My Lords and Gentlemen,

YOu are not ignorant,The Kings Speech. that at your earnest entreaty, March, 23. 1623. my Father (of happy memory) first took up armes for the recovery of the Palatinate, for which purpose by your assistance, he began to form a considerable Army, and to prepare a goodly Armado and Navy Royal. But death intervening between him and the atchievement, the war with the Crown is devolved upon Me. To the prosecution whereof, as I am obliged both in Nature and Honour, so I question not but the same necessity continuing, you will cherish the action with the like affection, and further it with a ready contribution. True it is, you furnished my Father with affectionate supplyes, but they held no symmetry or proportion with the charge of so great an enterprize. For those your donatives are all disburst to a penny, and I am enforced to summon you hither to tell you, that neither can the Army advance, nor the Fleet set forth without further aid. Consider, I pray you, the eyes of all Europe are defixt upon me, to whom I shall appear ridiculous, as though I were unable to outgo muster and ostentation, if you now desert me. Consider it is my first attempt, wherein if I sustain a foyl, it will blemish all my future honour. If mine cannot, let your own reputation move you, deliver and expedite me fairly out of this war, wherewith you have encombred, let it never be said, whereinto you have betrayed me. I desire therefore your speedy supply; speedy I call it, for else it will prove no supply. The Sun you know is entring into his declining point, so it will be soon too late to set forth, when it will be rather not too soon to return. Again, I must minde you of the mortality now regnant in this City, which should it (as so it may, and no breach of priviledge neither) arrest any one Member of either house, it would soon put a period both to consultation and Session▪ so that your own peri • litation necessitates an early resolution. In sum, Three of the best Rhetoritians, Honour, Opportunity, and Safety, are all of a plot, and plead, you see, for expedition. Perhaps it may be expected I should say something in way of account of my Religion, as also of the temper and tenour of my future Government. But as I hope I have not been guilty of any thing which may justly start the least question in either, so I desire you would repose in this assurance, that I will in neither vary from those principles wherein I have been instituted at the feet of that eminent Gamaliel my late Father.

And ending his Speech, he with his hand moved his Crown, [Not usual (saies one) with any his predecessors, to vail it] Nor did he, but the massy Gold and precious stones gave him cause to ease his browes of that weight,Hist. pag. 11▪ Observ. p. 28. and of which he complained when he came home, without any other observation then, which yet hath begot so much comment now, as to be called [Calamitous Presages] no less then [a dozen] in the Kings future Reign, which we shall remember as we meet them in order hereafter; and for the present examine the Note of Mr. Prins telling; [That the King on his day of Coronation was clothed in White, contrary to the Custome of his Predecessors, on that day clothed in purple, the Regal colour of Kings, the Robe of Majesty, the other, of Saints, the Robe of innocency] And to this as to the other, a great plague had driven the greatest trades men out of the City, and the Kings Mercer infected and fled, No Purple Velvet to be had on the sodain, and so the colour of his Robes was changed by Necessity, yet to the better by his own observation.

But to the matter of the Kings Speech, Money for a War with Spain, upon the former score of Quarrel, the Palatinate, which ingaged King Iames in Justice, and honour, and so this King.

To a War, is required a Iust Quarrel:

Wars are suits of Appeal to the Tribunal of Gods Justice,Of Wars. where there are no Superiours on Earth, to determine the Cause. Yet do the Princes of this World endeavour to declare, the reasons of their defiance, to ballance with the opinions of a righteous cause.

England had at this time, two just Grounds of War with Spain; 1. The recovery of the Palatinate; 2. A just fear of subversion of our Civil Estate.

I have no mind to mention the Third, so usually pretended, viz. Fear of subversion of our Religion; for though the House of Commons, the first Parliament of King Iames, voted that for a reason, to make a War upon Spain, the King was so wise as not to involve into a quarrel against him upon that score, lest he should be necessarily drawn into a defiance likewise, with all the Roman Catholiques of Christendome: and so that vote was dasht out of the Record by the Register.

But we shall take the two for granted, That Just fears are indeed true Defensives, as well as actual Invasions; but offensive Wars for Religion, King Iames was of opinion are never just: Not to force the Conscience (which Guides the Soul) with the power of the Sword, which is but humane▪ and though he was by his Title Defensor • idei, if oppugned, yet he was not thereby authorized, to quarrel with another mans belief.

For the first Ground; the concernment of the Palatinate, as there was no color in that Prince Elector to accept of the Kingdom of Bohemia; so no Justice in the house of Austria to retain the Palatinate from him. For though an Elective Monarchy cannot be so free as an • Hereditary, yet if yo • •• ke to boot the Customes, transactions, and privileges of that Kingdome of Bohemia, It will appear as positive, as Soveraigns Descendent. But leaving that Title as disputable, I shall not offer at it, though I were able to master the Question.

