their Horses to salute him; because, he said, that he held it a greater Honour to be Count of Barcelona, than to be King of the Romans. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, in the Epitomy of his Life.

↵

3.

Nothing makes a greater Impression on the Minds and Hearts of Princes, than the Examples of their Ancestors; it is almost the only instruction which they receive with delight, or at least with respect. After that Nero had got rid of his Governor Burrh [...]s, whose Wisdom was not agreeable to him, and had begun to be disgusted at his Praeceptor Seneca; he was told, That he wanted no other Masters nor Counsellors, than the Examples of the Princes from whom he descended. Charles V. and Philip II. conferring together about Don Carlos Prince of Spain, who had very Evil Inclinations, which his Governor Don Antonio de Rojas was never able to correct, nor moderate, concluded, that there should be set before the Eyes of this Young Prince Pictures, which might excite Noble Idaeas in his Imagination, and which might incline his Mind to the love of Glory, by a Desire to imitate the Great and Generous Actions which he shall see represented; That he should be suf [...]er'd to hear no Discourses but such as might imprint in him good Maxims and Good Manners; That the Conversation of Persons of Wit and Probity, who should be about him, would insensibly give him a Relish and a Delight in good things, which would be of greater advantage to him, than Precepts and Lessons which are always disagreeable to Princes, by reason of that Superiority which those who instruct them in the Quality of Masters, seem to usurp over them. Cabrera, l. 4. [...]. 2. of his History.

↵

t

Now Negropont.

↵

u

Or Livia, who was married to Marcus Vini [...]ius, to whom Paterculus Dedicates his History.

↵

1.

It is absolutely necessary for a Prince from time to time to visit his Provinces; for he learns upon the spot all those things which it was the Interest of his Officers to hide from him. It is there that he hears with his own Ears, the Complaint which a Da [...]matian Lord made heretofore to Tiberius: Instead of sending us Shepheards and Dogs to keep your Flocks, you send us Wolves, which devour them. Dion, lib. 55. The Prince is not touch'd with the Miseries and Oppressions of his People, if he does not see them; for there are always [...]latterers, who make him believe, that the Evils which are only reported to him, are aggravated. And consequently, there is need of the Remedy which the Sisters of Lazarus desir'd, Com [...], Lord, and see. He must come and see, otherwise the Remedy will not be equal to the Grievance.

↵

2.

Princes would never hea [...] Death spoken of, but in obscure hints. Lewis XI. deserv'd compassion, who could not hear that cruel wordd, De [...]th, pronounc'd; and who commanded all his Servants, that when his own approach'd, they should not give him [...] of it, but by saying to him, Sp [...]k l [...]tt [...]s▪ Com [...]es Memoirs, l. 0. [...]. 12.

↵

1.

It is good to be Civil and Popular; but [...] as not to lessen the Majesty of the Prince. The Ministers who represent him, ought to avoid nothing more, than to derogate from the Rights of their Character, to which too great a Reverence can't be paid.

↵

2.

When Men speak with Passion, they are very apt to contradict themselves. Piso reproach'd the Athenians for being the Dregs and the Offscouri [...]g of divers Nations of Greece, and notwithstanding he imputed to them all the Faults of this ancient Republick, for which they could not be responsible, without being genuine Athenians.

↵

3.

It is common for great Men to revenge their Private Quarrels, under the Name of those of the State. Velut pro Repub▪ conquerentes suum dolorem pro [...]erebant. Tacitus, Hist. 3. There are many Ministers, saith Anthony Perez, who invest their Prince with their private Passions and Wrongs In the Aphorisms of his Relations. Who under specious pretences, convert the Publick Interests into their own; and instead of regulating private Affairs by the Publick, do the direct contrary, with Equal Injustice and Boldness. Part 1. Sect. 3. Cap. 8. of the Politick Testament.

↵

4.

For, saith Tacitus, Ann. 14. Nothing is so subject to accidents as the Sea; and besides, no Man is so Unjust as to make another responsible for the Misfortunes which are caus'd by the Sea and Winds.

↵

5.

Violent Spirits are capable of very little Gratitude, because they impute the Complaisance which People have for them, to the Fear which they believe they have of offending them. Piso did not doubt but that Germanicus fear'd him, seeing that this Prince was not ignorant wherefore Tiberius had taken the Government of Syria from Silanus, and had given it to Piso. Thus Germanicus, was so far from gaining the Friendship of Piso, (who knew Germanicus was suspected by the Emperor) that he made him more Haughty and less Tractable, by th [...] care that he took to oblige him. And be [...]ides, Piso judging of Germanicus's Nature by his own, which was revengeful, could not imagine him mild enough, heartily to pardon the Injury which he had done him at Athens. And this is what makes great Men irreconcilable; there being one of them which cannot nor will not trust the other. According to M. de la Rochefoucaut, one of the Principal Causes of the resolution which Monsieur the late Prince took to retire into Spain, was the Opinion which he had, that after all that had pass'd, he could not longer be secure with the Queen-Regent.

↵

x

We may say of Armen [...]a, what the famous Marquis Spinola said of the [...] of Rhimberg, That it was the St [...]umpet of War, because it fell by turns from one hand to the other.

↵

1.

There is no better way for a Prince to endear his Government to new Subjects, than to [...]ischarge them of part of the Taxes which they paid to the [...]ormer Prince. People are easily inur'd to Slavery, but never to the Avarice of Governors and Magistrates; for they know no greater Evil than Poverty. After that, Charles VIII. King of Franc [...], had taken Naples, and caus'd himself to be crown'd there; He did many acts of Grace to his Subjects, and lessen'd their Burdens, saith Commines, Lib. 7. Cap. 14. Clement VIII. did the same after he had re-united the Dutchy of Ferrara to the Ecclesiastical State: So that the House of Este, which had a long time govern'd at Ferrara, and was also much belov'd there, was very little regretted by the People. The Cardinal d'Ossat adds, That he made Seigneur Bevilaqua Cardinal, to honour and give good hopes to the City of Ferrara, lately return'd to the Holy See; this Cardinal being of one of the most Noble Families of this City, Letter 167.

↵

y

Which also before had a King.

↵

1.

Oftentimes Princes are more Disquieted and Troubled with on [...] Domestick Enemy, than by a Foreign War, The Conduct of Monsieur, the late Duke of Orleans, made the late King more uneasie than the whole House of Austria, and all the Enemies of France.

↵

2.

Men, but especially Great Men, easily believe whatsoever is told them by Persons whom they love, against People whom they hate. And hence it is, that Quarrels betwixt Great Men are almost always immortal; those who have Power with them, having an Interest to hinder their Reconci [...]ation. It was thus Maugiro [...], Quelùs, Saint-Luke, Saint-Mesgrin, Gr [...]mmont, Ma [...]eon and Livarret, made use of it with Henry III. on whom they made what impressions they pleas'd against his Brother the Duke of Alenson. Lib. 2. of the Memoirs of Queen Margaret, who very properly calls them the Council of [...]eroboam.

↵

3.

Amongst Great Men, Explanations rather Exasperate than Pacifie; because it is very difficult to speak with so much reserve, as not let fall one angry word. It is almost impossible, saith Commi [...]es, that two great Lords should agree together, by reason of Reports and Suspicions which they hourly have; and two Princes who would live in Amity, ought never to see one another, but to send prudent Persons to each other, who would rectifie what is a [...]iss: Memoirs, l. 1. ch. 14. and l. 2. chap. 8.

↵

z

Apertis O [...]is seems to be the truest Reading; for Piso having answer'd with so little respect to Germanicus, whose dissembled anger he could not be ignorant of, Germanicus had no reason any longer to dissemble his Anger towards a Man who did not dissemble his towards him.

↵

4.

It is a strange thing, that Princes must suffer for the Misunderstanding that is between their Ministers; and that the Publick Affairs must be sacrific'd to their Private Quarrels. Are there not frequently seen in a Council, Persons who give their Opinion not to counsel the Prince, but to contradict their Rival; not to follow a good Opinion, but to make an ill one pass if they can? Princes are very much concern'd to remedy this Disorder.

↵

a

Tacitus hath said in one of the foregoing Paragraphs, that Piso hardly gave place to Tiberius, and that he look'd on his Sons as his In [...]eriors. So that nothing could affront him more than to make so great a Difference betwixt Germanicus and him. And by saying, that Germanicus was the Son of a Roman Prince, and not of a Parthian King; He intimated that Tiberius was no more than a Prince of a Common-Wealth, and not a Sovereign as the King of the Parthians; and that consequently, Germanicus transgress'd the bounds of an Aristocratical Equality, by accepting a Crown of greater value than was given to the rest of the Guests.

↵

5.

If they had presented Piso with a Crown like Germanicus's, we may believe, he would not have rejected it, nor made an Invective against Luxury. But because he was no [...] made Equal to Germanicus, he thought fit to take upon him a Mask of Modesty to put a better Colour on his Resentment. And observe here the Nature of most of our Censors and Reformers. They declaim against Great Men, because they can't be as great as they; They despise the Honours that are given them, because they would have greater than are due to them. So that we may say of them what Alexander said of Antipater, his Father's Minister, That if they are modest in their Clo [...]ths, they are all Purple within.

↵

1.

The Audience of Ambassadors is one of the most Difficult things which a Prince hath to do; for it is not enough, that he hear with Modesty and Attention, but it behoves him also to answer with Prudence and Constancy; as well to remember what he is himself, as what the Prince is who treats with him; and to manage the Ambassador so well, that of a Publick Witness and a Spy, he may make a Friend and a true Mediator of him. Commines saith, That Lewis XI. dismissed Ambassadors with such good Words, and such handsome Presents, that they always went away pleas'd from him, and dis [...]embled to their Masters what they knew, for the sake of the Pro [...]it which they gain'd thereby. Memoirs Lib. 5. Cap. 14. I have read in a History of Venice, that the principal Cause which moved that Senate immediately to acknowledge Henry IV. for King of France, was the Relation which was sent them by the Senator Iohn Mo [...]enique, who was their Ambassador at the Court of Henry III. when he was murther'd. Commines saith, That to give audience to Ambassadors, the Prince ought to be well Dress'd, and well-inform'd of what he is to say. l. 3. c. 8.

↵

2.

There are many Faults and Maladministrations, which would remain unpunish'd, if the Officers who commit them, were not hated by those who punish them. If Germanicus had not hated Piso and his Wife, he possibly would never have removed Vonones from Syria; who in all appearance endeavour'd by the Presents he made to Plancina, to corrupt the Fidelity of Piso, to set him at Liberty. Witness the attempt which he made for it in Cilicia, under favour of a Hunting Match, as Tacitus relates in the 69 Paragraph of this Book. Which shews, that Artabanus had good reason to demand the removal of Vonones.

↵

1.

Princes who have large Dominions, ought not to travel into other Countreys, because they have more work at home than they can ever do; and in my Opinion, the use of Embas [...]ys, was introduc'd to save them this trouble, or rather to teach them the Obligation they lie under to provide for the Necessities of their People, whose repose absolutely depends on their Presence. A Prince who travells into a Foreign Countrey, soon loses the Affectious of his Subjects; for besides that, he neglects the Administration of Affairs, they are displeas'd at the great Expences which he is oblig'd to be at, to appear Liberal and Magnificent to Strangers. A Point of Honour that draws upon him more curses from his own People, than he gets applause from those whom he Enriches. An able Ambassador of Savoy told me more than once, that Duke Charles-Emanuel had been at such excessive Expences in his Iourney which he took into France, about the End of the last Age, that he was straitned thereby above fifteen years; and that if in 1612, he had been Master of the Money which he had left there, he would have had thrice as much as he needed to have obtain'd the Empire, in opposition to the whole House of Austr. a. These were his own Words. Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France, to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille, and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband, who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece. For during his long stay in France which was above a Year, his affairs in Castille were chang'd, where the Lords of the Kingdom, who were almost all of his Party before his absence, made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella, being weary of expecting succours from France, and his return. But that which he adds, shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions. The King of Portugal's End, saith he, was that he suspected, that the King (Lewis XI.) had a design to seize him, and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile. For this reason he disguised himself a third time, being resolved to go away to Rome, and to retire into a Monastery. For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal, without having done any thing in France, whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council. In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf. And half a Page after; This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine, now Charles VIII. in which he could not succeed. Insomuch, that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble, and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal. His Memoris, Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert, Brother to Uladis [...]aus King of Poland, who travel [...]'d into Italy, saith, That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom, condemn'd this Passion for travell, as a thing unbecoming, and alway fatal to great Princes; and especially to the Sons of Kings▪ Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis, praecipue Regum filiis, indignam improbabant. And in the Margent; Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora & periculosa, In Chronico ad annum, 1634. Add hereto, That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited, because almost always part of the Honours, which they pretend to, are contested with them. For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito, during their stay in Foreign Countreys, or their passage through them.

↵

2.

Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick, without the Exterior Marks of their Power; for although Authority is not in the Ensigns, yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates. And it was partly for this Reason, that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome, purpuram adorare. And Mamertinus saith, That the Guards which environ good Princes, are not for the Defence of their Bodies, but only to give some lustre to Majesty, Non custodiae corporis sunt, sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus, Paneg. Iulia [...]. It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor, which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes. Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI. and Henry IV. King of Castile, saith, That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis, because he was in a mean Habit, and wore a Pitiful Hat, with a Leaden Image on the top of it; saying, That it was for Covetousness. And some lines after, he saith, That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans, His Me [...]oirs, l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes, and consequently Magistrates also, have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur, if they will be respected. Pagliari saith, That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV. to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks, was, that during his Cardinalship, he had often observed the little respect that was given, and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies, because having black Caps, they were not sufficiently distinguish'd. Observation, 213. And it was for the same Reason, that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France, who, it is said, are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it.

↵

b

The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg, but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers, which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd.

↵

3.

Germanicus's intentions were good, but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion. His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius, taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus. The opening of the Publick Granaries, the affecting to go abroad without the Rods, might very well appear criminal to Tiberius, there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People, to receive for their Master him who hath them.

↵

c

Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains, which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it; On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts; and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours: Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides, and consequently easie to defend. Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province, which was a Granary to Rome, and all Italy, would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it, for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof. And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius. Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii, saith Iosephus, eaque si potitus soret, Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat.—Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae, nam & terra difficilis accessu; marique importuosa est. Belli Iudaici, l. 5.

↵

4.

The Knowledge of the Situation, and the Commodities of his Provinces, and of the Manners of their Inhabitants, is very necessary for a Prince; for without this, he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors, and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there; whereas, if he had been sent into another, he might have govern'd with applause. For instance, If the King of Spain should send into Catalonia and S [...]ci [...]y, (which are two fierce Nations, and whose Obedience is as it were Arbitrary) Viceroys who would take the same Courses that the Viceroys of Naples, and the Governors of Milan do, he would immediately lose these Provinces, where there is nothing but Bones for the Spanish Ministers to gnaw upon.

↵

1.

It is common for great Princes to raise Magnificent Edifices in Desart and dry Places, and which by their situation seem to be Uninhabitable, to make their Power appear the greater, and to shew that every thing yields to their Fortune. Philip II. had this Prospect, when he chose the pitiful Village of the Escurial, to build there the Famous Monastery which bears this Name, and which the Spaniards call the Eighth Wonder of the World, although an old Alcada aged [...]ourscore years, answer'd an Officer, who ask'd him in the King's Name his Opinion of it; That the King was going to make a Nest of Caterpillars who would devour the whole Country. Cabrera, c. 11. l▪ 6. of his History.

↵

1.

It is true sign of the Destruction of a Country, when those divide and abandon one another, who ought to be united. Memoirs, l. 2. c. 1. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur, saith Tacitus, in Agricola. The Landtgrave of Hesse, who commanded the Army of the League of Smalcald against Charles V. had reason to say to the Con [...]ederate Cities through which he pass'd, My Friends let every Fox keep his Tail; to let them understand, that the League could not subsist but by their common agreement. Epitomy of the Life of C. V. There can't be better Counsel than what the Lord Contay gave the C. de Charolois, who took it very ill, that the Lords of the League of the Publick Good held a Council amongst themselves without calling him to it. Bear it patiently, said Contay; for if you displease them, they will make their Peace with King Lewis more advantageously than you; as you are the Strongest, so you ought to be the Wisest: Beware therefore of dividing them, and use your ulmost industry to maintain a good Correspondence betwixt them and your self. Memoirs of Commines, l. 1. c. 12.

↵

d

With what Prudence and Conduct, saith Paterculus, Tiberius, by the Ministry of his son Drusus, forced Marc [...]od [...]us to quit the Kingdom which he had Invaded; and wherein he hid himself as Serpents do in the Bowels of the Earth? Hist. 2. Cap. 129. Lewis XI. took almost the same Method against the Duke of Burgundy, not only by Separating from him all his Allies, Edward, King of England; Gelasius, Duke of Milan; who had before left the Alliance of the King for that of the Duke of Burgundy; Renatus, King of Sicily, who design'd to have made him his Heir, and to put Provence into his hands; the Dutchess of Savoy, the King's Sister, who, saith Commines, was so much in the Duke's Interest, that the Duke disposed of the House of Savoy as of his own; but also by raising him up new Enemies, as the Swiss, who beat him in two Battels; and the Cittes of Basil, Strasbourg, Nuremburg, and Francsort, who enter'd into an Alliance with the Swi [...]s; and to injure him was thought enough to get their own Pardo [...]. His Memoirs, Lib. 5. Cap. 1. & 2.

↵

2.

This Example sheweth, that there is scarce any such thing as good Faith among Princes; and that the Leagues and Confederacies which they enter into, are rather s [...]ares which they lay for one another, than Ties of Friendship. Commonly the Weakest joyns himself with the Strongest, only to make himself more considerable to his Neighbours and his Enemies; and this was the Motive of Maroboduus, who by his Alliance with the Romans▪ hoped to become more formidable to the Cheru [...]ci, and to his Rival Arminius. The Strongest, on the contrary, allies himself with the Weaker, under colour to protect and defend him; but in truth, to lay the Yoke of Slavery upon him, as soon as he can find an Opportunity to do it. And this is what Tiberius did with respect to Maroboduus, in sending Drusus into Germany to sign a League with him. Thus, it may be truly said, That L [...]gues make more noise, than they do service; That they have more of Appearance and Ostentation, than of Reality and Strength; and that, in fine, they rather hasten the Ruine of the Weaker or the less Politick, than they do retard or hinder it.

↵

3.

Observe Tiberius's Policy. After he had made use of Maroboduus to give a Check to Arminius the sworn Enemy of the Romans, he made use of Catualda, to ruine Maroboduus; and afterwards of Maroboduus's Faction to expel Catualda, whereby he compleated the ruine of Germany. King Lewis XI. saith Commines, better understood this Art of dividing Nations, than any other Prince whom I ever knew. He spared neither his Money nor his Pains, not only towards the Masters, but also towards the Servants, Lib. 2. Cap. 1. With a Hundred and twenty thousand Crowns of Gold, he divided the D. of Burgundy from the Dukes of Normandy and Brittany, and forc'd his Brother to renounce his Right to the Dutchy of Normandy, for a Pension of twenty thousand Crowns. Cap. 5.

↵

e

Now Bavaria.

↵

1.

How Unfortunate soever a Prince be, it always becomes him to remember his past fortune; neither to do nor say any thing, which may give People reason to believe that he was unworthy of the Rank that he held, or worthy of the Evils that he endures. Iohn Frederick, Duke of Saxony, falling into the hands of Charles. V. spoke to him to give order that he should be treated as a Prince of the Empire; and so far was he from humbling himself to the Emperor, who spoke to him in menacing terms, that he put on his Hat and answer'd, That it was in vain that his Majesty went to fright him, and that by becoming his Prisoner, he did not cease to be a Prince.

↵

2.

There is no Prince who doth not rejoyce to receive another into his Dominions; for besides the Honour of the Hospitality, he may draw thence very great advantages in due Time and Place. And consequently, 'tis no wonder, if ordinarily their Departure is not so free as thei [...] Entrance. If the late Duke of Orleans had not deceived the Marquis d'Aytone, President of the Council of State of the Low-Countrys, he had run a great risque of continuing a long time in the hands of the Spaniards, to serve as a Pretence for War against France.

↵

3.

The more Illustrious the Conquer'd is, the more Glorious is the Conqueror. If I had made no resistance, said Caractacus to the Emperor Claudius, my Defeat and your Victory would never have been talk'd of. Ann. 12.

↵

f

Paterculus saith, that Maroboduus had so far enlarged his Power, that he was become formidable to the Roman Empire; that all the Male-contents, who withdrew themselves from obedience to the Romans, fled for Sanctuary to this Prince, who maintain'd an Army of 70000 Foot, and 4000 Horse; That he had reduc'd under his Obedience all his Neighbours, either by Force by making continual War on them; or by Treaties which obliged them to declare for him; that he was in particular formidable by the situation of his States, which had Germany on the Front and on the Left Hand; Pannonia on the Right; and Norica on the Back; so that they fear'd him on all sides, as a Prince who was ready to fall upon them. Add hereto, that his Frontiers were not but 200 miles, or a little more, distant from the Alps, which serv'd as Boundaries to Italy, Cap. 108. & 109. The last Duke of Lorrain, seems to have follow'd the Steps of Maroboduus, as they may easily observe, who will compare them together.

↵

4.

There is nothing that Rebels are more afraid of, than to fall again under the Power of a Prince, whom they have dethron'd. The People of Liege, who upon the Instigation of Lewis XI. had revolted from the Duke of Burgundy, seeing their City besieged by these two Princes in person, purposed, saith Commines to hazard all; for as they knew that they were undone, and that if they must die in the Execution of such an Enterprize (which was to make a Sally out of the Town, with the Bravest of their Men, and to kill the King and the Duke in their houses) they should at the worst have a Glorious End; and they wanted but little of having succeeded in their Design. His Memoirs, l. 2. c. 12. Thus nothing is more advantageous to a Prince, who hath dangerous and unsteady Neighbours who have revolted, than to give their Prince a Retreat to awe them by the Fears of his Restoration.

↵

5.

A Prince who hath long survived the loss of his Kingdom, gives occasion to People to believe, that he is little affected therewith, and that consequently, he had not the Qualities which were requisite to make him worthy to possess it, nor the Courage which was necessary, to keep the Possession of it. Don Pio Mutio becomes an Advocate for Maroboduus against Tacitus, who ascribes to a Poorness of Spirit, the Care which this King took to prolong his Life. Let us leave, saith he, this Itch of Dying to the Stoicks, and use the Means to preserve that Life, which God hath given us to assist our Relations and our Friends, and to serve our Country. And some lines after he concludes with these words: Therefore our Author unjustly blames Maroboduus, since in my Opinion there is no less glory, for a Man to be a Good Husband of his Life to serve God, his Country, and his Friends, and to reserve himself for a better Fortune, than to run into Battels, and throw it away, to acquire Glory, which like smoke is carried away by a Blast of Wind. But this Consideration, which is the 145. of the Second Part, is fitter for Monks and Tradesmen, than for Princes and Noblemen, to whom War is the most Natural Employment.

↵

1.

A Prince who understands Negotiations, as Tiberius did, ought always to prefer the way of Treaties to that of A [...]ms. It is certainly more honour for him to overcome his Enemies by Skill, than by Force. A Gascon Gentleman who was in the Service of Edward King of England, on occasion of the Peace of P [...]quigny, said, That his Master had gain'd Nine Battels in Person, but that what we made him lose by this Peace which drove the English out of France, brought him greater Shame and Loss, than the other Nine which h [...] had gain'd, had acquir'd him Honour and Advantage. Commines, l. 4. c. 10. of his Memoirs. Queen Margaret speaking of the Peace which the Duke of Alenso [...] made at Nera [...] with the King of Navarre and the Huguenots on his Party: My Brother, said she, having made a Peace to the Satisfaction of the King and all the Catholicks, and not less to the Contentment of the Huguenots, return'd thence into France, with as much Honour and Glory for having compos'd so great Troubles, as from all the Victories which he had obtain'd by Arms. Memoirs, l. 3.

↵

1.

Divisions never began in a Country[?], saith Commines, but they have proved destructive[?] in the end, and very difficult to extinguish, Lib. 4. Cap. 9. For a King to nourish Divisions betwixt Princes, and Persons of Virtue and Courage, is to kindle a Fire in his House; for sometimes one or the other will say, The King is against us; and under this Pretence will think of fortifying themselves, and making Alliances with his Enemies, l. 6. c. ult. And whilst one of the Parties takes Arms against the Prince, he is always ill obey'd by the other; who thinking that he stands in great need of them, sets their Services at the higher price. Thus a Power [...]ul King ought never to suffer the Princes who are his Vassals or Neighbours to go to War, for the Fire comes to spread it self thence into his Dominions. On the contrary, he ought to assume the Office or an Arbitrator, or a Mediator betwixt the Parties, and threaten to declare against him, who will not hearken to Peace.

↵

2.

A wise Prince ought never to put himself into the hands of another, with whom he hath great Interests depending. He that goes to meet another, can't be reasonably secur'd by any Promises, Oaths, or Passports. Safe Conducts are as feeble Arms against Force, as Paper is against Iron: And Iulius II. before he was Pope, said often, That they were great Fools, who exchanged Liberty and Life for a Dead Beast's Skin *. (Meaning Parc [...]ment)

↵

*

Apology for the Council of Pisa. The Duke of B [...]rgundy, wrote to Lewis XI. a large Letter with his own hand, giving him security to come and to return; and the King took no gua [...]d with him, but would rely entirely upon the security given by the Duke. Commines, l. 2. c. 5. Notwithstanding, the Duke order'd the Gates of the City and of the Castle of Peronne to be shut, saying, That the King was come thither to betray him: and these Gates were shut three days; during which time the Duke did not see the King, nor did any of the King's Servants enter into the Castle, but through the Wicket of the Gate, Chap. 7. and 9. of the same Book. This Duke, when he was only Count de Charolois committed the [...]ame Error, by suffering himself to be insensibly led on by the King, with whom he walked to a Place call'd the Boulevart or Bulwark, through which People enter into Paris; for which he was much blamed by the Count de S. Pol, and by the Mareschal de Burgundy, who put him in mind of the Misfortune that happen'd to his Grandfather King Charles the Seventh, at Montereau-faut-Yonne. To which Reprimand, the Duke return'd this Answer; Don't rebuke me, for I know very well my great Folly, but I did not perceive it, till I was near the Bulwark. Memoirs, l. 1. c. 13.

↵

3.

Consanguinity, Honour, and all the Essential Duties of Civil Society, are feeble Ties for Princes, for they have commonly no other Rule of their Conduct but their Interest▪ and the present Possession of all that is agreeable to them. They pretend that there are Privileges, which belong only to them; and that what is call'd Breach of Faith in Private Men and Subjects; ought to be call'd Policy and Reason of State in Transactions between Princes▪ Princes, saith Mariana, have a Custom to love their Profit, better than their Word and their Duty; they steer their Course that way where they see the greatest Hopes, without being concern'd what Iudgment posterity will pass upon them. His Hist▪ l. 15. c. 18. In short, we may say of all Princes, what was said in Portugal of King Cardinal Henry, That as scrupulous as he was, he had two Consciences; one for what he would have, and another for what [...] would not. Cabrera's Hist. l. 12. c. 12. The same Historian observes, as an extraordinary Thing, and which many Princes would have stuck at▪ That Philip going into Flanders▪ entrusted▪ the Person of Don Carlos, the Sole Heir of the Spanish Monarchy, with the Infanta Maria his Sister, and with Maximilian, King of Bohemia, whom she had married. Lib. 1. Cap. 2.

↵

1.

Great Crimes, saith Tacitus, are begun with Danger, but when they are once begun, there is no other remedy, but to compleat them, Ann. 11. and 12. For, saith Machiavel, a Man never escapes out of one Danger but by another Danger. History of Florence, Lib. 3.

↵

g

Alphonso XI. King of Castile, dealt with Iohn Lord of Biscay, after the same manner, as Rhescuporis did with Cotys. He invited Iohn to an Enterview in the City of Toro, with a Promise to give him in marriage his Sister the Infanta Elconor; and to take all suspicion from him, he removed from his Court Garci Lasso de la Vega, his Chief Minister, who, as Iohn said, was his Mortal Enemy. When Iohn was at Toro, he invited him to come and Dine with him on All Saints Day. Iohn went thither without Arms, and without Fear, by reason of the Festival, and was slain in the midst of the Rejoycings of the [...]east.

↵

2.

It is the common Pretence of Great Men who will not come to Court, when they are call'd thither by the Prince, to impute their Disobedience to the Fear they have of being oppress'd by his Ministers, or by his Favourites. Thus the Constable St. Pol, excus'd himself to Lewis XI. for appearing before him in Arms, and with the Precaution of a Rail betwixt them, saying, That he had not done it, but to de [...]end himself against the Count de Damartin his Mortal Enemy. Commines.

↵

h

With what Prudence, saith Paterculus, did Tiberius draw Rh [...]scuporis to Rome, who had murther'd Cotis his Nephew and Copartner in the Throne. In this Affair he made use of the conduct of Pomponius Flaccus, a Con [...]ular Person, who was sitted to execute with success, whatsoever was desir'd of him, that might be done with Honour; and who by an unaffected Virtue merited Glory, rather than sought for it. Lib. 2. Par. 129.

↵

3.

There is no Friendship which is proof against the Fear of losing the Prince's Favour, or the Hopes of gaining it. The Order to apprehend the Mareschal de Marillac was carried by one of his near Relations; who besides, was God-son to his Brother the Keeper of the Seals. The Case of Lobkovits, Chief Minister to the Emperor, was singular, who having no tie of Kindred or Friendship with Prince William of Furstemberg, now Cardinal, gave notice to the Pope's Nuntio, of the secret Sentence of Death given against him, (and which was to have been Executed inter privatos parietes) to the end that he might demand him in the Name of the Pope, as being under his Iurisdiction as a Bishop. Which indeed sav'd this Prelate's Life, but was the occasion that Lobkovits was accus'd of holding Intelligence with France, and that he was taken off by Poison. Memoirs de Chev. de R.

↵

1.

Suspicion and Distrust are learn'd in the School of Wickedness. And according to Tacitus, it is very difficult to surprize People who have been a long time wicked. Ministris tentare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae. Ann. 14.

↵

2.

A Prince who has taken refuge in the Dominion of another, ought to look upon all those who are appointed to wait upon him when he goes abroad, as so many Spies. The more Honour this Train doth him in appearance, the less Liberty he hath: and this is what Henry Prince of Conde, one day complain'd of to the Count de Fuentes, Governor of Milan, who had him guarded with wonderful care, under pretence, that Kings having long hands, it would be easie for Henry IV. whose Indignation he had incurr'd, to have him carried away from Milan it self, i [...] the Count did not watch for the safety of his Person. It is well known how much the Spaniards were troubled at the Manner of M. the Duke of Orleans's retiring from Brussels, although the Marquis d'Aytone said, That the only dis [...]atisfaction he had about it, was, that his Higness had depriv'd him of the Means of rendring him the Honour that was due to a Prince of his Rank, which would have been more for the Dignity of his Person, and the Satisfaction of his Catholick Majesty. Memoirs of Montresor.

↵

i

Ptolomy Philopator, Father to Ptolomy Epiphanes, who succeeded him at the Age of five years. The Romans sent Lepidus into Aegypt, to oppose the Ambitious Designs of Antiochus, Sirnam'd the Great, King of Syria, and of Philip * King of Macedonia, who design'd to have shar'd betwixt them this Young Prince's Kingdom.

↵

*

(This was Philip, Father to Perseus the last King of Macedonia.)

↵

1.

Besides that Hunting is good for Princes, for the Health of their Bodies; and being an Image of War, it teaches them that Art by way of Diversion; it is also of advantage to them to be Hunters, because of the favourable Opportunities that this Exercise gives them, when they are in the hands of their Enemies.

↵

k

Evocati were Veteranes who were listed anew, but without being obliged to the Military Offices; so call'd, quia militia de [...]uncti rursus a [...] ipsam revoc [...]bantur.

↵

1.

N [...]w Ministers, saith Anthony Perez, are wont to do as New Engineers, who to change the Design of those who went before them, demolish the Works which they had begun, and consume the Prince's Money in unnecessary Expences. In the Aphorisms of his Relations.

↵

l

The Capital City of Mes [...]potamia, seated on the Tygris.

↵

2.

Commines had good reason to [...]ay, That Suspicions are the greatest Diseases of Princes, and which much shortens their Lives. Cardinal de Richeli [...]u paints Pri [...]ces to the Life, when he says, that they believe their Suspicions as Oracles, and do as Magicia [...]s, who make themselves dr [...]nk in their false Science, for an Event the knowledge whereof they owe to Chance. In an Apology for his Conduct towards Queen Mary de Medicis.

↵

3.

There are many People, who that they may pass for Men of great Sense, believe nothing of all that which Historians and other Authors, speak of Magicians and Sorcerers; [...]ut the Holy Scriptures, and the Authority of the Church, which Excommunicates and Anathematises them every Sunday in Parish-Churches, will not suffer us to doubt of the Truth thereof. And consequently Princes and Magistrates can never proceed with too much rigour against these publick Pests. It is observ'd in the Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. that in the Reign of Charles IX. impunity had multiply'd this Vermine to the Number of thirty thousand Persons. However, we must not believe that Sorcerers have all that Power to Hurt and Kill which some ascribe to them. Henry. III. lived still, notwithstanding all the Wax-Images, which they pricked in the Place of the Heart, during the Masses of 40 hours, which those of the League caus'd to be said in the Parish Churches of Paris. The some Iournal, 1589.

↵

4.

The Curiosity of knowing the Progress of the Diseases of Princes, is almost always fatal to those who inquire after it. As nothing afflicts Princes more than the approaches of Death, so nothing gives them greater Indignation against Great Men, than a certain Imprudent Hastiness, that discovers that they expect a New Reign. M. the Duke de la Rochefocault makes a Reflection, which agrees well with this Subject. If, saith he, the Parties which the principal Persons of the Realm made, some for the Queen, and others for Monsieur, did not discover themselves more; it was because the King's recovery, which seem'd to be in a fair Way, made them fear, lest he should be inform'd of their Practices, and should look upon it as a Crime in them to be so careful before-hand, to Establish their fortunes after his Death.

↵

1.

It is common enough for Princes and Great Men, to fore-s [...]e and fore-tell at their Death, the Misfortunes that will be [...]all their Children. Germanicus prophesy'd.

↵

2.

He that hath not power enough to defend himself against Oppression, has oftentimes Friends eenough courageously to revenge him after his Death. Which ought to be consider'd by those, who find themselves supported by favour, make trial of their Power on Great Men. For sooner or later the Oppression is returned upon themselves.

↵

3.

There is not now-a-days so good faith amongst Men; Dissimulation and Double-dealing are become so much the Mode, that People are generally so far from openly renouncing the Friendship of those who have disoblig'd them, that on the contrary, they make greater expressions of it than ever, that they may more securely ruine them. The Friends of this Age, saith Anthony Perez, have the Figure of Men, but the Heart of Wild Beasts. Kostro [...] humanos, coraso [...]es de fieras.

↵

1.

Let Princes be never so sick, Flatterers make them almost always hope, that they will recover. They deceive them to the very moment that they depart to give an account to God, without any one being concern'd for their Salvation; in this one thing more unhappy than the most mis [...]rable Subject they have. Don Carlos Colona speaking of the sudden Death of Alexander Duke of Parma, saith, That he knew not that he was dying, but by the Countenance of his Servants and Physicians*; intimating that this Prince understood that by their Eyes, which he ought to have known from their Mouths.

↵

*

Lib. 5. of his History of the Wars of Flanders.

↵

2.

A good Father, as Germanicus was, could not have a greater Trouble at his Death, than to leave a Wi [...]e and Children whom he lov'd tenderly, to the mercy of his Enemies.

↵

3.

It is very hard for private Persons, who are accus'd by a Prince [...]hat is the People's Favourite, to shelter themselves from the Storm▪ which so heavy an Accusation draws upon them.

↵

4.

Poyson is the Plague of Princes, for it is almost the only kind of Death, against which it is impossible for them to guard themselves, what cautions soever they make use of against the Treachery of their Domestick Officers. And thence it is, that People ordinarily attribute their Death to Poyson; and that they themselves are so often troubled with suspicions of being poyson'd. To this purpose I remember, I have read in the Relations of a Venetian Ambassador at Rome, that in the Pontificate of Urban VIII. an Italian Gentleman told a Iesuite in Con [...]ession, that he had poyson'd five Popes, which is the more wonderful, because the Nephews, whose whole Fortune depends on the Continuance of the Pontificates of their Uncles, watch with Argus's Eyes for the Preservation of him, whose Death reduces them to a private Condition.

↵

5.

Those who have Envy'd us in Prosperity, or during our Lives, freely pity us in Adversity, or at least a [...]ter our Death; because they have the Glory of appearing generous, when they have nothing more to fear.

↵

6.

Nothing seems stranger, than that a General of an Army should dye by the Hands of a Woman, after he hath pass'd his whole Life in Battels and Dangers. Notwithstanding this Mis [...]ortune hath befallen many great Captains, God having permitted it so to be, to punish their Pride by an humbling Death.

↵

7.

It is decent for Women to weep, saith Tacitus, but Men have a greater Duty to perform, which is to remember. Faeminis lugere honestum est, viris meminisse. In Germania. It is not (said a great Orator to the Regent Anna of Austria) by useless Complaints, and superfluous Grief, that a great Soul like your Majesty's, ought to express her P [...]ety and her Love to the Ashes of her Husband; it is by Executing his Orders; it is by proposing to your Imitation the Image of his Virtues; it is by couragiously conducting the Fortune of the State. Ogier in the Preliminary Epistle to the Funeral Oration of Lewis XIII.

↵

8.

In the Life-time of Princes it is very difficult to distinguish their Faithful and Disinterested Servants from those that are not so; because the Favours they are capable of doing, are apt to make it be believed, that all who adhere to them, adore the Fortune, and not the Person; but after their Death, it is known by the Duties that are paid them, and by the Execution of their last Desires, who were worthy, or who were unworthy of their Affection and Favours.

↵

9.

When the Iudges are touch'd with Compassion for the Accusers, there are no hopes of Mercy for the Accused; especially, if they are Persons who have been long hated, as Piso and Plancina were for their Arrogance.

↵

10.

Many Violences and Excesses are committed in remote Provinces, of which the Governors and Principal Ministers would be hard put to it to shew their Orders. These Of [...]cers deserve double Punishment: First, for the abuse of their Power; and Secondly, for the Danger to which they expose the Prince, by authorising with his Name and pretended Will, such Acts of Injustice as make him pass for a Tyrant; which is an Injury to him, that can't be repair'd, but by an Example that is capable to undeceive the People.

↵

11.

The Christian Religion commands us to pardon the Injuries that are done to our selves; but it doth not forbid us to avenge those that are done to our Friends, when Iustice and the Laws are on their side. The Gospel obliges us to the First, and Civil Society to the Latter.

↵

1.

We ought never to have any Competition with the Prince's Favourites or Ministers. It is better to retire from Court, than to enter the Lists with them. If the Prince, saith Cabrera, hath chosen any one of those whom he loves to be his Chief Minister, we ought to honour him according to the Rank which he holds, and according to the Influence which he hath on his Prince. It is advantageous to make him a Friend; and on the contrary, it is dangerous to judge whether he deserves the Place and Authority which is given him. Remember the Brazen Image, which Amasis King of Aegypt caus'd to be worshipp'd, that was made of a Bason wherein he was wont to wash his Fee [...], and those words of Tacitus, We adored the Collegue of your Consulship, and him who represented your Person in the Administration of the Empire. For otherwise, there is no security for high Birth, nor for great Merit, which have always been suspected and hated by Favourites. And it is not enough to say; I will live at Court without Ambition, without any Pretensions, without Employment, and without having any thing to do with any one: for none that hear this believe any thing of it. His History, Lib. 7. Cap. 7. He adds, that the Duke of Alva put in for the Government of the Low-Countries for no other reason, but to get off from the Level with Cardinal Espinosa, and Prince R [...]y Gomez, whom [...]avour made equal to him in Esteem and Credit; although they were inferior to him in abilities. Notwithstanding, Cardinal Briconcet, the Chief Minister of King Charles VIII. had very small abilities, and understood nothing at all of Military Affairs; however, saith Commines, (who knew much more of it than he) when I was ill-treated in the beginning of this King's Reign, I durst not intermeddle, that I might not make any of those my Enemies, to whom he gave Authority, Memoirs, Lib. 8. Cap. 5. It is with Men as with pieces of Money, on which Princes set what value they please; end consequently, we must receive them according to their currency, and not according to their intrinsick value.

↵

2.

When we speak of Princes, we must speak of them with the utmost Caution. It is not enough to distrust the Ears of those who are present, we ought also to distrust their Eyes, who read in the Countenance and the Looks, all that of which they make a Mystery to them.

↵

3.

The most glorious Apotheosis of a Prince, is to be lamented by his Subjects, and honour'd with the Praises of Foreign Nations.

↵

4.

A General of an Army should have an aspect mingled with Sweetness and Severity; for Soldiers contract a sort of Fierceness, which often carries them to Sedition, if they are not restrain'd by an air of Authority, which strikes an awe upon them. The Roman Historians have observed, That this Mixture in Hannibal was the Foundation of his Greatness and Reputation.

↵

1.

The Name of Princes is always immortal, by reason of the Greatness of their Office, which is the Cause that all their Actions, good or bad, are written on the Records of Posterity: But there is this Difference betwixt those who have abused their Power, and those who have discharged the Duties of their Station, that the Memory of the Former is In [...]amous for ever, whereas that of the Latter is always Glorious and Triumphant. So they need not raise Pyramids and Mausolaeums if they have been Virtuous; for the Memory of their Virtues in Eternal; and their Monuments are as many in number, as there are People who read their History, and as there are Princes who follow their Example.

↵

2.

In all times Warlike Princes and Great Captains have been compared with Alexander, as if there was not a more perfect Model to propose for Arms than this Conqueror. He must, saith a Learned Prelate, be found in all our Panegyricks; and it seems, by a sort of Fatality, glorious to his Name, that no Prince can receive Praises, but he must have a share in them. M. de Meaux in the Funeral Oration of Lewis Prince of Co [...]de.

↵

m

Strada reports, That the Flemmings compared Don Iohn of Austria, the Son of Charles V. with Germanicus for Beauty and Gracefulness; for Years which were 33; for Exploits in War performed by each in divers places, bordering on Holland; for having been both suspected by their Princes; and for having ended their days by an untimely Death. History of Low-Countrys. De [...]ad. 1. Lib. 10.

↵

3.

Chastity is a Virtue so much the more praise-worthy in Princes, [...]s their Condition sets them at a greater Distance from it. Commines speaking of the Vow which Lewis XI. made, never to touch any Woman but his Wife, saith that, Although the King ought to have done it according to the Ordinance of the Church, it was nevertheless a great Thing for him, who had so many Women at his command, to persevere in this Promise; considering also, that the Queen was not a Woman in whom he could take much Pleasure. Memiors, lib. 6. cap. 9. ‘It is a great Miracle, saith a Famous Panegyrist, that he for whom the Church hath so often prayed that he might not fall into extraordinary Crimes, did not so much as fall into the Common Faults, which we call Humane Frailties. But let us call them as we will, they are no other than Mortal Sins, which cannot be excused, [...]either by the Vigour of our Age, and heat of our Blood, seeing Lewis was Chast in his blooming Youth; nor by the Opportunities of Sin, seeing he was Chast in the midst of the Court; nor by the Violence of Temptations,’ seeing the finest Eyes of the World lay in wait in vain for him; nor by the Difficulty of the Precept, seeing neither Age, nor Blood, nor Opportunity, nor the Charms of ‘Beauty, hindred him from preserving an inviolable Chastity.’ The Funeral Oration of Lewis XIII. by Franc. Ogier.

↵

4.

Independance is a mighty advantage in a General of an A [...]my for the Execution of Enterprizes. Germanicus would have compleated the Conquest of all Germany, if Tiberius had not been Iealous of his Glory. The Duke of Alva would have taken Rome and Pope Paul IV. if Philip II. his Master had been of the humour of Charles V. The Count de Rantzau, who was afterwards Mareschal of France, would in [...]allibly have surpriz'd the Citadel of Ghant, wherein there were at that time many French, Portug [...]ese, and Catalans Prisoners, if Monsi [...]ur d [...] Noyers, who govern'd all under Cardinal Richelieu, had been willing to have seconded this Enterprize, whereas he disappointed it to hinder the Count, whose Person he hated, from growing more considerable at Court, by so great a Service. The Mareschal de la Mothe Houdancourt, would have carried the King of Spain Prisoner to Paris, if the Regency had not been in the Hands of his Sister, who on this Occasion preferr'd her Brother's Interests to her Sons.

↵

1.

A good Minister ought to sacrifice his Private Interests to the Publick Service, without being obstinately bent to carry it from his Rivals. There is nothing more pernicious than the Dissentions which happen betwixt the Great Officers of a Province, whilst there is a Powerful Rebel who endeavours to make himself Master of it. On such occasions, it is a Victory to yield to an Ambitious Competitor, who is of a Humour obstinately to support his Pretensions. Don Iohn de Cerda, Duke de Medina Caeli, being come to Brussels to succeed the Duke d'Alva in his Government of the Low-Countries, chose rather to return into Spain, than to enter into a Contest with Alva, who refus'd to put these Provinces into his hands; under colour, that they had yet need of his Presence, and that Medina was too gentle, to govern so rough a People, Cabrera's History, Lib. 10. Cap. 2.

↵

2.

Persons who have a Friendship with Poysoners that are known to be such, are easily believed to be Guilty, if they are once accus'd of Poysoning. The Acquaintance of la Voisin and the Lady de Brinvilliers, was unfortunate to several People, and many more would have felt the Rigour of Iustice, if the King's Clemency had not removed the Ballance.

↵

1.

A Wife can't do any thing more worthy of conjugal Love, than to prosecute the Murthere [...]s of her Husband.

↵

2.

Past Prosperity, draws greater compassion on the present Adversity; Especially, when they are Persons who have behaved themselves well in their good Fortune.

↵

3.

According to the Proverb, which saith, That He is a Fool that lets the Children live whose Father he hath kill'd. Agrippina who looked on Tiberius as the Principal Author of her Husband's Death, had just cause to fear lest he should also destroy her Children. And as she had six, Tacitus, who never saith any thing in vain, expresses by these three Words, toties fortunae obnoxia; that she foresaw, that they would be so many Victims, which Tiberius would sacrifice to his Iealousie. And this Presage was in part accomplish'd by the Death of Nero and Drusus her two Eldest Sons.

↵

4.

He is very rash▪ who expose [...] himself to the Universal Hatred, by openly rejoycing at the Death of a Great Man, whom all the People lament. What did Piso and P [...]ancina mean, who did not conceal their Ioy for a Death, which they were believed to be the Authors of, and which their Enemies already began to revenge? This shews, that Hatred is the most indiscreet of all Passions.

↵

n

Ann of Boulen, Second Wife to Henry VIII. King of England, did the same thing, when she received the News of the Death of Queen Catherine, whose place she had taken. Burnet's History of the Reformation, Part 1. Book 3▪ The Duke of Maienne had the Insolence to take the Green Sca [...] in token of Ioy, the Day that he heard of the Death of Henry III.

↵

o

We shall see in the following Book, that Piso deeply resented that he had not follow'd this Wise Counsel; U [...]in [...]m ego potius filio j [...]eni, quam ille pa [...]r [...] s [...]ni cessiss [...]t.

↵

1.

It is easie to justifie ones self to the Prince, for being at Variance with a Great Man, whom he hath always hated. When the Noblemen at Court fail'd in their respect to the Duke of Alenzon (which happen'd every day) Henry III. more willingly heard their Excuses than the Complaints of his Brother, to whom he had a Natural Aversion.

↵

2.

How good a Right soever a Man hath, he ought to beware of maintaining it, when Damage may ensue thence to the Prince, and Trouble to the State.

↵

3.

A Governor or a General of an Army, ought not to expect much Fidelity from an Army which hath been wholly devoted to his Predecessor, and which knows that he is accus'd of the Death of him whom they lament.

↵

1.

There is not a more Sovereign Remedy against Calumnies than Time, which sooner or later discovers the Truth. When any one is Calumniated to the Prince by Persons in Authority, it is safer for him to keep at a Distance, than to come to justifie himself before passionate and prepos [...]ess'd Iudges.

↵

2.

Innocence is not a sufficient Guard against the People, when they have hated a Man a long time. The Voice of the People hath oft [...]n oppressed Innocent Persons, without any other ground, but that of a Superstitious Opinion, which is rooted in the Minds of many, that the Voice of the People is the Voice of God. For one time that the People have spoken Truth, it will be found that they have a Hundred times maintain'd Injustice and Falshood.

↵

3.

It is a common saying, That whosoever hath Strength, i [...] commonly in the Right.

↵

4.

There are occasions, where the Nature of Affairs allow not time for Deliberation, it is necessary to take a sudden Resolution, and to leave the rest to Fortune.

↵

5.

Princes take no great care to skreen the Ministers of their Cruelties from Iustice, and the rather because, by abandoning them, they give occasion to have it believed, or at least doubted, that these are the true Authors thereof. Besides, they do not desire to see them again, whose presence can't but reproach their Injustice. It was for these Reasons, that Philip II. abandon'd his Secretary Anthony Perez, and suffer'd him to be try'd for the Murther of Iohn de Escovedo.

↵

6.

Princes and Courtiers are more dextrous in dissembling their Ioy, then even their Hat [...]ed. When any one is suspected by them, or gives them Iealousie, their Countenance o [...]ten betrays their Thoughts; because the Emotion of the Heart dif [...]uses it self to the Eyes, which, according to Polybius, are the Interpreters of our Passions; but when they are deliver'd from their Enemies, it is not difficult for them outwardly to act that Part which Policy dictates. Eli [...]abeth, Queen of England, after she had caus'd the Queen of scots to be beheaded, lamented her Death, as it she had had no hand in it, and order'd magnificent Obsequies for her at London, and at Peterborough, where she was buried beside Queen Katherine, the first Wife of Henry VIII. Pos [...]cki's [...], ann. 1588. Madam de Nevers, saith Queen Margaret, being come with us to the Lodgings of the Queen of Navarre, who in her life time had hated her above all people; and betwixt whom no reconciliation could be made, approach'd the Bed where the Body of the Deceas'd lay; and after many humble and great Reverences, taking her hand kiss'd it. Her Memoirs. Lib. 1.

↵

1.

To sound Men's Hearts, and to know their Nature to the Bottom, we need only observe what Couns [...]ls they are govern'd by.

↵

2.

There is nothing which a brave Man will not do, when his Father's Life and Honour are at stake: But his case is pitiable to the last Degree, who is under a Necessity to declar [...] against his Prince, or against his Fath [...]r; to be a Rebel, or Barbarous; to renounce Country of Nature, and to chuse of two Du [...]ies, which are both indispensable.

↵

1.

No Man ought to rally with Iustice, till he is strong enough not to [...]all under its hands.

↵

1.

Superior Ministers, who command in very remote Provinces, ought not to stand still, expecting fresh Orders, when they have pressing Necessities to provide for; for besides that these Orders would come too late, because of the Distance of Places, they ought on these Occasions to take a final Resolution, and the rather because they to whom the Prince hath been pleas'd to commit his Authority, ought to presume that he hath likewise left to them the Conduct of all unfore-seen Affairs, which are not in their Instructions. If Cardinal Iasper Borgia. had not hasted to take possession of the Viceroyship of Naples, and even by dextrous Management, the Duke d'Osso [...]e, who would not leave it, on pretence that his presence was necessary there, and that he expected another new Order from th [...] Court of Madrid. Philip III. had run a great Risque of losing that Kingdom, or at least of having an Insurrection in it. Conjuratio Oss [...] ni [...].

↵

1.

The Liberty of th [...] Tongue, saith Mariana, punishes the Excesses and the Injustices of Princes, who cannot be Masters of Tongues, as they are of Bodies. History of Spain, lib. 16. cap. 16.

↵

2.

As the People are Excessive in their [...]oy, so they a [...]e always in their Grief; and especially, when they have been Tantaliz'd with a False [...]oy. For, according to Cicero, False [...]oy, commonly ends in Des [...]lation and Despair. Us [...]ra falsi gaudii [...], deinde frangi repente, a [...]que [...], ut nulla [...]es ad [...]uitatem animi postea possit extollere. Epist. Lib. 6.

↵

1.

Nothing demonstrates more how much a Prince hath been beloved, than the Extraordinary Honours which are done him after his Death.

↵

p

The Romans erected Tombs to Great Men and Illustrious Persons in all Places where they had done some memorable Action, although their Ashes were not there, nor ever had been there. These honorary Tomb [...] were call'd Cenotaphia, that is to say, Empty Sepulchres. At Venice, those of their Doges and their Generals, that are slain in the Service of the Republick, are most of them without Bodies. For the Doges order their Interment in those Places, where their Ancestors rest; and afterwards their Children cause Mausolaeums and Statues to be erected in the most frequented Churches of the City, as those of the Iacobins and Cordeliers are, to perpetuate the Memory of their Dogedom.

↵

q

The Suburbs of Antioch▪

↵

r

In these Bucklers there was the Effigies of the Person in Relievo. And it was one of these Bucklers that Hortalus looked on. Hortens [...]i inter Oratores sitam imaginem intuens, when he presented his Children to the Senate. These Bucklers were ordinarily of Brass, and the Head of Silver. There is to be seen in the Town-House of Lyons, a Silver Buckler of 22 Pounds weight, which seems to represent the Generous Action of Scipio▪ who sent back a Beautiful Captive which he had taken; and it is the most cu [...]ious piece of Silver that is to be seen. Burnet's Voyage into Switzerland [...] ▪

↵

s

This good Fortune happen'd to Margaret of Austria, natural Daughter of Charles V. Wife to Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma, Grandson of Pope Paul III▪ and there is a Monument at Rome, which preserves the Memory of it, as a Fortunate Thing that seldom happens to a Sovereign Family. Relicto lapideo ad poste [...]os monumento rarae utique fortunae in regnatrice domo. Strada, Lib. 9. dec. 1.

↵

1.

The Debauchery of Women of Quality, is of so much more dangerous contagion, as it serves for Example to all others. Tanto conspectius in se crimen habet, quanto major qui peccat habetur, saith Iuvenal. Had Tiberius suffer'd Vistilia, to have led the Infamous Life, which she had resolved on; all Wives who had been discontented with their Husbands, would have taken off the Mask, to revenge themselves by dishonouring them. How many Women in Paris do glory in living in Debauchery; some with Great Men, others with Magistrates, and most with Abbots; (a Condition now-a-days consecrated to Gallantry) They are ashamed to have a Husband that has no Coach; and Pride themselves in having a Gallant with a fine Equipage, at the Expence of their Honour.

↵

t

This Custom is observed at Venice.

↵

u

The Law, Iulia.,

↵

x

One of the Ciclades.

↵

2.

New or Foreign Sects and Ceremonies, do by degrees ruine the Religion of the Country; and consequently it nearly concerns Princes not to Tolerate them in their Dominions. They who introduce a New Worship, said Mecaenas to Augustus, open a Gap to New Laws, whence at last arise Cabals, Factions, and Conspiracies. Dio. Lib. 52.

↵

1.

If a Heathen Prince so strictly examined, not only the Personal Qualifications of those who possessed, Offices of Religion, but also the Conduct and Morals of their Parents; with much more reason ought Christian Princes carefully to inform themselves of the Birth of those who sue to them for Bishopricks and Abbeys. I say of the Birth, for it is a shame to see Bastards and adulterous Slips install'd in Ecclesiastical Dignities. Cardinal Charles Borr [...] meo, saith Ammirato, had great reason to be astonish'd, that Christians left Pagans the glory of Excelling them in Moral Virtues. Lib. 11. Disc. 2.

↵

y

A Roman Nummus is about Seven Pence half-penny of our Money▪

↵

1.

In a Famine a Prince may buy the People's Liberty at a Cheap rate; for in such a time the People are best disposed to sell it. People accustom themselves to Slavery, but never to Hunger. The Israelites being in the Wilderness, murmur'd against Moses, for having brought them out of Aegypt, where they had Bread and Meat in abundance, to make them die of Hunger in the Wilderness. It had been better for us, said they, to have served the Aegyptians, than to die in the Wilderness, Exod. 14. Would to God we had died by the hand of the Lord in the Land of Aegypt, when we sat by the flesh-pots, and when we did eat bread to the full, Exod. 16.

↵

2.

The Name of Father of the Country, is a Title, which a Prince, who either is so, or desires to be so, ought never to refuse. To accep [...] the Title, is to impose an Obligation upon himself to deserve it. Therefore, Tiberius would not promise that, which he knew he never intended to be. So that his refusa [...] was rather the Effect of his Evil Disposition, than of his Modesty. The younger Pliny saith, that Trajan, (who was a very Modest Prince) wept for Ioy, every time that he heard himself call'd Optimus.

↵

3.

Princes are Mortal; and although they are God's Vicegerent [...] here on Earth, yet the Functions they Execute are Humane.

↵

1.

Princes who make use of Poison against other Princes, teach them to Employ it against themselves. The safety of Princes consists in a mutual Good Faith betwixt one another. Charles V. answer'd Barbarossa's Baker, who offer'd to Poison his Master, and thereby to make him enter T [...]nis without any difficulty, That he would not honour a Moor so far, as to use so much ceremony with him. After which, he sent notice to Barbarossa to fortifie himself against Poyson, but without naming the Baker to him. Epitome of Don Antonio de Vera.

↵

2.

There was never any one, saith Tacitus, design'd to Rule, who did not make use of the pretence of Liberty. Hist. 4.

↵

z

Tacitus saith, That the ancient Germans had no other Annals but their▪ Verses and their Songs. In hi [...] Germany.

↵

3.

The Mind of Man is so humoursome, that by much admiring past times, it comes to have a Disgust and Iealousie of the Present. The Past instructs us, but the Present shocks us, because it seems to Eclipse our Glory. Pater [...].

↵

THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus, From the Death of AUGUSTUS.

[Page]

[Page]

Book III.

Vol. I.

By WILLIAM BROMLEY Esq

I. AGRIPPINA continuing her Voyage, notwithstanding the Severities of the Winter, and Storms at Sea, arrived at last at Corfu, an Island opposite to the Ports of Calabria▪ She staid there a few days to quiet her Mind, divided betwixt Grief and Impatience. Upon the News of her coming, Germanicus's Friends, and the Soldiers that had served under him, and many Strangers also, some out of Duty, and others following either for Company or Curiosity, flocked from the Neighbouring Places to [Page] Brind [...]si a, where she was expected as the nearest and safest Port. As soon as the Ships were discerned at Sea, not only the Haven and Shores, but the Walls, Houses, and other Places, as far as could be seen, were filled with Mourners, enquiring o [...]ten, whether they should receive her with Silence, or Acclamation. Neither were they determined which was properest, when the Fleet came in, not rowing briskly as they used to do, but slowly, and with Sorrow in their Countenances. When she came with her two Children on Shore, carrying her Husbands Urn, and her Eyes fixt on the Ground, there was an universal Lamentation, so that you could not distinguish the Grief of Relations from Strangers, nor the Mens from the Womens, only theirs who met Agrippina being fresh, exceeded those came with her, which a long Affliction had spent.

II. Tiberius sent two Companies of his Guards to meet them, ordering the Magistrates of Apulia, Calabria, and Campania, to pay their last Respects to the Memory of his Son. The Tribunes and Centurions therefore carried the Ashes, the Banners were rolled up, and with the reversed Fasces went before. In all the Colonies as they passed, the People in Mourning, and the Nobles in their Purple Habits, according to the Wealth of the Place, burnt Perfumes, and other things that add to Funeral Solemnities. Those that lived out of the Road, met them in great numbers, and shewed their Grief¹, not only by [Page] their Lamentations and Confused Cries, but by their Sacrifices to the Infernal Gods. Drusus went to Terracina, with Germanicus his Children that were at Rome; and Claudius his Brother.

The Year of the City 773.

The Consuls, M. Valerius and M. Aurelius, (who then entred on their Office) with a great number of the People, filled the way without observing any order², every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good; for there was no Flattery in this Mourning, and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, tho' he pretended to be troubled for it.

III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in publick, believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve publickly³, or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulationb. I find not in any Registers of the City, or our Histories, that Antonia had [Page] any particular share in this Solemnity, tho' Agrippina, Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations. It may be she was prevented by Sickness, or so overcome with Affliction, she had not the Courage to see the Funerals of her Son⁴; tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia, that they might seem all equally [...]afflicted, and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Example⁵.

IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb, there was sometimes a profound Silence, and at others, great Lamentation, the Streets full of People, and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches. The Soldiers in Arms, the Magistrates without their Habits, the People ranked by their Tribes, cryed out, All was lost beyond Recovery, and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governorsc. But nothing went nearer Tiberius, than the great Affection [Page] of the People for Agrippina, whom they called, The Glory of their Country⁶, the only Blood of Augustus, and the last Remains of ancient Probity; and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies.

V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough, and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus, Germanicus's Father: ‘For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia, and attended the Body to Rome, upon the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Livii d. His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies; he was praised in the Rostra e, and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented: But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman. It signified little, said they, that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country, considering the Difficulty of [Page] bringing it so far home, but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Accident deprived him. His Brother went but one Day's Iourny to meet the Body, and his Uncle only to the Gates. What is become of the Ancient Customs? Why was not his Effigiesf carried, and Verses sung in Honour of his Memory? Why was he not praised and lamented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning¹?’

VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius, and to put a stop to them, he declares, by an Edict, ‘That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth, but none had been so passionately regretted. This was commendable both in him and them, if a Mean was observed: That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men², for a People [Page] that Command the World, and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths: That the Season for Sorrow, is, when Grief is fresh, but after three Months 'twas reasonable to lay it aside, as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter, and Augustus after he had lost his Children³: That it was not necessary to give ancienter Instances, how the People had bore with Constancy the Defeat of their Armiesg; the Death of their Generalsh, and the entire Extinction of many noble Familiesi: That Princes are Mortal, but the Commonwealth Eternal⁴; that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments, and enjoy themselves at the Megalensian Games k, that were at hand⁵.’

[Page] VII. The Vacation being ended, every Man returned to his Business, and Drusus went to the Army in Illyricum, leaving all under great Expectation to see Germanicus's Death revenged upon Piso. They often complained he marched over the pleasant Countries of Asia and Greece, to avoid by his Contumacy and Delays, the Conviction of his Crimes. For it was commonly reported, That the infamous Poisoner, Martina, sent by Cneius Sentius to Rome, died suddenly at Brindisi, that Poison was found in her Hair, yet no sign thereof appear'd upon her Body¹.

VIII. But Piso, after he had sent his Son to Rome, with Instructions how to apply to Tiberius for his Favour, went to seek Drusus, from whom he expected more Countenance for removing his Rival, than Displeasure for taking off his Brother². Tiberius, to shew he was not prejudiced against Piso, received his Son honourably, and made him such Presents as were usual to young Gentlemen of his Quality. Drusus told Piso, If those things were true that were reported, he should be much troubled³, but that he wished they might appear false, and [Page] the Death of Germanicus fatal to none⁴. He spoke this publickly, declining private Conversation with him, which none doubted to be by Tiberius's Order, because Drusus was of himself too easie and unwary to have practised so much Art and Cunning above his Years.⁵.

[Page] IX. Piso having sailed over the Adriatick Sea, and left the Ships at Acona, came by Pisenum l, and so by the Via Flamina m, to joyn the Legion that returned from Panonia to Rome, to go into Garison in Africa. But because it was reported, he intended to Corrupt the Soldiers, by conversing much among them⁶; as soon as he arrived at Narni n, he embarked upon the River Nare to avoid Suspicion, or because those that are timorous are always uncertain. But he incensed the People by his landing in their sight, at the Burying-place of the Caesars, with Plancina; both were pleasant and cheerful, he attended with a Multitude of Followers, and she with a great Train of Women. Their House, which stood very publickly, was adorned with Lawrels, and Garlands, there was a Festival, and great Rejoycings, and all so publick, as to raise them more Envy⁷ and Ill-will.

[Page] X. The next day Fulcinus Trio accused Piso before the Consuls but; Veranius Vitellus, and others, that had been with Germanicus, insisted, That it belong'd to them, and not to Trio, and that instead of being Accusers, they would only report, as Witnesses, the last Declaration of the Deceased. Trio waved that part, and contented himself with the Liberty to enquire into the Life of Germanicus. The Emperor desired Cognizance of this himself, and Piso freely consented for fear of falling into the hands of the People or Senate, both too much enclined to Germanicus's Family; and knowing also Tiberius valued not Reports, and that his Mother had agreed with him the Orders she sent Plancina. Besides, Truth is more easily discerned by a single Iudge, than an Assembly¹ where Hatred and Envy are too prevalent. Tiberius was not ignorant of the Consequence of this Affair, nor the Reflections he lay under. After hearing therefore before some of his Confidents, the Complaints of the Accusers, and Piso's Answer, he sent all back to the Senate.

XI. In the mean time, Drusus returning from Sclavonia, came privately to Rome, deferring till another time the Triumph the City decreed him for the taking Maroboduus, and his great Actions the Summer before. Afterwards Piso desiring T. Aruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Eserninus Marcellus, and Sextus Pompeius for his Advocates, and they excusing themselves² on divers Pretences, M. Lepidus, Lucius Piso, and Liveneius Regulus were appointed him. All the City expected with great Impatience to [Page] see the Fidelity of Germanicus's Friendso, the Courage of the Criminal, and whether Tiberius would discover or conceal his Sentiments. For the People never shewed greater Suspicion, nor took more Liberty to Censure their Prince.

XII. The Day the Senate met, Tiberius made a set Speech, and said, ‘That Piso had been Augustus's Friend and Lieutenant, and that by Authority of the Senate³ he was sent with Germanicus to govern the East. They were impartially to judge, whether he had provoked the young Prince by his Disobedience and Disputes, if he rejoyced at his Death, or was the Cause of it. For, says he, if he exceeded what was committed to him, when Lieutenant, disobeyed his General, rejoyced at his Death, and my Affliction, I will banish him my House, and be revenged of him as a Father, not a Prince¹. Nay, if he hath been guilty of any Crime, that deserves Punishment, even the Death of any private Man, give your selves, the Children of Germanicus, and us their Parent just Satisfaction. And especially forget not to enquire if he hath corrupted the Military Discipline, [Page] if he hath ambitiously endeavoured to gain the Soldiers Affections, and if he returned into the Province by force of Arms, or if these things be false and aggravated by the Accusers², whose great zeal I have cause to be offended with. For, Why was Germanicus's Body stript and exposed naked to the People, and why has it been reported he was Poisoned, if these things are yet uncertain, and to be proved? I lament the loss of my Son, and shall always do it, but will not hinder the Accused making his Defence³, without sparing Germanicus, if he hath been to blame. I beseech you, let not my Trouble make you take Accusations for Crimes. If any among you are Relations or Friends to Piso, let him not fear to help him with his Eloquence and Care. I exhort his Accusers to the like Application and Constancy. We will only indulge this to Germanicus, that his Death shall be enquired into in the Curia p, not the Forum q, before the Senate, rather than the ordinary Iudges, all the rest shall be according to the common Form. Lastly, I desire you will neither regard Drusus's Tears, my Affliction, nor any Calumnies.’

[Page] XIII. It was ordered, the Accusers should have two days to bring in their Accusations, the Defendant three to answer, and six to prepare for it. Then Fulcinius began with old and frivolous matters, as his governing Spain ambitiously and covetuously; a conviction whereof would not have Condemned him, had he justified himself of the rest, nor the clearing himself of that would have acquitted him, if found guilty of the new Crimes he was charged with. Serveus Veranius and Vitellius continued the Accusation with the like warmth, but the latter with more Eloquence, objected, That Piso, out of Hatred to Germanicus, and desire of Innovation, so corrupted the Soldiers, by too much Indulgence and Licentiousness, at the Expence of their Allies, that the worst of them called him, Father of the Legions. On the other hand he had ill used the best Officers, and especially the Friends of Germanicus, whom he killed by his Charms and Poison, as the detestable Sacrifices made by him and Plancina, for Ioy at his Death, do testifie r: That he was in Arms against the Commonwealth, and had never been brought to Iustice, but that he was overcome in Battle.

XIV. His Defence was weak, for he could neither deny his gaining the Soldiers by Ambition, nor exposing the Province to them, nor his Reproaches to the Emperor, he only seemed to clear himself from the charge of Poison, which in truth was not well proved¹. For to say he poisoned the Meat by touching it, as he sate one day above Germanicus at Table, that was so absurd, [Page] there was no probability in it, that Piso should dare to do so before the Servants and Waiters, and Germanicus himself too. And he desired his Servants and Family might be put to the Question. But the Iudges were inexorable², and all on different Motives; the Emperor because of the War in the Province, the Senate out of Prejudice, upon suspicion that Germanicus died not a natural Death. Some were for obliging him to shew the Letters his Friends writ him from Rome, while he was in Syria, but Tiberius opposed that as well as he. At the same time the People cried aloud, before the Senate-House, that if Piso was acquitted, he should not escape them³; and his Statues were dragged to the Gemonies s, and had been broke there, but that Tiberius protected them. Piso was carried back by a Captain of the Pretorian Band, which was differently interpreted, some saying he was to guard him from the fury of the People, others to be his Executioner.

[Page] XV. Plancina was as much Hated, but more in Favour¹, and therefore it was doubted whether Tiberius would bring her to Trial²: As long as Piso had any Hopes, she Vowed she would accompany him in his Fortune, and Death too, if that happened; but she was no sooner Pardoned by Augusta's means, than she began to leave her Husband³, and make her Defence apart, which Piso took for a certain sign of his Death. Doubting whether he should any more try the Compassion of his Iudges, at the persuasion of his Sons, he takes Courage, and goes again to the Senate. He found the Accusations renewed, the Iudges set against him, and all conspiring his Destruction. Nothing troubled him more, than the Carriages of Tiberius, which appeared without Pity, without Passion, [...]ixt, insensible and unmoveable. When he was brought back, as if he was providing for his Defence, next day, he writes, Seals it up, and delivers it to one who had been his Servant, and then took that Care of himself he used to do. Lastly, his Wife leaving his Chamber at midnight, he orders the Doors to be shut, and was found in the morning with his Throat Cut, his Sword lying by him.

[Page] XVI. I remember I have heard some old men say, [...]iso had often a Book in his Hand, which he never made publick, but his Friends said it contained Tiberius's Letters and his Commands against Germanicus, which he intended to have produced to the Senate, and accused Tiberius, but was deluded by Sejanus's vain Promises. They said he did not Kill himself, but that Tiberius sent one who did it. I affirm nothing⁴, but ought not to conceal what I have heard from Persons⁵ that lived till I came of Man's Estate. Tiberius, with some Compassion, told the Senate, Piso had found a way to deliver himself from them. He asked his Servant many Questions as to the particulars of his Death. And he answering some of them well, others [Page] confusedly⁶, he read what Piso had left in Writing, which was almost in these words. ‘Since neither Truth, nor my Innocence will be received against the Calumnies of my Enemies, I call the Gods to witness, I never have been wanting in my Faith to you, Sir, nor in my Duty to your Mother. I therefore beseech you both, protect my Children, one of them has had no share in my Affairs, having always been at Rome, the other was against my going to Syria. And I wish to God I had rather yielded to him than he to me. I most earnestly beg of you not to confound the Innocent with the Guilty. I conjure you therefore, by my Forty five years Services, by our Fellowship in the Consulshipt, by the Memory of Augustus, whose Favour I had, and out of Compassion to a Friend's last Request, have Pity on my Son.’ He said nothing of Plancina.

XVII. Tiberius excused the Son from any Crime in the Civil War, because of the Influence of his Father¹. He spoke at the same time of the Nobleness of their Familyu, lamented the Misfortune of Piso, however he [Page] had deserved². For Plancina, he spoke with some shame and concern, pretending it, at his Mother's Intreaty, against whom all good men secretly complained. ‘Is it, said they, fitting for the Grandmother to behold the Murtherer of her Grandson, speak to her, and take her from the Senate? Is that denied only to Germanicus, the Laws allow to all Citizens? Vitellus and Veranius demand Iustice, and Plancina is protected by the Emperor, and Augusta. What remains for this Woman, after having so fortunately bestowed her Poison and Inchantments, but to use them also against Agrippina, and [...] Children, and satiate the good Grandmother³ and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House?’ Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause, Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother. And when no Answer was given to the Accusers, and the Witnesses against her, their Hatred gave way to Compassion. The Consul Aurelius Cotta, being [Page] asked his Iudgment, (for when the Emperor propounds, the Consuls speak first) he gave it, That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals, part of his Goods Confiscated, the rest given to Cneius Piso, on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius, that M Piso be degraded⁴, 25000 Crowns allowed him, and he banished for Ten years, and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta.

XVIII. Tiberius moderated the Sentence, and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals⁵, when Mark Anthony, that actually engaged in a Civil War, and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there. And as for Marcus Piso, he would not suffer him to be attainted, and granted him all his Father's Estate, for he was never covetous, (as I have often said) and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful. When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger, and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge, he forbid them, saying, Such Offerings ought to be for Foreign [Page] Victories, but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow. Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tiberius and Augusta, to Antonio and Agrippina, and to Drusus, for revenging Germanicus's Death, but never mentioned Claudius. L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate, whether that was a willful Omission, and then Claudius was entred with the others. The more I consider modern or ancient Histories, I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs; for in Fame, Hope, and Estimation, all were rather destined to the Soveraignty, than he whom Fortune had reserved for the future Prince¹.

[Page] XIX. A few days after, Tiberius persuades the Senate to advance Vitellius Veranius and Serveus, to the Priesthood; and having promised Fulcinius his Vote for any Dignity, advised him not to lessen his Eloquence by too much Eagerness². This was the end of Revenging Germanicus's Death, which was differently reported [Page] then³, and in subsequent times. So dark are all great Affairs, some believe all they hear, others disguise Truth with Falshood, and Posterity adds to both.

XX. Drusus left the City to enquire his Fortuney, and entred with a small Triumphz; and within a few days, Vipsania his Mother died, the only one of Agrippa's Children that died a natural Death. For it is certain, or at least believed, the rest died by the Sword, Poison, or Faminea.

[Page] XXI. This year Tacfarinas, who I told you was beat the last Summer by Camillus, begun the War again in Africk, first by plundering, in which his quick marches secured him, then he burnt Towns, and carried off great Booties, and lastly, Besieged a Roman Fort not far from the River Pagys; Decrius was Governor, a Man of Courage and an Experienced Soldier, and looking on such a Siege a Dishonour to him, he encouraged his Men to Fight in the open Field, and drew them up before the Fort¹. They were beaten back at the first Engagement, he run among them that fled, rebuking the Ensigns for turning their Backs to Traitors and Deserters. And tho' he received several Wounds, and lost an Eye, yet he faced the Enemy, and continued Fighting till he was forsaken by his Men and Slain.

XXII. Which when L. Apronius (who succeeded Camillus) understood, being more concerned for the shame of his own Men, than Glory of the Enemy, he decimatedb [Page] those dishonourable Troops², and drubb'd them to Death. A Punishment rare in those times, tho' practised formerly. Which Severity did so much good, that an Ensign, with no more than 500 old Soldiers, defeated Tacfarinas's Army³, as they were going to assault a Fort, called Thala. In which Battle, Rufus Helvius, a common Soldier, had the Honour to save a Citizen's Life, on whom Apronius bestowed a Chain and Spear, Tiberius added the Civic Crown, finding Fault rather than offended, [Page] that Apronius did not give it⁴, which he might have done as Proconsul. But Tacfarinas, seeing the Numidians daunted, and resolved against more Sieges, scatter'd the War, giving ground when pursued, and following upon the Retreat, and thus kept the Romans in play to no purpose. But greedy of Booty, he got near the Sea-Coasts, and encamped; Apronius Caesianus being sent by his Father, with the Horse and Auxiliaries, and the greater part of the Legions, found a way to Fight him, and drove him to the Desarts.

XXIII. Lepida, who, besides the Honour of the Aemilian Family, from whence she was descended, had L. Sylla and Cneius Pompeius for her Grandfathers, was accused by her Husband, Publius Quirinus, a Rich Man and Childless, for a Supposititious Child, and also for Adulteries and Poisonings⁵, and that she had consulted the Baldeans against Caesar's House. Her Brother Marius Lepidus desended her. And tho' she was faulty and infamous, [Page] yet Quirinus's Prosecution,c after he was Divorced from her, made others have Compassion on her. It was hard to guess Tiberius's Inclination, he so artfully mixed the signs of his Anger and Clemency. He requested the Senate to let alone the Charge of Treason at that time, then he drew from M. Servilius, that had been Consul, and the other Witnesses, what he pretended he would have concealed, and sent Lepida's Servants to the Consuls, under a guard of Soldiers, and would not suffer them to be examined on the Rack against her. Lastly, Dispensed with Drusus, Consul Elect, giving his Opinion first, which was differently interpreted, that the Iudges might not be led by his Son and others, that they might have the greater liberty to Condemn her¹.

[Page] XXIV. During this Process, the publick Plays being shewn, Lepida goes to the Theatre, with divers Noble Ladies, and directs her Prayers and Tears to her Ancestors, calling on Pompey, whose Images were placed round the Theatre he built, which wrought so great Compassion in the Spectators, that with Tears they imprecated Quirinus, who considering his Age, and the meanness of his Birth, was not a fit Husband for such a Lady, once designed to be L. Caesar's Wife, and Daughter-in-Law to Augustus: But her Crimes being discovered by Torturing her Servants, Rubellius Blandus's Sentence was received, That she should be banished. Drusus yielded to it, tho' others would have been more merciful. Then Scaurus, who had a Daughter by her, obtained that her Goods should not be Confiscate. At last, Tiberius declared he was assured by Quirinus's Slaves, she sought to Poison him.

XXV. The Afflictions the great Families were under almost at the same timed, the Calphurnii having lost Piso, and the Aemilii Lepida, were alleviated through Ioy, That D. e Silanus was restored to the Iunii. His Case I relate in a few words. As Augustus was fortunate in publick Affairsf, so he was unhappy at [Page] home², in the lewdness of his Daughter and Neice, whom he banished, punishing the Adulterers with Death or Exile. For finding their Offences the subject of common Discourse, he gave them the Name of Sacriledge or Treason to have a pretence to shew no Pity, and to exceed the Laws³. But I reserve for another work, the [Page] ends of others, and other Matters, if I live to write another Book, when I have finished these Annals. D. Silanus, who was accused for Debauching Augustus's Neice, was only forbid his Houseg, which he interpreted Banishment, and till Tib [...]rius's Reign durst never ask leave of the Emperor and Senate to return home. And then depended on his Brother, M. Silanus's Credit and Reputation for his illustrious Birth and great Eloquence. But Silanus thanking Tiberius on his Brother's behalf, he replied before the Senate, it was matter of Ioy to him as well as others, to see his Brother return home after so long Travels; that he lawfully might, because he was not banished either by Decree of the Senate, or other Lawh. That his Offence against his Father remained, and his [Page] return revers'd not Augustus's Decrees¹. From that time Silanus lived in Rome, but as a private Person.

XXVI. They afterwards debated moderating the Law Papia Poppaea i, which Augustus, when he was old, added to the Iulian Laws, to make Celibacy more Penal, and enrich the publick. Yet Marriages were not more frequent, most finding it better having no Children². [Page] However, the Informers daily ruined many Families, so that their Laws were grown as fatal to them as formerly their Crimes. This leads me to give some Account of the Original of Laws, and to shew from whence it is they are come to such an infinite number as at present.

XXVII. As the first Men were without Malice and Ambition³, they wanted not Correction and Punishment, and as they were naturally en [...]lined to good, they needed no Rewards. Nothing was forbid, where nothing was desired that was not allowed. But after Equality was gone, Ambition and Violence succeeded Modesty and Iustice, and by degrees introduced Sovereignty and Tyranny, which have always subsisted in some Countries. Some at first desired to be governed by Laws, others not till they were weary of Kings⁴. The first Laws were simple, as Men's Minds⁵, and the most cebrated, [Page] were those Minos gave th [...] Cretians k, Lycurgus the Lacedemonians, and Solon the Athenians, but his were more numerous and more refined⁶. Romulus ruled as he pleased. Numa established a Form for Divine Worship and Religious Ceremonies. Tullus and Ancus made some Laws, but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius, whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey⁷.

XXVIII. After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled⁸, the [Page] People made many against the Factions of the Senators⁹, to defend their Liberties, and establish Union. The Decemviri l were chosen to collect the best¹⁰ Laws of other Countries, out of which they composed the Twelve Tables, the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed, though some were made against Malefactors, yet they were most commonly brought in, through the Dissensions of the People and Senate, for obtaining unlawful Dignities, driving out Noblemen, or other Disorders. Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini, the Incendiaries of the People; and Drusus, who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate, and corrupted his Companions by Hopes, or deluded them. Neither the War of Italy, nor the Civil Warm, hindred them making [Page] many Laws, and very different, till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new. Then there [Page] was some Intermission, which continued not long, by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands, and the Licentiousness of the Tribunes, who managed the People as they pleased; and made as many Laws as they had Persons to accuse, so that the Commonwealth being corrupt, the Laws were infinite¹.

[Page] XXIX. Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Consuln, and chose for Reformation of Manners, but being more severe² than the Offences deserved, was the Subverter of the Laws he made, and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by themo. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years, no Custom, no Law observed, the greatest Crimes went unpunished, and many good Actions were fatal. At length, Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul, and settled in his Authority, he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate, and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace, and under a Monarch. And that they might be the better kept, he appointed some to look after them. The Law Papia Poppaea provided, the People, as common Parent, should inherit their Goods, that left no Childrenp. But the Informers went farther, not only in the City, but through all Italy, where any Citizens were, ruined many Families, and frightened all. To remedy³ which, Tiberius appointed by Lot, five that had been Consuls, sive that had been Praetors, and as many Senators, [Page] to explain the Doubts in that Law, and by a favorable Interpretation to give the People some Relief for the present.

XXX. About the same time he recommended Nero, one of Germanicus's Children, then 17 years of Age, to the Senate; and requested he might be dispenced with for the Vigintivirateq, and be Quaestor five years sooner than the Laws permittedr, pretending the same was granted him and his Brother at Augustus's Requests. I doubt not but some then secretly laughed at this. These were the beginnings of Caesar's rising, the ancient Custom was in every Man's Eye, and a less Relation lookt upon ⁴ [Page] to be betwixt a Father-in-Law and his Wife's Children, than an Uncle and his Nephewt. The Pontifical Dignity was also bestowed upon him, and the first time he appeared in publick, he gave the People a Donative, who were joyful to see a Son of Germanicus at full Age. Their Ioy was encreased by his Marrying Iulia, Drusus's Daughter¹. But if this Marriage was universally approved, there were great Discontents upon Claudius's Sons being to Marry Sejanus Daughter², as a Disparagement to him, but Sejanns, whose Ambition was susp [...]cted, was much exalted upon it.

XXXI. The end of this year died two great Men, L. Volusius and Sal. Crispus. The first of an ancient Family, but never in higher Employment than that of Praetor; he was made Consul and Censor for chasing Bands of Horsemen; he got vast Riches, which made that House so great. The other was Grandchild to Caius Salustius's Sister, the famous Historian, whose Name he took by Adoption. Though he might easily have got Honours, yet after the Example of Mecenas u, [Page] was never Senator, but had greater Power and Authority than many had triumph'd and been Consuls. His manner of living was very different from his Ancestors, either for his Apparel or Table, where the Plenty was such as to be near Luxury. He had a Capacity for great Affairs³, and very vivacious, though he affected to appear heavy and slothful. While Mecenas lived, he had the second place in the Ministry, and the first afterwards. He was privy to the Murder of Posthumus Agrippa ⁴, and as he grew in years, had rather the Name than Power of a Favourite. The like happened to Mecenas ⁵, so rare is it for a Prince's Favour to continue [Page] alwaysx, or because both have their Satiety, those when they have given all they can, these when they have got all they desire⁶.

The Year of the City, 774.

XXXII. This Year is Memorable for having Father and Son Consuls together. Which was the Fourth time with Tiberius, the Second with Drusus. Two years before, Germanicus was Tiberius's Colleague, who was not very agreeable to him. The beginning of this Year Tiberius goes for his Health to Campania y, where he thought to withdraw himself wholly, and by his absence leave [Page] the Affairs of the Consulate to his Son¹. And it happen'd a small thing causing warm Disputes gave Drusus an Occasion of gaining great Credit². Domitius Corbulo, who had been Praetor, complain'd to the Senate of L. Sylla, a Young Nobleman, that he gave him not Place at a Play of the Gladiators. His Age, Custom, and all the Old Men were for Corbulo; Mamercus Scaurus, L. Arruntius, with some others, were for Sylla their Kinsman. Speeches were made on both sides, and old Presidents cited; severely rebuking the Irreverence of Youth³, till Drusus qualify'd the Matter with a proper Discourse, and Corbulo was satisfy'd⁴ by Scaurus, Uncle and Father-in-Law to Sylla, and the Best Orator in his time.

XXXIII. The same Corbulo complain'd, that through the Fraud of the Surveyors, and Negligence of the Magistrates, the High-ways were much out of Order, and scarce Passable, and willingly accepted finishing them. Which turn'd not so much to a Publick Benefit, as the ruine of Particular Persons¹, whom he oppress'd in their [Page] Estate and Credit, by condemning them, and setting their Goods to Sale².

XXXIV. Not long after, Tiberius writ to the Senate, to give them notice, that by Tacfarinas's Incursion Africk was again in Arms; and that it was necessary for them to chuse a Pro-consul, skilful in Military Affairs, and of able Body and fit for this War. Sextus Pompeius takes this Occasion to vent his Malice against M. Lepidus; he accused him as a Coward, Beggarly, and a Dishonour to his Ancestors¹; and therefore not to be admitted a Candidate for the Government of Asia. The Senators on the other side look'd on Lepidus as a Moderate Man, more worthy Praise than Blame; and his Father leaving him a small Estate, his Living without reproach they [...]udg'd a Credit, rather than Disgrace. He was therefore [Page] sent into Asia, and for Africk, they referr'd the Nomination to Tiberius.

XXXV. Upon this, Severus Caecina propos'd, their prohibiting Women going with their Husbands to their Governments; Often declaring how happily he lived with his Wife, by whom he had six Children; and that he had advised nothing for the Publick, but what he observed himself, not suffering his to go out of Italy, though he had commanded abroad forty Years. He added, It was with very good Reason our Ancestors forbid it, That the Company of Women was burthensome and injurious by their Luxury in Peace, and Fear in War¹; and made a Roman Army like the Barbarians going to Warz. That Sex was not only weak and unable to Labour, but they got the Ascendant, Cruel, Ambitious, and Arbitrary. That Women have lately been seen to march among the Soldiers, and commanding the Centurio [...]s, were present at their Musters and Exercises. That they should consider when any have been charged with Corruption, much was objected to their Wives. That the greatest Villains in the Provinces have applied to them, who have undertaken and transacted their Affairs. From hence it is, two are courted [Page] and two Iudgment Seats. That formerly they were restrain'd by the Oppian Laws, but have broke through those Ties, they govern not only their Families, but the Courts of Iustice and the Armies².

XXXVI. Few agreed with him, many interrupted ³; saying, That was not the Matter before them a, and Caecina not a Censor of weight enough for such an Affair. And Valerius Messalinus, Mess [...]la's Son b, who had much of his Eloquence, reply'd, Many hard Customs of their Ancestors¹ ▪ had been changed for others better and more agreeable. That [Page] the City was not besieged as formerly, nor the Provinces in Arms, and some Regard should be had to the Satisfaction of the Women, who are so far from being troublesome to the Allies, they are not so to their Husbands. They share with them in all Conditions, and are no inconvenience in time of Peace. 'Tis true, we should go to the Wars without Incumbrances, but when we return, what Comfort more Commendable than that a Man enjoys with his Wife? 'Tis said, some Women have been Ambitio [...]s and Covetous. What shall we say of the Magistrates themselves, most of them have their Failings; will you therefore send none to the Provinces? But the Wives have corrupted their Husbands; are therefore single Men uncorruptc? The Oppian Laws were once in force, the State of the Common-Wealth requiring them; but after, their Rigour was moderated, because that was judged Expedient². 'Tis in vain to cover our own Miscarriages with [Page] other Names; for if the Wife does amiss, it is the H [...]sband'sd Fault³. Besides, for the Failings of one or two, it is not reasonable to deprive all Husbands these shares in their Prosperity and Adversity; and to leave a Sex naturally weak, expos'd to their own Wanton Desires, and the Lusts of others⁴. For if their Husbands presence is scarce sufficient to keep them Virtuous, what shall become of them when an Absence of many Years separates like a Divorce? We should take care of the Disorders abroad, and not forget those may happen at home. Drusus added something of his own Marriage; and that Princes often visit the remotest Provinces. That Augustus had several times carried Livia with him to the East and West⁵; That he had been in S [...]lavonia, and was ready to go into other Countries, if necessary, but should do it with reluctancy, if he was to be separated from his dear Wife⁶ and Children. So Caecina's Advice took no Effect ⁷.

[Page] XXXVII. At the next Meeting of the Senate, Tiberius's Letters were read, which gently reproved their casting all the Cares of the Government⁸ upon him, nominated M. Lepidus and Iunius Blaesus, one of them to be chosen Pro-consul of Africk. Both were heard, Lepidus earnestly excus'd himself⁹ for want of Health, his Childrens Age, and a Daughter he had to marry; considering too, that Blaesus was Sejanus's Uncle, and therefore sure to carry it¹⁰. Blaesus seem'd to refuse too, but less earnestly; and was heard favourably by the Flatterers.

XXXVIII. Then many secret Complaints were made, for every Villain that could lay hold on Caes [...]r's Image, might freely reproach honest men¹¹, and raise Envy against [Page] them. Even Freed-Men and Slaves were feared▪ insulting their Masterse and Patrons with Words and Blows. Therefore C. Sestius, a Senator, spoke to this Effect, ‘That indeed Princes were like Gods, but the Gods heard only just Prayers, That neither the Capitol nor Temples of the City were a Refuge to any for their Crimes¹. There was an end of the Laws, if Anna Rufilla, whom he Condemned for Fraud, might threaten and reproach him before the Senate and in publick and not be questioned for it, because she had Caesar's Image before herf. Others delivered themselves to the same purpose, but some with warmth, beseeching Drusus to inflict some exemplary punishment on her, so she was called for, Convicted and Condemned to Prison.’

XXXIX. At Drusus's Request, Considuus Aequus, and Celius Cursor, two Roman Knights, were condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Magius Cecilianus, the Praetor, of High-Treason. These Matters were to Drusus's Honour², for by his means Conversation was made free [Page] and safe, and his Father's secret Designs qualified. They found no Fault with his Riots, thinking it better for one of his Age to spend the Day in the publick Shewsg, and the Night in Revels, than to live Solitary³ without [Page] Pleasures⁴, and to let Melancholly prevail upon him and draw him into ill Practices and Devices. For Tiberius, and the Informers gave disquiet enough. Ancarius Priscus accused Cesius Cordus, Proconsul of Crete, of Extortion, and of Treason too, a Supplement in all Accusations⁵.

XL. Tiberius displeased with the Iudges for acquitting Antistius Verus, one of the chief Lords of Macedonia of Adultery, sent for him to Rome to answer for Treason⁶, as an Accomplice with Rescuporis in his Designs of making War upon us, when he had slain his Brother Cotis. He was Banishedh into an Island⁷ that had no Commerce [Page] either with Macedonia or Thrace ⁸. For since Thrace was divided betwixt Rhemetalces and Cotis's Children, to whom Trebellienus Rufus was Tutor, by reason of their Infancy, being not accustomed⁹ to our Government▪ the People were full of Discontents, and complained of Rhematalces and Trebellienus, that they never punished the Oppressions of the Country¹⁰. The Celaletes, Odrusians, and other Potent People of Thrace, took Arms under divers Captains, but for want of Experience¹¹, came not to any formidable War. Some wasted the Country, others passed the Mountain Haemus i, to raise those lived remote, others Besieged Rhemetalces, [Page] and the City of Philippopoli, built by Philip of Macedonia.

XLI. Velleius k, that Commanded an Army nearl, having advice of these Disorders, sent some Horse and light Footmen against those pillaged the Country, or got Recruits, while he went himself to raise the Siege. All ended prosperously, the Foragers were slain, and a Dissension arising among the Besiegers, Rhemetalces made a seasonable Sally upon the arrival of the Legions. This deserved not the name of an Army¹², or Battle, in which a few unarmed Men were defeated, without any Blood-shed on our side.

XLII. The same year the Cities of Gallia began to Rebel, by reason of the excessive Debts they had contracted. The Incendiaries were Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrovir, both nobly descended, whose Ancestors, for their great Services, were made Citizens of Rome, an Honour at that time rare, and only a reward for Virtue¹. [Page] By Conferences they gain'd those whose Poverty or Crimes had made desperate. Florus was to raise the Low-Countrymen, and Sacrovir the French. In their Meetings they talkt Seditiously of their Taxes, the Excess of Usurym, the Pride and Cruelty of their Governors, and that since Germanicus's Death, there were great Discontents in the Army. And that if they considered the Strength of the French, the Poverty of Italy; the weakness of the People of Rome, who understood nothing of War, and that the Strength of our Armies consisted of Foreign Troops, they would see this was a proper time to recover their Liberty.

XLIII. There was scarce a City free from this Contagion, but Tours and Angiers revolted first. The latter was reduced to its Duty by Lieutenant Acilius Aviola, who marched speedily thither with some of the Garison of Lyons. And those of Tours by those Forces Visellius Varro, Lieutenant of Lower Germany sent Aviola, with the Succours he had from some of th [...] great Men of France, who waited a more favourable opportunity to Rebel themselves. Sacrovir fought bareheaded, as he said, to shew his Courage, but the Prisoners said, he did it to be better known, and that the Romans might not draw upon him.

XLIV. When Tiberius was consulted upon this Rebellion, he slighted the Discovery, but [...]omented the VVar by Irresolution². For Florus pursuing his Designs, [Page] laboured to corrupt a Regiment of Horse, raised at Treves, and used to our Discipline, inciting them to begin the VVar with destroying the Roman Merchants there: A few only were gained, most continued in their Duty. Other Bankrupt Men, and some of his Dependants took Arms, and would have thrown themselves into the Forest of Arden, but the Legions from both Armiesn, which Ursellius and C. Silius sent, prevented them. And Iulius Indus being sent before with a Detachment, glad of an occasion to shew himself against Florus, his Countryman and particular Enemy³, defeated the disordered multitude. Florus escaped by sculking in divers places, but finding all Passages stopt, and that he was like to be taken, killed himself. And thus ended the Rebellion at Treves.

XLV. That at Angiers was greater, because that City was more populous, and the Army distant. Sacrovir made himself Master of this City, where all the Youth of France studied to oblige their Relations and Friends to him by such Pledges, and distributed Arms among [Page] them. His Troops consisted of near Forty thousand Men, a Fifth Part were arm'd as the Legions, the rest with Hunting-staves, Hangers, and such other Arms as Huntsmen carry. These were join'd by some Fencers, cover'd over with Armour of Iron, they were call'd Crupellarii, (Cuirassiers) unfit to assault, and impenetrable. The Forces daily augmented by a Confluence from the Neighbouring Cities, not that they declar'd for them, but all long'd for Liberty. To which contributed the Dissentions of the Roman Generals¹; both coveting to command the Army. But Visellius being Old, yielded to Silius who was in his Prime².

XLVI. In the mean time, it was reported at Rome, that besides Tours and Argiers, 64 Cities had rebell'd, that the Germans had join'd them, that Spain was wavering, all (as the Manner of Report is) made much greater than they were. Every good Man was concern'd for the Common-wealth; many out of Hatred to the Present Government, desir'd a Change³, and rejoyc'd in [Page] their Dangers. Blaming Tiberius for employing himself in reading Informers Accusations when there was so great Commotions. ‘What, said they, have the Senate found Iulius Sacrovir guilty of Treason? Some have had the Courage to suppress by Arms the Bloody Libels o of a Tyrant; War is a good Change for a Miserable Peace.’ But he neither chang'd Place nor Countenance⁴; affecting to shew he was not afraid, either through Courage, or that he knew things to be less than they were reported.

XLVII. Silius march'd with two Legions, having sent some Auxiliary Troops before; he laid waste the Towns in the Franche Comte, which joyn'd to the Anjovins, and were their Confederates. Then marched speedily to Autun p, [Page] the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste; the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day, and if they could but see the Enemy, would answer for Victory⁵. Twelve miles from the City, Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field, drawn up in a Line of Battle. The Cuirassiers in the Front, his own Troops in the Wings, and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear. Among the Principal Officers Sacrovir was on Horse-back, riding through their Ranks; Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls, and how oft they had beat the Romans; laying before them how honourable their Liberty would be if they were Conque [...]ors, and how insupportable their Slavery, if Conquer'd⁶.

XLVIII. His Harangue was not long⁷, nor pleasing; for the Legions drew near in Battle Array, and the Citizens and the Peasants unskill'd in War, could neither see nor understand what they were to do. On the contrary, though Silius might have spared his pains, through the [Page] Assurance he had of his Men, yet told them: ‘That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the G [...]rmans, to be brought against the French, as if they were their Equals. One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours; a few Troops of Horse, those of Treves; a small Number of theirs, those of the Franche Comt [...]. These of Autun are richer, but weaker, and more enervate with Pleasures. Conquer them then, and look after those that fly.’ The Army answer'd with Acclamations, and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy, and the Foot engag'd their Front. The Wings made little Resistance, except the Cuirassiers, whose Armour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows, which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatchets, as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall. Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks, and these Poor Men, unable to help themselves¹, were left for Dead on the Ground. Sacrovir retires first to Autun, then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans, goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village; where he kill'd himself, and the rest one another, having first set fire to the Place, that they might be burnt.

XLIX. Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War; neither adding nor lessening the Truth; ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants, and his Counsels. And gave Reasons why neither He nor Drusus went to the War, magnifying the Greatness of the Empire; and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest, for the Rebellion of one [Page] or two Cities. But now, that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing, he would go and settle that Province. The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return, with other Honours. Cornelius Dolabella, when he endeavour'd to exceed others, fell into an absurd Flattery, proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania. Upon which he writ to them, that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations, and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth, he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours² in his old Age, for taking the Air near Rome.

L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate, Sulpicius Quirinus ³ might have publick Funerals. He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii, but born at a Free Cityq called Indovina; and having served Augustus well in the Warsr, was honoured with the Consulate, and after, with a Triumph for taking the Castles [Page] of the Homonadenses in Cilicia. Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia, he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes, ¹, which Tiberius open'd to the Senate, commending his Dutifulness, and accus'd Lollius s as the Author of C. Caesar's² Sedition and Lewdness. But his Memory [Page] was not very agreeable to the Senate, because he accused Lepida, and was sordid and insolent in his Old Age.

LI. The end of this Year C. Lutorius Priscus, a Roman Knight, who had compos'd an Excellent Elegy on Germanicus, and received a Reward from the Emperor for it, was accus'd for making it for Drusus when he was sick, in hopes of a greater Gratuity if he had died³. C. Lutorius was so vain as to read it in P. Petronius's House to several Noble Ladies. And when the Informer cited them to give Testimony, only Vitellia denied she heard it read; but greater Credit was given to others that testified against him. Haterius Agrippa, Consul Elect, delivers his Opinion, that he should die. M. Lepidus spoke to this Effect.

LII. If we consider only how Lutorius Priscus hath debauched his Mind and his Auditors [...]ars, neither Prison, nor Halter, nor any servile Punishments were enough for him. But though his Crimes are without measure, yet the Moderation of a Prince, their own, and your Ancestors Examples, will qualifie [Page] the Punishments. Vanity differs from Wickedness, and Words from ill Deeds. There may such a Way be found to punish him, that we may neither repent our Clemency, nor Severity. I have heard our Princes complain, when any through Despair have prevented their Mercy⁴. Lutorius's Life is yet safe, and the preserving it▪ will neither endanger the Common-Wealth, nor can the taking it away be any Example. As his Studies were full of Folly, so were they senceless and soon over. Neither have we reason to fear any thing great or serious in one that betrays himself to the Women. Yet let him leave the City, his Goods be seiz'd and he banish'd, which I take to be as bad as if he was convict of Treason.

LIII. Among all the Consuls only Rubellius Blandus ⁵ agreed with Lepidus, the rest were of Agrippa's Opinion; so Lutonius was carried back to Prison, and soon suffer'd. Tiberius writ to the Senate with his usual Ambiguities, extolling their Zeal for severely punishing the least Offence against their Prince, desiring them not rashly to punish Words for the future⁶. He commended [Page] Lepidus, and blamed not Agrippa ¹. And a Decree pass'd the Senate, that their Sentences should not be carried to the Treasury before the Tenth Dayt, to give the Condemn'd so long time to live. But the Senate could not alter the Sentenceu, and time never mollify'd Tiberius.

The Year of Rome 775.

LIV. C. Sulpici [...]s and Decimus Haterius were the next Consuls. This year there were no Troubles abroad, but great severity was apprehended against Luxury at home, which grew to excess in all things that were expensive▪ Yet some of their Expences, however pro [...]use, were covered by concealing their Costx. But all their Discourse was of their Gluttony, which they feared Tiberius, a Prince of Frugality equal to the Ancients, would restrain. For [...]. Bibulus beginning, the other Ediles shewed that the Sumptuary Laws were neglected, and that notwithstanding any Prohibitions, the price of Necessaries daily encreased, and that such Disorders were not to be redressed by ordinary Ways. And the Senate, after Deliberation, referred the whole matter to the Prince. [Page] But he, after he had considered, whether such Extravagances could be redressed, whether a Reformation would not be more to the prejudice than benefit of the Commonwealth², how dishonourable it would be to him to undertake what he could not effect, or if he did, that it would require the punishing some noble Persons. H [...] writ thus to the Senate.

LV. ‘It were perhaps more proper, My Lords▪ in other Matters, to ask my my Opinion in your Presence, and to have me there tell you what I thought expedient for the Commonwealth, but in this 'tis better I am absent, lest by the Fears and Countenances of some among you, I should discover those who lead this shameful life, and as it were, take them in the Fault. If the Ediles had first consulted me, I cannot tell but I might have advised them rather to connive at those Vices that have taken deep root and are inveterate³, [Page] than hazard shewing there are some we are not able to remedy⁴: But these worthy Magistrates have done their Duty, as I could wish all others would. For me, I think it neither honest to hold my Tongue, nor expedient to speak, for I am neither an Edile, Praetor, nor Consul ⁵: Something more is expected from a Prince, and when every man assumes to himself the Praise of what is well done, the blame of what succeeds not falls upon him alone. Where shall I begin to Reform? Shall it be your large and spacio [...]s Country Seats? The multitude of your Servants of several Nations? The Quantities of your Silver and Goldy? Your painted [Page] Tables, and brasen Stat [...]es of exquisite Work? The promis [...]uous Habits of Men and Women? Or the Extravagances of the Women only in their Iewels, for which our Money is carried away to Foreigners and Strangers? I am not ignorant you blame these things at your Entertainments, and a mean is wished for. But if a Law should be made against them, and punishments appointed, those that complain now, will cry out, that the City is subverted, the Destruction of the Nobility sought for, and none free from those Crimes. But we see, old Maladies are not to be Cured without [Page] sharp and harsh Remedies¹. A corrupt Mind is not to be regulated with gentle Methods, when inflamed by inordinate Appetites. So many Laws framed by our Ancestors, so many by Augustus, have only given greater Establishment to our Luxury, the former have been forgot, the latter (which is worse) have been contemned². For when we love what is not yet forbid, we fear it may be, but when we transgress the Laws, and are not punished, there is neither Fear nor Shame left³. Why was Frugality formerly used? because every Man moderated his Desires; we had only one City, and our Dominions not reaching out of Italy, we had not the same Provocations; by Foreign Conquests we learn the use of Foreign Commodities, by Civil Wars our ownz ▪ That which the Ediles complain [Page] of, is a small matter in comparison of others⁴ ▪ But no man puts us in mind that Italy wants the support of other Countries, that the Li [...]e of the People of Rome is tossed with the uncertainty of Sea and Tempest a, and were it not for the Plenty of the Provinces, 'tis not our Farms and Possessions would maintain us and our Slaves. These, My Lords, are the Cares employ your Prince, without which the Commonwealth could not subsist. For the rest, every Man should apply the Remedy himself, let Shame amend us, Necessity the Poor, and Sa [...]iety the Rich⁵. But if any of the Magistrates finds he has Courage and Ability enough to put a stop to this Evil, I shall be glad of his Help, and shall own he eases me of a great part of my Labour. But if they only complain of these Faults, and think to gain themselves Credit, and raise me Hatred, and then leave me. I assure you, My Lords, I will not make my self Enemies to no purpose¹, and though I may have many, and for the [Page] most part unjustly² for the Commonwealth, I desire I may not make my self more, when it is neither of Advantage to you, nor me.’

LVI. After these Letters were read, the Aediles were discharged that Care. And the Luxury in their Tables which had been very profuse from the End of the Battle at Actium, till the Accession of Servius Galba to the Empire, that is, for about 100 Yearsb, was by Degrees left of³. The Causes of this Change, were these: Formerly the most considerable Families for their Birth or Riches were ruined by their Magnificence. For then they were [Page] permitted to court the People, their Allies and Princes, and be courted by them. And the more splendid any man was in his Houses, Furniture, and Attendants, it gained him the greater Reputation and more Clientsc. But after they began to murder one another, and their Greatness was a Crime⁴, others grew wisers. And new Men that were oft taken into the Senate from the free Towns, the Colonies, and Provinces, brought with them the Frugality they had been used to; and though several through Fortune or Industry had great Riches in their Old Age, yet they never chang'd their manner of living. But Vespasian was chiefly the Occasion of this Frugal way of living, who conforming himself to the ancient Economy, rais'd in every Man a desire of Imitation⁵, which prevailed more than all the Laws, or Fear of Punishment. Unless there be a Circulation in all things, that Manners change as well as Times and Seasons, all things were not better formerly⁶ than now, and our Age has set Examples [Page] worthy Praise and Imitation. But let such Disputes continue between us and our Ancestors.

LVII. Tiberius having got a Reputation for his Moderation, for suppressing Informersd, writ to the Senate to make Drusus Tribune⁷. Augustus found out this Title, instead of that of King or Dictator, and yet by that Name⁸ had a Sovereigntye above the other Magistrates. He [Page] chose M. Agrippa for his Associate, and after his Death, Tiberius Nero, that his Successor might be known, thinking thereby to restrain the Unlawful Hopes of some others, trusting to Nero's Modesty and his own Greatness. A [...]ter his Example, Tiberius advanced Drusus; while Germanicus liv'd he carried himself indifferently between them. His Letters began with a Prayer to the Gods to prosper his Counsels for the Good of the Common-wealth; then added a few Words, and those truly of his Son's Behaviour, That he had a Wife and three Children, and of his own Age when Augustus called him to that Honour; neither could it be said, this was precipitately done; but after he was tryed eight years, had suppress'd Seditions, ended the Wars, triumphed, and had been twice Consul.

LVIII. As the Senate expected this Demand, so their Flattery was the more Artificial; but they could think of nothing more to decree, than that their Princes Images, Altars to the Gods, Temples, Arches, and such customary Honours, should be erected for him, Only M. Silanus by dishonouring the Consulate thought to do Honour to the Princes, and propos'd, that Publick and Private Acts should be dated for the Future, not from the Consuls, but Tribunes. And Q. Haterius moving the Decrees of that Day should be writ in Gold Letters, was laugh'd at¹, that an old Man to his shame should fall into such filthy Flattery

LIX. At this time, the Government of Africa was continued to Iunius Blaes [...]s, Servius Maluginensis, a Priest of Iupiter, desir'd that of Asia, saying, It was a Mistake to think the Priest of Iupiter might not go out of Italy, there [Page] was no other Law for them, than the Priests of Mars and Quirinus; and if these had govern'd Provinces, why not they? That neither the Laws nor Ceremonials² were against it. That the High Priest had often o [...]ficiated for the Priest of Iupiter, when sick, or employ'd in publick Affairs. That after Cornelius Merula died, there was no Man in his Place for 62 Years³, and yet the Rites wasted not. And if his Creation could be omitted so many years, without interruption to the Sacrifices, how much more easily may he be absent a Year with the Proconsulary Dignity? Formerly they were forbid by the High Priests out of Ill-Will, now (Thanks to the Gods) the High Priest was the best of Men⁴, not subject to Emulation, Malice, or private Affection⁵. Against this Lentulus the [Page]Augur, and others differently spoke; at last it was resolv'd to refer the Matter to the Emperor's Decision.

LX. Tiberius defers giving his Opinion in it, and moderates the Honours decreed Drusus with the Office of Tribune, reproving by Name the Insolence of that Proposition that the Decree should be writ in Letters of Gold, contrary to Custom. Drusus's Letters were read, which were taken to be very arrogant, though they had a turn of Modesty too. They said, ‘Things were come to that pass, that Drusus upon receiving so great Honour, would not vouchsafe a Visit to the Gods of the City, nor shew himself in the Senate, or begin at least, his [Page] Authority in his own Country, if the War, or his Distance hinde [...] him? However, he is entertaining himself on the Shores and Lakes of Campania f; Thus is he bred that is to govern the World. This he learn'd from his Father's Counsels. Tiberius might excuse himself from appearing in Publick, by reason of his Years and Labours; but what hinders Drusus, besides his Pride?’

LXI. Tiberius daily strengthen'd his Sovereignty; but to leave some shew of their ancient State to the Senate, he sent them the Petitions of the Provinces to examine. The Licentiousness and Impunity of Sanctuaries grew to that in Greece, th [...] Cities set them up as they pleased. The Temples were filled with Slaves, Debtors that defy'd their Creditors, and Persons subject of Capital Crimesg Neither was any Authority able to suppress [Page] the Seditions of the People, protecting Villanies, as much as the Rites of the Gods¹. It was therefore ordain'd the Cities should send their Deputies with their Privileges. Some voluntarily quitted them, as Usurp'd; others justified theirs on old Superstitions, or an account of Services to the People of Rome. The Pomp of that Day was great in shew, when the Senate consider'd the Grants of their Ancestors, the Agreements of Confederates, the Decrees of the Kings before the Roman Power prevail'd there, and the Religion of the Gods, being at the Will of the Senate to confirm or alter them, as formerly they had done.

LXII. The Eph [...]sians appeared first, setting forth, That Diana and Apollo were not Born in the Island of Delos, as was commonly believed, that in their Country was the River Cenchiris, and a Wood called Ortygia, where Latona leaning on an Olive-Tree, which yet remains there, was [Page] delivered of these two Deities, and that the Wood was Sacred by the Command of the Gods. And that Apollo, after he had killed the Cyclopes, fled thither from Iupiter's Anger. That Bacchils, when he conquered the Amazons, pardoned those that humbling themselves took hold on the Altar. That Hercules added to the Rites of that Temple after he was Master of Lydia, and their Priviledges were not lessened when under the Dominion of the Persians, and afterwards the Macedonians preserved them.

LXIII. Next, the Magnesians insisted on the Constitutions of L. Scipio and L. Silla, who conquered Antiochus and Mithridates, and in acknowledgement of the Felicity and Valour of the Magnesians, commanded Diana Lucofryne's Temple should be inviolable. Then the People of Aphrodisium and Stratonica, produced a Decree of Caesar the Dictatori, and another since of Augustus, for the Services done them, and opposing an Invasion of the Parthians, never departing from their Fidelity to the Romans. Those worshipped Venus, these Iupiter and Diana surnamed Trivia. From Hierocesarea was brought greater Antiquity, they having a Temple dedicated by K. Cyrus to Diana Persica, and that Perpe [...]a, Isauricus, and many other Emperors, had not only acknowledged this Temple for Sacred and Inviolable, but the Country two miles about it. The Cyprians pretended Franchises for three Temples, whereof the ancientest was built by Aerias, and con [...]ecrated to Venus Paphia k, the second dedicated by his Son Amathus to Venus Amathusia l, and the other to Iupiter[Page]Salaminius, built by Teucer m, when he fled from his Father Telamon.

LXIV. The other Ambassadors had their Audiences too, but the Senate growing weary with hearing so many, and their Canvasings, a Commission was given to the Consuls to examine their Titles, and make a Report▪ They made it very favourable for a Temple at Pergamu [...], dedicated to Esculapius n but that the Claims of the rest were grounded on obscure beginnings¹, by reason of their Antiquity. Smyrna and Tenedos pretended both an Oracle of Apollo, that commanded one of them to Dedicate a Temple to Venus Stratonicis, the others a Statue and Temple to Neptune. Those of Sardis and Miletum insisted on later Grants, one of Alexander in Honour of Diana, the other of Darius in Honour of Apollo. The [Page] Cretensians desired the Image of Augustus might have some Priviledge. Upon the whole, the Senate made several Decrees, whereby great Honours were allowed, but Moderation² prescribed to all, commanding them to have the same in Tables of Brass, and set them up in some publick Place in the Temples, to preserve a Memorial, and prevent their falling into vain and ridiculous Superstitions o under pretence of Religion.

[Page] LXV. About the same time, Livia falling dangero [...]sly ill, Tiberius hasten'd to Rome; there was yet a good Agreement betwixt the Mother and Son, or only Secret Hatred. A little before she had dedicated a Statue to Augustus near Marcellus's Theatre, and set Tiberius his Name after her own, which it was believed he resented as an Indignity to him¹, though he shewed it not. But when the Senate decreed Publick Prayers to the Gods, and the Plays, call'd Magni, to be exhibited, by the Chief Priests, th [...] Augurs, the Fifteen together with the Seven, and those of the Fraternity of Augustus, call'd Augustales. L. Apronius propos'd the Heraldsp to be Overseers; but Tiberius was against it, making a Difference in the Rights of the Priests, and producing Examples for it. And that therefore the Augustales q were joyn'd with [...]hem, because a peculiar [Page] Priesthood of that House, for which the Prayers were made.

LXVI. It is not my Intention to relate here all Propositions, but only such as are memorable for their Honesty, or shameful for their Infamy. For I look upon the chief Part of an Historian to be, not to conceal Virtues, nor Vices. That therefore every one may be afraid of doing or speaking ill, lest they become In [...]amous with Posterity². But those tim [...]s were so corrupted with base Flattery, that not only the best of the City were forced [...]o keep their Reputation in that manner, but also the Consuls, most of the Praetors, and many pedaryr Senators, strove which should propound things most base and mean. 'Tis reported, Tiberius never went out of the Senate, but he said in Greek, O how ready these Men are for Slavery! so much did he abhor base and servile Submission, who could not bear Publick Liberty.

LXVII. From Dishonourable things they fell by degrees [Page] to wicked³ Practices. Mamercus Scaurus that had been Consul, Iuni [...]s Otho, Praetor, and Brutidius Niger, the Edile, [...]prosecuted C. Silanus, Pro-consul of As [...]a, accus'd for his Corruptions in the Provinces, Charging him with prophaning the Divinity of Augustus, and contemning the Majesty of Tiberius. Mam [...]rcus justified himself from ancient Presidents, alledging that L. [...]otta had been accused by Scipio Africanus, S. Galba, by Cato the Censor, and P. Rutilius, by M. Scaurus. a very unlikely thing, Scipio and Cato should ever take such Revenges, or Scaurus, Great Grand-father to this Mamercus, who dishonour'd his Ancestors by so infamous an Action. Iunius Otho, who formerly taught School, and afterwards was made a Senator by Sejanus's Interest, brought his obscure beginning into Reproach by these Villanies¹. Brusidius was a Man well qualified, and if he had taken a right Course, might have come to Preferment▪ he was too impatient, which made him first endeavour to outgo his Equals, then his Superiors; and at last, even his own Hopes. Which hath been the ruine of many good Men, who have hastned to gain that before their time, which they might have had with a little Patience, and possessed with Security².

[Page] LXVIII. G [...]llius Poplicola and M. Paconius, one Silanus's Treasurer, the other his Lieutenant, encreased the number of Informers. There was no doubt he was guilty of Cruelty and Avarice, but many other things were accumulated, dangerous to the Innocent. For besides so many Senators that were his Enemies, he was to answer himself the most Eloquent of Asia, that were pick'd out to be his Accusers; he was ignorant in Pleading, and in dread of his Life, (which was enough to have confounded the ablest Person.) Tiberius refrained not pressing him with hard Expressions, and a severe Countenance, he ask'd many Questions, but gave him not Liberty to answer, or reply; he often confess'd, what he might have denied, that Tiberius might not seem to ask in vain. And his Slaves were sold, that so they might be examin'd upon the Rack. And he was also accus'd of Treason to make [Page] it necessary for his Friends to be silent, and leave him. He desir'd a few days, then let fall his Defence, and had the Courage to send Letters to Tiberius mixed with Prayers and Complaints.

LXIX. Tiberius to justifie the Proceeding against Silanus, caus'd the Records of Augustus against Volesus Messala, Pro-consul also of Asi [...], to be read, and a Decree of the Senate against him³. Then asked L. Piso's Iudgment, who after a long Discourse of the Prince's Clemency⁴, concluded he should be banish'd to the Island Gyarus. The rest agreed with him, only Cn. Lentulus thought it fit that the Goods of his Mother Corn [...]lia (for he was by another Woman) should be separated from the rest, and given her Son, to which Tiberius consented. But Cornelius Dolabella to flatter mores, after he had blamed Silanus's Morals, added, That for the future, no Person of a Scandalous and Infamous Life, should draw Lots for the Government of the Provinces, and that the Prince should be Iudge thereof. ¹ [Page] The Laws punish Crimes, but how much better were it for us to provide none shall be committed?

LXX. Against which Tiberius spoke. ‘That he was not ignorant of the Reports of Silanus, but common Fame was not always to be believed. Many had behaved themselves otherwise in the Provinces, than we hop'd or fear'd. For some being employ'd in weighty Affairs, have been excited² to better Behaviour, others [Page] became more sloathful. That a Prince could not foresee all things; Neither was it Expedient he should be led away by the Ambition of others. That Laws were made against Facts, because future things are uncertain. So was it ordain'd by our Ancestors, That Punishments should follow Offences. Therefore they were not to alter what was so wisely Decreed³. That Princes had Charge sufficient⁴, and Power enough; That as their Power encreas'd, the Laws grew weak, and Absolute Power was not to be used, where the Laws would do.’ This Answer was the better received, because Tiberius was seldom Popular▪ And as he was Wife in moderating things (unless transported with Passion) he said, The Island Gyarus was Barbarous and Uninhabited, and [Page] was for their shewing so much Favour to one of the Iunian Family, and that had been of their own Body, as to send him rather to Cythera: Which Torquata, Silanus's Sister, a Lady of eminent Virtue, desir'd, and all condescended to.

LXXI. Afterwards the Cyrenians were heard, and Caesius Cordus, upon the Accusation of Ancarius Priscus, was condemn'd for Corruption. L. Ennius, a Roman Gentleman, was accused of Treason for converting the Prince's Statue into common uses in Plate, Tiberius acquitted him, yet Ateius Capito openly complain [...]d, and with great Liberty said, ‘That the Determining such a Matter ought not to be taken from the Senate, nor so heinous a Crime go unpunish'd; That the Emperor might be as merciful as he pleas'd, in punishing Offences committed against himself▪ yet ought not to pardon those against the Common-Wealth⁵.’ Tiberius understood these things rather in the sense they were intended, than as they were spoken, and persisted in acquitting Ennius. This was the more Dishonourable in Capito, that he who was so learned in Humane and Divine Laws, should so blemish himself the Publicku and the good Qualities that were so Eminent in him¹.

[Page] LXXII. Then a Question arose, in what Temple the Offering should be placed, which the Roman Knights had Vowed to Fortuna Equestris, for Augusta's Recovery: For tho' that Goddess had many Temples in the City, none bore that Namex There was one found so called at Antium, and all the Rites in the Cities of Italy, the Temples and Images of the God's being subject to the Roman Empire, they appointed it should be placed at Antium. And this matter being in Debate, Tiberius takes occasion to give his Opinion, which he had deferr'd, about Servius Maluginensis, Priest of Iupiter. He produced, and read a Decree of the Pontiffs. ‘That when the Flamen, Dial, or Priest of Iupiter fell into any sickness, he might with the High Priest's Permission, be absent from Rome two days, provided it was not on the Days of Sacrifice², nor more than twice in a year.’ [Page] Which being ordained in Augustus's time, sufficiently shewed they could not be absent a whole year, nor consequently govern Provinces. He remembred likewise the Example of L. Metellus the High-Priest, who kept Aulus Posthumius, Iupiter's Priest in the City. And therefore Asia came to his share, who was next among the Consuls to Maluginensis.

LXXIII. Then Lepidus desired leave of the Senate to Repair and Beautifie at his own Charge, Paulus Emilius's Basilica,y, the Monument of that Family. For at that time, particular Men endeavoured to shew their Magnificence by publick Buildings, and Augustus forbidz not [Page] Taurus, Philippus, and Balbus, bestowing the Spoiles they had taken from the Enemy, or their great Riches, for the Ornament of the City and Glory of Posterity. In imitation of which Examples, tho' Lepidus was not very rich, yet would he revive the Honour of his Ancestors. Pompey's Theatre, that was accidentally burnt, the Emperor promised to rebuild at his own Charges, there being none of that Family left able to do it, and that it should still retain Pompey's Name³. On this Occasion he much commended Sejanus, to whose Vigilance he imputed it, that the Fire did no more mischief, and the Senate Decred, Sejanus's Statue should be erected in the Theatre.

LXXIV. A little after, when Tiberius honoured Iunius Bloesus, Proconsul of Africa, with a Triumph, he said, he did it in regard to Sejanus, whose Uncle he was; yet Blaesus had deserved those Honours. For Tacfarinas, tho [...] routed several times, rallied his Troops together in the middle of Africk, and had the Insolence to send Ambassadors to Tiberius, to require a Country for himself and his Army, or else threatned perpetual War. ‘'Tis said, Tiberius was never in greater Passion for any Affront to him or People of Rome, than to have a Traitor and Robber deal with him like a just Enemy’ ¹. Spartacus, [Page] after he had with Impunity harrassed Italy, defeated so many Consular Armies, and burnt so many Towns, was never Capitulated with, tho' the Commonwealth was then weakned with the Wars of Sertorius and Mithidrates, and when the City is in a flourishing Condition shall she make Peace with Tacfarinas, a Robber, and give him Lands? He committed this matter to Blaesus, with order to promise Pardon to those would lay down their Arms, and to take their Captain what Rate soever he cost him.

LXXV. Most of his Men accepted Pardon, and made War upon him in the like manner as he had done upon others. For as he wanted strength, and understood pillaging better than they, he commonly divided his Army into several Parts, would fly when attacked, and draw the Romans into Ambuscades, if they pursued. Their Army was divided into three Parts, one of which was commanded by Cornelius Scipio, Blaesus's Lieutenant, who was to march where Tacfarinas wasted the Leptins, and the Retreats of the Garamantes. Blaesus's Son led another Body to keep the Cirtensians from joyning him. The General marched in the middle, erecting Castles and Fortresses in [...]itting Places, which brought the Enemy into great Streights. For which way soever he went, he found the Roman Forces in his Front, on his Flanks, or his Rear, and so had many killed, or taken. Afterwards Blaesus divided these three Bodies into several Parties, the Command of which he gave to Captains of Experienced Courage. And when Summer was over, he drew not his Men out of the Field, and sent them into [Page] Winter-quarters in Old Africa a, as was usual, but as if it had been the beginning of War, having built new Forts, he followed Tacfarinas with light Horsemen, that were well acquainted with those Desarts, who daily changed his Quartersb, till his Brother was taken, then retired with more speed than was for the quiet of the Country, leaving those behind him might revive the War. But Tiberius concluding it ended, allowed Blaesus the Honour to be saluted Emperor by the Legions. An ancient Honour victorious Armies formerly gave their Generals, upon the first transports of their Ioy. And had sometimes several Emperors together, all of equal Dignity. Augustus granted some of his Captains this Honour, and Tiberius at last to Blaesus.

LXXVI. This year two great Men died, Asinius Saloninus, Nephew to M. Agrippa and Pollio Asinius, and Brother to Drusus c, designed to have been Married to one of Germanicus's Daughters; and Capito Ateius, who was mentioned before, and had raised himself by his Studies to the highest Dignity in the City, but his Grandfather Sullanus was only a Centurion, and his Father Pretor Augustus hastened him the Consulship, that by the Dignity of that Office, he might be preferr'd before Labeo Antistius ¹, who was not inferiour to him. For that [Page] Age had these two great Ornaments of Peace together, but Labeo was most esteemed by reason of his Freedom² of Speechd; and Capito's Complaisance was more acceptable to the Princes. One was much valued, because of the Injury done him in that he was not advanced higher than a Praetor³, and the other envied because he was made Consul¹.

[Page] LXXVII. And Iunia died in the 64th year after the Philippensian War. She was Cato's Neice, C. Cassius's Wife, and M. Brutus's Sister. Her Will was much discoursed of⁴, because when she had honourably named all the great Persons, and left them Legacies, she omitted Tiberius ⁵, [Page] which he took not ill⁶, neither hindred the Solemnizing her Funerals in an Oration to the People, and other Ceremonies⁷. The Images of Twenty Noble Houses were carried before her Body, among which were those of the Mantii, Quincti, and others of their Rank. But Cassius and Brutus were the more remembred, because their Images⁸ were not seen there.

The End of the First Volume▪

Notes

a

Or, Brundusium, an Archiepiscopal City in the Kingdom of Naples, w [...]ch has a strong Castle and safe Harbour, and lies upon the Adriatick Sea.

↵

1.

However magnificent and extraordinary the Funerals of a Prince are, nothing does more Honour to his Memory, than the Grief of the People that lament the loss of him. The History of Portugal, says, That upon the Death of Iohn II. all the Kingdom went into Mourning, and at Lisbon the Barbers were [...]orbid Shaving any Person for 6 Months, which was never done for any King before. Dialogo quarto Varia Historia, c. 11.

↵

2.

At the Funerals of Princes it is an infallible sign of great Affliction, when the great Men and Magistrates decline those Honours that are due to their Rank. Now the Masters of Ceremonies have more to do to regulate the Claims of Officers, and to adjust the Disputes among Great Men, than in all the other Parts of their Office: So that Princes Funerals are oftner memorable for the Disorders that happen at them, than for the Universal Affliction.

↵

3.

The Laws of Nature are the same to Princes as the rest of Mankind. Grief for their Children and Princes of their Blood is not unbecoming them, provided it does not degenerate into Weakness, nor Excess. Henry III. of France, in my Opinion▪ little regarded his Dignity when he assisted at the Interrment of Cardinal Biragne, in the Habit of a Penitent▪ and it looks as if he had forgot he was a King, when he kissed the Bodies of Quelus and Maugiron his Favourites▪ Iournal de son Regne▪ 1578.

↵

b

Cabrera, speaking of the Funerals of Don Carlos, says, That Cardinal Espinosa attended the Body only to the Church Door, because he would not be at the Ceremony of the Service, pretending himself indisposed; tho' he might with more Truth have said it was because his being there would have displeased the King, who was not sorry for his Death. The 5th Chapter in the 8th Book of his History.

↵

4.

Of all the Duties of Nature, there is not any a good Mother is less obliged to observe, than that of assisting at her Son's Funerals. Upon such an Occasion she is too much afflicted to behold what will only encrease her Sorrow, or to endeavour appearing unconcern'd, when it will bring her natural affection in question.

↵

5.

A Prince that is not afflicted, but rather rejoices at the Death of one whom the People regret, acts more wisely in not appearing at his Funerals, for fear it be discover'd that his Sorrow is only [...]eigned, or that he is displeased at the Honour paid to the Memory of one he always Hated.

↵

c

In the 18th chapter of 1 Kings, 'tis said, Saul began to hate David mortally after the Women of Israel sang and played before him for his overcoming Goliah, and their using these Words, Saul hath killed his Thousands, but David his Ten Thousands: Why have they, said he, ascribed unto David Ten Thousand, and to me that am their King only a Thousand; and what can he have more save the Kingdom? This Song was rather a Satyr against Saul than any thing else. What Mortification was it to Henry III. to understand, that the Preachers at Paris Preached as if they had no King, but that it was through the Courage and Constancy of the Duke of Guise, the Ark fell not into the Hands of the Philistines, and that Heresie Triumphed not over Religion. Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587.

↵

6.

Those Commendations the People give to one of Royal Birth, whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince, always cost him dear, for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour, but make the Prince▪ desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference. Witness Saul, who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them. The Acclamations of the Parisians, in Favour of the Duke of Guise, that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop, raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him: And not without Cause, for the Ceremony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation, (1587.) Besides, Tiberius, whose Maxim it was, To moderate the Honours done to Women, and even those to his Mother, who had given him the Empire, could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina, whom the People so much adored.

↵

d

The Latin, says Iuliorum, but that is a transposing the Letters of Liviorum, For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their Ancestors. The Iulii were not related to Drusius, but the Livii were by his Mother. And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony.

↵

e

Rostra, a goodly fair Edifice, in which was an Orator's Pulpit, deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium, in a memorable Sea- [...]ight, and from thence in Latin Rostra, hath this Place taken its Name.

↵

f

The word Effigies ought not to be used here, (says Fremont de Ablancourt) because it is not spoken here of any thing set up, and that word cannot properly be used but on such an occasion. Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation. The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII. when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis.

↵

1.

If Princes are not really concerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick, they ought at least to seem so. And that Tacitus means by these Words, Doloris imit [...]menta. When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon, the Portuguese thought it strange, that their new King▪ Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick, contrary to the Custom of their Kings, who upon the Death of their Ministers, and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown, kept up some days. And to make an odious Comparison, some remembred, that Emanuel, his Mother's Brother, lockt up himself for three days, upon the Death of a famous Pilor. Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Union du Portugal a la Castille.

↵

2.

It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes: For the People not being able to discern right, would have the Prince espouse their Passions, and accommodate himself to their Humour; and he, on the contrary, would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they understand not. The People are not capable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince, when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to, or unbecoming his Dignity.

↵

3.

When the Prince would justifie an Action, which he knows the People do, or may interpret amiss, he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predecessors; for the later the Example is, it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought.

↵

g

The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia, both fought on the 17th of Iuly, in different Years, and four others, that of Ticinum, Techia, Lago di Perugia, and Cannae, where so many Roman Knights were killed, that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings, an Account of the number of the Slain by that of their Rings.

↵

h

Of the Scipio's in Spain, and so many others.

↵

i

All the Fabii, who were 306 near Relations, perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera; but by good Fortune, there was one staid at home because of his being very young, who restored the Family.

↵

4.

Kingdoms, says Ant. Perez, are in respect of Kings; the same as Species are to their Individuals: The Philosophers say, the Species are Eternal, because naturally they never end, though Individuals perish, like Accidents, Kings make not Kingdoms, but Kingdoms make Kings. Dans ses secondes Lettres.

↵

k

Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess, called by the Romans, Magna Mater. Her Statue was brought in great Pomp from Pessinum in Greece to Rome: These Games consisted only in Scenical Sports, and were a solemn time of Invitation to Entertainments among Friends. They were always celebrated in April.

↵

5.

Whatever Discontents the People are under, propose to them Plays and Shews, and they soon forge [...] the Causes of them. 'Tis a more easi [...] Transition from Sorrow to Ioy, than from Ioy to Sorrow. A Carousal or Mascarade sometimes will reduce them to their Duty. They are amused by such sort of Diversions, as Children are quieted, when they cry, by Babies.

↵

1.

The most dangerous of all Poisons, is that operates without leaving any visible sign thereof. It was impossible to prove Germanicus was poisoned. All the Proof was only from the Correspondence of Plancina with Martina. The Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. of France, mentions a Servant of the Duke of Alenson, called Blondel, accused of Poisoning his Master, and was several times put upon the Rack, tho' there was no other Evidence against him, than Suspicion, because he had been a Servant to Cardinal Biragne, who, according to the Testimonly of Admiral Coligni, told Charles IX. and H [...]nry III. They would never have an end of their Enemies, but by the help of their Cooks.

↵

2.

Princes are very well pleased to find Persons that will clear the Way for them to the Throne: but when such Services are done by Poisoning or Murder, if they be wise, they will be cautious how they shew any Acknowledgement for them, when they hav [...] no share in the Crime. In these matters, to be Grateful is to be an Accomplice, and to be Ungrateful is a sign of Prudence and Equity.

↵

3.

It much concerns Princes to revenge the Death of their Predecesso [...]s that are Murthered or Poisoned, for there is no other way to assure their own Lives, than by taking care there be no Example of Impunity for a Prince's Death. If the Successor punish it not, that tells the People, a Conspi [...]acy may be sometimes just and reasonable. An Opinion Princes ought to be careful to prevent. Unde [...] Claudius, Chereas and Lupus, who killed Caligula, suffered, tho' this Murther mounted him into the Throne. Domitian likewise punished Epaphroditus for having only assisted Nero to kill himself, tho' he was proscribed by a Decree of the Senate. Nerva, on the contrary, exposed himself to the Fury of the Soldiers, because he would not deliver up the Murtherers of Domitian: From which Danger, nothing saved him, but his adopting Trajan. Yet it has been at all times an inviolable Maxim among Princes, Never to pardon those that have killed their Predecessors, nor those that have Murthered any Foreign Prince. Tho' Albert Duke of Austria, was chosen King of the Romans, in the Life of the Emperor Adolph of Nassau [...] ▪ and after the Death of Adolph, whom he killed in a Duel, when he would have had his Election confirmed, or rather a new Election made; some of the Electors, and many of the Princes of th [...] Empire, made a Complaint against him to the Elector Palatin, whereby they would set aside this second Election, as a Man that having killed his Predecessor, was incapable and unworthy to succeed him. Oxenstiern de Ratione Status, c. 5. part. 1.

↵

4.

It always becomes a Prince to speak graciously to those that are accused, and justifie themselves, tho' he knows they are guilty; for fear, if he behave himself otherwise, his Passion or particular Hatred be lookt upon as the Cause of their Condemnation.

↵

5.

A Prince that gives himself the Trouble to Instruct his Son, soon makes him an able Man: For the Schollar is the more Docile, because of the Respect he bears to the Authority of his Master; and the Master more Careful because of the Interest he has in the Eduation of his Schollar. Paterculus ascribes all the Abilities of Tiberius to the Divine Precepts of Augustus. Innutritus Coelestium praeceptorum disciplinis, Hist. 2. Cabrera says, That Charles V. when he returned to Spain after his Abdication, had thoughts himself of Educating of Don Carlos, the Prince of Spain, who neither regarded his Governors nor Tutors, but his want of Health prevented. It may be too, he changed his Mind because he would not teach him Maxims of Policy, which are dangerous for an ill Temper, such as Don Carlos, to learn. Diego de Mendosa, says, That it is the Custom for the Princes of L [...]on, to take their Children with them to the Wars, and to be their Masters in all parts of their Education. [The Ponces, formerly Dukes of Cadiz, now Dukes of Arcos, are Hereditary Grandees, and that Honour is always in their Family, as the Guzmans, Dukes of Medina-Sidonia, their Rivals: These two Houses are distinguished from other Grandees originally, because of the twelve Families that enjoy this Honour, there is yet only the Guzmans and Ponces that the King of Spain hath named and acknowledged such.] Ch. 9. & 14. du liv. 4. de la Guerre de Grenade.

↵

l

Now la Marca d' Ancona.

↵

m

That is one of the great Ways to Rome, made by Flaminius the Consul.

↵

6.

When a great Man is suspected by his Prince, or actually accused of any Crime against the State, he cannot be guilty of a greater Imprudence than to Converse with the Soldiers, especially if he had any Credit before among them. So Piso, that was called, The Father of the Legions, after he was accused by the Senator Sentius, for endeavouring to raise a Civil-war in the Province, encreased the Suspicion of that Crime, by conversing familiarly with the Legion that returned to Rome.

↵

n

A C [...]ty of Umbria.

↵

7.

Pomp, Ceremony, Festivals and Rejoycings, are accounted so many new Crimes in one accused of Designs against the State; for it is indeed to brave a Prince and the Laws, in shewing he fears them not. Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, but that troubled him. Piso should have forbore entring with so much Splendour, and making those Shews at his House, which served only to raise a publick Displeasure, by the Comparison was made betwixt his Rejoycings, and the Silence, Sorrow and Mourning at Agrippina's. Cabrera says, The Magnificence Anthony Perez lived in, while the Wife and Children of the Secretary Iuan Escovedo, whom he had caused to be Assassinated, prosecuted his Death, so provok'd the People, that Phillip II. was at last forced to give him over to Iustice, which treated him with great Rigour.

↵

1.

The diversity of Humours and Interests among those, compose an Assembly, opens the way to all Passion, and then it is impossible to discern Truth from Falshood, which has always Prejudice for its Advocate.

↵

2.

A Criminal, when the People seek for his Death with Threats that they will cut him in pieces, tho' he should be acquitted by his Iudges, would find [...]t difficult getting Advocates to make his Defence. Means are often found to escape the Wrath of a Prince, but very seldom that of the People.

↵

o

They had promised Germanicus, before he died, to lose their Lives rather than his Death should be unpunished; as Tacitus says towards the end of his Second Book of Annals.

↵

3.

When a Prince has chose a Governor, or other Officer, whose Administration is blamed, he commonly divides it with his Council. So Tib [...]rius here would have it believed, that the reason why he sent Piso Governour into Syria, was in Conformity to Augustus, who had honoured him with his Friendship, and divers Employs, in which he had well acquitted himself.

↵

1.

There is great difference betwixt Offences against the Person, and the Authority of a Prince. He may pardon the first, but ought never to let the others go unpunished, because their Consequences are always dangerous to the State. For that would be, as Cardinal Richlieu has very well observed, A mistaken Clemency, more dangerous than Cruelty, Ch. 5. de l [...] seconde partie de son Testament Politique.

↵

2.

When a Prince puts a great Man into the Hands of Iustice, and there is enough against him, it is wise and honourable in him to Command the Iudges not to trouble themselves with the Examination of uncertain and doubtful Crimes, whereof he is accused, to shew he acts without Passion, and will proceed only according to Law.

↵

3.

A Prince has a double Obligation upon him, that of Nature to his Children, and of Government to his People. As he is a common Father, he ought to hold the Balance even, especially when he is to Revenge the Death or Complaints of the former.

↵

p

The Curia is the Place where the Senate used to assemble, to Consult about the publick Concerns of the Commonwealth.

↵

q

The Forum is the place where the publick Courts of Iustice sate.

↵

r

See chap. 76. l. 2.

↵

1.

For Poison, says Patin, that is always said upon the Death of Princes, of which they often make a Mystery, Lettre 69. As if, says Strada, it was a Dishonour to them to Die a Natural Death, because that would make Princes and others too equal. Livre 2. de la seconde Decade de sa Guerre de Flandres.

↵

2.

Upon State Accusations, says Cardinal Richlieu, You are to shut th [...] Door against Pity, and Despise the Complaints of those that are concerned. To be rigorous against those that Contemn the Laws and Government, is to be good for the publick, against which, a Prince cannot offend more, than in being indulgent to those that violate them. C. 5. de la seconde Partie de son Testament Politique.

↵

3.

The Prince ought never to suffer the People to take Cognizance of those accused of State-Crimes, nor let them examine, whether the Iudge [...] should acquit or condemn. I [...] thi [...] Door be once open, the People will be Masters of all Iudgments, by the Seditions they will raise in favour of those they would save, or to take of those Ministers and Publick Officers they hate.

↵

s

This was a Place where Condemned Persons were dragged and cast into the Tyber. It was up stairs, and from thencè Scala Gemonia, and Gradu [...] Gemonii, because, as some are of Opinion, the first that suffer'd in this manner his Name was Gemonius, or as others, because it was Locus Gemitus & Calamitatum. And from hence they used to throw down the Statues of Criminals. This was upon the Aventine Mount▪

↵

1.

It is a fatality in all Monarchies to have a Minister the more loved by his Prince, as he is hated by the People; and to have popular Hatred preserve those, a Prince would willingly give up, when he is informed of their Behaviour, if it were not to gratifie the People. You therefore often see Ministers and Favourites prosper and flourish, when the People clamour against them; and fall from the top of their Grandeur when the People seem weary of hating and affronting them.

↵

2.

Nothing is more dishonourable to a Prince, than to suffer a great Man to grow to that Credit or Power, as shall oblige him to cover his Faults, so that he dares not let him be questioned for Crimes against the State.

↵

3.

Every thing is sacrificed to Life, and as A. Perez says, There is not a Truer Friendship than betwixt the Soul and the Body, for they would never part. A great many Women make their Husbands all the Promises Plancina made Piso, but you see none keep them; they are the inseparable Companions of their good Fortune, but instead of com [...]orting them in bad, are oftentimes their Scourges. He is exceeding happy who meers with a good One.

↵

4.

An Historian can never be too scrupulous, when he is to relate the secret Actions of Princes. That Itch, which many Scriblers have to search into the Secrets of Princes, and to refine upon the Memoirs communicated to them, gives them not always Reputation in the world, for if with some they pass for Wise and Discerning, others very much doubt their Fidelity and Truth. They are Writers, says Strada, value themselves upon publishing Secret and Villanous things, and neglect those that are common. Like those Felons that pass by Houses that are open, and only beset those are fast. Livre ... de la seconde Decade.

↵

5.

There are some curious things an Historian ought not to omit, tho' they are difficult to be believed, and none have taken notice of them before, when he knows them from Persons of Credit, who have had some share in them, or that have seen secret Memoi [...]s. Historians, says Commines, leave us many things that they do not know to be true, but for my part I will speak of nothing but what I know to be true, or have had from great Persons that are fit to be believed. And in another Place, says, Tho' I was not in the Places where these things were done, yet I know that they were reported to the King, and by the Letters were writ him, which I often saw, because he commanded me to answer them. Chap. 13. du Liv. 5. & 4. du Liv. 6. When Strada speaks of the Apparition of Colonel Pedro de Paz to his Regiment, at a Battle near Antwerp, he appeals to Delrio, and says, That after the Testimony of a Man of so great weight, he thought he should do injury to Posterity, if he kept from them so extraordinary an Event, which was acknowledged too by many Officers upon Oath, who were present at the Battle. Liv. 6. de la seconde Decade. The Preface to M. Aubery du Maurier's Memoi [...]s is one of the best pieces he has given us a long time, and I prefer a little History, like that of the Queen of Scots's Death, which he says he learnt from his Father, who had it from Chancellor de Bellievre himself, to all his Histories he has writ upon Manuscripts, and invisible Memoirs.

↵

6.

Nothing is more difficult than to answer well to the frequent Questions of Princes; the most able are very much confounded, and with greater reason may others be so the first time they appear in a Prince's Presence, that has a severe Air of Majesty, as Tiberius, whose Countenance was as doubtful as his Words. Tiberii Serm [...]ne, vultu, adregantibus & obs [...]uris. Ann. 1.

↵

t

In the Year of Rome 746, or 747.

↵

1.

As it is certain, the Authority of a Father can never give him a Right to command his Children any thing against the State; so the Children that are of Age to know what they do, are as guilty as their Fathers when they obey in a plain Rebellion, whether they do it voluntarily, or by force: Otherwise the Duty of Filial Obedience would be a pretence for Rebellion. Now when young Piso dissuaded his Father from returning to Syria, shewing him he would raise a Civil War in the East; it is evident he knew the consequence thereof, and saw it as clearly as his Father: And besides, it appeared too by Piso's Letter to the Emperor, that his Son was not altogether innocent, as in Truth he was not, since according to the Testimony of Tacitus, he was as zealous in the War when it was begun, as he had been first in advising against it. Haud ig [...]avo administeria belli [...]uv [...]ne Pisone, quanquam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. Ann. 2.

↵

u

Which was of the Calpurnian H [...]use.

↵

2.

Tho' Princes are obliged to punish Crimes, yet it becomes them very well to pity the Misfortune of those suffer for them. After the part of a Prince is over, which is to do Iustice, without regard to the condition to those that are guilty, 'tis but Humanity to shew some Compassion, especially wh [...]n they are Persons that have done Service to the Publick. I do not see, that those who read Sixtus Quintus's Life, approve, or in any sort excuse his extravagant Zeal, which made him say, after he had beheld the Execution of a Spanish Gentleman, who was hanged before his Windows. That it was a Sauce would make him Dine with the better Appetite. Leti Liv. 2. de la seconde partie de sa Vie.

↵

3.

As Historians ought not to approve the Reflections the People make of a Prince and great Men, yet they ought less to pass them in silence; for the end of their Writing, is, to give Examples whereby we may know Good and Bad, and shun those things which Envy and Evil-speaking may interpret ill.

↵

4.

Iudges should always give Iudgment according to the severity of the Laws; 'tis not for them, but the Prince to shew Mercy. This of the Consul Cotta was rigorous, but conformable to the Laws, the chie [...] end of which is to strike terrour in Offenders. Besides, Princes love to have Iudges severe, so that if they please to shew any Mercy, the Criminals may be the more obliged to them. However, the Iudges should never exceed those Bounds their Con [...]ciences prescribe, and their Complaisance to the Prince ought not to go beyond that rigour the Law requires. For it is a rashness and injustice to condemn a Criminal to more than his Crime deserves, on supposition that the Prince will mo [...]rate the Sentence.

↵

5.

It is Wisdom in [...] Prince to stop those Sentences against great Men, that carry along with them marks of Infamy. and reflect on the Honour of their Family. Philip II. of Spain understanding the Circumstances of Gon [...]alo Pizarro's Crime, who was Beheaded in the Reign of Charles V. for endeavouring to fix himself in the Government of Peru, which his Brother had Conquered, without ever consenting to the Title of King▪ which those of the Country offered him; declares by an Act, signed with his own Hand, That Gon [...]alo was never a Traitor, tho' condemned as such, commanding that Name should be blotted out of all the Histories where he was called so. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera dons l'Epitome de la Vie de la Charles V. Those who have mind to see a Case parallel to Piso, need only read there.

↵

1.

There are often Instances in Elective Governments, that the People, who love much to Discourse of Affairs of State, speak of divers Princes, every one according to his Fancy or Desire, till at last they Name him that is chosen, Tac. Hist. 2. And as there is no Court, where so many Changes happen, nor so ma [...]y unexpected Elections, as at Rome, Scipio Ammirato had Reason from hence to Discourse of the Election of the Popes, out of which I shall give you an Extract. It seems, says he, those Wise Men that take upon them to point out who will be Elected, make Age the principal Condition of Election, concluding, the young Cardinals are never to hope for the Pontificate; which is very wrong, for Leo X. came to it at the Age of 37. Boniface VIII. at 34. Clement VII. at 45. Others take it for granted, they will never Elect a Foreigner for a Pope, because the Italian Cardinals, that are always more numerous than the Tramontans, will never suffer the Popedom to be out of their Nation. Without going farther for an Example, we see the contrary in Adrian VI. who was not only a Fleming, but had never seen Rome nor Ita [...]y. And Cardinal P [...]ol had been Pope, but that his Pious Modesty refused the Adoration at midnight. Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. who are not very ancient, were not they Spaniards? Others say. That the Cardinals of an Illustrious House, or that have many Relations can never hope for the Pontificate, and yet Paul III. and Paul IV. were both very nobly Born, and the last had so many Relations, that there is no Family in Italy has more Men, Lands, and Charges than the House of [...]araffa. And besides, Clement VII. was not only very Noble, but an absolute Lord (tho' under the modest Title of Governor) of a great part of Tuscany. How o [...]t was it said, that after the Pontificate was out of the Benedictines, they resolved it should never return into any Religious Order: Yet besides Sixtus IV. and Pius V. one a Cordelier, and the other a Dominican, in the year 1585. when of 64 Cardinals, there were only two Religious, Felix Peretti, a Franciscan, was made Pope. Testimonials sufficient, that neither young Men, nor Strangers, neither Nobles nor Monks are excluded, as their Politicks would predict. There are those also lay it down for a Rule, that they will never make a severe Man, nor one that is very liberal, or that loves War, Pope. Can they have a Pope more severe than Pius V. more Liberal than Iulius III. more stout and martial than Iulius II. From whence Ammirato concludes, That whatever the world may say, and the Cardinals Cabal together, yet the Election of Popes is without doubt directed by the Hand of God. Disc. 1, du Liv. 3. de son Comm. sur Tac. There cannot be a greater Instance of this, than what is mentioned in a Letter of Cardinal Ioyeuse, where he gives an Account to Henry IV. of France, of the Election of Cardinal Borghese, who was Paul V. instead of Cardinal Tosco, whom the Cardinals Aldrobrandi and Montalto, the Heads of the two Ch [...]ef Factions in the Conclave agreed to Elect. ‘Upon that, says he, the great Cardinal Baronius, who had always declared to Aldobrandin, he would never go to the Adoration of such a Man, spoke publickly, That he they were going to Elect was unworthy of that Charge, that it would bring a great Plague upon the Church, that he would make no Schism, but would be the last to Adore him. This was an ardent Zeal for the Honour of God, and an Example very rare, that one Cardinal alone, when they were going to Adoration, and when the rest were agreed, should dare to speak with so much Freedom. The Cardinal Aldr [...]brandin proposed to me Cardinal Borghese, conjuring me, by all the Services he he had done your Majesty, and by the Memory of Clement VIII. to agree. I consulted Cardinal Montalto, if he approved him. He told me he not only liked him very well, but that we should oblige him very much to accept him. Aldrobrandin supplicating us to do him that Favour: I answered, I thanked God that in serving two Persons, whom we honoured very much, we might have him Pope, whom your Majesty desired most, so good a Man and of so exemplary a life: And as soon as I said so, B [...]rghese was made Pope. Thus, Sir, succeeded this Negotiation, from which I believe your Majesty will have great satisfaction, to see Affairs here in such a Condition, that the Cardinals, your Subjects, are as it were, the Arbitrators of the Conclave, and have prevented the Church having a Head, whose Life and Reputation were a little blemished, and instead thereof to have one that without contradiction is esteemed very good and very wise. I will also believe it will be acceptable to your Majesty, and advantageous to France, that he owes his Election to the Cardinals your Subjects, for it cannot be denied, that they under God, have prevented the Holy See's being filled with another Person, to reserve it for him, to whom God had destined it for the Good and Service of the Church.’ Dans l'Histoire du Cardinul Ioyeuse.

↵

2.

Logo Diarrhaea, which Quintilian calls, Os Praeceps, is a great fault in an Orator. We see Preachers, whose Mouths go like the Alarum of a Clock, and whose Sermons are [...] continual labour to them. The vulgar calls that Apostolical Preaching, as if the Apostles could not otherwise deliver God's Word. This fault the Italian and Spanish Preachers abound with, whose Gesture was violent as their Pronunciation. I will add to this a Reflection on the Advice Tiberius would give Fulcinius, It is that the Precipitation and Vehemence of this Advocate displeased him, because very contrary to his easie and composed way of speaking. They that are to speak before Princes ought to accommodate their Discourse to their liking, if they would be well heard. In Augustus's Reign the Harangues were long, his being so, because of the care he took to deliver his Thoughts clearly. Under Tiberius they were short and pertinent, because his Style was concise and close. Which shews, Eloquence has its Modes, and that the Fashion and Rules of Graminar and Rhetorick are used according to the conformity they have with the present Genius of the Court.

↵

3.

It is very difficult to discover the Truth of those matters that have been differently reported when they happened. The older they are, the more obscure they become, and are intermixed with ingenious Circumstances that make them pass for Romances. Therefore the Chancellor Chivergny said in his Memoirs, he thought good to deliver the Truth of the most remarkable Things wherein most Historians deceive Posterity.

↵

y

Without which he could not fall again to his publick Imployments, which had been interrupted ever since his return to Rome, nor enjoy the Honour of the Triumph was decreed him. This Ceremony consisted in Prayers that those made who took upon them any Civil or Military Employments, to the God's to be propitious to them.

↵

z

The Ovation some fancy to have derived its Name from shouting Evion to Bacchus, but the true Original is Ovis, usually offered in this Procession, as an Ox in the Triumph. The Procession generally began at the Albanian Mountain, whence the General, with his Retinue, made his Entry into the City. He went on Foot, with many Flutes or Pipes sounding in Consort as he passed along, wearing a Garland of Myrtle, as a Token of Peace, with an Aspect rather raising Love and Respect, than Fear.

↵

a

Caius and Lucius by Poison, Agrippa Posthumus by the Sword, Agrippina by Famine.

↵

1.

Tho' Sallies, says Commines, are sometimes necessary, yet they are dangerous, for the loss of Ten Men to them is more than an Hundred to the Besiegers, because their number is not equal, and cannot Recruit at pleasure, and if they lose their Commander, (which often happens) it causes the loss of the place. Chap. 11. du Liv. 2. de ses Mem. He that is afraid of losing a Fort, ought not to make Sallies often, for Ten of the Besiegers will not recompence the loss of one of his Men, because they can Recruit, and he has no hopes of doing it. Dis. 3. du Liv. 20. de son Commentaire sur Tacite.

↵

b

[...] majores nostri, says Cicero, speaking of Decimation, ut, [...] m [...]ltis esset [...] rei militaris admissum, sor [...]ione in quosdam animadver [...]e [...]etur, ut metus videlicet adonmes, poena ad paucos perveniret. Pro Cluentio. That is, Our Ancestors have decreed, that if many offend against Martial Law, some only shall be punished by Lot, so that their Punishment may strike Terrour to all the rest. Appius Claudius seems to have been the first Author of Decimation among the Romans. His Army having forsoke him in his Expedition against the Volsci, he Decimated them at his return, and cut off the Centurions Heads after they had run the Gantle [...]. T. Liv. livrez. The same Historian says, he killed the Roman Soldiers, (vitibus,) and the Foreigners (fustibus.) Paterculus says, That the Proconsul Calvinius Domitius caused Vibillius, a Lieutenant Colon [...]l, to be slain with his Generals Staff, because he shamefully run away. Hist. 2. Chap. 78. Sometimes the Roman Consuls viges [...]a [...]ant and centesima [...]ant, i. e. punished only One of Twenty or an Hundred.

↵

2.

Decimation is the most effectual remedy for the Cowardice, Disobedience and Infidelity of Soldiers. It is rarely executed in France, but supplied with an equivalent, the breaking of Companies. What Lewis the Iust did in 1639. is remarkable, Viz. ‘The King being well informed how cowardly the Troops of Light Horse of Fontette, Castelet and Cuvilliers, left the Foot at the Battle of Thionville, and resolving such Infamy should be taken notice of, and exemplarily punished, ordered they should be broke and never raised again. His Majesty declares the Captains and Officers of the said Troops infamous, and incapable of ever having any Command, reserving himself to appoint them such Punishment as they deserved.’ And in a Letter to the Viscount de Lignon, ‘My desire is▪ says he, That you break with Disgrace, and expel your Regiment, all the Officers and Soldiers that were known to fly on that occasion, and that you let them not serve in other [...]roops, where the Contagion of their ill Conduct may make the like disorder, as at the Battle of Thionville.’ Dans le Tom. 4. des Memoires du Ministere du Cardinal d [...] Richelieu.

↵

3.

Sometimes those that are Beat, bring more Resolution, Courage and Conduct to a second Battle, than their Victors; for these are apt to relax, through Haughtiness and Pride, which Victory inspires, when the others have Shame, Anger, and a desire of Vengeance to spur them to recover the Esteem and Favour of their General, Which Tacitus says, Acri [...]r [...] disciplin [...] victi▪ quam victores agunt: hos ira, odium, ul [...]ionis cupiditas, ad virtutem accendit; illi; per fastidium & contuma [...]iam hebescunt. Hist. 2. Profuisse disciplinae ipsum pudorem. Hist. 3.

↵

4.

Princes are always pleased to have their Ministers leave to them the disposing of Rewards, especially Military Rewards, the distribution whereof draws great Consequences after it, when done by other Hands. After the Battle of Rocroy, the Bâton of Marshal was not refused M. de Gassion, because the D. d'Anguien asked it, but because the Queen Regent and Cardinal Mazarine would not let him owe that Dignity to a Victorious General. However, there is nothing gives a Soveraign greater satisfaction, than the Moderation of a Subject, who after he has done great Services will receive no Recompence from any other hand than his. Cardinal d'Ossat, speaking of the Presents Cardinal Ioyeuse had sent him, after his Promotion, said, He accepted only the Silver Basin, which might be worth an Hundred Crowns; f [...]r tho' he had not then what became him to support his Dignity, yet he would not renounce his Abstinence, that he had always preserved, to be obliged to any other Lord or Prince, than the King, Lettre 171. The King, saith a Modern Author, should be the only Master and Iudge of all Rewards, and ought to dispose them himself, so that they who receive any of them, may be persuaded they owe them to his Bounty. Besides, nothing can give juster satisfaction to Subjects, who have a true Sense of Honour, than to receive a Favour from the King's own Hand, because the Dignity of the Royal Hand adds a Quality to the Present that augments its excellence and value. Chap. 9. du Traité de la Politique d [...] Franc [...].

↵

5.

It is easie to persuade Iudges, a Woman that commits Adultery would Poison her Husband:

↵

c

Ita enim apud Roman [...]s, says Appian, futuri anni Consul primus censet.

↵

1.

'Tis very certain, if Tiberius had desired to have saved Lepida, he would have let his Son have spoke first, to have had the Reputation of it, to which the [...] would willingly have consented, because the Contempt they had for Quirinus, her Accuser, would have enclined the Iudges to shew her Favour. He would not let his Son declare himself first, under pretence of leaving others to their liberty, but in effect, that they might do what he would not be thought the Author of; and to shew, that instead of imposing a necessity on the Iudges to follow Drusus's Opinion, he might pretend Drusus conformed to theirs, which threw the Odium on them. See how Prince's Actions are covered with shews of Modesty, Clemency and Iustice. When Philip II. King of Spain, preserved the Lady Elizabeth, and gained her Liberty, after she was committed to the Tower upon Wiat's accusing her, this Action was magnified by the Spaniards, as a singular Example of Clemency and Generosity. When he would not consent she should be sent into Spain to be shut up in a Convent, the English believed it to be for the Reason he gave the Queen, because the Kingdom would have reason to complain, if the Lawful Heir was taken from them when the Queen and he had no Children. When to prevent the [...]eheading of her, he told the Queen, That the Prince, who has his Hands in the Blood of his Relations, prepares a Sword for himself, she believed him concerned for her Safety. But all these were only Pretences▪ as his own Historian Cabrera allows. ‘The French, says he, would have it, That Philip saved Elizabeth only out of State Policy to prevent England's being joyned after the Queen's Death in Mary Queen of Scots, who had Married the Dauphin of France, by which Union France had been formidable to the Low Countri [...]s, which was very tr [...]e. And God suffer'd Elizabeth to disturb and divide these Provinces, and to give Philip great Trouble for preferring his own Interest to that of Religion, in saving one was afterwards the greatest Enemy the Roman Church ever had. Thus God punishes Princes who prefer the Welfare of their Temporal Affairs before their Conscience.’ Chap. 7. & 10. du Liv. 1. de son Histoire, & Aubery du Maurier dans la Préface de ses Memoires.

↵

d

The Calph [...]nii and Aemilii were very considerable Fam [...]lies in Rome.

↵

e

Decius.

↵

f

Tacitus, says, Valida in R [...]mp. fortuna, which rendring Literally, is, He had good Fortune against the Commonwealth. And I believe, that is the Author's true Sense, who in my Opinion would take notice of the extraordinary good Fortune he had to make himself by force of Arms absolute Master of the Empire. For if Tacitus would only have spoke of his Government, he should have said in Rep. and not in Remp. Which none of the Spanish, Italian or French Translators have observed, but Rodolfus, who says, (as Fortune was very favourable to the Emperor Augustus, against the Commonwealth.) But I think it more proper to content my self wi [...] the common Interpretation, making only a Grammatical Note upon it, (which I do seldom) Non ut arguerem, sed ne arguerer.

↵

2.

It is fatal to Princes that are happy in their Government, to be unfortunate in their Families, either by the Disobedience of their Children, as Charles VII. of France, Philip II. of Spain, or in the Lewdness of their Wives or Daughters, as Augustus, Tiberius, and many others. Besides, Augustus deserved this very well, because he forgot all the Sacred Tyes of Friendship when he consulted his Pleasure, and abused Mecenas's Wife, who was his first Minister and Favourite, which has given occasion to Arioste the Italian Poet, to say,

Non fù si santo nè benigno Augusto,

Come la tromba di Virgilio suona[?].

i. e. Augustus was not so Virtuous, nor so Good, as Virgil tells us.

↵

3.

The Prince that observes not his own Laws, gives room to think, either that they are unjust, or not necessary, and brings publick Hatred on himself, if he makes others rigorously observe them. The more severe Laws are, the more it concerns a Prince to Authorise them by his Example, which wins those would otherwise oppose them. Macchiave [...] gives us a very considerable Relation, which shews how dangerous it is for the Maker of a Law to Break it. He says, That Fryar [...], having among other things, for the security of the Government of Florence, obtained a Law for Appeals to the People in Matters of State▪ both from the Senate and the Council of Eight, (which he had a long time solicited, and got with much difficulty at last.) It happened, that not long after, there were five Persons Condemned to Death by the Senate, who endeavouring earnestly to Appeal to the People, were denied it, and could not have the Benefit of that Law, which was greater Diminution to the Reputation of the Fryar, than any thing had ever happened before. For if that Law was of such Importance as he pretended, it ought to have been observed; if not, Why was it solicited so earnestly? And it was the more remarkable in the Fryar, because in his Sermons and Discourses afterwards to the People, he neither blamed the breaking of that Law, nor went about to excuse it: For being to his purpose, he would condemn it, and excuse it he could not, having nothing to say; which Action having discovered the Ambitious Partiality of his Mind, lessened his Repute, and loaded him with Scandal. Chap. 45. Liv. 1. de ses Disc. Sixtus V. lost a little the Reputation he had of a constant Man, by one or two Promotions he made extra tempora in 1587. after his Bull, whereby he decreed, That no Promotions should be made but in Ember-Week in December. Leti livri dernier de sa Vi [...].

↵

g

So I render, Amicitia Caesaris prohiberi; for Tacitus says by that the Romans declared they renounced Friendship with those had offended them. [...]orem fuisse majoribus, quotis dirimerent amicitias, interdicere domo, [...]ùmque finem gratiae ponere. Ann. 6. To which Tacitus's Words to Tiberius in his Harangue against Piso; Si obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit, ejusdémque & luctu meo laetatus est, odero, seponàmque à domo mea. Ann. 3.

↵

h

There were three sorts of Exile; the first was called Deportatio. Transportation, this was perpetual, and extended to loss of Estates and Privivileges. Ann. 1. Deportati autem jus civitatis & bona amittebant. The second was Relegatio, by which a Criminal was sent to such a Place or such a time, or perhaps for ever, but not deprived of the Priviledge of a Roman Citizen. The third, Depended on the Will and Pleasure of the Prince, by a certain Writing under his Hand to those he suspected, or had offended him, and he recalled them at Pleasure.

↵

1.

Princes ought to forbear as much as may be, reversing what their Predecessors have done. For besides that, this Respect is of good Example for their Subjects, who have therefore the greater Reverence for Majesty, it is a lesson to their Successors, how to behave themselves towards them. Never any Prince had greater Cause to be discontented with his Predecessor, and despise his Memory, than David, and yet he not only slew him that brought the News of Saul's Death and his Crown, and lamented him that would often have killed him, he makes his Elegy, magnifies his Valour, his Liberality, his Riches, the Loveliness of his Person, saying to the People of Israel, He was swifter than Eagles, he was stronger than Lions, 2. Sam. c. 1. Lewis XII. of France was very ill used under Charles VIII. yet he turned out few of his Officers, but said he would maintain every Man in his Estate, whereby he gained great Honour. Commines dans le dernier Chapitre de ses Memoires.

↵

i

This Law was made by Papius and Poppeus, when Consuls, and contained Rewards and Punishments. That the Magistrates should have Precedence according to the number of their Children, or a Married Man before a Batchellor. That in Elections, those who had most Children should be prefer'd; That any Person might stand sooner than ordinary for an Office if he had so many Children as to be capable of it. That whosoever in the City had three Children, in other Parts of Italy four, and in the Provinces five, (some say seven) should be excused all troublesome Offices. Hence came the famous Iustrium Liberorum, which the Emperor's often indulged to several to whom Nature had denied it. On the other side, Unmarried Persons were uncapable of receiving any Legacy or Inheritance by Will, unless from near Relations.

↵

2.

When Men had rather want the Comforts and Pleasures of Marriage than to bring upon themselves the Necessity of Children, and consequently of multiplying the Misfortunes of their Families, 'tis a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government. It was in this Sense, Pliny the younger wrote to Trajan, that he desired Children in his Reign, because he was assured of being an happy Father. And Tacitus says, After the English had lost a Battle, whereby they were at the Mercy of the R [...] mans, they fell into so great a Despair, that many of them killed their Wives and Children, tanquam misererentur, in compassion to them, to deliver them from a cruel Slavery that was coming upon their Country. In Agricola.

↵

3.

Pagliari pleasantly asks, Who were these Men had this Simplicity and Innòcence Tacitus speaks of? The first Man that was Born in the World killed the second, we ought then to conclude, since Adam's Fall by Disobedience, there have always been good and bad. Obser [...]ation 341. But probably Tacitus never read Genesis.

↵

4.

Divers Monarchies have been turned into Commonwealths, some through the Inconstancy or Untractableness of the People, but most through the unbounded liberty of their Kings, who would not content themselves with a Legal Authority. Therefore, says Antonio Perez, if Princes love and would preserve themselves, they ought not so much to beware of those Physicians, that either through Ignorance or Flattery, or particular Hatred, suffer them to Eat what is contrary to their Health, as Counsellors that give them an Arbitrary Power without Bounds. For such Counsellors will soon tire out the Patience of the People, and consequently make them Dethron [...] their Masters. Dans ses Relations.

↵

5.

Laws ought to bear a [...]roportion to the condition of Men, for they are made like Remedies in Physick, to Sute the Nature of Distempets. A Law-Giver that shall make Laws against Vices and Corruptions, unknown to the People he governs, will debauch their Innocence, by teaching what they should rather be ignorant of. Like imprudent Confessors, that by unnecessary Questions instruct Girls in the Knowledge of Ill, before they know the difference of their Sex. Or like some Preachers, that to Confute Errors and Infidelity, raise such Scruples and Objections as their Answers do not sufficiently clear, and instead of confirming the People in the Faith, make many of them curious and inquisitive, and Scepticks, if not downright Atheists.

↵

k

They are now the Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia.

↵

6.

The more cunning and discerning People are, the more numerous the Laws should be, for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen, nor all the Subtilties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law, or at least, the Exceptions will be found, that is the Reasons against obeying it hic & nunc; he is obliged to explain his Law, or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise. There is no Country where there are better Laws, nor more than in Normandy, for the Normans have always been very cunning, and are in France like the Athenians in Greece.

↵

7.

According to Plato, Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Government. The worst if absolute, the best if limited. Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary, learn them to Tyrannize, not Reign, not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience, but to make them Rebel. No Princes have ever been better Obeyed, nor consequently more Princes, than those that have not set themselves above the Laws. Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII. of France, that at his Accession to the Crown; obtained of the States at Tours, a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thousand Livres, (which was▪ says he, rather too much than too little) tho' the Kingdom had been under gri [...]vous Taxes for Twenty Years. On the contrary, when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire, his People will not Obey him, nor Succour him in his Necessities; but instead of aiding him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands, they despise and run into Rebellion against him. Chap. dernier du liv. 5. de ses Memoires.

↵

8.

See the end of Independent, Arbitrary and Unlimited Authority▪ which Flatterers make Princes assume. See what happened to Henry III. of France, of whom it is said, he forbid the French make any Applications to him, and taught them there was no other measure of Iustice than his Will. Mezeray de sa Vie. ‘One thing that most hur [...] this poor Prince, says the Chancellor de Chiverny, was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Sufficiency, despising others Iudgments, which is the greatest Misfortune that can befal a Prince, or any other Person.’ Dans s [...]s M [...] moirs.

↵

9.

The Nobility always love a Prince, whatever he is, better than a popular Government, where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality, which they cannot bear, being used to Distinction. For it is the same with Great Men, as it was with Agrippa, Augustus's Son-in-Law, who, according to Paterculus, willingly obeyed one, but in revenge would command all others. Parendi, sed uni, scientissimus, aliis sanè imperandi cupidus.

↵

l

See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus.

↵

10.

Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions, and consequently great Affairs to Transact with other Princes, than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries: Besides that, it teaches him to distinguish good and bad in every Government, shews him proper Expedients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government, whether in his Revenue, in his Military Discipline, in his Courts of Iustice, and in all other Parts thereof. Mariana says, That Henry III. of Castile, sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes, and to Mahometans, only to inform him their manner of Governing, so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own, and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions. What might have been expected from this Prince, who died at 27 years old, and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain? Chap. 14. de liv. 19. de son Histoire.

↵

m

That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood, in which Tacitus is so short, it is in my Opinion proper to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus, which relate very well those Dissentions. Scip [...]o Nasica, says he, was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus, his Cosin, to prevent the Execution of the Lege [...] Agrariae, made in favour of the People. Ten years after, Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius, taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus, who, either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death, or to open a way to Sovereignty, which he affected, exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother, and subverted the Governme [...]t of the City and State. The Gracchi being Dead, Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death, which was not liked, as proc [...]ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi, than a desire to make publick Examples of them. The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glaucia, and Saturninus Apuleius, who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed, and to prevent others being chose in their Places, (which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores) dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People, which obliged Marius, then Consul the sixth time, to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred. The Tribunate of Livius Drusus, who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes, which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights, was neither more quiet nor happier, all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour, chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues, than be beholding to him for the Honour he would procure them. So much envi [...]d they his Glory, which appeared to them too great. The Death of Dr [...]sus, who was killed as the Gracchi, for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy, (which explains Tacitus, Corrup [...]i sp [...], aut [...] per intercessionem socii) kindles a War in Italy, or of the Contederates, [...] who presently demanded this Honour, complaining with good Reason, that they were treated like Strangers by a City, maintained by their Arms, tho' of the same Nation, the same Blood, and Rome obliged to them for her great Power. This War was the first occasion of raising, Cn. Pomp [...]ius, Marius and Sylla, who turned those Arms against the City they were entrusted with against the Allies. For Sylla, that was of a noble Family, out much lessened in their Greatness, valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy, demanded the Consulate, and obtained [...] by the Su [...]rag [...]s of almost all the Citizens. At the same time the Government of Asia [...]alling to Sylla, Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune, declared for Marius, who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces, and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius, whence presently began Sylla's Civil War, who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome. This War was succeeded by that of Cinn [...], who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius. He to Revenge himself of the Senate, that deposed him from the Consulate, and put another in his place, recalled Marius and his Son from Exile, and all of their Party that were Banished, to strengthen his own, to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country; Cn. Pompeius, seeing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul, stands [...] 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla, to watch an opportunity to m [...]nd his Condition, by going with his Army to that side had the Advan [...]age▪ (For it often happens in Civil Wars, that great Men Sacrifice their Al [...]egiance to their Interest.) Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle, he and Marius became Masters of Rome, whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls, Octavius killed by their Order, and Cornelius Merula, who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge, for being in his Place. Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate, Cinna that entred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government, but being very violent, the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece, which made him return into Italy to revenge the Nobles, who made him their Chief, as Marius was of the People, and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him, when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles. Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation, and upon [...]easonable Terms, but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters. The Ambition of young Marius, elected Consul at 26 years of Age, continued the War, but after he lost a Battle, he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it. He was surnamed, The Happy, so much was his Courage valued. This Victory made Sylla Dictator, who so much abused his Authority, that Marius and Cinna were regretted. For he was the first invented Proscription, i. e. by publick Authority, gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome, so that more was no [...] given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle, than for a Citizen's killed in his own House. After Cinna, Marius and Sylla, came Pompey the Great, who according to Tacitus, was not better than they, but knew more how to Dissemble. Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior, non melior. Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs, not content to be the first, he would be alone, from thence came Caesar's Iealousie, which in Conclusion produced another Civil War, where Fortune leaving Pompey, Caesar became Master of the Empire. Pater [...]. Hist. 2. Chap. 6. [...] 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. & 48.

↵

1.

The multitude of Laws, says Plato, de Republica, is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State, as a multitude of Physicians is of a Complication of Distempers. It may truly be said, adds a great Minister, That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States, as Testimonies thereof, and sure to [...]ens of the weakness of a Government; if old Laws have been well executed, there will be no need of renewing them, nor making others to stop new Disorders, which then had never been settled. Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique. However it be, Mezeray had reason to say, That the multiplying Regulations in France served only to multiply the Abuses. Dans la Vie d' Henry III.

↵

n

Paterculus says, That in this Consulate he had no Colleague, and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie, that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies. He adds, Pompey used all his Authority against Canvasing for Offices. Chap. 47.

↵

2.

In making Laws, the Disposition of the People is to be observed. No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection, for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse. Practice never reaches Speculation, and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a manner as will be best, but in such a manner as will last longest. Cardinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws, the Bane of publick Tranquillity.

↵

o

All good Men, says the same Author, would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands, Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it, but was against doing it himself too. And thence began the Civil War. Chap. 48.

↵

p

By the Lex Papia, those who had never been Married, nihil capiebant [...]x testamentis, they were incapable of taking any thing by Will. But the Orb [...], i. e. those who had been Married, but had no Children, lost only a Moiety. And it is in this Sense Iuve [...]al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband;

Quod tibi filiolus, vel filia nascitur ex me,

Iura parentis habes; propter me scriberis haeres.

Legatum omne capis, nec non & dulce caducum.

Sat. 9.

The Emperor Antonine took from the People the Right of vacantia tenere, and ordered such Goods to fall to the Prince's Treasure. Hodie, says Ulpian, [...] Imperatoris Antonini, omnia caduca fisco vindicantur. In Fragm. Tit. 18.

↵

3.

Since the end of Laws is the preserving Order, and the Welfare of Societies, a Prince should moderate or repeal them, when they are no longer profitable to the publick.

↵

q

The [...] distributed Corn to the People, they had the Care of the High-Ways, and to see the Money was not altered.

↵

r

According to the Laws, no Man could be Quaestor till he was 25 years of Age.

↵

s

Augu [...]tus to do a popular thing, and to give the People an empty shew of [...] and [...] pretended he wanted their Consent to grant his [...] Children a [...] he had in his own Powe [...].

↵

4.

The Education Prince's Children have, and the Priviledge of their Birth, ar [...] such Advantages that they ought not to be subject to the Laws of Age, because they are ripe for Business sooner than others. Whence 'tis said, ‘Caesaribus virtus contigit antè diem.’ It is impossible, says Cardinal Perron, but Princes should know every thing; for they have the Fruits of their Labours that Study, and Learn in a quarter of an hour, what a good Wit has laboured for a month. Perroniana.

↵

t

And therefore Tiberius sho [...]ld be more concerned for the Advancement of his Grandson, than Augustus for his Wives Children.

↵

1.

Equal Marriages are always liked.

↵

2.

Princes of the Blood, when they have any thing to obtain, commit not so great an Error as some imagine, by Marrying the Daughters or Neices of Ministers. For besides, 'tis a means to keep in a Prince's Favour, it will also make them great; but Ministers that have the Ambition to be Allied to Princes, expose themselves very much to Envy; and when the Reverse of Fortune comes, as it o [...]ten happens, they have little Protection from them but for their Interest, and when that ceases, consider them only as Relations that are D [...]s [...]redit to them. There is also another Reason should keep Ministers from aspiring to this Honour, because those Princes are very liable to be suspected by him that Reigns, which often falls upon the Minister that is concerned to protect them because of the Relation. And the Prince that will be Ma [...]ter of all, and be chiefly regarded by his Creatures, can never love much, nor long, a Minister that divides his Affection and Complaisance betwixt him and the Princes of the Blood.

↵

u

Paterculus says, Mecenas contented himself all his Life with being a Roman Knight, without regarding those Dignities he might easily have obtained from Augustus, who loved him as well as Agrippa, if he had been of a Temper to have desired them. Hist. 2. Chap. 88.

↵

3.

For the most part, those that have managed, or are capable of managing great Affairs, have been Voluptuous. Never any Man was more vigilant than Mecenas, when the State Affairs required it, and never any Man loved Quiet, Laziness, and the Pleasures of Life more than he. So Salust imitated him in all his Virtues and his Vices.

↵

4.

Sooner or later Princes forbear seeing, or at least having a Kindness for those have been Witnesses, Accomplices, or have assisted them in their Crimes, either through Shame or Repentance. Voi la Note 3. du Chap. 1. du Liv. 1.

↵

5.

The [...]isgrace of the Chief Ministers is not always an Effect of their ill Conduct. The wisest and most moderate lose Favour as well as those who abuse it. Mecenas was without [...]spute one of the best and most understanding Ministers Augustus could have, and yet he found his Master loved Change. Gon [...]alo Hermandez conquered the Kingdom of Naples, and the first Recompence he had, was, Ferdinand the Catholick gave Ear to all the Complaints and Calumnies of his Enemies, and was glad to have an Occasion to reform and preserve his Authority. After which, calling him into Spain, he confined him for 7 or 8 years to his own Estate, while he was unblemished he refused him the Commanderic of Leon, and then that of Horna [...]hos, vacant at the same time. Mariana, ch. 9. du liv. 28. & 14. du liv. 30. de son Histoire. At the end whereof he gives a Commendation of this great Captain, in these words. He had, says he, a very beautiful Personage, and was altogether the braves [...] and happiest Warriour Spain has bred a long time. The Ingratitude he met with, added to him Glory, and preserved him from those Errors he might have fallen into in his old Age. For it rarely happens that a Man puts often to Sea without meeting with a Tempest.

↵

x

The Chancellor Chiverin says, It has been fatal to the Race of the Valois to hate those at last, they loved most at first. Philip de Valois, the first of that Line, was obliged to the Count d' Artois for his Crown, and afterwards did all he could to spoil him of his Possessions. Lewis XI, ruin'd the Duke of Burgundy, with whom he lived six years. Lewis XII. persecuted the Mareschal Gie; and Francis I. the Duke of Bourbon, whom he had entirely loved, and the Messieurs de Montmorency and de Biron, that had been his Favourites. Henry II. did the same to Monsieur de Dampierre, and the Mareschal de Gie, by whose Hand he would be made a Knight; Charles IX. to Messieurs Montmorency and de Cosse. Henry III. to the Messieurs de Lignerolles, de Bellegarde, le Guast, St, Luc. de Villequier, Beauvais-Nangis, and above all the Messieurs de Guise, whom he lov'd so much in his Youth, and all of his Council that had served him best. Dans ses Memoirs. The same may be said almost of all Princes.

↵

6.

The Favour of Princes, (says Anthony Perez, who knew it by Experience) rises or falls. When it can go no higher, it necessarily falls. When Princes have no more to give, they are asham'd to see their own want of Ability; and when Favourites have no more to ask, they forbear their Compliances. For, according to Co [...]ines, more serve in hopes of the good Things to come, than those already received. Cap. 11. Lib. 3.

↵

y

Now called Terra di Lavoro.

↵

1.

A Prince that instructs his Son in the Offices of Government, does as becomes a Father and a Prince; as a Father, because he gives his Son such Education as he should have; and as a Prince, because he does his Duty to his Subjects, in endeavouring to leave them a good Successor. Commines blames the Emperor Frederick the Third, that his Son knew nothing, had been ill Educated, and was utterly unacquainted with Matters of State. Cap. 3. Lib. 6.

↵

2.

From very small Things we often see great Events. The Quarrels that happen among great Men, should never be neglected; because they often carry them into Factions, Cabals, and Parties.

↵

3.

It is not only good Breeding and Decency, but the Interest of a Prince and State to have old Men respected by the Young; and particularly in the Publick Assemblies and upon Ceremonies, where the Irreverence of Youth, to those whom Age makes Venerable, is of very dangerous consequence.

↵

4.

It concerns a Prince not to let those Offences go unpunish'd, that the young Lords at his Court commit against his Iudges and Magigistrates. For he'll not be obey'd himself, but as he makes them respected that are the Guardian of the Laws. There are every where, but more in France than any other Country, a great Antipathy betwixt those of the Sword and the Gown; what would become of things, if these restrain'd not the other?

↵

1.

There are always People, that have the Confidence to believe, they are capable of managing Affairs, they understand not at all. Those that find themselves in Credit with Princes, think themselves fit for any Employs; and upon this false Foundation do what they can to obtain them. Yet, 'tis very certain, that he is able to serve the Publick in some Offices, who will ruine it in others. M. de la Chastre said, the Bishop of Beauvais did what he could to ruine M. Chasteauneuf with the Queen Ann of Austria, that so he might have none joyn'd with him in the Management of Affairs, of which he thought himself very capable. The Queen, he goes on, could not have chose better for Fidelity, not scarce worse for Capacity, this good Prelate having not a Head for such a Charge. Dans ses Memoirs.

↵

2.

Reformation is more dangerous than the Evil to be reform'd, when it is committed to Persons have neither Abilities nor Moderation that is requisite. Upon Complaints made against certain Reformers that ruine more than they establish'd, Cardinal Perron said to the Council, These have reason to call themselves Reformers, but it is Master William's Sense. This was a Buffoon, who call'd Ruining, Reforming, Perroniana.

↵

1.

The greatest Men have at all times found Enemies, who would not only deprive them of their Employments and Dignities, but ruine their Credit, and endeavour to destroy the Opinion has been e [...]tertain'd of their eminent Worth. M. de Montresor says, That Cardinal Richelieu in all he undertook, was more oblig'd to Fortune, than the State to his Counsels and Advices. And in another place, he adds, He never [...]ound any thing in him of foresight no [...] a Great Man, but only that he was very happy, that Fortune carried him through Difficulties more than the Prudence many would value him for. Dans ses Memoirs. The Bishop of Beauvais said, Cardinal Mazarine was not an able Man, because he understood not the Revenues▪ Memoirs de M. de la Chastre.

↵

1.

There is nothing more contrary to that Application is necessary for Publick Affairs, than the Engagement of those to Women that have the Administration. As a Woman lost the World, nothing is more capable of hurting States, than that Sex, when they have those in their Power that govern, they make them do what seems good to them, and consequently, what is ill. The best Thoughts of Women being always bad in them that are guided by their Passions, which is commonly their Reason, when Reason it self should be the only Motive to animate and actuate those that manage publick Affairs. Sect. 5. du c. 8. de la premier Partie du Testament Politique du Cardinal de Richelieu.

↵

z

The Latin is, ad similitudinem barbari incessus, because it was the Custom of Barbarous Nations to carry their Wives with them to the Wars, as Tacitus remarks, Ann. 4. Adsistentes plerisque matres & conjuges. Ann. 14. Britta [...]orum copiae animo adeo fero, [...]ut conjuges quoque testes victoriae secum traherent. And in his account of Germany. Feminarum ululatus audiri, vagitus infantium. Hi [...]uique sanctissimi testes, &c.

↵

2.

Since Interest is that commonly makes Men behave themselves ill in Office, Ecclesiasticks are generally preferable to others, says Cardinal Richelieu; not as being less subject to Interest, but as having neither Wives nor Children, are free from those Ties engage others. Chap. 7. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique.

↵

3.

'Tis always dangerous speaking of Reformation, for there are ever more that fear, than desire it. Cardinal Richelieu declar'd he durst never begin a Reformation of the King's House, because he could never do it, without encountering the Interest of many that were constantly near the King, and in that Familiarity with him, they would dissuade him from what was most necessary in the State, to prevent the Regulations of his Family, that would be very profitable to him. Chap. 7. de la premier partie du meme Testament.

↵

a

Because not propos'd by the Consuls, nor the Prince, to whom it belong'd to propose Matters that were to be consider'd, and therefore what C [...]cina offer'd was not to the purpose; and he was not considerable enough himself to undertake a Reform of Pro-consuls, and other great Magistrates that went to govern the Provinces. yet Tacitus says in two places of his second Book, that it was allow'd them to quit their Subject they were upon, when they had any thing to offer more important to the Publick; and that was commonly practis'd by the Senators. Erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e rep. crederent, loco sententiae promere. And three Pages after. A majoribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem, & quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre.

↵

b

Messala Corvinus, of whom Quintilian says, Cicerone mi [...]ior & dulcior, & in verbis magis elaboratu [...] ▪ Di [...]logo de Oratoribus▪

↵

1.

There are things Convenient and Necessary at one time, that may be Pernicious at another. Those that have the Government of States, whether Princes or Ministers, should accommodate themselves to the Present, which commonly has no agreement with the Past. All Politicians agree in this. Machiavel says, That the Occasion of every Man's good or bad Fortune, consists in his correspondence and accommodation with the Times. Which is the Reason why a Prince's Fortune varies so strangely, because she varies the Times, and he does not alter the way of his Administration. Chap. 9. l. 3. of his Discourse. The Duke of Rohan says almost the same thing in his Epistle before his Interest des Princes, Dedicated to Cardinal Richelieu. That there is no immutable Rule in the Government of States. Upon Revolutions in States, a Change even in Fundamental Maxims is necessary to govern well. Therefore those that in these Matters observe more Examples of what is past, than present Reasons, necessarily commit great Errors.

↵

c

If Pilate had taken his Wife Claudia Procula's Counsel, who sent a Message to him to the Iudgment-Hall to have a Care how he condemn'd the Innocent. His Wife sent unto him saying, Have thou nothing to do with that Iust Man. Matt. 27. He had never given up Iesus Christ to the Iews. If there were many such Wives, as this Procula, it were to be wish'd all the Governors of Provinces would carry their Wives along with them.

↵

2.

When a Government is first fram'd, 'tis reasonable to make the most perfect Laws Humane Society is capable of; but Prudence admits not the same is an ancient Monarchy, where Imperfections are grown Customary, and where some Disorders are made a Part of the State. In which Case we must submit to such Infirmities, and be content rather with a moderate Rule, than to establish one more severe and less agreeable, because the Severity of it may give Disturbance. Sect. 1. Chap. 4. de la premiere Partie du Testa. Polit.

↵

d

'Tis in vain, says Abla [...]court, we cover our own Faults with other Names, and that Womens Failings are often owing to their Husbands.

↵

3.

The foolish Vanity of Husbands that encourage their Wives in extravagance of Cloaths, is the first Occasion of their Faults. Those who maintain the same, when they find their Allowances not sufficient, are glad to make use of a Lover's Purse. This is the Fact, and you may see who is to blame.

↵

4.

If Extravagance was laid aside, it would not be difficult to remedy the Vices of Women. For as they are more given to Vanity than Love, and the greatest part love Men only as they supply their Vanity and Ambition, if Extravagance, which is the Incentive, was once gone, 'tis certain their Disorders would cease too, and Chastity and Modesty succeed them. But the general Depravation of Manners gives us no room to hope for so great a good.

↵

5.

A Prince can offer nothing better to justifie himself, than the Example of a Predecessor, universally approved.

↵

6.

When Princes are young, and undertake long Voyages, they can have no better Company than their Wives, who may prevent their falling into Debauches, if they have Beauty and Complaisance. For without those advantages, 'tis impossible they should have Power enough over their Husbands to restrain the Natural Inclination to Voluptuousness.

↵

7.

A Prince need only give his Opinion, for that is generally follow'd by those that sit in Council with him.

↵

8.

Princes Hearts and Tongues seldom agree, when you hear them speak you would think they were very Modest; but when you see what they do 'tis always the contrary. Tiberius complain'd the Senate should leave it to him to name the Pro-consul of Africk, and yet accepted what he seem'd to refuse. He offer'd two to them, to leave a Liberty of Choice, but in effect they had no Choice, since he propos'd Sejanus's Uncle for one, whose Fortune they worshipp'd.

↵

9.

A good Courtier will avoid a Competition with the Relations of a Favourite or Chief Minister. On such Occasions there is more Safety and more Honour to give way than to be a Competitor.

↵

10.

Whatever Merit a Pretender may have, he ought never to flatter himself that he shall prevail against a Comperitor that hath the Prince's Favour, or the first Minister's. There is almost the same Difference betwixt Merit and Favour, as the Divines make betwixt Sufficient and Effectual Grace. The Duke d'Alva had Merit, and the Prince d'Eboli Favour, in the year 1558. both ask'd for the Dutchy of Bais in the Kingdom of Naples, from whence the Duke drove out the French Army. This Service was fresh, and many former Services spoke for the Duke; but the Competition of the Prince d'Eboli hindred Philip II. giving this Recompence to one to whom he and his Father had so much Obligation. So true is the Maxim of Lewis XI. That a Prince naturally loves those more that are obliged to him, than those to whom he is obliged. Commines, Chap. dernier du Livre 3. de ses Memoires. Yet it is an ill Omen for a Prince when he that is most considerable for his Merit, is not also most considerable in Favour. Merit ought to ballance, and when Iustice is on one side, Favour cannot prevail without Injustice. Chap. 7. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique

↵

11.

A Prince should never let any Man make use of his Name or Authority to do Injustice. Lewis XI. says Commines, opp [...]ess'd his Subjects, but would never suffer any Favourite or other Person to do it. Sixtus Quintus sent Bellochio, his Gentleman and old Servant, to the Galleys, for setting the Annulus Piscatoris to a Brief he would not grant. (It was a Brief that commanded one to sell Bellochio's House, who had a Mind to build a stately Palace there.) Leti libro 3. della Seconda Parte della vita di Sisto.

↵

e

Pliny the younger speaks of this Misfortu [...]e of Masters, when he say [...] to Trajan; You have delivered us from Domestick [...], and have [...] last extinguished, (as I may call it) B [...]llum S [...]vile. Philostratus mentions a Master that was Condemned as Impious and Sacrilegious for [...] his Slave, who had a piece of Silver with [...] Image upon it. [...] Vie d'Apollonius.

↵

1.

Sanctuaries were instituted for those who desire the help of the Law, but not for such as make it their Business to injure others.

↵

f

Suetonius says▪ The Senate forbid their laying hold on the Stat [...]es and Images▪ Condemning those to the Mines that should do so to injure other [...] ▪ Da [...]s la Vie de Tibere, Chap. 37.

↵

2.

A Prince cannot gain himself more Love and Respect than by speedy Iustice. There cannot be a better Action than that of Iohn III. of Portugal, who being before the Altar to Communicate, a Gentleman coming in, cried out aloud to the Priest that held the Host, to d [...] fer the Communion till the King had heard him, and done him Iustice, and this good Prince did not Communicate till he had done it. See the Treatise, Intituled, Audiencia de Principes.

↵

g

It is in Latin, Aedi [...]cationibus, but the Commentators think it ought ra [...]er to be, Editionibus.

↵

3.

Solitudo does Princes no good, especially when they are young. It only makes them cruel, [...]antastical, untractable, and averse to those Duties that belong to Sovereig [...]ty. I cannot give here a better instance of the mischief of Solitude in the Education of Princes, than that of Iohn II. King of Castile, according to the Description of the judicious Mariana. ‘All the Virtues of this king, says he, were obscured by the little care he took of his Affairs and the Government. He gave no Audience willingly, nor never any but in haste. He had no great Capacity, nor a Head fit for Affairs of State. That brought his Courtiers into Favour, and particularly Alvaro de Luna, who began to be more familiar with him than all the rest. Queen Catherine his Mother had good Reason to drive this Favourite from Court, and send him back into his own Country; but s [...]ewed little Wisdom in keeping her son shut up in a House for six years together, without suffering him to go out, or any Person to visit him, besides some Domesticks of the Court. Whereby she pretended to prevent the Grandees making themselves Masters of him, and Innovations in the Kingdom. A mis [...]rable Education for a King! an unworthy thing, not to allow a Prince liberty to speak, to see, or be seen; but to keep him in a Cage to make him cruel and violent, and to mew him up that was born for Labour, and the Fatigues of War. Why would she soften and emasculate his Courage, who ought to be day and night on his guard, and watch over all the Parts of his State? Certainly such an Education will bring great Mischiefs upon the Subjects of any Kingdom. For the Prince's manly Age will be like his Infancy; he will pass the best of his Days in dishonourable Pleasures and Idleness, as Iohn II. did. For after the Death of Queen Catherine, his Carriage was always like a Child, and as if he had never seen Light. The multitude of Affairs troubled him and perplexed his Head. Therefore he was always governed by his Courtier [...] to the great prejudice of his States, which were in perpetual Commotions. Mariana, says too, he was subject to Startings, which would take him all of a sudden, and his Caresses were all out of Season, so that he was more despised than feared,’ Chap. 11. du 20. liv. de son Hist. d'Esp. The Life Henry III. of France led after his Minions had persuaded him, not to appear any more to his Subjects, but to be shut up from them, like the Kings of the East, had the same Effects. ‘His Desires, says the Chancellor Chivergny, shewed his Iudgment was not as it used to be, that he was too much locked up and involved in other Pleasure, his Minions had engaged him. And I shall take the liberty to say, that foreseeing long before his Death, 4 years at least, how impossible it was for him not to fall into some great Misfortune. I often laid before him the great Injury he did himself, and the Evil he and his State would undoubtedly receive.’ Da [...]s ses Memoires.

↵

4.

A Prince should have some Relaxation from his serious Affairs, and after he has been at the Head of his Army. It is not possible the Soul should be always bent to grave and painful Administrations, without any Refreshment, or the Diversion of other more agreeable Thoughts. Titus, who is recommended for one of the wisest Princes ever governed, was desperately in love with Berenice, but his Love never hindred his Business. Harangue de M. d'Aubray dans la Satyre Menipp [...]e.

↵

5.

When all Crimes are turned to Treason, 'tis a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government, and that a Prince sacrifices Iustice to his Interest.

↵

6.

When a Prince sets up new Accusations against a great Man, that the Iudges acquit of what he is charged with, 'tis plain he resolves to destroy him.

↵

h

Aqu [...] & ignis interdictio, was the Phrase used in Banishment, which was not a Punishment immediately, but by consequence. For the forbidding the use of Water and Fire, which were necessary for Life, the Condemned Person was obliged to leave his Country.

↵

7.

The less Evidence there is against a man, the more severely is be treated, if it be for Treason: Mathematical Demonstrations of Conspiracies and Cabals, says Cardinal Ric [...]lieu, are not to be expected; those are not to be met with till the Event, that is, not till they are past Remedy. Tome 5. des Memoires de son Ministre. And consequently what appears by strong Conjectures, should sometimes be thought sufficiently proved. Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique.

↵

8.

If a great Man is potent in a Frontier Country, and behaves himself so, as to give cause to suspect his corresponding with the Neighbouring Princes, the Prince is in the Right to secure his Person, either by calling him to Court, or arresting him there if he comes not out. And tho' there be not sufficient Evidence against him, yet there is no Injustice done him in preventing his return, for it is not reasonable Princes should live in Fear and Uneasiness for any Subject, nor that the Interest of a particular Person should be considered more than the publick Safety.

↵

9.

It is absolutely necessary a Governor should know the Customs, Laws, and Manners of the Count [...]y where he is sent; otherwise he will commit a thousand Errors that will make him be hated or despised, which will be in prejudice of his Prince's Authority. Cardinal Richlieu says, in the first Chapter of his Testament Politique, that he was forced to put the Marshal de Vitry out of the Government of Provence, tho' his Courage and Fidelity made him very [...]it for it, because being of an insolent haughty Temper, he was not proper to govern a People jealous of their Liberties and Priviledges, as the Provensals are. And in Arragon, they pretend the King of Spain cannot give them a Stranger for their Viceroy, that is, one that is no Native, without breaking the Laws. So they call their Liberties and Immunities, in Defence whereof all the Kingdom rose for Antonio Perez against Philip II. (1591.)

↵

10.

A Governor that suffers the People to be insulted by Strangers, whether he can remedy it, or not, may however be assured, that upon the first occasion they will Rebel against him.

↵

11.

The Event of Rebellions is almost always unfortunate, because of the Incapaci [...]y of those that Command. For on such occasions, the People, who know not what is [...]itting for that time, commonly take him for their Captain who first offers.

↵

i

a Mountain of Thrace, continually cold, at the foot whereof are the pleasant Fields of Thessaly.

↵

k

He writ an Epitome of the Roman History, in very elegant Latin, but [...]ull of gross Flattery.

↵

l

The Army in Missia.

↵

12.

A good and faithful Historian should relate things plainly, and without Aggravation. If Truth be the life of History, those that write ought carefully to avoid Aggravation, which has always a mixture of Lying. C [...]mmines, speaking of the Battle of Morat, where the Duke of Burgundy was beat by the Swissers, says, M [...]ny talkt of Millions, and reported they know not what, making Armies five times greater than they are. This is a Fault very common with the greatest part of modern Historians.

↵

1.

Those Honours that are rarely conferred, and only upon Persons of extraordinary Merit, are great Rewards to those that have them. M. de Marquemont, Archbishop of Lions, speaking of the Prince of Poland's arrival at Rome, and the Difficulties they were under how to treat him, says, he received no publick Honours, but though [...] himself well recompenced in being made a Canon of St. Peter, and to be allowed in the Habit of a Canon to shew the Holy Relicks of that Church, which was never done by any but Charles V. and another Emperor. Dans une lettre du 5 Ianvier 1625. Tome 1. des Mem. du M [...]nistere du Card. de Rich.

↵

m

They were [...] to borrow Money of the Roman Bankers to pay their heavy Taxes, which ruined them with Us [...]ry.

↵

2.

The want of Resolution in Princes, says Antonio Perez, begets many Inconveniences. Dans ses R [...] lations. In great Affairs, says Cardinal d'Ossat, for avoiding a great Evil and obtaining great Good, something must be attempted, and a Resolution taken to get out of ill Circumstances the soonest and best that may be. Lettre 127. Charles Colonna, an able Man both in Government and War, has given a good reason for it. Wavering in Counsels, says he, has never been found good, and whatever probability there may be that time will [...]urnish better Expedients, yet 'tis safer to resolve to master the present Difficulties, than to expect they will cease, for we know not nor can certainly, but greater may happen. Livre 8. d [...] son Histoire [...] Guerres d [...] Flandres.

↵

n

They were encamped upon the Rhine, Duo apud ripam Rheni exercitus erant; cui nomen superi [...]ri, sub C. Silio leg [...]to; in [...]eriorem A. [...]cina cura [...]t. Ann. 1.

↵

3.

Great Men often revenge the Injuries done to a Prince or State, out of Malice to the Offenders. Cardinal Richlieu had reason to say, Such Men did good upon an ill Principle. When a great Man Rebels in a Province, a Prince cannot do better, than to give another great Man of the same Province, who has been his Rival and Enemy, a Commission against him.

↵

1.

There is not a better Opportunity to revolt, than when there are Dissen [...]ions, and consequently Disorder in the Armies of a Prince, whose Authority you would shake off. So a Prince that hath discontented Subjects ought at any rate to prevent a Mis [...]nderstanding among his Generals▪ For when he is [...] serv'd by them (as ever happens, when they differ) he is exposed to the Practices of his Enemi [...]s.

↵

2.

Health of Body is almost as necessary to a Gen [...]al, as a Capacity of Mind; for it is an Employ will exercise both. According to Ca [...]dinal Richelieu, a General to be Excellent, shou [...]d be young in Years, but not in Service and Experience. And though those that are Old are commonly the Wisest, yet they are not the Best to undertake, because they often want the heat of Youth, that is requisite on such Occasions Besides, that 'tis certain, Fortune smiles upon Youth, and turns her back upon Old Age. Section 4. du Chap. 9, de la seconde partie du Testament Politique.

↵

3.

The Great Men in a Kingdom, govern'd by such a Prince as Tiberius, that is, by a Prince, that will endure no Companion, are apt to desire he may have Troubles and Wars, either to make them the more necessary, or to have the Pleasure of seeing him perplex'd and his Affairs in an ill Condition. The Count S. Paul, Constable of France, says Commines, and certain of the Duke of Gui [...]n's Servants, with several others, desir'd rather War than Peace, betwixt the King and the Duke of Burgundy, for two Reasons, the one because they fear'd their great Offices and Pensions would be lessen'd, if Peace con [...]inu'd, for the Constable paid four hundred Men every Muster without controul; and besides the Profits of his Office, abo [...]e thirty thousand Livres a year in Pension, and the Revenues of many good Places he held; the other was because they were persuaded the King was of such a Disposition he could never be idle, so that unless he was busied with Princes abroad, he would be with his Servants and Officers at home. The Constable offer'd to take Saint-Quintin when he pleased, and boasted of Intelligence in Flanders and Brabant, and that he could make many Towns revolt from the Duke. The Duke of Guien and his principal Servants▪ offer'd to serve the King in this Quarrel; but their Design was other than the King expected, Chap. 1. du Livre 1. de ses Memoires. Claudian explains in three Words, Why great Men hate Peace.

—Mandataque fortius urget

Imperiosa quies.

↵

o

That is the Secret Orders a Prince gives to his Centurions and Soldiers, to Murder Men in their Houses, that they suspect. They are called in other Places, his Letters, his Codicils, and the Execution of his Orders. Ministeria militum. Ann. 1.

↵

4.

Able Princes little regard the Censures of the People, it satisfies them to arrive at their End, which is the good of the State. Pope Urban VIII. used to say he would willingly sacrifice his Reputation to the Good of the Publick, and to Peace, provided he could any way obtain it, repeating St. Paul's words, per gloriam & ignobilitatem, per [...] & bonam famam. Lettres de M. de Marquemont, Ambassadeur a Rome dans le 1. Tome des Memoires du Cardinal de Richelieu.

↵

p

Autun, an ancient City in the Dutchy of Burgundy; in Latin August [...] d [...]num, and Hed [...].

↵

5.

When Soldiers have a great desire to fight, a General should not let it cool, for it is almost always a Presage of Victory.

↵

6.

Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd, should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour. Which makes Princes for ever lose those States, they might recover, if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Pardon. Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Country in the Sea, than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cruelty of the Duke d'Alva his Minister.

↵

7.

Short Harang [...]es are best for Soldiers, who can give no long attention, nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd. Nothing makes greater Impression upon them, than this Imperatoria Brevitas, whereby they retain all that is said to them. Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France, one day when he was going to give Battle; I am King, says he, and yo [...] are Frenchmen, and you cannot th [...] but Conquer.

↵

1.

There ar [...] no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in. Saul having armed David with his Armour, he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head, put on his Coat of Mail, and girded his Sword upon his Armour; but when David had try'd these Arms, that they were too heavy for him, he said unto Saul, He could not go with them, and took only his staff in his hand, and five smooth stones h [...] had chose out of the Bro [...]k and put in his Scrip, to conquer Goliah, 1. Sam. 17.

↵

2.

When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation, they despise false Honours, because their Glory needs it not; and what their Flatterers give them, serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Merit. Therefore Alexander threw into the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus, telling the Author, when he read it to him, it was very rash in him to insert false Exploits; as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to recommend him without Lying. Prusias King of Bithynia, was despis'd by the Senate of Rome, for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery, upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Macedonia.

↵

3.

There is no Kindness more sincere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well. The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude, because he did not forbear, (according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions) appearing in Publick, that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Portugal for him. And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome, and all the Princes of Italy, for celebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre D [...]me in Paris, and of Nostre Dame in Rouen, he having chiefly promoted his Absolution. And 'tis a wonderful thing, says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat, that out of Spain, from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work, God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure, Sollicite, Direct, Advance and Perfect, what the Spaniards most deprecated. Letters 24, and 80.

↵

q

In Latin 'tis render'd Municipium.

↵

r

The Latin has it, impiger militia, & acribus ministeriis.

↵

1.

To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their private Condition, or when persecuted by their Predecessors. The Friendship of particular Persons is never acquir'd but by time, with greater reason then, that of Princes should be acquir'd with long Services. They have little value for those that come to them, when they are in their Thrones, because they are commonly such as make Court rather to their For [...]une than Person, and look upon their Reward as near; when those that adhere to them in the time of their Rivals and Enemies, as Quirinus did to Tiberius while C. Caesar was alive, and next Heir to the Empire, have full Right to a Prince's Favour, who con [...]ide [...]s them as disinherited Friends. So the Duke of Beaufort, at his return from England, was the Favourite of Queen Ann of Spain, who not only spoke of him with all marks of Esteem; and commanded her Creatures to have a Friendship for him; but when the Physitians one day thought Lewis XIII. dying, chose him to be Governor of the Dauphine and Monsieur. A Trust that shewed sufficiently to what Honours and Dignities he was destin'd, if he had known how to manage his Fortune. Memoires de la Chastre. Henry IV. of France never le [...]t asking the Promotion of the Sieur Sera [...]in to be a Cardinal, till he obtain'd it, because this Prelate (he was Auditor of the Ro [...]a above 30 Years) was always for him and his Crown, in the most difficult and dangerous Times. So says Cardinal d'Ossat. Dans sa Letre 61.

↵

s

Patercul [...]s says so of Lollius, That he was a Man that more desir'd to grow rich, than to live well, and with all the Care he took to conceal his Vice. Yet he was, and also appear'd to be very vicious. Cap. 97, du Livre 2. de son [...]pitome. And in the 102 Chap. [...]e adds, Augus [...]us chose Lollius to be C. Ceas [...]r's Governor. Quem moderator [...]m juv [...]n [...]ae filii sui Augustus esse voluerat▪

↵

2.

An ill Governor or Tutor is very dangerous for a Young Prince. ‘Testa recen [...] imbuta diu servabit odor [...]m.’ Plato says, That Kings should have four Masters or Governors for their Children, to teach them the four Virtues necessary for those that Reign. The first teaches them Prudence, the Second Iustice, the Third Temperance, and to despise Pleasures, the Last, the Art of War, and sets Examples before them of the Courage and Constancy of their Glorious Ancestors. Dans son premier Al [...]ibiade. Paul Emilius says, that Giles Romain, Arch-Bishop of Bourges, exhorted King Philip the Fair▪ in that to imitate the Kings of Persia▪ Livre 8. de son Histoire de France.

↵

3.

There is nothing more disagreeable to Princes, than what puts them in mind of their Death. In whatever Condition they are they would not be told they shall die. When Lewis XI. answer'd those that told him, he was a Dead Man, It may be I am not so bad as you think me. He shew'd That those who took upon them this Commission, did him a piece of Service he should not thank them for, if he recover'd. It seems, the late King, who was much a better Prince than Lewis XI. was displeas'd with the Credulity of the Queen, and would have her hold a Council, as she had done the day before by his Order, and made her go out of his Chamber, as he was Departing. So easily do Princes [...]latter themselves with hopes o [...] long Life. So M. de Chiverny acted very wisely, when he refused to assist at a Consultation of Physitians upon Charles IX. because belonging to the King of Poland▪ his Brother and Law [...]ul Successor, he would have been look'd upon at that Meeting, as one that de [...]ir'd the King's Death, and the Accession of his Master to the Crown. Dans ses Memoires. If Lutonius did ill in making an Elegy upon Drusus's Death, which he thought certain, these are no l [...]ss Criminal, that make Funeral Orations upon Princes in their perfect Health, to be early enough with them when they die, and to get the Reputation of great Orators; persuading the World they have made a Discourse in five or six days, which sometimes has cost them more years. However, these People shew their Vanity more than their Eloquence.

↵

4.

How cruel soever a Prince is, he takes Pleasure in being praised for his Clemency. It some times happens, that the Commendations given him for Vertue he has not, create a desire in him to merit that by his future Practices.

↵

5.

A Subject that has his Prince against him, never finds many Iudges to protect his Innocence; and if little guilty all ways are thought on to condemn him. Dangerous, (says Anthony Perez) is that I [...]stice where there is an Inclination to condemn. What will it be then, if accompanied with absolute Power, Displeasure, and Flattery? A [...]orismes de ses Relations. That puts me in mind of the Spanish Proverb, alla van Leyos, do qui [...]ren Reyos. The Laws go a [...] the Kings please.

↵

6.

Bloody Princes are wont to put on Clemency after Blood is spill'd, to cast the Odium on those have served them in it. After Queen Elizabeth had cut off the Queen of Scot [...] Head, she committed Secretary Davi [...]son to Prison, who carried the Warrant for her Execution, pretending he had surpriz'd her in signing it. And Philip II. of Spain let Process▪ issue against Antonio P [...]r [...]z his Secretary for the Murther of Secretary Escov [...] do, though he had his Order under his hand [...]or it. And Cabrera that pretends to write in Favour of Philip, cannot forbear declaring the violent Death of this Man, wrought no Compassion in him. Chap. 3. du Livr [...] 12. de s [...]n Histoire.

↵

1.

When a Prince blames not cruel or severe Actions, 'tis a sure sign he is easie, or at least not troubled at them.

↵

t

That is, that those who are sentenced shall not be executed till ten days after Sentence given.

↵

u

The Roman Laws allowed not the Magistrates to change any thing in their Sentences, not so much as a Letter. Pro [...]onsulis tabella sententi [...] est▪ quae semel lecta neque a [...]g [...]ri litterâ, neque minus potest, sed ut cunque recitata▪ ita Provinciae instrumento ref [...]rtur. Apul. Lib. 11. Hor. There [...]ore Pilate answered the Iews, that would have had him alter the Inscription upon Christ's Cross, Quod Scripsi, S [...]ripsi.

↵

x

The price of Iewels, Vessels of Silver and Gold, and rich Stu [...]fs▪ being not commonly known▪ those that Bought them took care not to tell what [...]hey cost.

↵

2.

The first thing a Reformer should well consider, is, That his Reformation bring not greater Mischiefs than those he would Refo [...]m. Pius V. after he had shut up all the Courtisans in a separate place, was acquainted by the Confessors, that Adulteries, Incests and Sodomi [...]s plainly encreased. Pagliari da [...] son Commentaire sur Tacite, Observ. 389. Sixtus V. who understood the best of any Man how to make himself Obeyed, succ [...]ded no better than Pius. He drove many of them out of Rome, where they were in very great numbers, and shut up the rest, but the Confessors [...]aying the same things before him as before Pi [...]s, he commanded the Governors of Rome to revoke the Order, and gave leave to those were gone away, to return. Leti Livre 1. de la sec [...]nde partie de sa Vie.

↵

3.

A Prince that would establish an absolute and despotick. Government, if he be wise, will have a care how he refor [...]s Luxury, the best and most agreeable Instrument of Slav [...]ry. Ciriacus de Lentz says, spea [...] ing of Tiberiu [...] ▪ Therefore a Prince will not re [...]orm Luxury, because th [...] great and rich Men that live in Pleasure and Magnificence, are so many Pledges and Hostages of Slavery. I [...] Vespasiam could by his Example recover the ancient manner of living, and restore Frugality: If Lewis XIII▪ could by an Edict remedy the Fashions and excessive Expences in Cloths, Why might not Tib [...]rius have done the like▪ [...] he had the like Incl [...]nations? Dans [...] A [...]gustus. He adds, in his [...] Tiberiana▪ Th [...]t the Ca [...]o's D [...]asea's, and [...] are never [...]cc [...]ptable to Tyrants; and t [...]at Socrates, tho' very poor▪ was suspected to the Thirty Tyrants. [...]ecau [...]e he contemned the Pleasu [...]es of Life: So that ill Princes, look as ill upon those as they do upon Am [...] tious Persons, that prefer their Re [...]putation before the Engagements of Pleasures. Aphorism [...]. du Liv. 3.

↵

4.

Tho' the Complaints made against inveterate Vices are reasonable, yet Princes will tolerate them, because we are not capable of that Perfection those Censors expect that understand not the Government of States. The most reasonable Orders are not always best, because some being not suitable to those who are to observe them.

↵

5.

Great Princes are not to trouble themselves with all Affairs, nor to descend to li [...]le matters. While they are employed on the greater, their Ministers and Magist [...]ates dispatch the lesser. Their Application to these would make them forget, or at least Postpone others, which were very prejudicial to the good of the State. Iuan Antonio de Vera, says the Emperor Charles V. tho' a pious Prince, never had much Communication with Monks, out of Con [...]ession, while he Governed. And one day that Father Francis of Madrid consulted him upon some Abuses of their Order, which he thought wor [...]hy Reformation, he answered in some displeasure: ‘Father Francis, of all you have said to me, I find nothing concerns the Emperor, but would have you apply to the Pope, or the General, rather than to me▪ who lose not my time in discoursing the Affairs of a Cloister.’ Dans l'Epitome de sa Vie. ‘I beseech your Majesty, says Cardinal Richlieu, to apply your self to those great matters, concern your State, and despise the lesser, as unworthy your Care and Thoughts.—You will not only be [...]ar from receiving any Advantage from employing your self in things not considerable, but on the contrary much Damage, by diverting you from others that are better, and also because little Thorns being more apt to prick than bigger, which are more easily perceived, it were impossible to prevent Discontents, u [...]eless to your Affairs, and very co [...]trary to your Health.’ Chap. 5. de la premiere partie de son Testament Politique.

↵

y

The way H [...]nry III. of Castile took to put down Excess in Entertainments, des [...]rv [...]s to be mentioned here, as a great instance of what a Prince may do that has Wit and Courage: One day, when his Table was ill served, he was told, The Grandees of his Kingdom lived much better, and that there was nothing so Magnificent as the Ent [...]rtainments they gave one another. The same day he had notice, the Archbishop of Toledo gave a Supper to several Lords; he went in Disguise, and saw the Magnificence of the Entertainment, where nothing was wanting, and what was worse, he heard them relate their great Estates, and the Pensions they held out of the King' [...] Demeas [...]s. The next morning, he caused a Report to be spread, That he was Sick, and would make his Will, upon which they all went to Court. About Noon he came into the Room where he usually gave Audience, and they waited [...]or him, and as soon as he sate down, he directed his Discourse to the Archbishop, and asked him how many Kings of Castille he had known, and asked all the same Question: Some said, they had known three, others four, others five, &c. How can that be▪ says the King, when I have known twenty at my Age. And seeing them surprised at what he said, he proceeded, 'Tis you my Lords are the Kings▪ to the great Damage of this Kingdom▪ and Disho [...]our of your King, but I will prevent your Reign continuing long, and carrying the Merriment any farther you make of me. The Archbishop threw himsel [...] at his Feet, and asked Pardon, as did also the rest. The King gave them their Lives, but made them Prisoners till they restored the Castles they held of the Crown, and all they had got from the last Kings. An Action that gained him so much Glory and Authority, that the great Men were never so humble and obedient. Besides, it brought him in su [...]h a Treasure▪ that he left a great Sum behind him, without over-charging his People. Mariana, Chap. 14. du Liv. 9. de son Histoire d'Espagne. 'Tis observable t [...]o, the King did this at 15 or 16 years of Age. He was called, Henry th [...] In [...]irm, because of his Sickly Countenance, but deserved the Title of Henry t [...]e Brave and Valiant, for his Courage. Which Example plainly shews as Richlieu says, Kings can do any thing, when constant and resolute, and that those things which seem the most difficult, and almost impossible, are so, only because of the negligence and indifference of their Execu [...]ion.

↵

1.

Desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures.

↵

2.

There is no Remedy when Vice is turned into Virtue. Then we are to accommodate our selves to Hippocrate [...]'s Aphorism, to administer no Remedies where Diseases are desperate.

↵

3.

While Abuses are tolerated, Men observe some Rules of Decency, because they fear, if they take too much liberty, the Prince or Magistrate will Reform them. But i [...] a Reformer wants Power to make himself Obeyed, as it sometimes happens, or wants Courage to punish the Great Men, who are commonly the first that break new Regulations, the Examples of such Impunity opens the Door to Contempt, and from Contempt they go insensibly to Licentiousness. Therefore a Prince should no [...] meddle with Reformation▪ if he finds himself wanting in Power, or of a Temper to be wrought upon by Intercessions: or if he will Reform, should take a Resolution to be inexorable, as Six [...]us V. was, when any dared to break his Laws.

↵

z

Patercu [...]us imputes the Luxury of Rome to the two Scipio's, surnamed A [...]ricans. The [...], says he, open [...]d the way to the Roman G [...]eatness, [...]ut the other to their Luxury. For when Rome no longer s [...]ared Carthage, which was burnt, they le [...]t not their Virtue by degrees as before, but run impe [...]ously into all Pleasures and Vices. The antient Discipline was despited, and gave way to new Customs, and all the City turned presently from their Vigilance to Laziness, from Warlike Exercises to Looseness, and from Labo [...] to Idleness. At last, the publick Magnificence was succeeded with the wastful Expences of particular Men. Au Commencement du Liv. 2. de son Epitome.

↵

4.

Some People think all is lost▪ if what offends them is not immediately Remedied, but a Prince should not be drawn away by anothers Passion. He is to for [...]see the Inconveniences may arise from the Ref [...]rmation is desired, and to consider well if he can undertake it with success, so that he may satisfie more than he shall displease. For so you see the Wisdo [...] of a Re [...]ormer.

↵

a

For all their Corn came out of Egypt, and consequently by Sea.

↵

5.

Pleasures leave us when they entertain no longer. Many Voluptuou [...] Persons become Abstemious because they want new Plea [...]ures.

↵

1.

There is this Difference betwixt a Prince and his. Ministers: The Prince should avoid all he can what may draw upon him the Hatred of the People, or of the Great M [...]n, because the keeping his Authority depends upon the Affection of his Subjects. On the other side, his Ministers being obliged by the Duty of their Places, to sacrifice their particular Interests to the Publick Good, and their Master's Service, are never to suppress any good Advice, for fear it should make them odious to the People or to the Great Men: For, according to Richelieu, the Probity of a Minister of State should be Proof against all Interests, and so constant, that neither Calumnies nor Opposition, should discourage him doing well, nor turn him from those Ends he has propos'd to himself for the good of the State, Chap. dernier de la premiere Partie du Testament Politique. Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of a Knight of Malta, [...]om whose Importunity he could not quit himself without promising, tho' coldly, to recommend him to Henry IV. of France, for a Favour he unseasonably ask'd. I repent my self says he, and will another time conquer this P [...]sillanimity, without exposing again the Impertinences of such Impor [...]uners, nor my own cowardly shame to re [...]use them. Letter 197.

↵

2.

It is common for Princes to do well, and their Subjects to approach them. There are scarce any Princes have Iustice done them, w [...]ile they live, because Men naturally hate those whose Authority they fear.

↵

b

The Battle at Actium was in the Year of the City, 724. and G [...]lb [...] came to the Empire in the Year 822▪

↵

3.

In France, Excess in Entertainments begins to moderate, but it is to give place to another Extravagance in their Cloaths and Furniture, which is more dangerous. 'Tis this has so multiplied Ladies that Persons of Quality and Birth are not to be discover'd from Citizens Wives and Daughters, but by their Civility and Modesty. In the last Age, the first Presidents de Thou and de Harlay were content to [...]at upon Pewter; now the mean [...]st Officers of the Revenue are served in Plate. The Chancellor de Bellievre gave his Daughters only 20000 Livres, now one of the King's Farmers gives his 100000. Adeo praecipiti cursu a virtute descitum, ad viti [...] transcursum.

↵

c

People that made Court to Great Men for their Protection.

↵

4.

Great Reputation is as dangerous as ill Reputation. If it revives the Dead, it often makes the Living die. Princes cannot bear Merit that is too much taken notice of. It is therefore a great piece of Knowledge to know how to conceal it well, not only from the Prince but from the People, whose Applauses are fatal.

↵

5.

Nothing establishes Virtue more than the good Life of a Prince; which is a speaking Law, and prevails more than all they make. If it be true, that whatsoever Fault a Prince commits, he o [...]ends more by his ill Example, than the Nature of it; [...]is not less certain, that let him make what Laws he will, if he practises what he prescribes▪ his Example will go as far to make them executed as the Penalty he lays. A Prince that never Swears, shall sooner suppress Swearing and Blasphemies among his People, than the Security of his Magistrates against those are subject to such Impieties, Chap. 1. de la second partie du Testament Politique.

↵

6.

All our Veneration is for what is past, and we despise the Present; for the Present Troubles and Disquiets us with Objects that displease, when what is past instructs us, without shewing us any thing we can repine at, or that can put us into ill Humour. It is certain, as the Word is fram'd, we should judge the same of those, we admire because they were some Ages before us, as we do of our Contemporaries, for Vices are as old as Men.

↵

d

That would have Inform'd against their Luxu [...]y.

↵

7.

When Princ [...]s have done any thing that gives them Reputation, they are wont to ma [...]e use of it, as a Right to obtain what they desire, and they generally succeed in the first Heat of popular Applause.

↵

8.

New Titles great Men take, give them often a sor [...] of Title to u [...]urp States that belong not to them. Paul Emili [...]s observes very well, that the Title of Prince of France, which Charles Martel took instead of Stewa [...]d of the King's House, was the [...]rst [...]ep to raise his Family to the Throne. The Constable of Mo [...]tmor [...]n [...]y shewed good Policy when he opposed the Guise [...] that would have taken the Name and Arms of the House of Anjo [...], from which they were descended by Yoland of Anjo [...], their Great Grandfather of their Mother's side; because this new Name would have strengthen'd their old sta [...]e Pre [...]ension, (so Cardinal d'Ossat calls it, Letter 123.) to Provence. And for the same Reason, when H [...]nry 4. gave the young Duke of Guise that Government, the Chancellor Chivergny protested in full Council against it, and would have his Protestation registred in the Parliam [...]nts of Paris and A [...]x, before he would seal the Letters-Patents. Memoirs de Chivergny, 1594. The The Duke d'Oliverez, first Minister of Spain, soon repented making the Duke of Braganza General of the Portuguese, which new Power, together with the Right he had to the Crown, was a Step to get it him.

↵

e

We may observe here, the Dexterity of A [...]gustus, when he quitted the odious Name of Trium [...], he tool that of Consul, Consulem se fere [...]s. A [...]. 1. But when the Tri [...]nes of the People oppos'd the Consuls, and dis [...]d their Authority, by the Right they had to protest against the Proc [...]d [...]ng of the Senate, and by the Prerogative of their Dignity, which made [...] Sacred and Inviolable, August [...]s who saw the Consulate distinguish'd [...] from other Consuls, resolves to make himself Tribune, by vertue [...] oppose the Resolutions of other Magistrates, and none of [...] So [...] out of two Offices that sprung f [...]om Liberty, which he [...] to de [...]end (ad tu [...]dam plebem Tr [...]bunitio jure con [...]entum) he made [...] and perp [...]tual Dictator, as absolute as I [...]lius Caesar, but less [...] he pl [...]ased the people with the Title of Tribune, A [...] Years, as Tacitus observes, A [...]n. 1.

↵

1.

The higher a Man is in Dignity, the more shameful is Flattery in him; but especially if he be in such a station as makes it his Du [...]y to preserve and maintain the Au [...]hority of the Laws. It was p [...]easant to see Iames [...], who called Henry III. of France, the Saint of Saints, harangued the Parliament▪ and say he deserved Canonization, better than any the Kings of France his Predecessors▪ though he abandon'd the Government of his Kingdom to his Favourites. Iournal de son Regne.

↵

2.

The Clergy have always been ingenious in finding Reasons, or rather Pretences to exempt themselves from their most indispensable Duties. Residence was so strictly observed by the Roman Priests, that Seneca says their Priests were like Exiles that could never quit the Place of their Punishment. Quosdam exilia, quosdam sacerdotia uno loco tenent. De tranquillitate vit [...]. Visus est sibi quis, says Artemidorus, ad firmament [...]m templ [...] Neptuni catena alligatus esse: factus est sacerdos Neptuni: oport [...]bat enim ipsum inseparabilem esse sacerdotem. Lib. 5. de somniorum eventibus, sommio 1. A Pagan looks upon his Priesthood as an indissolvable tie upon him, that con [...]ines him for his Life to Neptune's Temple; yet the Christian Priests and Prela [...]es make no scruple of spending all their Lives in a manner from their Churches, without doing the State any Service. Filii hominum, usquequo gravi corde?

↵

3.

A Fault is a Fault though it has lasted a long time, and consequently a Prince should not lose an occasion to remedy it, when he finds one.

↵

4.

The Priesthood and Sovereignty are so far from being incompatible in the same Person, that on the contrary, one is a strengthning of the other; so Tacitus observes of the Kings of the Iews, amongst whom Honor sacerdotii firmamentum potentiae assumeba [...]ur, Hist. 5.

↵

5.

There is no Quality more essentially necessary in a Pope, than to be a Common Father: All Popes have equally this Title, but do not equally perform their Duty. The Partiality they all have, one for this Crown, another for that, never fails to produce ill Effects. As it is impossible a Partial Pope should be Iust, 'tis likewise impossible those Princes should have any Reverence for him who suffer by his Partiality. Besides those he favours, often reap no other Fruit from it than War with their Neighbours. What made the League betwixt Henry II. of France, and Paul IV. but the loss of the Battels of S. Quintin and Gravelines, which was a just Punishment for the Breach of the Truce of Vaucelles, and altogether a convincing Evidence, that the Absolutions a Violent and Passionate Pope gives, are not always sure signs of a Divine Absolution. So the wise Cardinal d'Ossat had good reason to say, that a Pope should be a Man of Virtue and Understanding, that he may not be deceived by the Artifices of ill Men, and to make him a common Father, in holding the Ballance equal, not doing ill to any at the Desire and Suggestion of others. Letter 330. Gregory XIV. at the beginning of his Papacy declar'd he pretended not to govern according to the Maxims of State, but according to the Laws of the Gospel. That was speaking like a Pope, but as a good Milanese he could not keep his word; for he soon declar'd for the League in favour of the King of Spain, and the Guises; As if Partiality had been an Evangelical Precept for a Common Father, Herrerac. 10. du Livre 6. de la 3 Partie de son Hist. If the Piety of the Faith [...]ul, says Saavedra, has given the Popes Temporal Power, it were more for the Security of their Grandeur never to use it against Princes, but when the Universal Good of the Church made it necessary. When the Triple Crown is turn'd into an Helmet, there is no Respect paid it, but as a temporal Thing; when it makes use of Politick Considerations, it is lookt upon only as the Crown of a Politick Prince, and not a Pope's, whose Authority should be supported by Spiritual Power. His Pastoral Duty is not for War but Peace. His Staff is crooked, not pointed, for 'tis to lead, not hurt. Empresa 94. I will conclude this with a very judicious Reflection of Don Iuan Antonia de Vera, in the Second Discourse of his Ambassador. What ancient or modern Example, says he, can be brought in comparison of that which Cardinal Bembo and Thomas Porcachi relate of Pope Iulius II. who being more an Enemy to the French King (Lewis XII.) tha [...] was fit for an universal Pastor of the Church, orders the King of Spain's Ambassador, and the Venetians, his Allies, to acquaint their Masters, he had made Peace with France, but that they should not be allarm'd at it, for he continued still his ill Will to that Crown, that his Heart was Spanish, and that this Peace was only to lay the French asleep, to take them afterwards, unprovided. If there be then so little Security and Faith in a Pope, what may we expect from Secular Princes? How can we trust those that are not Catholicks, or are born Infidels? Words worthy this Spaniard, who took for his Motto, Verita [...] Vincit.

↵

f

A Province near Rome, call'd now Terra di Lavoro. Florus says Campania was the [...]inest Country in the World. Terrarum pulcherrima.

↵

g

As Greece was a Province almost all Maritime, and where, according to Thucidides, Piracy prevail'd much, and those that exercised it were in good Esteem; the Inhabitants built Temples to protect themselves from the Insults of the Pyrates; So these Temples were not like our Churches, but like Castles and Forts, with Vaults under ground, and were not for the Retreat of Criminals, but for honest Persons, that fled from Oppression. And if they were abused, they lost the Privilege of the Sanctuaries, which at first was allowed to very few Places. But the Wickedness of Men, ingenious enough in finding out ways to abuse the most sacred things, wrought [...]o great a Change, that what was instituted in Greece for a Protection against Oppression, became one against Iustice and the Laws; so that the Sanctuaries that were at first only a Refuge for honest Men, and such as were afflicted, served afterwards only for Criminals. This made the Senate of Rome to regulate them, and take from the Temples in Greece the Privilege of Sanctuaries, except Nine that gave better Testimony than the rest of their Original. Too small a Number for so great a Province, that was more than a thousand Miles extent. There was at this time another kind of Immunity, not Instituted in Honour of any God, nor in Favour of any Temple, but only in consideration of Iustice. It was for those had any Potent Enemy they could not oppose, they run to some Statue of the Prince, embraced it, calling for Publick Authority, and then no one durst offer them the least Violence. Yet this was not an Immunity, but rather an Appeal to Iustice; For as soon as the Iudges took Cognisance of the Matter, if their Cause was good, they awarded them Satisfaction; but if Unjust, a double Penalty was inflicted, one for the Crime, the other for their boldnes [...] in running to the Princes Statue, when guilty. Would to God Churches were only Sanctuaries for the Innocent, and that C [...]iminals resorting to them, were not only punish'd for their Crimes, but also for their Rashness in believing God and the Churches will protect [...], Thieves, Rebels, incestuous Per [...]ons and Villains. [...] Pa [...]lo Sarpi, chap. 7. de son Traite [...]es Asiles. Philo Iudae [...]s explaining the Law in the 21. of Exodus, If a Man come presumptuously upon his N [...]ighbour to s [...]ay him with Guile, that thou shalt take him from mine Altar that he may die, says, That Wicked M [...]n should find no Sanctuary in Places consecrated to Piety and Worship. Pro [...]ani in fano nullum esse receptum, lib. de spec. legib. In Petrarchs Letters there is one to the Pope, in which he congratulates his repressing the Liberty of the Cardinals, who protected any Offenders pursu [...]d by Iustice. Epist. 1. lib. 7.

↵

1.

As Princes are obliged to establish the true Worship of God; they ought to be careful to banish false Appearances, which are to the pre [...]udice of States. For we may truly say, That Supperstition and Hypocrisie are often coverings to wicked Designs. Chap. 1. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique. The Conspiracy of the Marchioness de Verneuil against Henry IV. of France, was contrived by a Capuchin, called Father Arcange, under pretence of Confession, which cover'd the frequent private Conversations he had with her, and the Count a [...] her Brother, who pretended he had [...]aken a Resolution to become a Capachin.

↵

i

During the Civil War betwixt him and Pompey.

↵

k

So name [...], because this Temple was within the City of P [...]phos, now called Ba [...]o.

↵

l

There was in this Island, a Place called Amatonte, now Limisso, but it is little more than a Village.

↵

m

He called this Temple of Iupiter, Salamine, in Honour of his Country.

↵

n

The Church of Orle [...]n [...] is the most [...]amous and authentick Sanct [...]ary now in France, and it may be in Europe. The Priviledge the Bishops have upon their Entry to f [...]ee all the Criminals that [...] thither from all Parts of the Kingdom, except Traito [...]s, has been preserved by a Possession and uninterr [...]pted Enjoyment ever since S. Aignan, and confirmed by the Consent of all the Kings of France, and allowance of all the Cou [...]ts and Magistr [...]es of the Kingdom▪ that have never disputed this Right▪ So the Learned Historian, Adrian Valois, has reason to wonder at the neglect of the People o [...] Orleans, who [...]east and celebrate by a general Procession the 8th of May, because on that day they were delive [...]ed [...]rom a Siege of the English, 1429. and seast not on the 14th of Iune, the day their Ancestors drove out [...] and the Huns that closely Be [...]ieged them. Quem diem si qu [...]ndo forte celebrare voluerint, scian [...] anno 451. 18 Kal. Iulii, qui est Iunii dies quar [...] decimus, Hunnos urbe expulsos, ac majores suos captivita [...]e miserâ [...] vinculis esse liber [...]tos. Notitia Galli [...]rum, [...]it▪ Genabum.

↵

1.

There are a great many Priviledges and Exemptions of which we may say, as a Doctor did of Constantine's Donation, That it was read by the Blind, heard by the Deaf, and related by the Dumb. If, according to Cardinal Perr [...]n, all the Letters of the Pope's were forg'd by the Monks in [...]lemaine's time▪ there is great Reason to believe they are the Authors of the greatest part of their Registers.

↵

2.

Princes should religiously forbear violating the Rights of the Church, but when they degenerate, and are abused, they are obliged to apply necessary Remedies. Theodorick, King of Italy, commanded the Magistrates to protect the Church, and maintain it in its Rights, without prejudice to his Authority, Salvâ Civilitate, says Cassiodore. And it was in this Sense, that Charles V. coming to be Crown'd Emperor in Italy, answered the Pope's Legats that received him at Genoua, That he would never Violate the Rights and Priviledges of the Church; but so as to support those of the Empire, without suffering the Church to change them. Saave [...]ra empresa 94. & Don Iuan Antonio de Vera da [...] I'Epitome de sa Vie. The Immunity the Ecclesiasticks have is good to Priviledge, but not exempt them from their Duty; it is to straiten the Circumference in which they are to live, and not to give them head, nor to suffer them to exceed those bounds of Modesty are requisite for their State.

↵

o

if the Genoueses remember the miserable Condition their City was reduced to by the French Fleet 1684. they will trust no longer to St. Bernard's Letter, the Original whereof, they say, is kept yet in their Archives, in which the Saint promised never to forget them. In aeter [...]m non obliviscar tui, plebs devota, honorabilis Gens, Civitas illust [...]is. Epist. 129. ad Ianuenses. They may make Solemn Vows, and Dedicate Churches [...]o him to protect them against the Arms of France, but he will let their City be Bombarded, and their Republick destroyed if they keep not themselves within the Bounds of Respect and Modesty. In 1625. this Republick being in a War with the Duke of Savoy, they made a Vow to St. Bernard, to reckon him among their Patrons, to Celebrate his Festival for ever with a general Procession, to Build him a Chappel, and to give yearly Port [...]ons to Twelve poor Girls. Don Ie [...]n Mabil [...]on in Notis ad Epistolas D. Bernardi. This good Saint, and all the rest in Paradise, says a Pre [...]ate, Conform themselves to God's Will, who gives [...]eace and War as pleases his Providence, and Laug [...]s at the pretended Wisdom of Mortals. Lettre Mons. M [...]rqu [...]mont Archev. de Lion, du 5 M [...]y 1625. dans le [...] Tome des Memoires pour l'Histoire du Cardinal d [...] Richelieu.

↵

1.

Majesty knows no Superior. Kings, as Kings have no Mothers, and consequently their Natural Mothers should pay them the same Regard as their Subjects do, whereof she is one. What Margaret of Austria, Queen of Spain, did at [...]errara, in her first Visit to Clement VIII. with her Mother the Arch-Dutchess of Gretz, in giving the Arch-Dutchess the Chair provided for her, and taking another Place her self, may be an Example of filial Piety, but was not an Action becoming Majesty. It may be also said, that on this Occasion she violated the Rules of good Breeding and Iustice, when to honour her Mother, she was wanting in that Respect was due to her Husband's Dignity. To recover which▪ Clement caused another Seat to be presently brought for the Queen, who could not [...]it in that of the Arch-Du [...]chess, without in [...]uring the Majesty of the King of Spain. Gracian dans le 59. Discourse de son Agudeza. The Person of a Prince, says Antonio Perez, may have a Companion, but his Office cannot. And 'tis that the Ancients mean, when they say▪ Iupiter distributed to the other God [...], the White Wand, the Trident, and other marks▪ of Sovereignty, but always reserv'd the Scepter and Thunder to himself. Dans les Asorismes des secondes Lettres.

↵

p

Numa first institu [...]ed this Order at Rome, consisting of Twenty Persons [...]hose out of the ancien [...]est Families in the City, and settled in a College▪ Their Office was properly to be the chief Arbitrators of all Controversies relating to War and Peace, nor was it Lawful to take up Arms till they had declar'd all Expedien [...]s [...]or an Accommodation rejected.

↵

q

Who had no mor [...] Right▪ than the F [...]ciales to preside at the Publick Play [...].

↵

2.

Who can stop the Mouth of Posterity, and hinder their speaking of those, that make no other use of their Power than to commit Crimes with Impunity? Whatever Laws are made, ill Persons can never escape this Punishment; and if they gratifie themselves while they live, they have yet this Displeasure, to know, that the People will scan their Actions and curse them secretly; and that Writers will not spare them when they are Dead. See the End of the late Discourse of the Satyr M [...]nippee. A Satyr, says the Chancellor Chivergni, which is a Masterpiece and Monument to the Eternal Reproach of those who were the Authors of the League, and serves for an Example to such others to turn them from the like Enterprises. Dans ses M [...]moires. As fear of Infamy c [...]eates an Aver [...]ion to Vice, so the Example of Virtue recounted in History, should excite us to imitate those have le [...]t them.

↵

r

Besides the proper Senators, any Magistrate might come into the House, while he was in Office, and those who had born any Curule Office. They were not allowed the Privilege of giving their Votes; yet they tacitely expressed thei [...] Mind by going over to those Senators whose Op [...]nion they embraced, and on this account had the Name of [...] P [...]rii.

↵

3.

When Magistrates give themselves up to servile Fla [...]ry, they soon fall into Cruelty. Those Iu [...] ges that seek to make their Fortune, are always ill judges. It is for that Reason the Preacher saith, Ask not of the King the Seat of [...] and seek not to be made a Iudge, lest thou be not able to take away In [...]qui [...]y, and lest thou, fearing the Person of the [...]ghty, shouldst commit an Offence against thine own Uprightness, Eccle. chap. 7.

↵

1.

Great Men have no worse Enemies than those that have raised themselves from a mean Birth to a share in Publick Affairs. It were odious and unnecessary to give Domestick Examples of this Kind, every Man has a hundred before his Eyes. The Cause of this Hatred, according to T [...]itus, is, Qui [...] minor [...]us [...] a [...] m dandi cura, Hist. 4, Because these little People are naturally ill-disposed to them. But there is another Reason has a better Foundation, becau [...]e few of them but have received som [...] ill Usage [...]rom Great Men; or have been oppressed by them. So that scarce any of them [...]ise without Res [...]ntments. A Man is an Enemy to the Law, because he lost a Tryal▪ and the like Instances hold in other Cases.

↵

2.

A wise Spaniard says, He that will not obey another, takes the way not to command himself. The Means should be suitable to the Ends we propose. We would have Passive Obedience be taken for a Principle in us, when it is often only an impudent Pride. When a Man has once gain'd Honours, his manner of rising to them is forgot. Suffering much, to arrive afterwards to great Employs, is neither Meanness, nor want of Spirit, but Discretion. There are those can wait for nothing, which proceeds from their Excessive Ambition, for they will almost at the same time out-go their Equals, then their Superiors, and out-strip even their own Expectations. Push'd on by their natural Impetuousness, they neglect the surest means, as too fl [...]w, and embrace the shortest, though most hazardous. The same thing commonly happens to them as to Buildings erected in haste, without giving time to the Materials to settle, they fall down presently. Those Trees that upon the first warm Weather put out their Buds soon lose them, not staying till the Severities of the Winter are past. He never reaps any Benefit from his Affairs that precipitates them, his Impatience makes them abortive, and serves only to hasten Danger. Saavedra empresa polit. 34. In less than an Year N ... M [...]got was Master of Requests, First President of Bourdeux, Secretary of War, and Keeper of the Seals; but as he understood little of this last Place, they were forced to restore the Seals to Monsieur du Vair, his Predecessor. The Duke of Beausort lost his Credi [...] with the Queen-Regent, for pretending too much to her Favour and Con [...] dence in him. For not being satis [...]ied to rest upon the Pretensions the Duke of Vendos [...]e his Father had to the Government of Br [...]t [...]gne, he supported those also of all the Great Men that suffer'd under Richelieu's Minist [...]y, to make himself Creatures, and to give such clear Testimonies of his Power, that every one might ascribe to that whatsoever could satisfie his Ambition and Vanity. Memoires de M. le Du [...] de L. R.

↵

3.

When Princes would do an hard thing they are used to seek for Examples to authorise, or at least excuse their Injustice. After P. II. of Spain had arrested Don Carlos, he sent his Officers to Barcelona, to take out of the Archieves the Process against Don Carlos, Prince of Viana, Eldest Son of Iohn III. King of Arragon, which he caused to be translated into Spanish, to be a President to him in proceeding against his Son. Cabrera, chap. 22. du Livre 7. de son Histoire.

↵

4.

No Princes are so much commended for Clemency, as those have least of it. Piso, according to Tacitus's Character of him in his Sixth Annals, was a very wise Man, and hated base Flattery, yet commended Tiberius for a Virtue he wanted, not to [...]latter him, but to make him in love with the Reputation of it, and thereby to make him more merciful. For this Prince knew very well, Quae [...]ama clementiam sequeretur. Ann. 4.

↵

s

This was the same Man was [...]or Tiberius's entring Rome in Triumph, which Tiberius expos'd in his Letter to the Senate, that it was not fit for him to accept a Triumph for taking the Air.

↵

1.

This is one of those Counsels appear well, but under colour of encreasing the Prince's Power, in effect destroy it. Dolabella would have furnished Tiberius with a way to exclude from Government all that displeas'd him; but on the other side it expos'd him to the Hatred of most of the Great Men, if he expected it, Cardinal Richelieu speaking of the Selling of Offices, concludes it better to continue than suppress it, and give them freely, Though the Suppression of selling Offices, says he, is most agreeable to Reason and the Laws, yet there are such inevitable Abuses in the Distinction of them, when they are at a Prince's Pleasure, as make the Selling tolerable, For then the Artifices at Court go farther than Reason in the Disposing of them, and Favour beyond Merit. And a little after he says, A Suppression would be so far from [...] Vi [...]tue, it would promote Cabal [...] and Factions, and fill the Places with Men of mean Birth. The Weakness of the Age is such, that we sooner yield to Importunitie, than are led by Reason, and instead of being guided by Iustice, are commonly carried away with Favour. From what is past we ought to [...] the [...]uture, because we have alway [...] seen, that those in greatest Favour, have always carried it against Vir [...]. And [...] Princes and those they [...] cannot know the Merit of Persons, but by the Iudgment of others, they often mistake the Shadow for the B [...]d [...]. Sect. 1. du c. 4. de [...]. [...]ormerly the Popes pre-co [...]ed those th [...]y de [...]gn'd to make Cardinals, to have time to learn Peoples Opinion of them, before they proc [...]eded to [...]; but the Malice of Ill [...] a thousand Ar [...]ces and Lies [...] exclude those they hated, wa [...] the Reason this was [...].

↵

2.

I have often thought, says Ammirato, from whence it comes that some Men behave themselves better in Business, others worse than was look'd for. For Example, Vespasian was better and more Moderate, after he was Emperor; when on the contrary, 'tis said, Galba would have always been thought worthy of it, if he had not Reign'd. Pius IV. who may be compar'd to the first, exceeded all was expected from him; when Clement VII. whom every one thought fit to be Pope, s [...]cceeded no better than Galba. To seek this Difficulty, we will use a Comparison. There are two Vessels, one small and full, the other large and almost empty; The full Vessel is like a Man in an Employment suitable to his Abilities; Those who see him carry himself so well in it, conclude he would do the like in a Greater, not taking notice, that his Vessel is as full as it can hold, and if more be put in, it will run over. So Galba, while a Private Man, seem'd much greater than he was. The large Vessels, almost Empty, or at least not Full, are the Men of great Capacity, who having neither Estates nor Employments suitable to their Merit, are not much esteem'd, whether it is that they use not all their Diligence or Exactness in what they do, or not being proportionate, we cannot judge what may be expected from them. But when their Condition is such as to all their Vessel, they shew, contrary to common Expectation, that greatness of Soul and sublimeness of Genius, that their lower Fortune buried. Vespasian taking not all the Care he should to have cleansed the Streets, Caligula order'd the Skirt of his Gown to be fill'd with Dirt and Filth, and in Nero's Reign, he had like to have lost his Life for sleeping while Nero play'd. Which is not to be wonder'd at, considering he was not born for these Trifles, and that to fill his Vessel he wanted the Government of the World, which he afterwards held. Discours onzieme du livre 3. de son Commentaire sur Tacite. The Father of William Duke of Mantua, would have had him a Priest, because h [...] was little and Crooked, judging of his Soul by his Body; but he would not, and when he was Duke he shew'd by his Acquisition of Montserrat[?], and some other Places, that a Great Soul may be lodg'd in a Little Body. To conclude, how many excellent Men die without being known, who would have been admired, i [...] femploy'd? How could Arnaud d'Ossat have shewed his Abilities, if Henry IV. of France had not made him his Procurator, to sollicite his Absolution at Rome?

↵

3.

What judicious Princes have done, cannot reasonably be changed, unless Experience shews some Inconvenience; and 'tis plainly seen the same may be mended. Section 1. die chap. 4. la premiere Partie du Testament Politique.

↵

4.

There is no greater Charge than doing Iustice, i [...] a Prince would be a perfect Sovereign. Sovereignty, says A [...]tonio Perez, is a Charge, and consequently the Actions of him who exercises it, depend not on his own Will; but on the Rules and Conditions the People have requir'd and he accepted. And if a Prince observes them not, because they are only Humane Contracts; yet he cannot depart from those the Laws of God and Nature have pre [...]cri [...]'d, which are Superior to Kings, as we [...]l as Peasants. Dans les Aforis [...]s de Relations. And in another place he says, That Kings [...]owns are made Circular, as an Emblem of the [...]ounds of Humane Power. [...] the Catholick said, The surest way to keep a Throne, was to ballance the Interests of the Kingdom and People.

↵

5.

There is no Flattery more agreeable, nor more refin'd, than what pretends to Correction or Liberty, for that catches Men, and especially Princes, by their weak side, Self-love. Plut [...]rch says, this pretended Liberty is like Blows from Ladies, which instead of hurting, irritate and provoke to Pleasure. Princes have common Flatteries so continually in their Ears, that they would be wear [...]ed with them, if this Court-Food was not dress'd different ways, which recovers the Appetite their Favou [...]ites are concerned should not be cloy'd.

↵

u

The Latin is, egregium publicum, Emanuel Suegro renders it la reputation de la Republic [...]; Don Carlos Colonna, la reputacion publica; Adri [...]no Potiti, la reputacione publica; M. de Cha [...]v [...]alon, I'Etat; Rodolphus with this Paraphrase. That Capito had tarnished the Lustre of his publick Actions and Domestick Virtues. A Sense which appears very reasonable, considering this Senator had been Consul, and consequently a Publick Magistrate. Tacitus had perhaps a mind to speak of his different States of Life.

↵

1.

Ill Men, says Commines, are the worse for their Knowledge, but it mends those that are well dispos'd. Gentlemen of the Long Robe, are very requisite for Princes when honest; but if otherwise, they are very dangerous. Livre 2. Chap. 6. & Livre 5. Chap. derniere. Pope Nicholas III. was used to say, Knowledge without Honesty, was Poison without Remedy. Pagli. Observ. 431.

↵

x

Livy in his 42th Book says the contrary, mentioning, That Q. Fulvius Flaccus, when Praetor in Spain, vowed a Temple to Fortuna Equestris, which he built after at Rome, when Livius Posthumus Albinus and Marcus Popilius Lenas were Consuls, and he Censor: But this Temple being never dedicated, whether by reason of Fulvius his Death, who died the year after he was Censor, or because this Building was not then finished, 'tis probable Tacitus therefore said, there was no Temple of that Name in Rom [...], for the Name was not given but at the Ceremony of Dedication.

↵

2.

It is melancholly thing to consider, that Pagans should make their false Priests so strictly keep Residence, and that the frequent Injunctions and Laws are not su [...]ficient to do the like among Christians. A Priest of Iupiter could not be absent from Rome above two days, and those when he had no Religious Duty to perform. Now it is too common to see Bishops and Clergymen whole years absent from their Diocesses and Cures, and are little known but by their receiving Rents and Tithes. What would S. Bernard say, who so pas [...]ionately desired to see the Church of God in the same Condition as in the Apostle's time, when laxabant retia in cap [...]uram, says he to Pope Eugenius, non in capturam auri vel argenti sed in capturam animarum. Epist. 237. However, says Lewis XIII. of France, in a Circular Letter that he writ to the Clergy about Residence, there is not one can be ignorant that the Canons of the Church, (which King's are to see observed) and the Laws do oblige to an actual Residence, (upon which chiefly dep [...]nds good Order and Discipline in their Diocesses. Tome 5. des Memoires du Cardinal Richlieu. Bishopricks, says Cardinal d'Ossat, are the greatest and most important Charges of the Church, which cannot be well administred without the Presence and Residence of Prelates, especially in so disorderly a time as this is, for a Bishop has enough to do to discharge it well when he is present; however careful, diligent and zealous he is. Lettre 328. What Denis de Marquemont, Archbishop of Ly [...]ns, writ to Cardinal Richlieu to be recalled into France, is stronger and more affecting. ‘Rome, says he, which was formerly my Eden and Delight, is become so insuppo [...]table in this my last Voyage, that I have no Heart, nor Health, nor Desire to stay there longer. 'Tis not fit for an Archbishop of Lyons, and an old Man, to pass his time in Anti-Chambers. I forbear mentioning what is most considerable, the Reproaches of my Conscience, and those Comforts I am deprived of, and continually thirst after, which I have had the Experience of in the Exercise of the Duties of my Function.’ Dans les Memories du Ministre du Cardinal de Richlie [...]. Don Francisco Sarmiento, Bishop of Iaen, re [...]used the Office of President of Castille, which Philip II. pressed him to take, telling him he could not in Conscience do it, since he believed Residence of Divine Right.

↵

y

The Basilicae were very spacious and beautiful Edifices, designed not only for the Senate to sit in, but for the Iudges to, in Decision of all sorts of Causes, and for the Lawyers to receive their Clients.

↵

z

Statilus Taurus built an Amphitheatre, Philippus the Temple of Hercules, surnamed of the Muses, and Balbus, a Theater. Taurus and Balbus, who had both made their Fortune in the Wars, laid out only the Spo [...]ls th [...]y took from the Enemies, but Philippus built out of his own Estate.

↵

3.

An extraordinary Example of Modesty, that is followed by few or no Princes, o [...] great Men, who often take the Honor of that to themselves that has cost them nothing. In Innocent X's time▪ S. Peter's Church in Rome was called S. Peter's Dove-Coat, to expose the ridiculous vanity of this Pope, that set up his Arms there in a thousand Places. Eutropius, said Constantine, called the Emperor Hadrian, The Pellitory of the Wall. because his Name was writ every where. This Vanity is now very common: 'Tis seen upon the Walls, upon the Glass, upon the Hangings, and even upon the Altars. I speak not of Kings, Princes, or other great Men, but Upstarts and Citizens, whose Arms we meet with every where.

↵

1.

A Prince should never admit his Rebel Subject to treat with him; for besides, that it is an Example of dangerous consequence, 'tis i [...] some measure making a Subject his equal, or independent. Robert de la Marck, says Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, came a third time into Germany, from whence he was driven by the Emperor's Captains, for Charles V. would never march in Person against this Rebel, who deserved only Contempt, remembring what Herodotus writ of the Slaves of Scythia, that had taken Arms against their Masters, and made Head against them in the Field, being proud of the regard had to them in going against them as just Enemies; but when their Masters laid down their Arms, and took Scourges and Rods to meet them, these Wretches submitted, when they saw the Contempt their Masters had for them. Dans l'Epitome de la Vie de Charles Quint.

↵

a

So they called at Rome, that part of the Province the Romans gained from the Carthaginians.

↵

b

The Latin calls them Map [...]lia, poor little Hutts.

↵

c

He was the Son of Vipsania, Agrippa's Daughter, Tib [...]rius's first Wife. and Drusi [...]'s's Mother.

↵

1.

'Tis very usual for Princes to advance one Man thereby to lessen another of greater Merit, they hate. For this Reason, Philip II. of Spain preferr'd almost in every thing, the Prince d'Eboli before the Duke d'Alva. At the beginning of the Regency of the late Queen Mother of France, Cardinal Mazarine, continued th [...] Seals to the Chancellor Segnier, who was hated both by him and the Regent, that he might have a Man of Wit and Quickness to oppose to M. de Chasteauneuf that pretended to them, and to the Dutchess of Chevr [...]use, who laboured all she could to have brought her Adorer and Martyr into the Ministry. So the Regent called M. de Chasteauneuf. Memoires de M. de Chas [...]re.

↵

2.

How good soever Princes are, they never love those who want Complaisance. Majesty is so used to Respect, that whatever savours of Freedom is insupportable. There are few Princes like Stephen de Battor, King of Poland, who gave the rich Palatinate of Sandomir to Stani [...]as Pekoslawski, who when he was Deputy from that Province to the Diet, always opposed him. Pekoslawski, said Stephen, when he named him to the Palatinate, Is a very bad Deputy, but very good Soldier. A memorable Example (says the Bishop of Pre [...]ilz) of Generosity and Moderation, and the more Commendable, because this Prince valued his Merit, when he had cause to hate his Person. Piajecki dans sa Cronique. What Pope Iulius III. did in savour of Brac [...]io Martelli, whom he removed from the poor Bishoprick of Fiesole to the rich Church of Leccia, though he had always stifly opposed the Authority of the Legats in the Council of Trent, where Iulius had presided in that Capacity, is one of the noblest Examples of the last Age. Le Cardinal Pallavicin ch. 1. du. 13. Livre [...] de son Histoire du Concile de Trent. Scipio A [...]nirato says, That this Prelate's good Life made the Clergy of Leccia, who lived very dissolutely when he came to the Diocess, so regular and vertuous, that the strictest Observers were satisfied with them. Disc. 9 du livre 3. de son Comm [...]ntaire sur Tacite.

↵

d

This was he, that giving his Vote for L [...]pidus to be Senator, answered Augustus, who asked him, I [...] he knew no Man sitter, that every one had his Opinion. Upon which, Augustus being so ince [...]'d, as to threaten his Life▪ Labeo, without changing his Countenance, or Courage, replied, That he thought he made a good Choice, when he was for one whom Augustus continued in the Dignity of High-Priest.

↵

3.

When a great Man's Merit is generally known, the refusing him those Employments and Honours he deserves, recommends him to Posterity. And while he lives, the publick Compassion recompences th [...] wrong done him. And it is a Glory to him to have it asked, Why he is not a Marshal, or a Governor of a Province, because it is an Argument he is worthy of them. Ciaconius, asked with Admiration, Why St. Thomas Aqu [...]nas was not Created Cardinal as well as St. Bonadventure, whom he equalled both in Learning and Sanctity. And I may likewise ask, says a Modern Writer, Why St. Bernard was not a Cardinal as well as so many other Religious, his Disciples: But 'tis believed his Book De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam, boldly writ, and his Remonstrances to many Cardinals, whose Behaviour he could not bear, were the Reasons Pope Eugenius his Disciple made him not a Cardinal. Traite de l'Origine des Cardinaux, chap. 6. Nothing exposes a Courtier to more Envy, than to be called too soon to Employments, to the excluding others of higher Birth and Merit from them. The Promotion of Bartelemi de Caransa, a Dominican, to the Archbishoprick of Toledo, created him as many Enemies and Persecuters as there were Prelates in Spain. Don Hernando de Valdez, Archbishop of Sevile, and Inquisitor General, who expected this Primacy of Toledo, accused him for not being Orthodox, and many Religious of the same Order, Councellors of the Holy Office, joined with this Grand Inquisitor; so that this poor Prelate, the first Archbishop of Spain, was to be a Sacrifice to Calumny; when if Phillip II. had led him by degrees to this eminent Dignity, no one had taken notice of his Elevation and his Prince's Favour. Cabrera ch. 10. du liv. 4. de son Histoire. Don Bartelemi was 17 years in the Prisons of the Inqui [...]tion, 7 at Madrid, and 10 at Rome, where he died in 1576.

↵

4.

There is always much discourse of great Person's last Wills, which are the most faithful Mirrours of their Sense and Manners. Testamenta hominum speculum morum, says Pliny Iunior. While they live, you commonly know not their Hearts, they so disguise themselves, but when they die, their Testaments clear all Doubts, and undeceive many that thought they had the best share in their Esteem and Affection. What Philip II. of Spain did in 1580. at Badajoz, when he thought he should Die, discovered to Queen Anne, who expected the Regence, that she had a Husband of Tiberius's Opinion, not to trust Women with Power. The sincerity of a Man when he makes his Will, appears fully, Cardinal Richlieu's Testament Politick to Lewis 13. There you see the King's Picture drawn to the Life, there you have all the good Counsel an able Minister can give his Prince, exquisit [...] Policy, great Thoughts, bold Truths, a Masculine Eloquence, and admi [...]able Wit: But Self Love, which, according to the old saying, is the last Shirt a Wise Man puts off, has made him commit an Error, in spea [...]ing too much of his Services, particularly in the first Chapter of the first Part, which is more to his own Commendation than his Master's. For the rest, as to his manner of Drawing Lewis XIII. as a Prince and Magistrate, there is cause to say, A Testament discovers many Thoughts th [...] Testator durst not divulge in his Lif [...] time. Ch. 7. de la premier Partie.

↵

5.

Those that are Born Rebublicans find it very difficult to quit the Love of Liberty, witness Iunia, who a [...]ter 64 years living under Augustus and T [...]b [...]rius, preserved always the same Sentiments, in which her Uncle, Brother an [...] Husband dies. So her Will could not fail being Republic [...]n as well as her Family, which had been for many Ages the Bullwark and Palladium o [...] Liberty.

↵

6.

There are some things that are not only more seemly, but more expedient for a Prince to dissemble, than resent. Tiberius could not shew himself displeased with Iunia's Will, without disobliging all the great Persons she had named in it, so that they would have Cause to think he would take away the Freedom of Testaments. Besides, Iunia seemed to have a good Opinion of his Moderation and Iustice, when she made the greatest Persons in Rome her Heirs, without fearing the excluding him would overthrow her Will.

↵

7.

It is Generous to Honour Virtue in our greatest Enemies. Rodolph Duke of Suabia, whom Pope Gregory VII. made Emperor in the room of Henry IV. that was Excommunicated and Deposed, being Buried at Mersbourg, like an Emperor, the Saxons would have taken a Plate of Brass from his Monument, on which was his Arms, with the Imperial Crown, and other Marks of Sovereignty, to avoid Henry IV's Resentment, who had gained two Battels against the Rebels; but he forbid them, saying, He wished all his Enemies as honourably Buried. Heiss. dans son Histoire de l'Empire, Vie d'Henry IV. The Duke de Sesse, Viceroy of Naples, under Phil [...]p II. of Spain, caused a stately Mausolaeum to be erected to the famous Captain, Pedro Navarro, tho' he took part with Francis I. of France against his Sovereign Charles V. and Died at Naples by the Hand of Iustice. Quamvis Gallorum partes secutum, says the Epitaph, pro sepulcri [...]ere honestavit, c [...]m hoc habeat in se praeclara virtus, ut etiam in hoste sit admirabilis. This Duke, says De Maurier, paid Respect to Virtue in an Enemy, and a Rebel, and not content to Esteem him in his Heart, he raised him a Mausoleum. Dans la Preface de ses Memoires de Hollande. Philip II. of Spain, after he cut off Don Iuan de la Nuca's Head, who took up Arms in the Defence of the Priviledges of Arragon, ordered his Body to be carried to the Burial Place of his Ancestors by ten Noble Persons to pay Respect to his Worth, whose Person he had punished. Ch. 10. des dits & des faits de Philippe II.

↵

8.

The Glory of Great Persons depends not on the Humour nor Ill Will of Princes. They are gro [...]y mistaken, that think that the Suppression of their Images, or Praises can bury their Memory in Eternal Oblivion. Princes can make Men hold their Tongues, but cannot make them forget the good Actions of those have deserved Universal Applause. The Complaisance, every Man has for his Prince, suspends for a time Commendation and Honours that are due to them, but when he is Dead, Liberty succeeds Restraint, and revenges upon the Memory of the Oppressor, the Injustice done to those that are oppressed.

↵

THE Life of AGRICOLA.

[Page]

By IOHN POTENGER, Esq

I. IT has been usual heretofore to transmit the Deeds, and Manners of famous Men to Posterity, neither is it omitted in our Times, tho' the Age is very careless of its own Transactions, as often as any great, and noble Virtue proves so transcendent as to ba [...]fle Envy, and prevent Ignorance, Vices equally common to great, and little Cities. But as our Predecessors were apparently more prone to Actions, worthy to be recorded, so every celebrated Wit was induced, by the meer Reward of doing well, to an impartial Publication of their Virtues: Nay, many have thought [...]it to be their own Historians, not through Arroganc [...], but a just Assurance of their good Behaviour. Neither is it any Discredit, or Objection to the Memoirs of Rutilius, or Scaurus, that they were written by their own Hands; so highly is [Page] Virtue esteemed, when frequently practised: But I, who am about to write the Life of a dead Man, have need of Pardon, which I should not crave, were I not to write in Times so malignant towards the Virtuous.

II. We have read of Arulenus Rusticus, and Herenius Senicen made Capital Offenders; the one for praising Priscus Heluidius, the other, for commending Petus Thrasea; nay, the Books as well as the Authors were executed: A Triumvirate being appointed to burn those Monuments of famous Men, in the Publick Assembly, and in the open Market, believing by their Flames, the Peoples Freedom of Speech the Liberty of the Senate, and the good Conscience of Mankind would be destroyed. And by the Expulsion of Wise Men, and the Banishment of honest Arts, Goodness it self would be extirpated. We have given ample Proofs of our Patience; for, as the former Age saw the End of Liberty, so we have the Extremity of Servitude, being deprived, by frequent Inquisitions, of the Commerce of the Ear, and Tongue; so that we had lost our Memory with our Voice, could we as easily forget, as be silent.

III. Now at last our Spirits are revived: But if in the beginning of this blessed Age, Nerva Caesar has reconciled two former Opposites, Liberty and Sovereignty; and Caesar Trajan daily increases our Happiness under Kingly Government; so that we have not only fair Hopes, and a longing Desire, [Page] but a strong Assurance of the Publick Safety: Yet, such is the Infirmity of Human Nature, Remedies work slower than the Disease. And as our Bodies, that grow by degrees, quickly perish; so it is easier to suppress, than restore Wit, and Learning, there being a kind of Charm in Idleness that makes Sloth, which was at first troublesome, turn to Delight. What, if for fifteen Years, a large Space of Human Life, many have fallen by Accident, but the more Eminent by the Cruelty of the Prince? Yet some of us have not only survived our Contemporaries, but, if I may so speak, our selves, so many Years being substracted from the middle part of our Age; in which, if young, we grow old, if old, we're passing in silence to the last Period of our Lives. But I shall, without Regret endeavour, tho' in a rude Style, to relate our past Misery, and our present Happiness. And I hope this Account, being dedicated to the Memory of my Father-in-Law, Agricola, will, for its Piety, merit Pardon, if not Praise.

IV. Cnaeus Iulius Agricola was born in the Ancient and Famous Colenny of Forium Iulium: Both his Grandfathers were Procurators to their Prince: the noble Imploy of a Roman Knight. His Father Iulius Graecinus was a Senator eminent for Wisdom, and Eloquence; good Qualities that provoked the Rage of Caius Caesar, who put him to death, for refusing to implead Marcus Silanus. He, being bred up under the Wing of a tender Mother, Iulia Procilla, a Woman of a singular [Page] Chastity, pass'd his Minority in acquiring Virtues sutable to his Age. He was not only guarded from the Allurements of the Vicious by a natural Probity, but by having, in his tender Years, Massilia the Seat, and Mistress of his Studies; a Place that had exactly temper'd a Provincial Parsimony, with a Graecian A [...]ability. I well remember, he frequently would relate how eagerly he was bent in his Youth, on the Study of Philosophy, and the Law; more then was allowed a Roman Senator. But his Mother's Prudence corrected this irregular Heat. His high Spirit made him more vehement, than cautious in the Pursuit of Glory, and Renown: But Age and Experience made him more temperate; but, what was most difficult, he continued to bound his Desires with Discretion.

V. He made his first Campaign with great Approbation under Suetonius Paullinus in Britain, a diligent, and good-natur'd General, who did him the Honour to choose him for his Comrade. Agricola did not, like other Gallants, make War the Business of Love, and Courtship: He was not addicted to Rambling, and Pleasure, so as to have the Title, without the Skill of a Tribune; but spent his time in discovering the Country, in making himself known to the Army, and being informed by the Skilful; still following the Brave; never attempting any thing out of Ostentation, or declining any Attempt for Fear. Never were Affairs in Brit [...]in more desperate: Our old Souldiers [Page] slain, our Colonies burnt, our Army intercepted; and we forced first to fight for Safety, and then for Victory. These Exploits, by which the Province was recover'd, tho' acted by the Advice, or Conduct of another, were the General's Glory; and made our young Souldier more emulous, as well as more experienced, his Soul being fired with an Ambition of Military Fame, which was very disagreeable to those Times; in which, to be Eminent was to be suspected; a great Name, and an ill one being equally dangerous.

VI. He went hence to Rome to commence a Magistrate; and married Domitia Decidiana, a Lady of a Noble Family, which Match was not only a Credit, but an Advantage to his Rise: They mightily agreed, and lov'd; mutually preferring each other; a Point of no great Consequence, only a good Wife is as great an Ornament, as a bad one is a blemish to her Husband. 'Twas his Lot, as Questor, to have Asia his Province, and Salvius Titianus, Pro-Consul, but he was corrupted by neither; tho' a greedy Pro-Consul, and a wealthy Province, a fit Prey for the Avaricious, might easily have made way for a mutual Connivance. Here his Family, to his great Support and Comfort, was recruited with a Daughter, having lost his Son a little before. The time between his being Questor, and Tribune of the People, nay, the Year of his Tribuneship, he past in Ease, and Quietness; well understanding the Temper of Nero's Court, where, to [Page] do nothing was Policy; the same was the Course, and Silence of his Pretorship: He executed no Iudicial Office; he managed Plays, and other pompous Vanities, by a Temper of Reason, and Liberality; the farther from Excess, the nearer to Credit. He was appointed by Galba to Revise the Gifts, and Riches of the Temples; who by a diligent Scrutiny preserv'd the Commonwealth from being sacrilegiously pillaged by any but Nero.

VII. The next Year severely wounded him, and his Family: Otho's Fleet, loosly roving along the Coasts, wasted Intemelium, a part of Liguria, and killed his Mother at her Farm, which they spoiled, and plunder'd of its Wealth; the occasion of her Murder: Going to perform his last Act of Piety, Agricola was acquainted, by an Express, that Vespatian pretended to the Empire, with whom he immediately sided. At first Mutianus was at the Head of Affairs, and governed the City, Domitian being very young, and making no use of his being the Son of an Emperor, but to live licentiously; Mutianus sent Agricola to take Musters, which he did with Integrity, and Courage. And, understanding that their present Lieutenant behaved himself seditiously, [...]e gave him the Command of the Twentieth Legion, which was hardly brought to take an Oath to Vespatian. A Legion formidable, and too much for the Lieutenant-Generals, but wholly ungovernable by their own: Tho' 'twas a Question, whether [Page] he was too weak, or they too stubborn. Agricola was elected for his Successor and Revenger; but he, with rare Moderation, wou'd rather seem to find than make them good.

VIII. At this time Vectius Bolanus was Lieutenant of Britain, who was of too mild a Disposition for so fierce a People. Agricola check'd the Ardor of his aspiring Spirit, fearing it should increase, for he had learned perfect Obedience, and to act honestly to his Advantage. In a little time Petilius Cerialis was Lieutenant-General here: Now he had Space and Opportunity, to give frequent Proofs of his Courage and Conduct. Cerialis first made him Share of his Toyl, and Danger, then of his Glory. Oftentimes, for an Experiment, letting him Command a small Party, and, as he came off, a greater. Agricola never boasted of his Performance, but ascribed all the Honour of the Action to his Superior Officer. Thus by a vertuous Submission, and a Modesty in speaking of himself, he lived without Envy, but not without Praise.

IX. Returning from being Lieutenant of the Legion, Vespatian made him a Patrician; and with the Hopes of being Consul, which was design'd him, gave him the Government of Acquitane, a Command of the first Rank and Dignity. It has been the Opinion of many, that Military Wits are not so refined, and polished, Martial Proceedings being more coarse, and blunt; rather the [Page] Work of the Hand, than Head; not using the Acuteness, and Subtility of Civil Courts. Yet Agricola, bred a Souldier, by a natural Prudence, lived easily and fairly with those Sharpers of the Law. Now he had set times for Business, and Diversion; when he was on the Bench, and to give Iudgment, he was grave, intent, severe, but o [...]tenest merciful, if consistent with his Duty: Afterwards there was no Sign of his Authority, for he put off his Austerity, State, and Rigour; and, what was seldom to be met with, his Kindness did not abate his Power, nor his Severity, the Love of his Subjects. I should injure the Character of this Great Man, should I tell how free he was from Corruption, or Bribery. He never would purchase Fame, which good Men are fond of, by [...]lie Arts, or confident Boasting: He neither emulated his Collegues, nor contended with the Procurators, knowing to be overcome was a Shame, and to conquer no Honour. He continued three Years in his Government, but was recalled with a Prospect of being Consul, returning with the Opinion of all, that he was designed for Britain, because he was most [...]it; not that any thing that dropped from him could occasion the Report. Fame does not always mistake, but sometimes makes a good Choice; during his Consulship he was so kind, as to promise me his hopeful Daughter, and when it was ended, our Marriage was consummated: He was immediately made Governor of Britain, to which was annexed a Pontificial Dignity.

[Page] X. Many Writers have described the Situation, and Inhabitants of Britain, which I shall do; not to vie with them in Wit and Care, but because it was now first totally subdued: That, which our Predecessors adorned with their Eloquence, I shall faithfully relate. Of all the Islands that are known to the Romans, Britain is the largest: Its Eastern Parts lie towards Germany, its Western towards Spain, its Southern against France; there is no Land to be described on the North, but an open and wide Sea, that continually beats upon the Shoar. Livy, the most Eloquent of the Ancient, and Fabius Rusticus of Modern Authors, have compared its Figure to an Oblong Dish, or an Ax. That is its Shape indeed, of this side Caledonia, and therefore Fame has applied it to the whole: But there is a vast enormous Tract of Land, that, by Degrees, grows narrower and narrower, like a Wedge; the Roman Fleet first doubling this Point, affirmed Britain to be an Island, and at once discovered and conquered the Isles of Orkney, 'till that time unknown. Thyle too, at a distance, it descried, hid hitherto in Snow and Winter. The Sea here is said to be sluggish and stiff to the Oar, not subject to be agitated by Winds: I suppose, because the Continent is far off, and the Mountains upon it but few, which are thought to be the Source and Nurseries of Winds and Tempests: Whereupon so continued a Mass of deep Water, is difficult to be put into Motion. To enquire into the Nature of the Sea, and Tides, is not my Business, [Page] it being done by others; but this I shall say, The Empire of the Sea is no where more absolute, proudly carrying Rivers of Water hither and thither; and doth not only ebb and [...]low, but forces its passage into the Land, and climbs up to the Tops of Mountains, as if they were its proper Road and Channel.

XI. Whether the first Inhabitants of this Island were Natives, or imported Strangers, is hardly to be found in this, or any barbarous Nation. We may conjecture at their Original, by the various Fashions of their Bodies: They that live in Caledonia, are red Headed, big Limb'd, which speaks them of a German Extraction. The Swarthiness of the Silures, and their curled Hair, would induce one to believe, by their Situation over-against Spain, that the Iberi had heretofore failed over, and planted themselves in these parts. They that are Neighbours to the French, are like them, either because the Qualities, and Strength of their Progenitors, continue in them; or, because, in Countries bordering upon one another, the same Climate createth the same Complexion: But 'tis generally believed, the French first Peopled those Parts. You may guess at their Religion, by their superstitious Opinions. Their Speech differs but little; with equal Boldness they challenge Dangers, and with equal Fear decline them when they come: The British Fierceness has the Preference, being not at present softned by a long and a sluggish Peace. The French were formerly brave, but being [Page] invaded by Sloth and Idleness, they lost their Courage and their Liberty. The same Fate attended the Britains heretofore. The rest remain such as the French were.

XII. Their greatest Strength lies in their Infantry. Some Nations use Chariots in War; the greatest Men drive them, and their Dependants defend them. They were formerly governed by Kings; but now they are divided into Faction, and Parties, by some Ring-Leaders. That which contributed most to our conquering these Warlike Nations, was, their having no Common Council; seldom above two or three Cities, at a time, concerted Methods of repelling the Common Foe: So that whilst they fought singly, they were universally overcome. They have a dropping, and a cloudy Sky; the Cold here is not sharp; the Days are of a greater Length than ours; the Night is clear, and in the Extream Parts short; so that you scarce distinguish the Beginning from the Ending of the Day. They affirm, if the Clouds did not interpose, the Rays of the Sun would be always visible; and, that he does not rise and set, but glide by; because the Extream and Plain Parts of the Earth, project a low and humble Shadow, which makes Night hang hovering under the Stars and Sky. The Soil will bear all sorts of Grain, besides the Olive, and the Vine, and such as love a hotter Climate. It is very fruitful, and every thing springs quickly, but ripens slowly; which is the effect of moist Grounds, and showry [Page] Heavens. This Country produces Gold and Silver, and other Metals, which defray the Charge of their Conquest. The Sea breeds Pearl, not very Orient, but pale and wan: Some suppose it want of Skill in those that pick them up; for in the Red Sea they are plucked from the Rock alive, and breathing; but in Britain, they are gathered as they lie about in the Sea: But, I believe, there is more want of Worth in the Pearl than Skill, viz. Greediness in them who gather 'em.

XIII. The Britains suffer patiently the Levying of Men and Money, and faithfully discharge all Publick Employments imposed on them, if so be they are not abused thereby, which to them is intolerable, being at present subdued to Obedience, but not to Vassalage. Iulius Caesar, altho' he first made a Descent with his Army, and [...]righted the People with a successful Battel, yet he possessed himself of nothing but the Shoar, and seem'd rather to shew, than deliver them to Posterity. Now the Civil Wars of Rome turned the Great Mens Swords upon the Common-wealth, and Britain was forgot, during a long Peace. Augustus, but especially Tiberius, termed that Oblivion, State-Policy: But 'tis certainly known, Caius had a Design to attack Britain, had he not been of a Temper to resolve suddenly, and as suddenly to alter his Resolution; or, had he not been disappointed by the bad Success his Arms had in Germany; 'twas Claudius who first effectually prosecuted its Conquest, transporting Legions, and Auxiliaries, and [Page] taking Vespatian in to the Enterprize, which was a Prelude to his future Greatness: Now it was, that Countries were reduced, Kings captivated, and Vespatian made known to the World.

XIV. The first Lieutenant-General, [...] was Aulus Plautius; the next, Ostorius Scapula, both great Commanders: By degrees, the nearest Parts were brought into the Form of a Province, where a Colony of old Soldiers was planted. Some Cities were bestowed on King Cogidunus (who continued faithful, even within our Memory), according to an Ancient Practice of the Romans, who made Kings the Instruments of the Peoples Slavery. What others acquired, Didius Gallus preserved; and by erecting a few Castles farther up in the Country, sought to gain the Reputation of having extended his Trust. Verantius followed Didius, and died in a Year's time. After that, Suetonius Paullinus was very successful for two Years, subduing Nations, and fortifying Garisons; upon Confidence of which, he was resolved to make an Attempt on the Island Mona, that still furnished the Rebels with fresh Supplies.

XV. But this turning of his Back, gave the Britains a fair Opportunity, whose Fear left them with the Lieutenant-General; they had now leisure to consider the Mischiefs of Bondage, and to compare their Miseries, and be inflamed by their reflecting upon them:—What was the Effect of their Patien [...]e, but to have heavier Burdens laid upon [Page] their Shoulders, as if they were ready to bear any thing? They had heretofore, but one King at a time, but now they had two; a Lieutenant to be lavish of their Lives, and a Procurator to make havock of their Fortunes. Their Governour's Discord, or Concord▪ was equally pernicious to the Subject; vexed by the Soldiers, and Centurions of the one, and the Force, and Contumely of the other; nothing was exempted from their Luxury and Lust: The Brave in Fight should plunder, but now their Houses were become a Prey to base ignoble Cowards, their Children forced away, and Soldiers required of them, as if they knew nothing but to die for their Country. If the Britains would but Number themselves, they would find, how few of their Soldiers, compared to them, had been brought over: The Germans shook off their Yoke, who had not the Ocean, but a River only for their Defence: And, that they had the juster Cause of War, their Country, Parents, and their Wives; whereas, their Enemies had no pretence, but Avarice, and Luxury: Would they but emulate their Ancestors, and not be daunted at the Event of one or two Battles, and consider, that Men in Misery are apt to make the braver Attempts, and to go on with the greater Perseverance, they might make these their Enemies as hastily return, as their Ancestors did their first Invader, Iulius, by calling away the Roman General, and by detaining him, and his banish'd Army, in another Island, they had vanquished the greatest Difficulty, which was to Consult; to which it may be added, that it is more dangerous to be taken Plotting, than Fighting.

[Page] XVI. Having provok'd each other, by such Discourses, and made Voadica, a Woman, their Chief, no Sex being excluded the Government, they, by Consent, made War together, pursuing those dispersed in Garisons, taking their Forts, invading their Colonies, as the Seat of Slavery and Oppression: Neither did these conquering and incensed Barbarians, omit any sort of Cruelty. If Paulinus had not been acquainted with the Revolt of the Province, and speedily sent help, Britain had been utterly lost; but the Success of one Engagement, reduced it to its former Obedience and Patience. A great many kept their Arms in their Hands, being conscious of their own Guilt, and fearful of the Lieutenant-General; who, otherways a Great Man, to revenge this particular Affront, behaved himself cruelly towards the poor People that surrendred. Petronius Turpilianus was sent, a Person more exorable, and less acquainted with their Crimes, which made him receive the Penitent with greater Mildness. When he had composed these Differences, he delivered up the Province to Trebellius Maximus; who being a less active Man than his Predecessors, and wanting Knowledge in Military Affairs, maintained his Province by a gentle way of looking after it. The Britains were so civil, as to pardon an Error so grateful, and so easie to themselves. A Civil War breaking out, gave just Excuse to his Remisness: But the Army began to mutiny; which, having been used to Enterprize, now grew Loose [Page] for want of Action. Trebellius avoided their Fury by Flight and Concealment, but lost his Authority; being forced to Govern precariously, as if it had been agreed between him and the Army, that he should live safely, provided they might live licentiously. This Sedition cost no Blood. Vectius Bolanus came in his room, but the Civil Wars continuing, he could not maintain Military Discipline in Britain, the Army being alike careless of the Enemy, and troublesome to the Superiour Officer in the Camp; but being a harmless Man, and not having incurr'd any Ill-will by reason of any Offence, he obtained Respect, instead of Authority.

XVII. But now Vespatian having won the Empire of the World, and Britain, his Captains became Great, his Armies Famous, and the Enemies Hopes little: Petilius Cerialis struck them with a present Terror, by assaulting the City of the Brigantines, which was esteemed the most populous of the whole Province. And after many sharp, and bloody Conflicts, he reduced and wasted the greatest part of the Country. The bright Reputation of Cerialis was enough to ecclipse the Diligence, and Glory of a Successor; but Iulius Frontinus, a Man as great as Circumstances would permit, sustained the Charge with Honour, and Renown, overcoming the Difficulties of Defiles, and Passes, and the Courage of the Enemy; he subdued the stout and fighting Nation of the Silures.

[Page] XVIII. Agricola passing over, in the middle of Summer, [...]ound Affairs in this Posture, and these to be the various Turns of War: The Souldiers living securely, as if the Business of the Expedition were over; and the Enemy as intently watching all Advantages. The Ordovices just before his coming cut to pieces almost a Squadron of Horse that lay in their Borders, with which Proceeding the rest were so elevated, that some, desirous of War, approved of the Example; others staid to see the new Lieutenant's Resolution. Agricola, tho' the Summer was almost spent, and his Men dispersed up and down in the Country, the Souldiers dreaming of nothing less than Action, which things mightily cross'd, and retarded his Warlike Designs: Nay, many thought it more advisable, for the present, to guard the Places suspected, resolved to meet the Danger, gathering together the Ensigns of the Legions, and some few Auxiliars; the Ordovices not daring to come on even Ground, he placed himself at their Head, to inspire them with the same Courage, exposing himself to the same Hazard, and made the Army march and destroy almost the whole Nation; knowing very well, that now was the time for gaining a Reputation; for as things happen at the first, so they continue, most commonly, afterwards: He therefore was very intent upon the Reduction of the Isle of Mona; which, as I have related, Paulinus was forced to quit upon the general Defection of Britain. But as in dangerous [Page] Adventures, something is always wanting; so now they had no Ships to transport their Men: But Agricola, by his Contrivance, and Constancy, carried them over. After they had laid aside their Baggage; he chose the best, and most expert of the Auxiliars, who understood all the Fords, and were admirable Swimmers, and could manage their Arms, themselves, and their Horses at once; and in this manner poured them on their amazed Enemies, who thought to have seen a Navy, and Ships crossing the Sea, and not a War brought in to their Country so miraculously: So that they concluded nothing was difficult, or impregnable to such bold Adventurers. Whereupon they immediately supplicating for a Peace, and delivering up the Island, Agricola began to be esteemed a great, and valiant Commander. At his first entring upon the Government, he applied that Time, to Labour and Hazard, which others spent in Shew and Complement: He did not let his Success prove fruitless; neither would he call, the keeping the Vanquish'd in order, an Expedition, or a Victory; he did not crown his Letters of Advertisement with Laurels, but encreased the Glory of his Arms, by taking no notice of it, while Men weighed with themselves, how great a Prospect he must have of Things to come, who was so regardless of great Things already done.

XIX. Being well acquainted with the Genius of his Province, and having learnt, at other Mens Cost, that Arms avail little towards the setling of a Peace, [Page] if Injuries are permitted, he was resolved to root out all Occasions of War: And what was to some as difficult, as the Government of a Province, beginning with himself and Family, he reformed his own House; he allowed no Bond or Free Man to share in the Management of Affairs; he let no Souldiers immediately attend his Person, that were privately recommended by Friends, or by the Praises, or Entreaties of the Centurions; but he esteemed the best Souldier always the most Faithful: He would be informed of all things, tho' he did not punctually exact their Execution; he applied Pardon to small Faults, and Punishment to great Ones; he prudently chose those Officers, that were likely to prove inoffensive, rather than be put to the ungrateful Trouble of condemning them, when Offenders: The Augmentation of Tribute and Corn, he mitigated by an equal proportioning the Burden; and cut off all Extortion, which was more grievous than the Imposition; for they made a Iest of the poor People, who were forced to wait at the Granaries, when lockt up, and to buy Corn, which they must sell at a Price: Several ways▪ and far distant Places▪ were enjoyned by the proud Purveyors, that the Cities should carry their Provisions, not to the nearest, but farthest Camp, which was out of the way, till that which was ready, and at hand for all, was made the Advantage of a few.

XX. The rectifing these Matters, in the first Year of his Government, mightily recommended [Page] Peace, which before, by the Connivance, or Negligence of his Predecessors, was as dreadful as War. As soon as it was Summer, he drew his Army together, commended those that marched orderly, but checkt the Straglers; he chose the Places for encamping, and in Person, tried the Bogs and Woods; he gave the Enemy no rest, being never free from Incursions, and Ravage; when he thought he had scared them enough, then he would hold his hand, forbearing Acts of Hostility to sweeten them to a Peace. These Methods of proceeding, wrought so upon many Cities, which, till that time had stood upon equal Terms with him; that they, laying aside their Animosity, voluntarily submitted, giving Hostages, and permitting Garisons and Forts, to inviron them; which was done with so much Care and Iudgment, that no part before of the Roman new Conquest in Britain, was free from the frequent Insults of the Enemy.

XXI. The ensuing Year was spent in wholesome Councels, to bring this Rough and Warlike People, living dispersed, and ready to take Arms upon all Occasions, to Peace and Quietness, by shewing them the Pleasures thereof: In order to which, he privately exhorted, and publickly joyned with them to build Temples, Houses, and Seats of free Iustice, praising the Forward, repremanding the Backward; which bred in them such an Emulation of Honour, that did as much as Compulsion. Then he took care to have the Sons of the Princes [Page] instructed in the Liberal Arts and Sciences; preferring their Wit, and Capacity, before the Industry of the French: So that they, who just before, scorned the Roman Language, now studied their Eloquence, and had their Garb in Esteem, the Gown being frequently worn; by degrees, they past to the Softness of their Vices, erecting Portico's, costly Baths, and making sumptuous Entertainments; which sad and certain Badges of Slavery, the Ignorant termed good Breeding.

XXII. The third Year of the Expedition discovered new Nations, wasting the Country as far as an Arm of the Sea, called Taus, which so intimidated the Enemy, that they did not dare to attack an Army, harass'd with Tempests; which gave the Romans time to build Forts and Castles, as they pleased. The best Iudges of War, made it their Observation, that no General chose his Ground with more Prudence, or built Castles better secured, than Agricola; never any being forced, or delivered up upon Capitulation, or deserted for Fear; they made frequent Incursions, and were furnished with yearly Provisions, to sustain a Siege; the Winter-Quarters were secure, every Garison being its own Protection: The Enemies endeavours were so frustrated, that they despaired, as formerly, by Reprizals in Winter, to repair their Losses in Summer; for they were equally repulsed in both Seasons. Agricola never poorly intercepted the Glory of an Action, due to an inferior Officer, but faithfully attested his Merit. [Page] Some thought him too bitter in rebuking; but as he was severe to the Bad, so he was mild to the Good: He never was malicious, tho' angry; there was no fear of his Reservedness, or Silence; he thought it was more honest to offend, than hate.

XXIII. The fourth Summer was passed in securing what he had acquired: And if the Courage of the Army, and the Roman Glory would have permitted, this had been the Bounds of their Conquest in Britain. Glota and Bodotria, two opposite Arms of the Sea, being carried up into the Continent, are only separated by a Neck of Land, which was then guarded by a Garison; so that the Romans were absolute Lords of all on this side, driving the Enemy, as it were, into another Island.

XXIV. Agricola passed over in the first Ship, and after several prosperous Encounters, subdued Countries never before known. In that Part of Britain, that looks towards Ireland, he quartered his Forces, not out of any apprehension of Danger, but hope of Advantage; Ireland lying between Britain and Spain, and very commodiously for France, would have united the strongest Parts of the Empire, to their mutual Convenience. If you compare Ireland with Britain, 'tis much less, but far bigger than any of the Islands of our Sea: The Climate, the Nature, the Fashion of the People, are not much differing from the British: Their Ports are commodious, and their Entrance [Page] secure; very well understood by Trading Merchants. Agricola entertained a petty Prince of that Country, driven out of his Dominions by his rebellious Subjects: He kept him fast with him, under Pretence of Friendship, but it was indeed, to serve his own Turn upon occasion. I have often heard him say, That with one Legion, and a moderate Force of Auxiliars, all Ireland might easily be reduced; and that it would be an Advantage against Britain, to have it sur [...]ounded by the Roman Arms, and its Liberty out of sight.

XXV. In the Summer of the sixth Year of his Imployment, being apprehensive of a general Insurrection of all the Kingdoms beyond Bodotria, and suspecting all the ways to be infested by the Enemy, he examined all the Ports with his Fleet, which was now made part of his Military Strength; and following, made a gallant Shew, at once a War coming upon the Enemy by Land, and Sea: The Horse, and Foot, and Mariners frequently incamped together, and mixing Company, and Mirth, would alternately boast their Exploits, and Adventures; the Land-men telling what tall Woods they had pass'd, and high Mountains they had climb'd; the Sea-men, how they had been toss'd and shatter'd by Waves and Tempests; one vaunting their Victory over the Earth, and Man, the other over the proud Ocean. As I have been informed, the Britains were quite dejected at the Sight of our Fleet; we having deprived them of the last Refuge of the Vanquished, [Page] by discovering their Sea, hitherto unknown. The Inhabitants of Caledonia resolving upon Arms and War, with great Preparations, and greater Noise, Things unknown being more in report than reallity, and assaulting our Castles, began to make us afraid of them, as Men us'd to be of Aggressors; the Fearful to cover their want of Courage, gave prudent Advice, perswading him to retreat to the other side of Bodotria, rather than be forced: But being informed, the Enemy would fall on him, in several Parties, he marched with his Army, divided into three Bodies, that he might not be enclosed by their Superior Numbers, or disadvantaged, by their better Knowledge of their Country.

XXVI. Which, when the Enemy perceived, they suddenly changed their Designs; and altogether in the Night, broke in upon the Ninth, the most feeble Legion, killing the Centinels, and surprizing the Camp; the Men being all asleep, or amaz'd with fear; and now the Fight was brought within the Trenches: But Agricola having learned by his Spies, which way the Enemy marched, followed them at the Heels, and commanded the foremost of the Horse and Foot, to fall on their Rear: The whole Army was to make a general Shout; and at Day-break, the glittering Ensigns appeared. In this Con [...]lict, the Britains Courage abated, and the Romans returned, not fighting for Safety, but Glory and Honour. Now the Romans were Aggressors; there was a [Page] cruel Fight in the narrow Gates of the Camp, 'till the Enemy was routed, one part of the Army contending to bring Succour, the other fighting, to shew they did not want it: If the Fens and the Woods had not hid them in their flight, we had ended the War, by gaining this Victory.

XXVII. Upon the fighting this Battle so resolutely, and the winning of it so bravely, the Army grew fierce and bold, presuming nothing could resist their Courage: They cried out, to be led into Caledonia, that by a continued Series of Victories, they might be brought to the utmost Limits of Britain: And our late cautious, and wise Counsellors began to speak big, and to be very daring, now the Danger was over. This is the unjust Condition of War, that all claim their Share in good Success, but bad is imputed but to one: The Britains supposing themselves defeated, not by the Courage of their Adversaries, but Conduct of their General, who had watched his Opportunity, abated nothing of their Arrogance, but listed the stoutest Men they had, and carried their Wives and Children to Places of the greatest Security. The Cities con [...]ederated together, meeting frequently, and by Religious Rites, and offering up Sacrifices, confirmed their Association: And thus both Armies parted with equal Animosity.

[Page] XXVIII. This Summer there was a horrid, but memorable Fact, committed by a Troop of Vsipians, raised in Germany, for our Service in Britain; who having slain the Centurion, and some Souldiers, put over their Parties, and mixed with them for their Example and Government, they seized three small Vessels, compelling the Masters to execute their Office; but only one discharging his Duty, they kill'd the rest, as suspected Persons: It not being yet discovered, they miraculously set out; but by and by, they were toss'd hither and thither, and had several Encounters with the Britains, who defended their own, in which they sometimes were worsted, and sometimes had the better; but at la [...]t, they were reduced to that Extremity, that they had no Food to sustain them, but the Infirm; when they were spent, they cast Lots who should be kill'd, for the Provision of the Rest. Thus roving about Britain, they lost their Ships, for want of Skill to sail them, and being taken for Pirates, they were first intercepted by the Suevians, and the Frisans, and were bought and sold, till at last in Tra [...]fick, they came on our side of the River, which fully discovered the whole Adventure. In the beginning of the Summer, Agricola had a severe Affliction in his Family, the Loss of his Son, born the Year before; he did not, like some Great Men, vent his Sorrow vain-gloriously, or express his Concern in an effeminate Lamentation, but made War the Diversion of his Grief.

[Page] XXIX. Therefore sending his Fleet before, which plundred many Places, the Enemy was struck with a great and perplex'd Fear; and making the Army ready, to which he had joyned the bravest, and by a long Peace, well assured Britains, he marched to the Hill Grampius, which the Britains had possessed; who were not in the least daunted with their former Defeat, knowing now they had nothing to expect but Revenge, or Slavery; and having learned, that Common Danger was to be repulsed by Concord: The Cities, by sending Ambassadors, had united their Force, and entred into a strict League of Defence: Now they had an Army of about Thirty thousand fighting Men, and the Youth of the Country daily came in to them, with such Old Men as continued lusty and strong, every one telling his old and past Exploits: But Galgacus was preferr'd for his high Birth, and great Virtue, who made a Speech to this vast Multitude, earnestly desiring Battle:

XXX. ‘As o [...]ten as I revolve in my Mind, the Cause and Necessity of this War, I am perswaded, that this Day, and your unanimous Agreement, will be the beginning of the British Liberty. We are all sensible of Slavery, we have no Land, or Sea, left secure, the Roman Fleet riding on our Coasts. To take Arms, and Fight, as it is honourable for the Brave, so it is safest for the Coward. Our former Combates [Page] with the Romans were various in their Success; yet we had Hopes, and a Reserve still in our own Power: For we, the Flower of the British Nation, and therefore seated in the innermost Recess, never beheld the slavish Shoars, nor had our Eyes violated with the Prospect of a Foreign Government: For this little Corner has preserved us the small Remains of our Country and Liberty: But now the Bounds of Britain are discovered, and to attempt what is unknown, is reputed great. We have no Nation behind us, but a raging Sea, and sensless Rocks: The Romans are in the Bowels of our Country, whose Pride you vainly seek to evade, by Modesty and Submission. They are the Rapparees of the Universe; when Lands are wanting, they ri [...]le the Ocean. If their Enemy is rich, they are covetous; if poor, ambitious: So that neither East nor West, can satisfie their unruly Passions: They are the only greedy Men, that with equal Avarice, make Wealth and Poverty their Prey: To kill, plunder, bear-away, they call by the false▪ Name of Empire, and Desolation they term a setled Peace.’

XXXI. ‘Nature commands us all to hold our Children and Relations dear; these are pressed, carried somewhere to be Slaves. Our Wives and Sisters are not ravished in a hostile Manner, but they are deluded and debauched, under the specious Pretence of Frienpship and Hospitality. Our Estates are wasted in paying Tribute, our [Page] Corn in supplying the Army with Provisions▪ Our Bodies and Hands are worn out, partly by Stripes, and partly by Contempt, while we are set to work on Bogs and Woods. They that are born Slaves, are sold but once, and then maintained at the Charge of the Purchasers; but Britain daily buys and maintains its own Servitude. As in a private Family, new Servants are always a Laughing-stock to the old; so in this old Family of the Universe, we being newly discovered, and vile, are sought out for Scorn and Destruction. There are no Fields, no Mines, no Ports, for which we may be reserved to Till, to Dig, to Trade in. The Gallantry of Subjects is very distasteful to their Lords; and yet Distance, and Privacy, as it is most safe, is more suspected. Having lost all Hopes of Pardon, let us act as Men that hold their Liberty, as well as their Glory, dear. The Brigantes, led by a Woman, burnt their Colony, and took their Forts; and, if Success had not made them careless, had broke their Yoke. We are, as yet, entire, unsubdued, born to be free, and not the Vassals of proud Rome. We'll let them see at our first Meeting, what Men Calidonia has reserved 'till last.’

XXXII. ‘D'ye think, the Romans Prowess in War, equals their Licentiousness in Peace? No, they are made great by our intestine Discord and Dissentions; they make their Enemies Faults, the Glory of their Army, composed of several [Page] Nations, which Prosperity keeps together, and Adversity will disband; unless the French and Germans, and, what I blush to say, some Britains too, are foolishly lavish of their Blood, to establish Usurpation. It cannot be conceived, that Enemies will continue longer Faithful and Affectionate than Servants, the feeble Bonds of their Love, are Fear and Terror; if they are once removed, they'll streight begin to hate those they cease to dread. All the Encouragements to Victory are on our side; the Romans have no Wives to raise their Courage, or Parents to upbraid their Flight; they have either no Country to defend; or, if they have, 'tis another. These few, but fearful Men, distracted by their Ignorance, casting their Eyes on our strange Heavens, Earth, and Woods, the Gods, at last propitious, have, in a manner, delivered into our Hands, pent up, and bound. Ne'r fear the gaudy Terror of their glittering Gold, and Silver, that neither can defend or hurt. We shall have Troops marching, even, in their very Army. The Britains will remember, sure, their Country's Cause; nor can the French forget their former Liberty. Like the Vsipian Cohort, the Germans will desert. We have nothing more to fear; their Garisons are drained; their Colonies are made up of Old Men, some refusing to Obey, and others Commanding tyrannically, while their Towns are at Difference and Discord among themselve [...]. Here is the General, and the Army, their Tribute, and [Page] Mines, with other sorts of Miseries, the Punishment of Slaves, which you must suffer for ever, or revenge on this Spot; therefore going to fight, remember your Ancestors, and pity your Posterity.’

XXXIII. They received this Speech with Ioy, Singing, and Shouting, and making different Noises, according to the rude Custom of their Country. And as the Troops came together, and the glittering Armour appeared, some of the Hottest advanced forward, and both Armies were putting in Order. Agricola, altho' his Soldiers were very joyful, and scarce to be restrained by Advice, supposed it best to say something before they engaged:

‘In eight Years time, Fellow-Soldiers, by your Pains, Fidelity, and Valour, and the auspicious Fortune of the Roman Empire, you have conquered Britain. In so many Expeditions and bloody Battels, there was need of your Labour and Patience to encounter opposing Nature, as well as Resolution to resist the Enemy. As I do not repent my having you for my Soldiers, so, I hope, you do not your having me for your Leader. I have surpassed the Limits of our ancient Generals, and you the Bounds of preceding Armies. We do not possess the End of Britain by Fame and Report, but have actually seized it with our Arms and Pavilions: Britain is found and subdued. I have often heard [Page] the Brave cry out, when you were fatigued with Bogs and Hills, and Rivers, in your March, When shall we have an Enemy? When shall we fight? They now appear forced from their lurking Holes, and you enjoy your Wish, and a fit Opportunity for your Valour. All Things will be prone, and yield to us, if Victors; but cross, and adverse, if vanquished: For, as to have finished such tedious Iourneys, to have evaded such great Woods, and crost so many Arms of the Sea, is honourable, and becoming, if we go on; so if we turn our Backs, that which was our Advantage, will prove our Danger. We have not their Knowledge of the Country, or the same Provisions for the Army: But we have Swords and Hands, and in them we have All▪ I am very well satisfied, Flight is neither safe for the General, nor the Army; an honourable Death far excels a mean ignoble Life; Safety and Honour dwell together. But it cannot be inglorious to fall on the utmost Confines of Earth and Nature.’

XXXIV. ‘If you had new Nations, and an untried Foe, I would make the Deeds of other Armies an Argument for your Courage: But now reflect on your own Exploits, interrogate your own Eyes; they are the same, who by Stealth, and under the Covert of the Night, assaulted the Ninth Legion, and were routed by a blast of your Breath; they are the most apt to run of all the Britains, for which Reason, they are now alive. When we Travel the Wild Forest, [Page] we chase away the sturdy Monsters of the Wood, with Force and Violence, but the Rascal Herd flies at the Noise of every Passenger; so the most daring Britains are long since dead, these are but base, ignoble Numbers, whom you have found, not because they have resolved to fight, but because they are the last you have overtook; their Bodies are fixed with excessive Fear to the Ground, o'er which you'll gain a fair and signal Victory. Put an end to your Expeditions, and let this Day finish the Work of fifty Years, convince the Commonwealth, that neither the Length of the War, nor any Excuses for not making an end of it, can be charged upon the Army.’

XXXV. Whilst he was speaking, their Ardor was visible; when he had ended, they freely vented their Ioy, running to their Weapons. As they were thus fired, and rushing forwards, he put them in order; Eight Thousand Foot he placed in the Middle, and Three Thousand Horse in the two Wings; the Legions he placed before the Trenches, thinking it would mightily add to his Glory, if he could gain a Victory, without the Effusion of Roman Blood; or at least keep them as a Reserve, in case of a Repulse: The Britains drew up their Army on the higher Ground, most for shew and Terror, but so as the foremost Battalions stood on the Level, the rest rising one above another with the Hill; the Chariots and Horsemen fill'd the middle part of the Field with [Page] their din and clatter, whirling up and down. Agricola, perceiving their Numbers to be Superior, that he might not be charged at once in Flank and Front, widened his Ranks, so that his Army became more thin, as well as more extended: Some advised him to make the Legions advance; but he, being always ready to hope, and resolute in Danger, alighted from his Horse, and placed himself a Foot before the Ensigns.

XXXVI. The Fight began at a distance, which the Britains managed with great Constancy, and Cunning, avoiding, or putting by whatever was cast at 'em, with their short Bucklers, and great Swords; but poured upon us a Shower of Darts, till Agricola encouraged three Batavian Cohorts, and two Tungrians, to bring them to Sword's Point, and Handy-blows, which they were well verss'd in, being old Soldiers: But that was no way of fighting for the Britains, who wore little Shields, and great Swords, without Points, so that they were not fitted for a close, or open Fight. Whilst the Batavians dealt Blows, striking them with the Bosses of their Bucklers, battering and bruising their Faces, and thrusting others aside, who upon even Ground opposed their Passage, advanced up the Hill; the other Cohorts, with a joynt Emulation and Force, slew all near them; but many times, to hasten the Victory, they left Men half dead, others untouched, behind them: In the mean time, the Horse fled, and the Chariots mingling with the Foot, gave a new [Page] Terror, but their Carier was stopped by the unequal Ground, and close Ranks. It did not in the least look like a Horse-Fight, for keeping their Ground, they bear down all before them, by the Weight of their Horses; wandring Chariots with frighted Horses, but no Drivers, over-run Friend and Foe, as they through fear cross'd, or met them.

XXXVII. The Britains, who were on the Tops of the Hills, and had not yet any Share in the Engagement, being free, and at leisure, disdained our small Force, and began to descend by degrees, and had enclosed our prevailing Troops, if Agricola, suspecting the Design, had not detached four Squadrons of Horse, which were kept for a Reserve, to oppose them; who made them flie as fast as they came to assault; so they were caught in their own Trap: Some Squadrons, who fought in the Front, were commanded to leave the Fight, and to pursue those that were put to flight. There was a dismal Spectacle in the open Plains, where you might see our Men following, wounding, and taking some, killing others, when fresh offered themselves: Now, whole Regiments fled as they thought most convenient, and turned their Backs to a far less Number of their Pursuers: Some naked and disarmed, rushed on the Sword's Point, and offered themselves voluntarily to Death: All the Field was strewed with Weapons, and Limbs, and dead Bodies, and the Earth was dyed with Blood; many, tho' expiring, retained their Fierceness and [Page] Courage. As soon as they approached the Woods, they turned and encompassed their forward Pursuers, wholly ignorant of the Ways: And if Agricola, who was always present, had not commanded the stoutest, but lightest Cohorts, to encompass them like a Tyle, making some of the Horse dismount, to search the thickest, whilst the rest scoured the thinnest parts of the Wood, they had suffered extreamly by their Confidence: But as soon as they perceived they were followed by our Men, marching regularly, and in good order, they all [...]led, not in Troops as before, having an Eye to each other, but separate and dispersed, every one taking such Path or By-way for his Security, as his Fear directed; 'twas Night and Weariness ended our Pursuit: The Enemies Loss was computed to be Ten thousand, ours but Three hundred and forty Men, amongst whom was Aulus Atticus, a Captain of a Cohort, who by his youthful Heat, and unruly Horse, was carried into the midst of the Enemy.

XXXVIII. The Night was joyful to the Victors, full of Booty and Gladness; the scattered Britains, Men and Women, dragged along the Wounded, called upon the Unhurt, and Strong, left their Houses, and burnt them in a Rage, then they sought Hiding-places, and as soon quitted them: Sometimes they consulted together, and began to have fresh Hopes; now and then they were dejected at the Sight of their dear Pledges, but more frequently enraged; so that [Page] many, to express their brutal Kindness, to their Wives and Children, slew them out of pure Compassion. The next Day made a fuller Discovery of our Victory; all Things were silent, the Mountains desolate, the Houses burning, and smoaking, afar off, and our Scouts met No-body when they were sent out, or descried any thing, but the uncertain Track of their Flight; the Enemy appeared no-where in Companies; and the Summer being spent, we could not extend the War: Therefore Agricola, led our Men into the Borders of the Horrestians, where receiving Hostages, he commanded the Admiral of the Fleet to [...]ail round Britain; some of his Men going aboard, and the Terror of the Roman Name preceding. Agricola [...] marched the Horse and Foot gently through the new Conquest, that the slowness of his Motion might strike them with a Fear; and so he put his Army into Winter-Quarters; and his Fleet having a good and a happy Voyage, arrived at the Port Trutilensis; from whence, [...]ailing along the nearest side of Britain, returned thither again.

XXXIX. Agricola, by Letter, certified the true State of Affairs, without any vaunting Expression, or pompous Words; which Domitian, according to his Custom, received with a sad Heart, and a joyful Countenance: He was conscious of his own ridiculous sham Triumph over Germany, his Captives being the Purchase [Page] of Money, not of Blood, and were trimmed and and cloathed artificially for the Mock-Solemnity: But here was a Victory celebrated by the whole World, and obtained by the Slaughter of many thousands. It was a terrible Mortification to see his Glory eclipsed by a Subject: He had in vain laid aside the Study of Eloquence and Political Arts, if a private Hand snatched from him the Military Laurel, other Disgraces might easily be dissembled, but this was an Ornament [...]it for no body but a Prince to wear; being continually vexed with such Thoughts, he was often alone in his Closet, a shrewd Sign of some intended Mischief; but he judged it best to sti [...]le his Hatred, till Agricola's Fame, and the Armies Love was abated. Agricola was still Governour of Britain.

XL. Therefore, he ordered some Triumphal Ornaments, and the Honour of an Illustrious Statue, and commanded in the Senate, that whatever was usual to compleat, and set forth a Triumph, should be appointed. And all this he did in the highest Strain of Complement: He made all People believe, that Syria should be Agricola's Province, then void by the Death of Rufus the Lieutenant, and always reserved for the best Men. Many believed, that his freed Man, who used to execute his most secret Commands, was sent to him with a Commission for Syria, with this Instruction, That he should deliver it, if he found him in [Page] Britain, and that meeting him, as he was crossing the Sea, he neither delivered that, or his Message, but returned to Domitian: But it is doubtful, whether this be a Truth, or a Report cast abroad by the Artifice of the Prince. Agricola, in the mean while, gave up the Province quietly to his Successor: And that his Entrance might not be remarkable for the Resort, or Multitude of People that came out to meet him, he avoided the Civility of his Friends, by coming, according to Order, to the City and Court by Night, where he was received with a short Salutation, and no Discourse, and immediately retired into the Herd of Attendants. Now, to the end that he might lessen his Military Glory, a thing uneasie to the Slothful, with other good Qualities, he allowed himself more Ease and Quiet, being sober in his Garb, familiar in his Speech, and never going, but with one or two of his Friends; so that many, who were wont to judge of Great Men, by their Pomp and Grandeur, were at a loss, being mightily disappointed when they saw Agricola, few understanding the Secret of his Management.

XLI. In those Days he was often accused and absolved when absent: His Crimes were not the Cause of his Danger, nor the Complaints of the Injured; but a Prince displeased with his good Qualities, the Honour of the Man, and the worst of all Enemies, his Commenders. Now there ensued such [Page] unhappy Times, that would not permit Agricola to pass his Life in Silence: For so many Armies had been lost in Mesia, Datia, Germany, and Pannonia, by the Temerity, or Ignorance of the Generals; so many Cohorts, and gallant Men, defeated and taken, that 'twas not the Bank of a River, or the Limits of the Empire, but even our Winter-Quarters, and what we were in possession of, that was in a dangerous Condition: Thus having a continued Series of Misfortunes, and every Year being signalized by some Calamity, or Destruction, Agricola was call'd for to be General, by the common Voice of all, comparing his Constancy, Vigour, and Military Experience, with the Ignorance, Pusillanimity of others. 'Tis certain these Discourses frequently reached Domitian's Ears, 'till his best Friends, out of Fidelity, and the bad out of Envy and Malice, stirred up their Prince, of himself prone to make the worst of Things: So that Agricola, by his own Virtues, and the Vices of others, was hurried to Glory.

XLII. This Year, a new Pro-Consul of Asia, and Africa, was to be chosen, Civica being lately slain. Agricola did not want Advice, nor Domitian an Example: Some who were acquainted with the Prince's Mind, came to him, and asked him, If he would accept of that Province? And at first [...]aintly commended a private Life, then proffered him their Service to get him excused; [Page] but at last no longer palliating the Matter, sometimes perswading, sometimes threatning him, they pull'd him to Domitian; who, with a Set Hypocrisie, and Majestick Arrogance, hears his Request, and Excuse; to which, when he had yielded, he graciously suffered himself to be Thank'd, never blushing at so abusive a Favour. But the Salary usually offered to Persons of that Quality, and granted to many Others, he never gave to Agricola; either being angry 'twas not requested, or being sensible, that he should look as if he had paid for what he was against. It is the Property of Human Nature, to hate those they injure; but Domitian's Nature, prone to Anger, which the more concealed, was the harder to be appeased. Agricola, made Mild and Gentle by his Prudence and Moderation, for he never by Contumacy, or a vain Ostentation of Liberty, [...]ought Fame, or tried his Fortune; therefore let those know, who are fond of Things unlawful, that Good Men may live under Bad Princes, and that Modesty and Submission, joyn'd with Vigour and Industry, will acquire that Glory, which Others seeking by indirect Ways, not in the least serviceable to the Commonwealth, grow only famous by that Death, which their Ambition brings them to.

[Page] XLIII. Agricola's Death was lamentable to his Relations, sad to his Friends, and a great Concern to Strangers, and Persons unknown. The Common People, and such as were here upon their Diversion, wou'd visit his House, and speak of him in all Publick Meetings: Neither did any body that heard of his Death, either rejoyce at it, or soon forget it; but that which increased their Commiseration, was a Report of his being poyson'd, which I cannot affirm: But it is certain, all the time of his Sickness, Domitian's chief Servant, and most trusty Physician, came to him oftner than is usual for a Prince to send him, as from himself, on a Visit, which was great Care, or Inquisitiveness. On the last Day of his Life, every Moment he was expiring, was signified by Posts, laid ready for the purpose; and No-body thought they were in haste to hear that News, for which they would be sorry. But Domitian put on a sad Countenance, and being free from what he hated, he found it an easier Matter to dissemble his Ioy now, than formerly his Fear: But it is certain, when Agricola's Will was read, in which he made him a Co-heir with his Wife and Daughter, he rejoyced exceedingly, as if it had been an Act of Iudgment and Respect, being so blinded by continual Flattery, as not to know, a Good Father never made any Prince, but a Bad one, his Heir.

[Page] XLIV. Agricola was born on the Thirteenth Day of Iune, Caius Caesar being the third time Consul, and died on the Twenty-fourth Day of September, in the Fifty-sixth Year of his Age, Collega, and Priscus, Consuls. If Posterity would have a Description of his Person, he was well proportion'd, but not tall; in his Countenance was nothing of Fear, but a great deal of Sweetness, so that you would easily guess him a Good Man, and as readily a Great Man. Tho' he was snatched away in the midst of the strongest part of Man's Life, yet by reason of the Honour he had gained, he lived to a great Age; for he had arrived to the true Worth, which consists of Virtuous Actions; and having been Dignified with Triumphal and Consular Ornament, What cou'd Fortune give him more? He did not desire immoderate Riches; but he had a plentiful Estate. In this he was happy, that he had a Wife, a Daughter, and in that he escaped future Calamities by his Death, at a time when his Honour was untainted, his Name flourished, and his Relations and Friends were all prosperous: For, as he did foretel, and desire to live in this Happy Age, and to see Trajan Prince, so he had this great Solace, of his sudden Death, that he avoided the Last Times, in which Domitian, not by Intervals, or short Pauses, but, as it were, at one continued Blow, destroyed th [...] Commonwealth.

[Page] XLV. For Agricola did not see the Senate-house beset, the Senate encompass'd with Arms, a great many of Consular Dignity massacred, and Multitudes of honourable Women, forced to Flight and Banishment, by the same Outrage. Carus Metius, yet, had obtained but one Victory; Messalinus's Sentence only made a Noise in the Mannor of Albana; and Messa Bebius was but then accused: But by and by, we carried Helvidius to Prison; the Sight of Mauricius, and Rusticus, wounded our Hearts; and Senecio sprinkled us with his Blood: Nero withdrew, and would not behold those Cruelties he commanded. But the chiefest part of our Misery, was to see, and to be seen, under Domitian, while our very Sighs and Groans were Registred, and while he was able to behold the Paleness and Fear of so many Persons, with a stern Countenance, and Face Red against all Shame and Blushing. O, Agricola! thou art happy, not only in a famous Life, but a well-timed Death! As they tell us, who heard your last and dying Words, You with great Constancy, and Willingness, submitted to your Fate, and did all that you could, to bequeath Innocence to your Prince: But that which increases mine, and your Daughter's Grief, besides the sharp Affliction of the Loss of you, her Parent, is, that we did not attend you when sick, cherish you when fainting, and satisfie our longing Eyes and Arms, in beholding and embracing you. Had we received [Page] your Commands, they had been for ever imprinted in our Minds; this is the greatest Wound, the most pungent Grief, that by a long and unhappy Absence, we lost you four Years before you died. I do not doubt, but the tenderest Mother, the most loving Wife, who constantly attended your sick Bed, supplied you with all Things proper for your Quality; but you was laid out with fewer Tears, and your closing Eyes seemed to want some desired Object, they would willingly have taken in with their last Glance.

XLVI. If there is a proper Seat for the Good, and as Wise Men tell us, Great Souls do not perish with their Bodies, may you enjoy an undisturbed Rest, and recal us of your Family from weak Desires, and effeminate Lamentations, to contemplate your Virtues, not to be celebrated by Weeping and Wailing: This is the truest Honour, your nearest Relations can shew you; this I would enjoyn your Wife and Daughter, the one to honour the Memory of her Husband, the other of her Father, by a frequent Revolving in their Minds his Noble Acts; not that I would prohibit the use of Brass or Marble Statues, which are as frail and mortal as Men; but because the Form of the Mind, cannot be enjoyed, or represented, by gross Matter, or human Art, but by copying it out in one's Life; whatever we loved, or admired in Agricola remains, and will continue in the Minds of Men, as long as Time, [Page] or Fame, shall last. When many of the Ancients, below the Dignity of a Memorial, are buried in Oblivion, Agricola shall survive in Story.

§

[Page]

FOrum Iulium; a Town seated in Littore Narbonensi.

Ordovices; North-Wales.

Brigantes; York-shire, Lancashire, Westmorland, and Cumberland, with the Bishoprick of Durham.

The Isle of Mona; Anglesey.

Taus; Tweed.

Glota; the Frith of Dunbritton.

Bodotria; Edenburgh-Frith.

Silures; South-Wales, and Cornwall.

Grampius; now called, Gratabanie.

Horrestians; now called, Angus.

Trutulensis; now Richborow, near Sandwich.

A DISCOURSE OF THE Situation, Customs and People OF GERMANY.

[Page]

[Page]

By CAIUS CORNELIUS TACITUS.

ALL Germany is separated from the Gauls, the Rhaetians, and Panno [...]ans, by the Rivers Rhine and the Danube; from the Sarmatians and Dacians by a mutual Dread of Invading each other, or impassable high Mountains: The rest of it the Sea surrounds, containing spacious Bays and vast Islands; and 'tis but of late that some Nations and Kings have come to our Knowledge, which the War discover'd.

The Rhine rises from an inaccessible and steep Pick of the Rhoetian Alps, with a small bowing inclining to the West, intermixes with the Northern Ocean. The Danube, gushing out from the easie and gently-rising top of the [Page] Mountain Abnoba, passes through many Countries, till it discharges itself in six Branches into the Pontic Sea; the seventh is swallow'd up in the Marshes.

I should fancy the Germans to be Natives, and not all intermix'd by the Arrival and Entertainments of other Nations; because those who formerly transplanted themselves were not convey'd by Land, but by Shipping; and moreover, the immense and opposite Ocean, as I may call it, is touch'd upon with few Ships from our World; for, who, besides the Danger of a rough and unknown Sea, abandoning Asia, Africa, or Italy, would inhabit Germany, a shapeless Land, the Climate unpleasant, melancholy to the View, and uncultivated, unless his own Country?

They celebrate in ancient Poesie, (which is the only Method of the Records and Annals amongst them) That the God Tuisto, sprung from the Earth, and his Son Mannus, were the Original and Founders of that Nation. To Mannus they ascribe three Sons, from whose names those bordering upon the Ocean are stil'd, Ingaevones; those of the Midland, Herminones; the rest, Istaevones. But some taking License from Antiquity, affirm, That more are descended from that God, and, that there are more Denominations of that Kingdom, the Marsi, Gambrivi, Suevi, Vandali; and, that these are the true and ancient Names; but, that the word Germany is new, and lately given, because those who first pass'd the Rhine and expell'd the G [...]ls, were but now term'd Tungri, and then Germans: So that the Name of a Party, not of a whole Country, by degrees prevail'd, that all at first, for fear of the Conqueror, presently after having invented a Name, were from themselves call'd Germans.

They report, That Hercules had been amongst them, and that he was the most valiant of all Men. They advance singing into the Battel. The Verses they call Barditus, which in rehearsing [...]ame their Courage, and by that very Tune they foretell the Event of the approaching Engagement.

[Page] They terrifie and are terrified, according to the noise the Army makes: Nor does it appear so much a Consort of the Voice, as of their Valour: The roughness of the Sound is the most affected, and a confus'd Murmur, by putting their Shields to their Mouths, by which the Voice swells deeper and fuller from the Repercussion.

Some conjecture, that Vlysses, in his long and fabulous Wandrings was carried into this Sea; that he landed in Germany, and that As [...]iburgium, which is situated on on the Banks of the Rhine, and at this day inhabited, was founded by him, and nam'd [...]; and moreover, That an Altar, consecrated to Vlysses, with the Name of his Father Laertes, was formerly found in that place, and that there are some Monuments and Tumulists yet extant, inscrib'd with Greek Characters, in the Con [...]ines of Germany and Rhoetia: Which I'm inclin'd neither by Arguments to confirm or confute; let every Man, as he pleases, either credit or discredit.

I assent to their Opinions, who observe, that the People of Germany are tinctur'd with no foreign Marriages, but continue a peculiar and unmix'd Nation, only like themselves, from whence the shape of their Bodies, altho' in so great a number, has the same resemblance; their Eyes blue and fierce, their Hair yellow, and only powerful upon an Assault. They're impatient of Work and Labour, can in no wise undergo Thirst and Heat; Cold, and want of Provisions, they are accustomed to, from the Climate and Soil.

The Land, altho' it sometimes varies in Form, for the generality, in rough with Woods, or stinks with Marshes; as far as it looks to France more humid, towards Noricum and Pannonia more windy. It is indifferently fertile, but improper for Fruit-trees; abounds in Cattle, but, for the most part, stock'd and runtish; nor are their Herds beautifully headed: They are delighted with their Numbers, and those are the only [Page] and most acceptable Riches. I very much doubt whether the propitious or angry Gods have denied them Silver and Gold; nor would I a [...]irm, that no Vein of Germany produces Silver and Gold; for, who has made the Tryal? They are not so much as affected by the Propriety and Use of them; yet there is to be seen amongst them Silver Vessels, presented to their Ambassadors and Princes, but no more esteem'd than those which are made of Clay, although their Neighbours, for the Advantage of Commerce, set a Value upon Gold and Silver, and own and make choice of some Coins of our Mony; the Inland People, without tricking, and as formerly, exchange their Commodities. They approve most of Old Mony, and what has been long known, especially the Serrati and Bigati. They prefer Silver before Gold; not out of any Love to it, but because the Pieces of Silver are more useful to those who buy cheap Wares.

They have no great Plenty of Iron, as may be in [...]er'd from the make of their Darts. Few use Swords or large Launces; they carry Spears, or, according to their own expression, Fram [...]as; the Iron narrow and short, but so pointed and adapted for use, that with the same Weapon, as they see occasion, they fight at hand, or at a distance; and the Horseman is very well satisfied with a Shield and a Framea. The Foot cast Darts, and every one of them a considerable number, and throw them a prodigious way, and are either naked, or only covered with a short Iacket. They don't value themselves upon their Furniture: Their Shields are only distinguished by select Colours: Few have Coats of Male; scarce any of them have either Headpiece or Helmet. Their Horses are neither remarkable for their Shape or Speed, nor are they taught the Manage according to our manner; they are made dexterous at their Career, or in single Wheeling, so clos'd in the Ring, that all stand even. Weighing all things, their [Page] chiefest Strength is in their Foot, and therefore they fight intermix [...]d, the Swiftness of the Foot suiting and agreeing in the Engagement of the Horse, who, picked out of all their Youth, they place in the Front of the Army; and the Number is limited, a Hundred out of every Town, for so they're called amongst themselves; and that which was at first but a Number has now gained a Name and a Reputation. The Army's drawn up in form of a Wedge; they look upon it to give ground when press'd, so they rally again, to be more of Conduct than Fear. Their Bodies they carry off in doubtful Battels: It's the greatest Scandal to relinquish their Shield; neither is it lawful for those who have forfeited their Honour, either to be present in their Religious Duties, or to go to Council; and many, who survive the Wars, put an end to the Disgrace by the Halter.

They make choice of their Kings for their Noble Extraction, their Commanders for their Courage: nor have their Kings a boundless and unlimited Power. Their Captains they prefer more for Example than Command, if active, if of Presence of Mind, and behave themselves well at the head of the Army; but it's not permitted to reprimand, nor put in Chains, nor indeed chastise, to any but to the Priests; not as if it were for a Punishment, or by Orders of the Captain, but as if their God commanded it, who they believe assisting in their Engagements.

They carry the E [...]ig [...]es, and certain Banners taken down from the Groves, into the Battel: And what is the chief Incitement to their Courage, is, not Chance, nor a fortuitous Embodying, which composes the Squadron or pointed Battel, but their own Family and nearest Relations; and hard by ar [...] their Children, from whence the Lamentations of their Women, and Cries of their Infants, may be heard; these are the most sacred Witnesses, and the highest Applauders of every Man's Bravery. To their Mothers and Wives [Page] they declare their Hurts; nor are they afraid to suck or number their Wounds: They carry Provisions to, and animate them when they're fighting. It's recorded, That certain Troops beginning to stagger, and giving Ground, were made to rally again by the Women, by their Importunities, the exposing of their own Breasts, and demonstrating their approaching Captivity, which, upon the account of their Women, they bear with much more reluctancy; so the Affections of those Cities are the most effectually secur'd, to whom, amongst their Hostages, the Noblest Virgins are committed. Moreover, they suppose there's something sacred in them, and that they can foretell Events; neither do they reject their Counsel, or neglect to follow their Advice.

We have seen Velleda, under the divine Vespasian, long ador'd among many as a Deity: Yet also, in time past, they reverenc'd Aurinia and divers others, not with Flattery, nor as if they would make them Godesses. They adore Mercury most of all their Gods, to whom, upon solemn Days, they judge it justi [...]iable to offer up Human Sacrifices. Hercules and Mars they pacifie with lawful Creatures. Part of the Suevians also sacrifice to Isis; but I'm in the dark what was the Cause and Original of this strange Sacrifice, unless her Image, fashion'd in the shape of a Galley, instructs us, that their Religion was adventitious. They're of an Opinion, from the Magnitude of the Celestial Bodies, that the Gods cannot be confin'd within Walls, or be represented in any Human Shape. They consecrate Woods and Groves, and call that Privacy, from the Names of their Gods, which only in their Worship they behold. Divinations by Birds, and Chances, they most of all others superstitiously observe.

The Custom in managing their Lots is plain and inartificial. A Branch pulled from a Fruit-bearing Tree they cut into Slips, and at a venture, [Page] and casually, scatter them, being distinguish'd by some Marks upon a white Vestment; if it be a publick Concern, the Priest of the City; but if private, the Father of the Family praying to the Gods; and looking up to Heaven thrice, takes up every one apart, and being held up, gives an Interpretation, according to the former Mark; if they discourage, there's no more consulting about the Affair that day; but if favourable; yet the Credit of the Success is further required: And this also is more notable, they argue upon the Notes and Flying of Birds. Its peculiar to that Nation, to experiment the Presages, and Admonitions of their Horses: They are publickly fed in those Woods and Groves, white and polluted by no Human Labour, who being put in the Sacred Chariot, the Priest, or King, or the Governour of the City attends upon 'em, observing their Neighings and Whynnyings: Nor is there greater Credit given to any Divination; not only amongst the Plebeians, but the amongst the Nobility and Priesthood; for they believe themselves to be the Attendants, and these the Con [...]idents of the Gods.

There is also another Observation of their Sooth-saying, whereby they explore the Events of their greatest Battles: They engage a Captive, that some how or other has been surpriz'd, of that Nation, with whom they're at War, with a pick'd Man of their own, both arm'd after their Country Fashion; and who gains the Victory, its look'd upon as ominous to the other side. Of little Affairs, the Princes; of greater, all in general advise: So, notwithstanding, that those things, whose Arbitration is in the Power of the Populace, are fully canvass'd amongst the Princes.

They assemble on certain Days, either upon a New or Full Moon, unless any thing accidental, or unexpected, falls out; for in transacting Business, they believe this juncture of time the most auspicious: Neither do they reckon by Days, as we do, but by Nights; so they make [Page] their Agreements; so by a common Consent their Appointments: The Night here seems to guide the Day. This Error proceeds from the Liberty they take, because they do not meet all at once, or upon Command; both the second and third Day is wasted by the Delay of their convening: They sit down arm'd, if the Company approves on't. Silence is commanded by the Priests, in whom there is lodg'd then the Coercive Power: By and by the King or Prince, according to every one's Age, their Quality, Reputation gain'd in the Wars, or Talent in Rhetorick, are heard, more by the Authority of Perswading, than the Power of Commanding; if the Opinion displeases, its rejected by a Murmuring; if it pleases, they clash their Weapons: Its the most honourable Manner of Assent, to applaud it with their Arms. It's also lawful to accuse, and arraign before the Council. The Difference of the Punishment, is from the Nature of the Crimes; Traytors and Revolters they hang on Trees; the Sloathful, Timerous, and Sodomitical they drown in Mire and Marshes, throwing Hurdles upon them. The Diversity of the Punishment respects this, that Villanies, when punish'd, ought to be expos'd, Scandals conceal'd: But for lesser Faults, being convicted, for the Manner of their Penalty, they are fined such a number of Horses and Cattle; part of the Mulct goes to the King or City, part to him, who is injur'd, or distributed amongst his Relations: Persons of the best Quality are also elected with those Councils, who do Iustice to the Towns and Villages: A hundred Associates are assistant to every one of them, out of the Commonalty; together with their Advice and Authority. They act nothing of private or publick Business unarm'd; but its not the Custom for any one to go arm'd, till the City has adjudg'd him qualified: Then in the Council-Chamber, some one of the greatest Dignity, or his Father, or his Relation, equips him with [Page] a Buckl [...]r and Sword. This amongst them is their Gown, this is the first Honour of their Youth; but before this they seem only part of the Family, but now of the Commonwealth. A noble Extraction, or the great Deserts of the Fathers, recommend these young Men to the Favour of their Prince. They associate with others that are more robust, and long since approv'd: Neither do they blush to be seen amongst their Companions; although he has his Post in the Retinue at his Discretion, whom they follow. There's a great Emulation amongst them, who shall be chief Favourite to their Prince; and amongst the Princes, who shall have the most, and the bravest Followers. This is their Grandeur, these their Forces, to be encompass'd with a great Guard of select Youth, their Honour in Peace, and their Defence in War. It gives a Name, and a Reputation to every one, not only in his own Country, but also amongst their Neighbouring Princes, if the Associates excel in Number and Courage. They're also apply'd to in Embassies, and courted by Presents; and for the most part, by their very Fame, dispatch their Wars. When they come into the Field of Battle, its dishonourable to the Prince to be overcome in Bravery; and for his Retinue too not to equalize the Courage of their Prince: But above all things, its infamous, and during Life reproachful, to flie, and survive their General slain. Their principal Oath is to defend and protect him, and attribute all their valiant Actions, to his Conduct and Glory▪ The Princes fight for Victory, their Adherents for their Princes.

If the City, in which they were born, grows stiff and unactive, by a long Peace and Repose, most of the young Noblemen go Voluntiers into those Nations, which are then engag'd in War; because, also Quiet is ungrateful to that Nation, and with the more Facility they grow Famous amongst dubious Enterprizes; [Page] nor can they maintain their great Attendance, unless by Violence and War. They obtain from the Liberality of their Prince such a War-Horse, and such a bloody conquering Sword.

As to Banquets, although homely, yet a plentiful Table they allow instead of a Salary. The Supply of their Munificence proceeds from War and Rapine.

Nor can you so easily perswade them to Till the Ground, and wait for a good Year, as to challenge the Enemy, and receive Wounds; for it looks lazy and dispirited, to acquire that by hard Labour, which may be compass'd by Blood. When they have no War, they pass not their time so much in Hunting, as Idleness, being much addicted to Sleep and Gluttony: The most Valiant and Warlike doing nothing at all, committing the Care of their House, Gods, and Fields, to their Women and Children, and to the most in [...]irm of the Family. They have a wonderful Contrariety in their Nature; for those Persons, who take such delight in Idleness, have an aversion to Quiet.

Its the Custom in those Cities, for every Man freely to bestow on their Princes, either of their Herds or Fruits, which is taken for a Favour, and besides supplies their Necessities. They take great Delight in the Presents of Neighbouring Nations, which are not only sent from particular Persons, but from the Publick; as choice Horses, large Armours, Trappings and Chains: And we have been inform'd, they now receive Money. Its very well known, that Cities ar [...] not inhabited by the Germans; nor do they indeed, suffer Houses to be join'd together. They plant themselves separately and divided, as the Spring, Field, or Wood, pleases them best. They found their Villages not according to our Manner, with connex'd and contiguous Buildings: Every one leaves a Space about his House, either as a Remedy against any Accident of Fire, or from their Unskilfulness in Building. They [Page] use no Tyles or Mortar amongst them; but make use of in all things a shapeless Stuff, without either Form or Delight: Some Places they curiously parget with an Earth, so pure and shining, that it imitates a Picture, or the first Draught of Colours. They are wont to open Subterranean Caves, and those they cover with a great Quantity of Dung, which serves as a Refuge in Winter, and a Granary; and when the Enemy advances, he ravages the open Country▪ But those things which are conceal'd, or lie hid under Ground, they are either ignorant of, or for that Reason are deceiv'd, because they are to be search'd for.

Their Cloathing is a loose Coat, join'd together with a Button; but for want of that, with a Thorn: Being uncover'd as to any thing else, they lie basking whole Days upon the Hearth by the Fire. The most wealthy are distinguish'd by a Garment, not flowing like the Sarmathians and Parthians, but close, and representing every Ioint: They wear also the Skins of wild Beasts; those next the Sea-side with less Curiosity; but those that are higher in the Country are more nice, as having no other Attire by Commerce. They make choice of the Beasts, and having taken off their Hides, spot them with the Skins of those Monsters, which the outermost Ocean, and the unknown Sea produces. Nor have the Women any other Habit than the Men, unless that the Women are more frequently cloath'd in Linnen Garments, and those they checquer with Purple, and part of the upper Dress is not made into Sleeves; their Arms are naked, and their Bosom lies bare.

However, their Marriages there are very strict; neither is there any part of their Customs that's more commendable; for they are almost the only People of the Barbarians, that are contented with one Wife apiece, except a very few, who not for Lasciviousness, but out of State are surrounded with many Wives. [Page] The Wife does not profer a Dowry to the Husband, but the Husband to the Wife: The Parents and Relations are by, and approve of the Presents; Presents not contriv'd for Womanish Toys, nor by which the New-married Bride may be adorn'd, but Oxen, a Horse bridled, a Shield with a Partisan, and Sword: Upon these Terms the Wife is receiv'd; and she in her Turn brings some Arms to her Husband. This is the greatest Tye, these the Sacred Arcana's, these they deem the Conjugal Deities; and lest the Woman shou'd think herself exempted from the Thoughts of Bravery, and the Hazards of War, she's reminded from the beginning of the solemniz'd Marriage, that she's now become a Partner of his Toyls and Dangers, and that she will run the same Risque in Peace and War, as he himself does: This the yoak'd Oxen, this the equip'd Horse, this the presented Arms declare; so they must live, so they must die. Those Things which she receives, she restores uninjur'd to her Children; what's put into the Daughter-in-Laws Custody, they return to their Nephews. They therefore behave themselves with the strictest Modesty, being debauch'd with no alluring Objects, with no Provocatives in Banqueting.

The Men, as well as the Women, are equally ignorant of the Mysteries of Learning.

In so populous a Nation, Adultery is rarely committed; for which there's a present Punishment, that's left to the Discretion of the Husbands. The Husband having cut off her Hair, turns her out of his House naked, before her Relations, and whips her through the whole Village. There's no Pardon for violated Chastity, neither can her Beauty, Age, nor Wealth, recommend her to another Husband. No one there makes sport with Vices, nor is the Age said to corrupt, or be corrupted. Those Cities do still much more reputably, in which Virgins only marry, and where it's [Page] transacted with the Hopes and Desire of being but once a Wife; so they receive one Husband, as they do one Body, and one Life; nor is there a Thought beyond that, nor a larger Desire; not as if it were the Husband, but as the Marriage-State that they affect.

It's look'd upon as the highest Enormity, to stint the Number of Children, or to kill any of their Kindred. Their good Morals avail more there, than in other places good Laws. In every House going naked and dirty, they shoot out into those vast Limbs, and those great Bodies we so much wonder at. Every Mother gives suck to her own Child; neither are they committed to the Care of Maids, and Nurses.

The Masters, and Servants, are not to be distinguish'd by the Niceties of Education; they live amongst the same Cattle, on the same Ground, 'till Age distinguishes the Free-born, and their Courage signalizes them.

The Amours of the young Men begin late; for which Reason their Youth is not impair'd: Nor are the Maids too soon put upon Marriage; their Age is the same, their Stature alike. Those that are equally match'd, and strenuous, Inter-marry, and the Children resemble the Vigour of their Parents.

There is the same Respect paid to the Sisters Sons, by the Uncle, by the Mother's-side, as by the Father: Some think this Tye of Blood is more sacred and strict; and in receiving of Hostages, they rather require it; as if they kept the Mind the more confirm'd, and the Family the less reserv'd.

The Heirs and Successors to every Man, are his own Children, and therefore they make no Will: If he has none, the next Relations, as the Brothers, Uncles, by the Father's, or Mother's-side, take possession; and his Age is esteem'd proportionate to the Number of his Kindred and Affinity. Nor are they respected who are without Issue. They are obliged to espouse, as [Page] well the Enmities, either of a Father, or Relation, as their Friendships; neither do they continue implacable: For Homicide is atton'd for at a certain Number of Beasts and Cattle, and the whole Family receives Satisfaction advantagious to the Publick, because Feuds are pernicious to Liberty.

Not any Nation is so profuse in Entertainments and Hospitality: It's held the highest Crime, to turn any one out of Doors; every one treats answerable to his Fortune. When the Provisions are all spent, he which last entertained, is a Guide and Companion of his Guest, and tho' uninvited, they go to the next House; nor is it ill taken. They are receiv'd with the same Civility, no one distinguishes the known and unknown, as far as relates to the Right of Hospitality. It's the Custom for him that's going away, to give, if any thing's requir'd: And on the other hand, there's the same Freedom in demanding. They take delight in being presented; nor do they charge to Account what's given, or think themselves oblig'd by what's receiv'd. The Entertainment of their Guests is affable.

As soon as they rise from Sleep, which, for the most part, spins out the Day, they are wash'd oftentimes in warm Water, the Winter there lasting long; having done washing, they go to Dinner: Their Seats are at a distance, and every one has a Table to himself; they go arm'd alike to their Business and Feasts. It's reckon'd no Disgrace, to hold out a Day and Night in Drinking. Those frequent Broils amongst those who are addicted to Wine, are seldom past over with ill Language, but oftner by Death and Wounds: But they consult of reconciling Enemies, and contracting Marriages, chusing their Princes, and of Peace and War, for the most part, in their Banquets: As if at no time, the Mind was more open to unbiass'd Thoughts, or warm'd to greater Enterprizes. This Nation being [Page] neither crafty, nor cunning, by reason of the Priviledge of the place, discovers the hitherto unreveal'd Secrets of the Heart; therefore, the Mind of all being naked and detected, the next Day it's spoken to anew, the Reason of both times being weigh'd. They debate when they know not how to dissemble, resolve when they know not how to err.

Ale is their Drink: Those who are next the Sea-Coast, traffick for Wine. Their Diet is simple, wild Apples, fresh Meat, or Curds; without making Preparations, without Dainties, they expect Hunger. Against Thirst there's not the same Temperance; if thou wilt indulge their Drunkenness, by furnishing them with as much as they covet, they'll as easily be conquer'd by Wine, as by Arms.

The Manner of their Shows is one and the same, in all their Meetings; naked young Men, to whom it's a Diversion, throw themselves amongst Swords, and deadly Weapons: Frequent Exercise begets Experience, Experience Gracefulness; but this notwithstanding is not done for Profit, or Reward; tho' the Prize of this daring Wantonness, is the Pleasure of those which behold it. Dice (which you'd wonder at) the soberest Persons play at, amongst their weighty Affairs, and with that rashness of winning or losing, that when all's gone, they set Body and Liberty upon the last Throw; he that loses, enters into a voluntary Vassalage, altho' younger and more robust, suffers himself to be bound and sold. Obstinacy in this ill Cause, they stile Faith. Slaves of this Condition, they deliver up, by the way of Commerce, that they may absolve themselves from the Reproach of the Victory. They use the rest of their Servants not after our manner, by assigning them their Offices in the Family; every Man governs his own House, and domestick Affairs. The Master enjoyns the Payment of a Proportion of Corn, or Cattle, or Cloathing, as to his Farmer, and so far [Page] the Slave complies. The other Offices of the House, the Wife and Children manage. It's very uncommon to beat a Slave, or to punish him with Fetters, and hard Labour. They are wont to kill them, not by Discipline, and Severity, but out of Passion and Anger, as they wou'd an Enemy, and that without Impunity. The Freed-men are not much above their Slaves, seldom doing any [...] of Importance in the House, never in the Cities, [...]epting in those Nations which are under Subjection; [...] there they have the Ascendent, both over the Free- [...], and the Nobles too. Amongst other Nations, [...] inequality of Freed-men, is an Argument of Liber [...]

They are Strangers to Usury, and the making Advantages by Interest, and therefore it's more observ'd, than if it had been prohibited.

The Fields, according to the Number of the Tillers, are cultivated by Turns; which they divide amongst themselves, according to the Credit of the Persons: The largeness of the Plains, makes the Division less difficult. The plough'd Lands they change annually, and let the Ground lie fallow; neither do they endeavour, by their Labour, for an Improvement, or Enlargement of their Soil; so that they may plant Orchards, enclose Meadows, and water their Gardens; Corn only they expect from the Ground. Whereupon, they don't divide the Year into so many Parts: Winter, and Spring, and Summer, have their Names and Significations: The Name and Benefit of Autumn they are alike ignorant of.

They are not ambitious of pompous Funerals; this only is observ'd, that the Bodies of Illustrious Persons are burnt with particular sorts of Wood. They heap not up the Pile with Garments, nor Odors; his own peculiar Arms, and the Horse of some of them is also superadded, to the Fire. Their Tombs are rais'd with Turf. They despise the lofty and costly Magnificence [Page] of Monuments, as only burthensome to the Dead. Lamentations, and Tears, they refrain quickly; Grief, and Sorrow, slowly. It's commendable in Women to lament, in Men not to forget.

These Things we have been inform'd, have been allow'd of by all, of the Origin and Customs of the Germans: Now I'll relate the Institutions of particular Nations, and their Ceremonies how [...] they differ, and what People have removed out of [...]rmany into Gaul.

The Divine Iulius, the best [...] Authors, affirms, That formerly the Condition of [...] Gauls has been much more powerful: And ther [...]re its credible, that the Gauls also pass'd into Germany: For how little cou'd a River hinder it, but that as every Nation grew more potent, they should possess and exchange their, as yet, promiscuous Habitations, and undivided Dominions? Therefore the Helvetians kept their Ground, between the Hercynian Forest, and the Rivers Rhine, and Maenus; the Boii the furthermost parts; and both Nations were Gallican.

The Name of the Boiemi is yet extant, and signifies the ancient Remembrance of the Place, altho' the Inhabitants are chang'd: But whether the Aravisci remov'd from the German Nation into Pannonia, from the Orsi, or the Orsi from the Aravisci into Germany, whereas hitherto they use the same Language, Customs, and Manners, is uncertain; because in Times past, from the like Scarcity and Liberty, the same Convenience, and Inconvenience accru'd to those who inhabited the Banks on both sides.

The Treveri, and Nervii, are over and above ambitious of affecting a German Genealogy; as if by this Honour of Blood, they were distinguish'd from the Resemblance, and Sluggishness of the Gauls. Undoubtedly the People of Germany were the Vangiones, Treboci, Nem [...]tes, who inhabited the Bank of the Rhine. The Vbi [Page] also, altho' they deserv'd to be a Roman Colony, are asham'd of their Original; and who more willingly wou'd be call'd Agrippinenses, from the Name of their Founder, having formerly pass'd over, and out of Experience of their Fidelity, were planted upon the Bank of the Rhine, that they should expel their Enemies, not that they themselves should be guarded.

The Batavians, of all these Nations, are the most couragious: They inhabit not much of the Bank, but an Island of the River Rhine, formerly the Nation of the Catti, who passed over into those Habitations, from a domestick Sedition, in which they were to be made a part of the Roman Empire. The Honour remains, and a Mark of the ancient Alliance; for neither are they disgrac'd by Tribute, nor does the Receiver of the publick Revenues oppress them. They are exempted from Taxes and Contributions, and only set apart for the Service of the War, as Darts and Arms are reserv'd for Battle.

The Nation of the Mattiaci are also under the same Obedience; for the Greatness of the People of Rome was extended beyond the Rhine, and their Majesty beyond the ancient Consines of the Empire. As to the Frontiers of their Country, and Habitations, they live upon the Bank: In Humor and Inclination they are joyn'd with us: As to other things, they are like the Batavians; but that, as yet, by reason of the Soil of their Country, and Air, they are much braver. I shall not reckon them amongst the People of Germany, altho' they have taken up their Abode beyond the Rhine, and the Da [...]be, who cultivate those Fields, which pay Tenths.

The most profligate of the Gauls, and who are grown bold by Want, possess the Land of a doubtful Title. Now their Territories being enlarg'd and Forts advanc'd, they are esteem'd the Border of the Empire, and part of a Province. Beyond these the Ca [...]ti are seated whose [Page] Bounds begin from the Hercynian Forest; but not in such spacious and fenny Places, as the rest of the Cities, into which Germany expatiates itself. Here the Hills seem to continue, but grow thin by degrees; and the Hercynian Forest follows, and together, leaves the Catti.

The Bodies of that Nation are hardned, their Limbs compact, their Countenances threatning, and their Courage greater. They have as much Reason and Policy as is to be found amongst the Germans. They prefer choice Men, hearken to their Officers, know their Ranks, and make the best of Opportunities, delay their Resentments, order the Day according to their several Occasions, intrench by Night, reckon Fortune dubious, but Virtue unerring; and what is more uncommon, unless it's to be allow'd from the Reason of their Discipline, To repose more Confidence in their General, than their Army. All their Strength lies in the Foot, whom, besides their Arms, they load with Iron Tools, and Provisions: You may see others go to Battle, but the Catti to War. They seldom make Incursions, or engage accidentally. It's peculiar to the Horse, suddenly to gain the Victory, or suddenly Retreat: Expedition borders upon Fear, but Delay comes nearer to Constancy; and the particular Courage of every one, seldom try'd by the rest of the Germans, is grown to an unanimous Consent amongst the Catti, that as soon as they attain to the Years of Maturity, to let their Hair and Beard grow long; nor do they lay aside this Fashion of the Face, devoted and oblig'd to Gallantry, 'till they have slain an Enemy.

Upon Blood, and Sports, they discover the Forehead, and declare, That they have made a Recompence for their being born, and that they are worthy of their Country and Parents; that Deformity sticks to the cowardly and timerous. Moreover, every one of the most valiant, wears an Iron Ring, as it were a [Page] Bond (most ignominious to that Nation) 'till he can acquit himself of it by the Death of an Enemy.

This Mode pleases many of the Catti; and now these remarkable People, grown grey, are both shew'd together, to their Enemies, and their own Soldiers: These always give the first Onset: This is always the Fore-front, distinguish'd by the Figure they make; neither in Peace have they milder Aspects: They have no House, or Land, or take Care of any thing; according as they come to any one, they are provided for; are profuse of another's, Contemners of their own, 'till Bloodless Old Age makes them incapable of such hard Service.

The Vsipii, and Tenecteri, Neighbours to the Catti, inhabit upon the Rhine, now known by the Channel, which is su [...]icient to be a Boundary.

The Tenecteri, above their accustomed Reputation in War, excel in the Art of Horse-Discipline; nor have the Catti a greater Repute for Foot, than the Tenecteri have of Horse: So have their Ancestors instituted, and their Posterity imitate them. These are the Plays of Children, this the Emulation of Young Men, and the Aged persevere in them.

Amongst the Family, and Goods, as the Rights of Successions, Horses are deliver'd: The Son receives them; not as he does the rest, by Priority of Birth, but as he is more Couragious, and a better Man in War.

Near the Tenecteri, in Times past, the Bructeri liv'd: Now its reported, that the Chamavi, and Angrivarii, are come to dwell there; having chas'd away, and totally extirpated the Bructeri, either by the Consent of the bordering Nations, or out of Hatred to their Ambition, or for the Sweetness of the Booty, or by a peculiar Favour of the Gods to us: For they did not envy us the Sight of a Battle, wherein were slain above Threescore thousand; not by the Roman Arms, and Darts, but what is more Magnificent, [Page] to give Diversion, and to delight the Eye.

I pray, that if the Affection for us from these Countries can't remain and continue, that their Aversion for one another may; that when the Fates of the Empire are declining, Fortune can't perform a Greater Thing than the Discord of our Enemies.

The Dulgibini, and Chasuari, shut up on the back; the Angrivarii, and Chamavi, and other Nations, not so much as mention'd. On the Front the Frisii are ready to receive them: They are call'd the Greater, or Lesser Frisii, from the Proportion of their Forces; both Nations spread themselves from the Rhine to the Ocean; where Fame hath publish'd, that Hercules's Pillars are there, as yet, remaining.

Whether Hercules was there, or whether what is every-where Magni [...]icent, we agree to impute to his Honour.

Nor was Resolution wanting to Drusus Germanicus; but the Ocean oppos'd both him and Hercules, from making further Discovery. Since no one hath attempted it, it looks more holy and reverend to believe, rather than be too inquisitive, in prying into the Secrets of the Gods.

Hitherto we have known Germany towards the West. Towards the North it returns with a very great Winding.

And first of the Country of the Chauci. Although it begins from the Frisii, and possesses part of the Shoar, yet it is cover'd by the Confines of all those Nations, which I have describ'd, until it winds even to the Catti.

Such an immense Tract of Ground, the Chauci don't only inhabit, but also replenish: The most Noble of all the Germans, and who chuse rather to defend their Greatness by their Iustice. Without Covetousness, without Weakness, [Page] quiet and sequestred, make no War, are wasted by no Theft or Robbery: And this is a principal Demonstration of their Courage and Force, because that they did not obtain by Injuries a Superiority over others. Notwithstanding they are all in a readiness for War. And if their State requires an Army, they are well provided of Men and Horses, and they are in the same Repute when they lie still.

On the side of the Chauci, and Catti, the Cherusci being unprovok'd, have too long indulg'd a lasting, but consuming Peace, which was more pleasant than safe; because between the impotent and powerful there's no living in Security: When it's done by Force, Modesty, and Integrity, are Names in the Power of the Superiour: So that they which were, in former Times, the good and just Cherusci, are now call'd cowardly and foolish: Fortune, in the conquering Catti, was reputed in them Wisdom; and the Fosi, a bordering Nation of the Cherusci, were affected with the Ruine of the Cherusci, by Right, their Companious of Adversity; whereas they were much their Inferiours in Prosperity.

The same Coast of Germany, next to the Ocean, the Cimbrians inhabit; now a little City, but great in Glory: Their Camps on both Shoars, are largely the Monuments of their ancient Fame, and those Intervals, by whose Compass thou may'st compute the Bulk and Strength of the Nation, and the Confidence they had of so great an Army.

Our City had been founded 640 Years, when first the Arms of the Cimbrians were heard on, Caecilius Metellus, and Papirius Carbo, being Consuls. From whence, if we reckon to the Second Consulship of the Emperour Trajan, it almost amounts to Two hundred and ten Years; so long Germany was conquering: During which long Space of Time, there were many reciprocal Losses on both sides; neither has [Page] the Samnite, nor the Carthaginians, nor the Spaniards, nor the Gauls, or indeed the Parthians, so often check'd us in our Carier; because the Liberty of the Germans is more vehemently affected, than in the Kingdom of the Parthians: For what hath the East to object against us, besides the D [...]ath of Crassus, who had lost himself, vanquish'd Pacorus, cast down by Ventidius? But the Germans having slain, or taken Prisoners, Carbo, and Cassius, and Scaurus Aurelius, and Servilius Cepio, and also Marcus Manlius, have, moreover, destroy'd Five Consulary Armies from Rome; and Varus, with his three Legions, sent by Caesar: Neither has Caius Marius, in Italy; the Divine Iulius, in Gaul; Drusus, Nero, and Germanicus, assaulted them in their own Habitations without Danger.

Not long after, the great Threatnings of Caesar were turn'd into Ridicule.

From this time there was a setled Peace, 'till by the Opportunity of our Discord, and Civil Wars, they had won, by Assault, the Winter-Camps of the Legions, and also attempted Gaul: And being again from thence repuls'd, were afterward rather triumph'd over, than conquer'd.

Now we must treat of the Su [...]vians, of whom there is not only one Nation, as of the Catti and Tenecteri; for they take up the major part of Germany, divided as yet by Countries, and distinct Names; although, in general they may be call'd Suevians. Its the Mark of the Nation, to curl their Hair, and tie it in a Knot: So are the Suevians distinguish'd from the rest of the Germans; so are the Free-born of the Suevians from the Vassals. So in other Countries, whether from the Alliance of the Suevians, or (which often happens) in imitation, and that seldom, and whilst they are young too: Amongst the Suevians, even till they're Grey, they tie their brisly Hair behind, and [Page] oftentimes upon the Crown of the Head only: Their Princes wear it more exact: Such innocent Care they take of their Beauty. Nor do they do it out of a Design, that they may make Love, or be beloved: They go into Battle with their Hair comb'd high, and for a Terror, and are so trimm'd up in view of their Enemies.

The Semnones report, That they are the most Ancient, and Noble of the Suevians. The Truth of their Antiquity, is confirm'd by their Religion. At a set time, all the People of one Blood, assemble by their Embassies in a Wood, Sacred by the Oracles of their Ancestors, and by an ancient Veneration, and celebrate the horrid Beginnings of their barbarous Rites, by publickly killing a Man.

There is also another Reverence paid to that Grove; no one enters into it, unless bound like an inferior Person, and professing openly the Power of their God: If by chance he falls down, it's not lawful to be taken away, or rise up, but he is roll'd off the Ground: And thither all their Superstition tends; and from thence were deriv'd the Origine of their Nation, that there was a God, Ruler of all, that all beside were subject, and obeying.

The Success of the Semnones gives this Authority: They inhabit a Hundred Villages; and compose so great a Body, that they believe themselves the Head of the Suevians: On the other hand, the small Number they have makes famous the Longobards; because, being encompass'd with many, and very powerful Nations, they are safe themselves, not by a Compliance, but by Battles and Hazards. Moreover, the Reudigui, and Aviones, and Angli, and Varini, and Eudoses, and Suardones, and Nuithones, are fortify'd by Rivers and Woods: Neither is there any thing remarkable in particular, but that they in common Worship Herthum, that is, their Mother-Earth, and believe she ininterposes [Page] in the Affairs of Mankind. There is a Sacred Wood in an Island of the Ocean, and a Chariot dedicated in it, cover'd with a Garment, allow'd to be touch'd but by one Priest: He understands, when the Goddess is come to her Retiring Room, and follows her, drawn by Cows, with much Veneration. Then are their Days of Rejoycing, and Festival Places, which she vouchsafes to honour with her Presence, whatsoever she reputes worthy of her Arrival and Friendship. They make no Wars, put on no Armor, all their Arms are lock'd up: Peace and Tranquility is only then known, then only belov'd, 'till the same Priest returns the Goddess to her Temple, satiated with the Conversation of Mortals; presently after the Chariot, and Vestments, (and if you'll Credit it) the Deity her self is wash'd in a secret Lake: Bond-men attend, whom the same Lake immediately swallows up; from hence there's a mystical Terror, and a holy Ignorance, that should be, which they only see, who are just perishing. And this part of the S [...]evi is extended into the very Heart of Germany; the nearer (that I may after the same Method, as I did a little before, follow the Rhine, so I may now the Danube) is the City of the Hermunduri, faithful to the Romans; and therefore to these of all the Germans, is Traffick allow'd, not only upon the Bank, but in the Bowels of the Country, and in the most flourishing Colony of the Province of Rhaetia: They go where they please, without a Guard; and whereas to other Nations, we shew only our Arms and Incampments, to these, we throw open our Houses, and Villa's, they not so much as coveting them. Amongst the Hermunduri, the River Albis rises, formerly very famous and much known; now its scarcely heard of. Hard by the Hermunduri, the Narissi, and further on the Marcomani, and Quadi live. The highest Reputation and Power the Marcomani have acquir'd by their Valour, and also their Habitation, [Page] having in times pass'd driven out the Boii. Neither do the Narisci, or Quadi degenerate; and this is as it were the Entrance of Germany, so far as its cover'd by the Danube. The Marcomani and Quadi, even within Memory, had Kings of their own Nation: The Noble Race of the Marobodui, and Turdi; and even now they submit to be govern'd by Foreigners; but the Force and Power of their Kings is deriv'd from the Roman Authority. They are seldom assisted with our Arms, tho' o [...]ten with our Money: Neither are the M [...]rsigni, [...], Osi, Burii, which lie at the Back of the M [...]omani and Quadi, of less Power, of whom the [...]arsigni, and Burii, in Speech and Habit resemble the Suevii. The Gallican Language convinces, that [...] Gothini; the Pannonian, that the Osi, are not [...] Germans, because they submit to Tax [...]: Part of their Tribute the Sarmates, other part the Quadi impose on them, as upon Foreigners. The Gothini, to their Disgrace, also dig up Iron: And all these have seiz'd little of the Champaigne, but Forests, and the Tops and Heights of Mountains; for a continued Ledge of Hills separates and divides Suevia; beyond which many Nations dwell; out of which, the Names of the Lygii is the most [...] [...]o many Cities.

It may suffice to instance the Arii, Helveconi, Manimi, Elusiii, Naharvali, as the most Potent. Amongst the Naharvali, a Grove of the Ancient Religion is shewn; a Priest presides in Womanish Attire; but they report, That the Gods were Castor and Pollux; by a Roman Construction, the Name of that Deity is Alcis: There are no Images, no Monuments of a Foreign Superstition; notwithstanding, as Brothers, as young Men, they are worshipp'd. But the Arii over and above their Forces, in which they surpass those People, that are little before reckon'd up, are Cruel, and with Art and Time set off their innate Fierceness: Their [Page] Shields are black, their Bodies painted, they make Choice of dark Nights for their Engagements; and by a Dread and Shadow this dismal Army strikes a Terror, no Enemy being able to support this new, and as it were, infernal Sight; for the Eyes are first conquer'd in all Battles. Beyond, the Lygi, the Gothons are govern'd a little more slavishly, than the rest of the Countries of Germany; and yet not beyond Liberty. Next them, from the Ocean lie the Rugii, and Lemovii; and the Distinction of all these Nations, are round Shields, short Swords, and Loy [...] to their Kings. From hence, the Cities of the [...] besides Men and Arms, are powerful in Shipping in the very Ocean: The Make of their Ships differs in this, because, on both sides, the Prow of the Ship [...]lways guides the Fore-part ready for Landing; [...] they manag'd by Sails; nor do they make fit [...] Oars in order on the sides: The rowing is mov' [...] [...]ither and thither as ill, and in some Rivers changeable, as occasion requires. They set a Value upon Riches; and therefore, one governs, [...]i [...]out exception, and not with the [...] Right of being accountable. [...] their Arms in common, as amongst the [...] o [...] the Germans, but they are shut up under a Keeper, and that also a Slave; because the Sea keeps off the sudden Incursions of an Enemy: Besides, Soldiers that have nothing to do, easily grow effeminate: For, it is not the Interest of a King, to set the Noble, nor Free-born, nor ind [...]ed the Freedman, over his Armory.

Beyond the Suionians is another Sea, slow, and almost motionless, by which there is a Belief, that the whole World is bounded, and encompass'd; because the last Brightness of the Setting Sun continues till it rises again, and so very clear, that it eclipses the very Stars. Some are of a Persuasion, that a Sound is to be heard of his rising out of the Sea, and that the [Page] Forms of Gods, and the Rays of his Head are to be seen. Even there (and Fame is true) is the end of the World. Therefore, now on the right Coast of the Suevian Sea, the Countries of the Aestyii are beat upon, who follow the Customs and Habits of the Suevians; but their Language comes nearer to the British: They worship the Mother of the Gods; they carry about the Pictures of Boars, as the Cognizance of Superstition; that's for Arms, and a full Protection, and Warrants the Worshipper of the Goddess secure, even among his Enemies. They make use of Clubs, more than Steel: The [...] labour harder for Corn, and other Fruits, than is customary for the Sloath of the Germans; and [...]gently pry into the Sea; and they only of all [...] gather Amber, which they call Glesum, amon [...]t the Shallows, and on the very Shoar: Neither is the Nature or Reason which produces it, enqui [...]d after, or found out, by these Barbarians. Moreover, it lay long amongst the rest of the Purgings of the Sea, [...]ill our Luxury gave it a Name: They make no use of it, for its unskilfully gathered, and brought mis-shapen to us; and they with wonder, receive the Price: Notwithstanding, yo [...] [...] take it to be the Iuice of a Tree; because some [...] also flying Animals, for the most part appear in the midst of it, which being intangl'd by its Viscosity, and suddenly, that Matter growing hard, are enclos'd. As in the more remote Places of the East, the Woods and Groves are more fruitful, where Frankinsence and Balms distil; so I should believe, that there are in the Islands, and Countries of the West, which drawn out and melted by the Rays of the Neighbouring Sun, glide into the adjacent Sea, and by the Force of the Tempests, float to the opposite Shoar: If you experiment the Nature of Amber in the Fire, it burns like a Torch, and nourishes the pinguous, and odoriferous Flame, and immediately grows as soft as Pitch or Rosin.

[Page] The Countries of the Sitoni are bounded by the Suevians; in other things they are alike, and differ only in this, that they are govern'd by a Woman; insomuch, as they don't only degenerate from Liberty, but even from Servitude. This is the End of Suevia.

I am in suspence, whether I should ascribe the Nations of the Peucinians, Venedians, and Fennians, to the Germans, or Sarmates; although the Peucinians, whom some call Bastarnas, in Speech, Habit, Situation, and their little Huts, live as the Germans: They are all nasty and sluggish: The Marriages of their Nobles are intermix'd; they are somewhat disfigur'd by the Dress of their Garments. The Venedi have very much follow'd their Customs; for they ravage, whatsoever is built on the Hills, between the Peucinians and Fennians: Yet, these ought rather to be reckon'd amongst the Germans, because they both pitch their Tents, carry up and down their Shields, and take a Pride in Footmanship, and being Fleet: All which things differ from the Sarmates, who live in Waggons, and on Horse-back.

The F [...]nnians are extreamly Cruel, and very Necessitous, having [...], nor Horses, nor Houses; their Food [...], their Cloathing Skins, and their Lodging is the Ground; their Confidence is in their Arrows, which for want of Iron, they point with Bones: The same Hunting maintains the Men, and the Women also; for they accompany one another every where, and demand part of the Booty. Nor is there any other place of Refuge for the very Infants, from wild Beasts and the Weather, than that they're cover'd over with interwoven Boughs. Hither the Youth return, this is the Receptacle of the Aged; this they deem more happy, than groaning under the Toil of tillinged Ground; than to take Pains in building Houses, and turning over their own, and other Peoples Fortune, betwixt Hope and Fear; here they are secure [Page] against Men, secure against the Gods, having attain'd the most difficult Affair; that they have no Vows to make to the Gods; that they have nothing to wish. For other things, they're meerly fabulous; That the Hellusii and Oxionae have the Faces and Countenances of Men, their Bodies and Limbs of wild Beasts; which I will leave in common as a thing uncertain.

The End of the Second Volume.

A TABLE OF THE Annals of the First Tome.

[Page]

A.

ADgandestrius, Prince of the Chatti, offers the Romans to Poison Armini [...]s. Page 285

Aedile Curul. 8, 9

Adrana, or the Eder, a River in Germany. 112

Agrippa, Honoured by Augustus with two successive Consulships, and made his Son-in-Law. 8

Agrippa Posthumus, Grandson of Augustus, banish'd. 10

—Visited by Augustus. 15

—Kill'd by Order of Tiberius. 17

Agrippa the Counterfeit, his History. 212, 213

Agrippa, (Haterius) Tribune of the People, defends the Priviledges of the Pantomimes. 151

—Elected Praetor by Tiber [...]us's Sons. 235, 236

—Gives his Opinion, that C. Lutorius Priscus should die. 350

—Contradicted by Lepidus, and followed by the rest. 351

—His Consulship remarkable for Reforming Luxury. 352

Agrippa, (Fonteius) accuses Libo of Co [...]spiring against the State. 198

—Proposes his Daughter for Superiour of the Ves [...]als. 284

—She is brought back. Ibid.

—The Cause of it. Ibid.

—Hath 5000 l. given her by Tiberius to Comfort her for the loss of it. Ibid.

Agri [...]ina, Wife of Germanicus, much hated by Tiberius and Livia. 74

—Retires to Treves to avoid the Violence of the Mutinous Soldiers. 88

—Hinders the breaking of the Bridge upon the Rhine by her Courage. 133

—Her Courage and Liberality to the Soldiers. Ib.

—Tiberius accuses her of Ambition. 134

—She's brought to Bed of Iulia, or Livia, her last Child. 240

—Pursues the Vengeance of the Death of her Husband. 272

Aletus [...]ent by Tiberius into Asia. 231

Angi [...]rs Revolted. 342

—Reduced to its Duty. Ibid.

Angrivarians punished for their Revolt from the Romans. 172

—Obtain Pardon for their second Fault. 187, 188

Anna Rufilla, punished for Insulting a Senator. 337

Anteius [...]its out a Fleet against the Germans. 170

[Page] Anti [...]chus, King of Comagena dies. 220

Antonia not at the Funeral of her Son Germanicus. 291

—Why. 292

Anthony, (Mark) Triumvir. 4, 7

—His Defeat at the Gulph of Actium. 239

—His Name not Razed out of the Annals. 309

Ant. (Iulius) Corrupts the Daughter of Augustus. 306

Apollonia, overturn'd by an Earthquake. 230

Appius Appianus, expelled the Senate. 234

Apronius ( [...].) Germanicus, his Lieutenant, receives the Ornaments of the Triumph. 139

Decimates the dishonourable Troops. 312

Archelaus, King of Cappadocia, hated by Tiberius and why. 218

—His Death. 220

Ariobarzanes, made King of Armenia. 167

—His Death. Ibi [...].

Armenia, balances between the Romans and Parthians. 166, 244

—Germanicus gives them a King. 244

Arminius, a German Lord, raises Germany. 109

—Takes away the Daughter of Segestes. 111

—Sollicits the Ch [...]r [...]sci to take up Arms against the Empire. 11 [...]

—Confers with his Brother Flavius, who was in the Roman Se [...]vice. 173

—Exhorts his Soldiers to fight. 180

—Is defeated by G [...]rmanicus. 182

—He fights Ma [...]bodu [...]s King of the Su [...]des. 228

—Hi [...] Death and Praise. 286

Aruntius, (L.) discovers an Advice which vexes Tiberius. 39

—Iudged capable of Reigning by A [...]gustus. 40

Artoba [...]us, Prince of the Blood of the Arsacides, called by the Parthia [...]s to be their King. 165

—Beaten by Vono [...]s. 166

—Beats him again, and drives him out of his Country. Ib.

—De [...]res to renew the Alliances with the Romans. 247

Artavosdes, King of Armenia, cheated and put to Death by Anthony. 166

Artaxias, Son of Artavasdes, sides with the Parthians against the Romans to Revenge the Death of his Father. 166

—Defends himself even to his Death in Armenia. Ib.

Aspr [...]nas, (L.) Proconsul of Africa▪ puts Sempronius Gracchus to Death by Tiberius's Order. 105

—Asks why Claudius was not mentioned. 309

Asinius Gallus offends Tiberius by a Treacherous Demand. 38

—And would after soften him by Praises. Ib.

—Hated by Tiberius for Marrying Vispania. 39

—Desirous to Reign. 40

—Contests with Haterius Agrippa upon the subject of the Farcers. 151

—Opposes the Reformation of Luxury. 202

—Says, the Senate ought not to Treat of publick Affairs in the Princes absence. 206

—Would surprize Tiberius, but in vain. 206, 207

—Piso demands him for one of his Advocates. 299

Aufidienus Rufus, Mareschal of the Camp, evil treated [...] Soldiers. 54

Augustus takes the Government under the Name of Prince of the Senate. 5

—Q [...]its the Name of Triumvir, and makes himself called Consul. 7

—Goes to see his Grandson Aggrippa in his Exile. 15

—His last W [...]ll. 23

—His Gifts to the People of Rome, to the Officers and Soldiers. 24

—His Obsequies, and the Honour [...] given to him. 25

—Divers Iudgments of his Life and Reign. 26, 27

—A Colledge of Priests instituted to his Honour. 106

—His Temple at Terragona. 152

—Livi [...] dedicated a Statue to him. 369

Augustinia [...] Games disturbed by the pa [...]ity of Spectators. 107

[Page] —Lucius Apronius proposed the Heralds to be Overseers of them, but Tiberius was against it. 369

Aviola, (Acilius) reduces Tours and Angiers to their Duty. 242

Angiers, an Academy, revolts by the persuasion of Sacrovir. 343

B.

Bathyllus, the Buffoon, Favorite of Maecenas. 107

Blesus, (Iunius) Commands the Legions. 47

—By Accident causes their Revolt. Ib.

—Endeavours to reduce them to their Duty. 54

—Seems to re [...]use the Government of Africa. 330

—Is continued in it. 361

—Honoured with a Triumph. 379

—Saluted Emperor by the Legions. 381

Blesus, Son of Iunius, deputed to the Emperor by the Mutinous Legions. 52

Bructerians, People of Germany, cut in pieces by Germanicus. 102

—And Defeated by L. Stertinius. 119

C.

Caius Caesar declared Prince for his Youth, and designed to be Consul. 9

—Pacifies Armenia, and those Places, and makes a King. 167

—Dies in his return to Rome. 9

Calpurnius, Eagle-Bearer of the German Legions, saves the Life of Manutius Plancus, Ambassador of the Roman People. 85

Camillus, (Furius) Proconsul of Africa, defeats the Numidians, and Moors, and for that is Honoured with a Triumph. 237, 238

Canopus, a City of Aegypt, built by the Spartans. 251

Capito, (Atteius) a Flatterer, Learned Man. 376

Cappadocia, reduced into a Province by Tiberius. 220

Cariovald [...] dies honourably fighting against the Cherusci. 176

C [...]tonius sent to Tiberiu [...] at the desire of the Legions. 67

Catti, defeated by Germanicus. 112

Catualda, driven out of his Country by Maroboduus, revenges himself. 254

—Driven out by the Hermund [...]ri, retires to the Romans, and is sent to Forum Iulii, 257

Cecina, Lieutenant to Germanicus in Germany. 70

—His Army Revolts. 70, 71

—He beats the M [...]rsii. 112

—Makes War against the Cherusci with different Success. 128

—His Address to retain the Soldiers, being affrighted. 130, 131

—A Triumph Decreed for him. 139

—He sets out a Fleet for Germanicus. 170

Caecina, (Severus) is for prohibiting Women to accompany their Husbands to the Army. 332

—His Advice rejected. 332

Cecilianus, Praetor, falsly accused of High-Treason. 337

—His Accusers punished. Ibid.

Celer, (Propertius) a poor Senator, receives a Gift from Tiberius. 146

Celer, (Domitius) persuades Piso to enter by force into the Government of Syria. 274

Celibacy preferred. 319

Centurions odious of a long time to the Roman Soldiers. 72

—Germanicus degrades those who were Convicted of Rapine and Cruelty. 94

Cercina, an Island in Africa. 105

C [...]stius, ( [...].) declaims against the Insolence of Slaves, and Abuse of Sanctuarie [...]. 337

C. Cestronius, Chief of the first Legion, chastises the Mutineers, and how. 95

Cherea, (Cassius) Centur [...]on, his Courage. 72

Cherusci's, they dare not succour the Catti's against Germanicus. 113

—Side with Arminius against the Romans. 119

—And after against Maroboduus. 225

Cilicia, at Discord after the Death of King Philopator. 220

[Page] Cini [...]h [...]i, a People of Africa joyn against the Roma [...]s. 237

Clau [...]ius. 309

Claua [...]i, a [...]amily naturally Proud. 13

—The Family disparaged by one of the Sons Marrying S [...]anus's Daughter. 327

Clement, (Iulius) charged by the Legions of Pann [...]ni [...] to declare their Intentions to Drusus. 61

Clemens, Slave of Agrippa, lays the Design to carry his Master to the German Legions, to make him be Proclaimed Emperor. 212

—And finding him Dead makes himself pass for Agrippa. 213

—His Address to persuade it. 214, 215

—His Answer to Tiberius. 216

—His Death. Ibid.

Co [...]ag [...]na in Trouble after the Death of K. Antiochus. 220

—Annexed to the Roman Empire. 245

Considuus, Condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Cecilianus. 337

Comedians, declared exempt from the punishment of the Whip by Augustus, and maintained in that Privilege by Tiberius. 151

—Regulatio [...]s about their Stipends. Ibid.

The Comitia, or Assembly for Electing Magistrates, transferred from the Field of Mars to the Senate. 44, 45

Concord, rare amongst the Great. 225, 226

Consuls, their Institutor. 2

—Why so called. Ibid.

—Suppressed and after Established. 3

—The manner of their Election. 157, 158

—All Acts dated from the Consuls. 361

Consul Elect gives his Opinion first. 315, 350

[...] gets a part of Thrace, and is there troubled by his Uncle Rh [...]s [...]uporis. 257, 258

—Betrayed and put into Irons. 259

—After killed. 260

Corbul [...] complained of Sylla, and of Surveyors and Magistrates. 330

—Takes the Employ, which made him odious. Ib.

Cordus, (Caes [...]us) Accused of Extortion and Treason. 3 [...]9

—Condemned. 376

Crowns Military. 2 [...]3

Crowns of Gold at a Feast presented to Germanicus, and other Guests. 246

Crispinus accuses Granius Marcellus of High Treason. 142

Crupellarii, or Cuirassiers, impenetrable, but unfit to assault. 344

D.

Debauching Senators ruin'd by their Debauches; degraded. 234

—The Sentence of the Senate against Womens Debauches. 282

Decrius dies honourably fighting against Tacfa [...]inas. 3 [...]2

Deceraviri, their Authority continued but a little time. See Note d. 2

—Composed the Twelve Tables. 322

Dictator, an absolute Magistrate which was Created in the time of publick Calamities. See Note c. 2

—Chosen by Consuls, and why. See Note c. Ib.

Dolabella, a Flatterer. 348, 373

Drusus, Son of Tiberius, sent into Pannonia to appease a Sedition. 57

—Returns to Rome after having pacified it. 70

—Gives the Spectacle of Gladiators at which he presided. 149

—Is blamed for it by his Father. 150

—His Extraction by the Mothers side was not Illustrious. 223

—He goes into Illyrium to learn the Exercises of War, 224

—And from thence into Germany. 230

—Where he cunningly sows Discord. 253

—Is Honoured with a small Triumph. 257

Drusus, Son of Tiberius, pays his last Respects to the Memory of Germanicus. 291

—Goes to the Army in Illyrium. 296

—Defers the Triumph the City Decreed him. 299

—Entred Rome with a small Triumph. 311

—Marries his Daughter Iulia to Nero. [...]27

[Page] —Manages the Affairs of the Consulate alone in the absence of his Father. 329, 330

—Gains Reputation by Deciding a Controversie between Corbulo and Sylla. 330

—Opposes the Proposition to prohibit Husbands to take their Wives with them to their Governments. 335

—Gains Honour. 337

—The Roman People glad that he loves Company and Pleasure. 338

—Is called to the Office of Tribune by his Father. 360

—Hath great Applause given him▪ 361

—Two Senators render themselves ridiculous in Honouring him too much. 361

—His Letters Read, and taken to be very Arrogant, tho' they had a turn of Modesty; the Senate complains. 363

Drusus, (Livius) Tribune, Prodigal in the Name of the Senate. 322

—Sen [...]tors oppose him, See Note m. 323

—His Death. Ib.

Drusus, Son of the Empress Livia, hath the T [...]tle of General. 9

—Cherish'd by the Roman People, wherefore. 73

—The Favour of the People fatal to him and to his Son Germanicus. 217

—His Canal. [...]72

—His Funeral. 293

Duillius, First Admiral of the Romans, honoured with a Naval Triumph. 234

E.

Eagle of the 19th Legion lost. 120

—Found. Ib.

Eagles retaken by the Romans. 192

Eagles by their flying predict Victory to Germanicus. 181

Eclipse of the Moon stops the Sedition of the Roman Soldiers. 63

Eg [...]a ruin'd by an Earthquake. 231

Egypt, Augustus forbids the Roman Senators and Knights to enter into it, and why. See Note c. 250

—The Pyramids of Egypt. 252

Egyptia [...]s transported into Sardinia 283

—Their Religion abolisht at Rome. Ib.

E [...]ilia Lepida accused by her Husband for a Supposititious Child. 314

—Punish'd. 316

Eloquence is not to be judged by Fortune. 282

—Hindered by Fear. 372

Emilius, (P [...]ulus) his Basilica, repaired and beautified by Lepidus. 378

E [...]ius accused of Treason and Acquitted. 376

Epidaph [...]e. where Germanicus died. 281

Erat [...] ▪ Queen of Armenia, was soon driven out of it. 167

Esculapius, his Temple acknowledged an Authentick Sanctuary. 367

E [...]iles, 3 sorts of it. See Note h. 318

F.

F [...]l [...]nius, a Roman Knight accused of High Treason. 141

Favour of Princes. 328

Flavius, Brother of A [...]minius, sollicited to abandon the Romans, continues firm to them. 174

Florus, (Iulius) Incendiary. 341

—Kills himself. 343

Fortune; its Temple dedicated to Fo [...] Fort [...]nae. 217

Fifteen. 369

G.

Gallia, the Cities of it Rebelled. 341

Germanicus adopted by Tiberius. 11

—Is made Proconsul. 44

—Commands the Armies in Germany. 70

—As much hated by Tiberius and Livia as loved by the People. 73, 223

—His Humour very different from that of Tiberius. 73, 74

—Appe [...]ses the Legions in Germany w [...]ich Mutinied. 79

—Pays some of them with his own Money. 81

—The Mutineers take away the General's Standard. 84

—They accuse him of Weakness. 86, 87

—He sends his Wife and Son Caligula to T [...]ves, to secure them from the Fury of the Seditious. 88

[Page] —His excellent Remonstrance to the Revolters. 89

—He orders Cecina to punish the Guilty, which is done. 98, 99

—He surprizes the Marsi, ravages their Country, and razes their Temple, the most beautiful in Germany. 101

—His Exploits make Tiberius jealous. 102

—Who sticks not to declare them to the Senate with much Affectation. 103

—A Triumph is ordered for him. 108

—He delivers S [...]gest [...]s out of the hands of his Enemies, who kept him Prisoner. 114

—He is Honoured with the Title of Emperor by order of Tiberius. 117

—Pays his last Respects to the Legions of V [...]rus, in giving them Burial. 120, 122

—An Action disapproved by Tiberius. 122

—He sees Varus in a Dream all bloody, asking him succour. 126

—A Pre [...]age of the Disgrace which happened to him the day following. 127

—Another Disgrace happens to two of his Legions. 136, 137

—He gains the Hearts of the Soldiers by good Usage. 138, 139

—Tiberius resolves to separate him from the Legions which were too Affectioned to him. 169

—How he sounds the Heart of the Soldiers, when he was about to give Battle to the G [...]rmans. 177

—Dreams of good Presage, which makes him hope for Victory. 179

—His Harangue to the Soldiers. 179

—He cuts Arminius's Army into pieces, who flies away. 182

—Gains another Battle over the Germans. 186

—His Modesty. 187

—His Fleet dispersed by a violent Storm. 188, 189

—His Dispair because of that loss. 190

—He Ravages all the Country of the Marsi. 192

—Tiber [...]us invites him to return to Rome. 192, 193

—He returns with Regret, why. 194

—His Triumph. 217

—His Children. Ibid.

—His Consulate with Tiberius. 218

—He is made Governor of the Provinces beyond the Seas. 221

—His second Consulship. 239

—His Curiosity to see the Monuments of his Ancestors. Ib.

—His Iustice. 241

—His approaching Death predicted. Ibid.

—His Civility to Piso his greatest Enemy, 242, 243

—Their Enterview makes them both more bitter. 246

—Patience of Germanicus. 247

—His Answer to the Ambassadors of the Parthians. ib.

—He goes into Egypt. 248

—Cloaths himself in the Graecian Mode, and is blamed for it by Tiberius. 250

—But more for Violating the Orders of Augustus. Ib.

—Visits the Antiquities of Thebes. 251

—Is Honoured with a small Triumph. 257

—Falls Sick. 264

—His Recovery and Relapse. Ibid.

—His last Letter. 265

—His last Discourse. 266

—His last Advice to his Wife. 268

—His Death. 269

—His Praise. Ib.

—His Parallel with Alexander. 269

—His Death reproached to Tiberius and the Empress. 279

—Universally lamented. 280, 299

—His Name Sung by the Salian Priests. 281

—His Statues and Altars. Ibid.

—His Regiment. 282

—His Sister brought to Bed of two Boys, to the great Displeasure of the People, and why. 282

—His Wife comes to Rome with his Urn. 290

—His Funeral. Ibid.

—Compared with the Funeral of his Father. 293

—His Death differently reported 310

Gracchus, (Sempronius) Adulterer, with Iulia▪ a Wi [...]e of Tiberius, his Death, 105

H.

Haterius offends Tiberius by an imprudent Question. 41

—Obtains his Favour by the Protection of the Empre [...]. 42, 43

—His Invective against Luxury. 201

—A Flatterer. 361

—Reprov'd by Tiberius. 363

Helvius, (Rufus) a common Soldier, had the Civic Crown given him by Tiberius. 313

Haemus, a Mountain. 340

Heniochians, a People of Asia. 263

Hercules; The Egyptians say, the true Hercules was of their Country. 251

Hircania, of Macedonia, overturn'd by an Earthquake. 231

Hortalus, Grandson of Hortensius the Orator, addresses himself to the Senate to be relieved in his Poverty. 208, 209

—The Inclination of the Senate causes Tiberius to re [...]use him. 210

—The Senate thereupon Murmurs. 212

—Tiberius to Conte [...]t them, gives a certain Sum of Money to the Children of Hortalus. Ibid.

I.

I [...]dus (Iulius) de [...]eats [...]lorus. 343

Iunia, Sister of Brutus; her Testament, Death and Funeral. 383, 384

Inguiomer Ar [...]i [...]ius, his Nephew, draws her into the Revolt against the Romans. 119

—The Advice of the Uncle preferred before that of the Nephew. 131

—Both of them beaten by Cecina in one Battle. 132

—And by Germanicus in another. 180

Inguiomer, abandons Arminius, whom he would not obey. 225

—And joyns with Maroboduus, his Nephew [...] greatest Enemy. ib.

Iews; Are commanded to renounce their Superstitious Ceremonies, or to go out of Italy. 283, 284

Iulia, Daughter of Augustus, her Misery and Death. 104

Iulia, Daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina, her Birth. 240

Iunius, the Regiment called by his Name, takes the Name of Germanicus in honour of that Prince. 282

K.

Kings first governed R [...]m [...].

L.

Labio esteemed for his freedom of Speech. 382

Lentulus, a Man of Authority; the Soldiers will kill him, why. 62

Lepidus, a Triumvir. 7

—Degenerates through idleness. 28

—Is deceived by Augustus. 31

Lepidus (Marius) desends his Sister, 314

—Accused as a Coward, and beggarly. 331

—The Senate of a contrary Opinion, sends him into Asia. 331, 332

Lepidus (Marcus) judged worthy of the Empire by Augustus. 40

—Excuses himself from being Proconsul. 330

—Pleads for Priscus. 350

Libo (Drusus) accused of plotting against the State. 194

—No body found that will undertake his Defence. 198

—Implores the Mercy of Tiberius, but in vain. ib.

—Kills himself. 200

—Several Opinions concerning him, ib.

Livia, Wife of Augustus, causes Agrippa to be banished. 10

—Suspected to have poisoned her Husband. 14

—The Iulian Family 23

—Flattered by the Senate, and lessened by her Son. 43

—An Enemy to Agrippina. 74

—Gives too much Authority to Urgulania, her Favourite. 204

—Complains of L. Piso. ib.

—Vexes Agrippina by the Wife of Cn. Piso. 223

—Privately protects Plancina. 304

—I [...] dangerously ill. 369

[Page] —Affronts Tiberius. 369

Law (Iulian) against Adulterers. 235

Law of High-Treason revived by Tiberius. [...]39

—Its Progress. 141

—A Supplement in all Accusations, 339

Laws (Oppian) broke by the Women. 333

—Their Rigour moderated. 334

Law Papia Popp [...] against Celibacy. 319

—Moderated. 326

Laws (Sumptuary) neglected. 352, 355

Laws Agrariae blamed by those who made them. 30

Laws, their Original. 320

—Their Number infinite when the Commonwealth is corrupt. 324

Lollius (M.) de [...]eated in Germany. 3 [...]

—Accused as the Author of Cai. Caesar's Sedition and Lewdness. 349

Lucilius a Centurion, slain by reason of his Violences. 57

Lueius, Son of Agripp [...], declared Prince of the Youth, and designed Consul. 9

—His Death. ib.

Luxury. 2

—Senators demand Reformation of it. 201

—Another opposes it, and his Advice preferred. 202

—The Ediles desire the Senate to prevent it. 352

—The Senate refer it to the Prince, ibid.

—His excellent Answer. 353

—By degrees le [...]t off in the Reign of Galba. 358

—The ancient Frugality returned in the time of V [...]spasi [...]. 359

M.

Macedonia discharged of the Proconsular Government. 148

—Romans ill Success against it. 242

—Alexander valiant, but exceeded by Germanicus in Clemency, Temperance, &c. 271

—Formidable to the Atheni [...]. 255

Magi and Astrologers banished out o [...] Italy. 201

Magnesia, a City of Asia, overturn'd by an Earthquake. 221

—Receives Succour from Tiberius. ib.

M [...]lovendus, General of the Mars [...], surrenders himself to the Romans▪ and declares the place where one of the Eagles of the Legions of Varus was kept. 191

Malaginensis, a Priest of Iupiter, d [...] sited the Government of Asia. 361

—Tiberius his Answer. 3 [...]

—Example for Bishops, (Reflect. 2) ib.

Marcellus, Nephew of Augustus, r [...]is'd being young to the Dignity▪ of Pontificate and Edile. [...]

Marcellus (Gran [...]us) Praetor of Bithinia, accused of High-Treason. 142

—And of Mismanagement of the publick Treasure. 145

Marcomanni. People of Germany▪ plundered by Catuald [...]. 254

Maroboduus King of the Su [...]vi, the Semnons and Lombards [...]evolt from him. 225

—He demands Succour from Tiberius against Arminius. 229

—His Retreat into Italy, where setting too great Value on his Life▪ made him contemptible. 256

Marsi, People of Germany, conquered by the Romans under the command of Germanicus. 101

—Beaten by Cecina. 113

—Pillaged again by Germanicus. 19 [...]

Marsus (Vib.) disputes with another Senator the Government of Syria. 271

—Summons Piso to give an account of his Actions to the Senate. 277

Martia; a Secret which she reveals to the Empress, costs her Husband his Life. 16

Martina, a famous Poisone [...], Favourite of Plan [...]ina, sent to Rome. 272

—Her sudden Death. 296

Martius (P.) Astrologer, put to Death. 201

Martium, Capital City of the [...]atti, burnt by Germanicus. 113

Mazippas, Head of the Moors, joins with Tacfarinas to War against the Romans. 237

Me [...]on; his Statue gives an articulate sound, when struck, with the Rays of the Sun. 252

[Page] Menm [...]us, Mareschal de Camp, by a couragious Resolution reduces the Soldiers to their Obedience. 82

Merulas (Cornelius.) 362

Messalinus (Co [...]ta) his Advice against the Memory of Libo. 200

Messalinus (Valer.) defends the Women. 333

—His Discourse seconded by Drusus, 335

Myrin [...], a City of Asia, overturned by an Earthquake. 231

Musa (Aemil [...]a) her Possessions confiscated, given by Tiberius to Emillus L [...]pidus.

Musulans, a powerful and warlike Nation in A [...]rica, war against the Romans under the command of Tac [...]arinas. 236

N.

Nero dispensed with for the Vigintivirate. 326

—Pontifical Dignity bestowed upon him. 327

—His marrying Iulia. encreased the Ioy of the Roman people. ib.

Naup [...]rtum, a Municipal City, plundered. 53

Nile, its Mouth consecrated to Hercules. 251

—Lakes cut in the Ground to receive its Waters. 252

[...], the City where Augustus died, 16

Numa established Divine Worship, 321

O.

Occ [...]a, the Superiour of the Vestals, 284

Octavius, Father of Augustus, both die in the same City, and in the same Chamber. 27

Odrusians revolt. 340

Oracles, their Answers always doubtful. 241

Otho (Iun.) from a Schoolmaster made Senator by Seia [...]s. 371

Ovation, the Nature of it. Vide Note 2. 311

P.

Pacuvius (P.) Commander of a Legion. 277

Peace; amongst stubborn Nations, those who advise Peace, have never much Credit given to them, 113

—Under a Tyrant, War to be preferred before it. 345

P [...]ndus, Vice-Praetor of Maesia. 260

Parsa, Consul, his Death. 30

Pedo commands Germanicus his Cavalry against Arminius. 119

Perce [...]ius, a private Soldier, causes the Legions of Pa [...]onia to revolt, 47

—Killed by order of Drusus. 68

Philadelphis overturned by an Earthquake. 231

Philopator, King of Cilicia. 220

Phraat [...]s sends most of his Children to Augustus for a Pledge of his Faith. 162

Piso (Cn.) offends Tiberius by his Liberty. 145

—Advises to leave Tiber in the condition it is in. 154

—Would have the Senate dispatch Business in the Prince's absence, 20 [...]

—Is made Governor of Syria. 222

—So proud, that he looked upon the two Sons of Tiberius as his Inferiors. ib.

—Is put into the Government to break the Designs of Germanicus. ib.

—Blames Germanicus. 242

—Inveighs against the Athenians, why. ib.

—Is assisted by Germanicus in a great Danger, but makes no acknowledgment of it. 243

—Corrupts the Military Discipline, ib.

—Disobeys Germanicus. 245

—Insults him at a Feast. 246

—And changes all his Orders in Syria. 263

[Page] —Stops the Rejoycings which the People of Anti [...]ch made for the recovery of Germanicus. 264

—Who suspect that he poison'd him, ib.

—Retires from Syria. 265

—Rejoices insolently for the Death of Germanicus. 273

—Strives to regain the Government of Syria. 276

—Gives up his Arms to Sentius. 279

—Goes to seek Drusus. 296

—Comes to Rome. 298

—Accused before the Consuls. 299

—Consented that the Emperour should take cognizance of it himself, and why. 299

—Iudged by the Senate. ib.

—Abandoned by his Wife. 304

—His Death. ib.

—Contents of his last Letter. 306

—Which clears his Son of Treason, ib.

—Who hath all his Fathers Estate, 308

Piso (L.) inveighs against the Advocates. 204

—Commences a Law Suit against the Empress's Favourite. ib.

—Appointed Advocate for Cn. Piso, 299

—Is for banishing Sil [...]nus. 373

Plancina; her Riches puff up Piso, 222

—The Empress orders her to teaze Agrippina, the Wife of Germanicus. 223

—Her Exercises not suitable to her Sex. 243

—Her insolent Discourses. ib.

—Her Ioy at Germanicus's Death, 273

—Pardoned by August [...]'s means, 304

—Tiberius speaks for her. 307

—The People complain of it. ib.

Plan [...]us (M [...]nalus) Consular, departed from the Senate to Germanicus in danger of being killed. 84

—Pliny the Historian, what he says of Agrippina. 133.

Pomponius (Flaccus) Vice-Praetor of Maesia, deceives Rhescuporis King of Thrace. 261

Poverty, when it proceeds neither from Luxury nor Debauch, it ought to be relieved by the Prince, 146, 232

—Without Reproach, a Credit, rather than Disgrace. 371

Praetors; Tiberius will not augment the Number settled by Augustus. 43

—A Senator proposes to nominate 60 at a time for 5 years, instead of 12 yearly. 206

—Tiberius perceives the cunning. 207

Pretexta, what it is. Vide Note h. 9

Priest of Iupiter, when sick, officiated for by the High Priest. 362

—His Place vacant 62 years. ib.

—Must be absent from Rome but two days, &c. 377

Priests: The Priests of Augustus, 106, 281, 369

—The Solian Priests, or Priests of Mars. 281

—The Titian Priests. 106

Priscus (Luterius) accused for composing an Elegy for Drusus. 350

—Lepidus spoke for him. ib.

—Only one of the Consuls agreed with Lepidus. 351

Priscus carried back to Prison, and suffered. ib.

Publicus; a Temple of Flora built by the Aediles, Publicus, and Lucius. 234

Pyrrhus King of Epirus, formidable to the Romans. 255

—Is advertised by them, that his Physician would poison him. 286

Q.

Quirinus (Publ.) accuses his Wife of a supposititious child, &c. 314

—His Age, and means of Birth, made him not a fit Husband for her. 316

—His Employs, Death, and Funeral, 348, 349

—His Memory not agreeable to the Senate. ib.

R.

Religion: The Mysteries of Religion ought not to be divulged. 148

—All the Rites of it in the Cities of Italy subject to the Roman Empire, 377

Remius lets Vonones go, and after kills him. 263

Revolt of the Cities of Gallia, 341

Revolt of Arminius. 109

Revolt of the Legions of Pannonia, 46

—Its Beginning. ib.

—Its Progress. 48, &c.

—And End. 69, 70

Rhoemetalces succceeds to part of his Father's Estate. 262

Rhescuporis: Augustus divides Thrace between Rhescuporis and Cotys his Nephew. 258

—After the Death of Augustus, Rhescuporis ravages the Land of Cotys, ib.

—Invites him to an Interview, makes him Prisoner. 258, 259

—After kills him. 260

—Flaccus seizes him, sends him to Rome, where he is degraded, 261, 262

—Is carried to Alexandria, where he is slain. 262

Rhine separates in Batavia as into two Rivers. 171

Rome; its Kings. Vid. Notes. 1

—Its Dictators. Vid. Note c. 2

—Its Decemvirates. Vid. Note d. 3

—Its Military Tribunes. 3, 4

—Its Tyrants, Cinna, Sylla, and Caesar. 4

—Beautified by Augustus. 29

—Its multitude of Laws. 324

—As fatal to them as their Crimes, 320

Rubrius accused of Perjury. 142

—Tiberius causes him to be absolved from it. ib.

Ru [...]illa (Anna) imprisoned for reproaching a Senator. 337

Rufus (Aufidienus) Mareschal de Camp, a rigorous observer of Military Discipline. 54

Ru [...]us (Trebellianus,) Tutor of K. Cotys his Children. 262, 340

—The Thracians complained of him. ib.

S.

Sabinus [...]ontinues in the Government of Mesia. 154

Sallustius, Minister of State to Tiberius, sends the order to kill young Agrippa. 19

—Says, that a Prince ought never to reveal the Counsels of his Ministers. ib.

—Stops the counterfeit Agrippa, 215, 216

—His Death, and Commendation, 327

Sardis, a City of Asia, overturned by an Earthquake, and assisted by Tiberius, who remitted all their Taxes. 230, 231

Sanctuaries, their Abuse. 364

—Reasons for them. 365, 366

—The Senates Order. 367

Sacrovir (Iul.) incensed Gallia to rebel. 341

—Fights for the Romans to betray them. 342

—Made himself Master of Angiers, 343

—His short Harangue. 345

—Is beaten, and kills himself. 347

Scaurus (Mamercus) offends Tiberius by the hopes he gave, that Tiberius would accept the Empire, 41, &c. 316, 330, 371

Salonius (Asinius) his Death. 381

Scribonia, Augustus his first Wife. 196

Scribonius (L.) Consul. 161

Segestes, a German Lord, discovers the Plot against the Romans to Farus. 109

—Demands Succour from Germanicus against Arminius. 113

—His Harangue to Germanicus. 115

—His Daughter, Wife of Arminius, Prisoner of War. 114

—Brought to Bed of a Son. 117

Segimer, Brother to Segestes, surrenders himself voluntarily to the Romans. 138

[Page] —His Son with difficulty obtains his Favour, and why. ib.

Segimond, Son of Segestes, scruples to go find Germanicus, and why. 113

—His Father asks pardon for him. 117

S [...]janus goes into Pannonia with Drusus, Son of Tiberius. 58

—Foments the Hatred of Tiberius and the Empress against Agrippina. 135

—Cheats Cneius Piso by false promises. 305

—A Statue erected for him. 379

Sentences of Death stopped 10 days. 352

Sentius (C [...]eius,) Governor of Syria after the Death of Germanicus. 271

S [...]ptimius a Centurion, his General constrained to abandon him to the Fury of his Soldiers. 72

Servius, Governour of Comagena. 245

Sibyls; Tibrius binders the consulting the Books of the Sibyls. 148

Silanus (Cret.) Governor of Syria, treats Vanones as King, and Prisoner. 168

—Recalled from Syria, because of his Alliance with Germanicus. 221

Silanus (C.) accused. 371

—Pressed by Tiberius. 372

—Banished. 373

—That Sentence mitigated by Tiberius. 375

Silanus (D.) accused for debauching Augustus his Niece, banishes himself. 318

—Returns to Rome; but as a private person. 319

Silanus (M.) gives Tiberius Thanks for his Brother's return. 318

—Tiberius his Answer. ib.

—Dishonours the Consulate, by his proposing, that all Acts should be dated from the Tribunes. 361

Silius (C.) Lieutenant-General in Germany. 70

—Receives the Ornaments of a Triumph. 130

—Enters into the Country of the Catti, where he carries away the Wi [...]e and Daughter of the Prince, 171, 191

—Commands the Army against the Rebels. 344

—Lays waste the Towns in the Franche Comte. 345

—His Harangue. 347

—Defeats Sacrovir. ib.

Soldiers; their Pay amongst the Romans. 49

Son excused from Rebellion for obeying his Father. Vid. Rest. 1. 306

Stertinius, Lieutenant to Germanicus, defeats the Bructerians. 119

—Chastizes the Angrivarians. 172

Strabo, Father of Sejanus the Favourite of Tiberius. 21, 58

Sylla expelled the Senate. 234

Sylla, the Dictator; his Government not long. Vid. Note m. 322

Sylla (Lucius) his Dispute with Corbulo. 330

T.

Tac [...]arinas, Head of the Robbers, becomes General of the M [...]sulans, 236

—Overcome by the Romans. 237

—Renews the War in Africk. 312

—Is defeated. 313

—Driven to the De [...]arts. 314

Tacitus, a faithful unbyassed Historian. 6

—Ridicules every where the Flatterers. 25, 201, 373, 361, 370, 376

—Recites the Death of Cn. Piso from old Men. 305

—Teaches the part of an Historian, 370

Te [...]tis, a City of Asia, overturned by an Earthquake. 231

Terror; Panick Fear in the Camp of Cecina. 129

Teutberg; a Forest, where Varus and his Legions were defeated. 120

Thala, a Fort besieged by Tacfarinas, 313

T [...]bes; her ancient Puissance. 251

Theophilus, condemned by the Ar [...]opagus. 242

Thrace, divided by Augustus between Res [...]uporis and C [...]tys. 257

—Divided again by Tiberius between their Children. 262

[Page] Tiberius takes the Command of the Armies. 8, 9

—Is adopted by Augustus, who associates him to the Tribunitial Power. 9

—His accession to the Empire. 13

—He caused young Agrippa to be assassinated. 17

—Receives the Oath of Fidelity of the Consuls. 20, 21

—Affects great Modesty in the beginning of his Reign, and why. 21

—Consults the Senate concerning the Funeral of Augustus. 23

—Speaks ambiguously. 35

—Says, he is not capable to Govern the Empire. ib.

—Retrenches the Honours designed for his Mother. 43

—Transfers the Peoples Election of Magistrates to the Senate. 44, 45

—Unmov'd at the Murmurs of the People. 95

—Amuses the Senate and Provinces by the Preparations he makes for a Voyage to the Frontiers. 97

—Lets his Wife Iulia die in Want, and Misery. 104

—Loves not the publick Games and Shows. 108

—Wherefore. 151

—Refuses the Title of Father of the Country. 139, 285

—Renews and enlarges the Law of High-Treason. 139

—Assists at the Audiences of Inferior Courts, without turning Iudges out of their Places. 146

—Gives a Senator wherewithal to support his Dignity. ib.

—Sends back others to the Senate, 147

—Opposes the Suppression of the Hundredth part of the Gain by Commerce. 152

—Seldom changes the Governors and Officers of Provinces. 154

—Wherefore. 155

—Gives the Par [...]hians a King. 163

—And the Praetorship to Libo, whose Death he studies. 196

—Defers the Reformation of Luxury. 203

—Severely treats Hortalus the Senator fallen into Poverty. 210

—Answered well by counter [...]eit Agrippa. 216

—Discharges Rome of one half of the Payment of the Hand [...]e [...] Penny. 220

—And some Cities of Asia of all Taxes for 5 years. 230, 231

—Will not be Heir of those who made him their Heir to be aveng'd of their Relations. 233

—His third Consulship. 239

—His Day of Rejoicing for the two Sons at a Birth, Heirs of Drusus. 282

—His generous Answer to him, who offered to poison Arminius. 286

—His Trouble to see Agrippina adored by the People of [...], 292

—And the Mourning for the Death of Germanicus to hold so long, 294

—His Prudence at the Process of [...]. Piso. 300

—His fourth Consulship, of which he leaves all the Business to his Son. 329

—His refusal of Honours. 348

—His Gratitude towards one of his Friends. ib.

—His Order to stop the execution of Iudgments. 351

—His Answer to the Senate's demand of a Reformation. 353

—His Popularity the more agreeable to the Senate, because very [...]are, 375

Tiber, its Inundations. 148

—Methods proposed to prevent them, [...]53

Tigranes made King of Armenia, reigns no long time. 166

Tours, its Revolt against the [...], 342

Tribunate; a Magistracy exercised 37 years by Augustus. 27

—Invented by Augustus. 360

—He takes Agrippa, and after [...] rius, for Associates. 361

Trio (Fulcinius) a celebrated Promoter. [...]97

—Accuser of Piso. 299

—His great Heat [...] his E [...]oquence. 310

[Page] Trophy of Arms taken by Germanicus his Soldiers, irritates the Germans. 184

—Another by Germanicus, to the Honour of Tiberius. 187

Troy, a City famous for giving Birth to the Romans. 241

Tubantes, a People of Germany destroyed by Germanicus. 101

V.

Varilia accused for Lampooning Augustus and Livia. 234

—Acquitted from the Indictment of High-Treason, but punished for Adultery. 235

Varus surprized by Arminius for neglecting the Advice of Segestes. 110

—His Body ignominiously treated by the Nephew of Segestes. 138

—His Legions had a Tomb made for their Bones. 121

—Demolished by the Bructerians. 171

Varro (Visellius) Lieutenant of Lower Germany. 342

—He yields the Command to Silius, 344

—Raises the Siege of Philippopoli. Vid. Note. 341

Ubians. 71

—Their City pillaged. 79

—Their Altar. 83

—Son of Segestes, Priest of that Altar. 114

Veranius, first Governor of Cappadocia, discharged it of part of the Tributes which it payed to its Kings. 214

—Friend of Germanicus. 272

—Revenges his Death in pursuing that of Piso. 299, 302, 307

—Is honoured with the Dignity of Priesthood. 310

Verus (Antistius) a Macedonlan Lord, accused to keep Intelligence with Rescupori, banished. 339

Ves [...]als carry the Last Will of Augustus to the Senate. 23

—Appeared before the Iudge when called to witness. 205

V [...]tera, or the old Camp-place upon the Rhine. 94

Veterans, Soldiers, offer the Empire to Germanicus. 77

—Demand the Legacies of Augustus, ib. —They are promised it double to appease them. 80

—They would be paid upon the spot, and are so. 80, 81

—Tiberius revokes the Promise he made, to free them at the end of 16 years. 153

Vibidius Varro expected the Senate; wherefore. 234

Vibilius, General of the Hermunduri, 257

Vibuleus, a common Soldier, devises how to [...]eign that they have killed his Brother, and to demand his Body. 55

—Counterfeits so well, that General Bl [...]sus had been killed, if the Imposture had not been discovered. 56

—Drusus puts him to Death. 68

Vipsania, first Wife of Tiberius. 39

—Mother of Drusus. 311

—The most fortunate of all the Children of Agrippa. ib.

Vistilia, a Roman Lady, declares that she will prostitute her self, 283

—The prudent Answer of her Husband to the Iudges. ib.

Vitellia will not depose against Luc. Priscus. 350

Vitellius (Publ.) is in danger of drowning with the two Legions, 136, 137

—Goes to receive the Tribute of the Gauls. 170

—Accuses Piso and Plancina as Authors of the Death of Germanicus, 299

—Is honoured with Priesthood. 310

Vitellius (Qu.) expelled the Senate, 234

Vonones given in Hostage to Augustus by his Father. 162

—Demanded by the Parthians for King. 163

—Despised, and why. ib.

—Expelled. 167

—Called to Royalty by the Armenians. 168

—Whose Inconstancy obliges him to [Page] retire into Syria, where he is treated as Prisoner. ib.

—Taken from thence by Germanicus, and why. 248

—He corrupts his Guards, and flies, but is taken. 263

—An Evocate, supposed to be privy to his Escape, kills him. ib.

Urgulania, Favourite of Augusta, cited to Court, but refuses to appear. 204

Usipoles cut to pieces by Germanicus▪ 101

Volusius (Luc.) his Death, a [...]d Commendation. 327

Z.

Zeno, Son of the King of Pontus, is made King of Armenia by Germanicus. 244

FINIS.

§

[Page]

The Family of AUGUSTUS▪

[Page]

The former is AUGUSTUS's Family & Blood, this that follows, is his Family by Affnity, or his Wife LIVIA's Family, which was taken into his own by Adoption.

Information about this book

Title statement

The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile.Works. 1698

Tacitus, Cornelius.

Edition statement

1698

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A62424

ID [STC]

Wing T101

ID [STC]

ESTC R17150

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

11860054

ID [OCLC]

ocm 11860054

ID [VID]

50009

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62424)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50009)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 551:6)

Source

— The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile., Works. 1698, Tacitus, Cornelius., Lipsius, Justus, 1547-1606., Dryden, John, 1631-1700., Bromley, William, 1664-1732., Potenger, John, 1647-1733..

Extent

3 v.

Printed for Matthew Gillyflower ...,. London :: 1698.. (Includes tables.) (Imperfect: volumes 2 and 3 are lacking in filmed copy.) (A character of C. Cornelius Tactitus ... by Justus Lipsius; Vol. 1, book 1, by Mr. Dryden; Vol. I, book 3 ... by William Bromley; The life of Agricola ... by John Potenger.) (Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library.)

Creation

Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.