And then the Quere will follow, whether an Offensive War, being made unjustly, the Defendant may not, by diversion invade and master the undubitable possession of the Aggressour, who is now turned Defendant of his own? Surely he may, and enjoy the conquest lawfully, and is not bound to restore it but by force: which force is as lawfull to be done as the other. The Spaniard in eighty eight invaded our Seas, and designed it upon our Land also, was not our expeditions thereupon against Lisbone and Cadiz a just war? surely it was.

And truly King Iames held these Opinions, which put him into Treaties for the Palatinate, upon terms and conditions of a mariage, with Prince Charles his Son, and the Infanta of Spain; wherein being some years deluded, it was just in him to begin the way by force, which he did, as it is now for King Charles to endeavour the like regaining it for his Brother-in-law by a War, which he now intends. For Wars are Vindictae Revenges, Reparations; like to cross suits in civil pleas, sometime both of them just. And thus much for the Palatinate.

The Second Ground, A just fear of subversion of our Civil Estate. The overgrowing Greatness of any neighbour Nation is a necessity imposed upon anothers fear of violation, which becomes defensive. Christian Princes have a just invasive War against the Turk, as a grand Enemy indeed; not for cause of Religion, no good ground for that: but upon a just fear, because the fundamental Law in that Empire, is to propagate their Mahometan faith, by any War; So saies the Persian for his belief, two opposite enemies upon that ground: and the Christians are as well upon the Preventive, as the Defensive War.

All men know the great endeavours of the Spanish Monarchy to aspire new Acquests, and to be absolute. The History of the Triumvirate Kings (Henry the eighth of England, Francis the first of France, and Charles the Emperour and King of Spain) shews them so provident, as between themselves to keep the ballance of Europe upright; Not one to edge upon the other, and herein not to stay for the first blow, or to be the last to be eaten up. The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last sixty years, more then the Ottamans. Did not England assist the French to keep him from Britany, Picardy, and Piedmont, and enable the Netherlands not to be swallowed up? these are our outworks.

Nay, hath he not twice invaded England? Once under the Popes Banner, next in his own Name, and hath more than a months minde to it again. These grounds are causes sufficient for a War with Spain.

But what ere the King had said, as to the matter and form of Argument, the Parliament forgot not their old Mode with his Father, Not too hastily to resolve; and his death left much business in the deck, which now they take up to engage his son.

And in truth,Petitions, all Parliaments commence with Petition from the People; Reasons of Religion, and Complaints of their suffering, came to his Father in the close of his last Session, and so unanswered, which they are resolved now to dispatch, and did so. To that of Religion, Answered. the King assured them his pious resolution to effect their desires with all convenient speed, and as that business of weight required: And for their Greivances, they were distinctly separate, and satisfactory answers he gave to each apart.Subsidies granted. And so accounting to them the disbursement of his Land and Naval Forces, with a clear and even audit of the Charge and Expence to come, they were so candid, that the Laity gave him (without conditions) Two Subsidies from Protestants, four from Papists, and the Clergy, three.

Richard Mountague Doctor of Divinity,Dr Mountague questioned. and Chaplain to the King, was summoned this Session, for certain Tenents supposed prejudicial to the Protestants faith, but were only against the Calvinist; and was from the Commons Bar without Tryal committed to the Serjeant of their House, untill two thousand pound Bail be procured for him to appear the next Session; which the King had reason to resent, being his antient Chaplain, and ought to have his Masters protection sooner than the Servants of an Ordinary Burgess,Caballa p. 115. which at last was granted, but not his bail-bond excused; Of which he complains to the Duke of Buckingham, and that the Parliament had not in right to do with him for that, which King Iames commanded, and King Charles authorized; and challenges any Accusers, if he may answer for himself] It seems he was summoned, and committed without any Tryal, Iuly 29. And hereupon three Bishops, Rochester, Oxford, and St. Davids, being tender, (not of his Person) but of his cause, meerly the Church of Englands, upon this Ground, That the Church being reformed from the Roman, refused the apparent and dangerous errours, but was tender of every School point, as not expedient (in the unity of Christians) to subscribe to each particular. And so, though some of his opinions are the resolved Doctrine of the Church of England, which he is bound to maintain; So some others, are School points, and there to be discussed, but not to distract the Church, nor for any man to be bound to subscribe unto; which if inforced, would hazard their former subscription in Orthodox Tenents, and was indeed one great Fault of the Council of Trent.

But the Clergy submitted (in Henry the eighths time) with this caution, That for differences Doctrinal, the King and the Bishops were to be Judges in a National Synod, and that with the Kings leave, under his hand and seal, else not. Nor did ever the Church, or can submit, but so, which is the constant practice of the Church. For if the Church be brought down beneath her self, Schism will follow. And King Iames allowed of each point of Doctrine in Mountagues Book, who was able (of most men) to judge thereof.

There can be little use of Civil Government; or of Preaching and external Ministery in the Church, if such fatal opinions (as are contrary to Mountagues) shall be publickly taught and maintained. All, or most of the contrary opinions were treated of at Lambeth, and then ready to be published; but Queen Elizabeth, upon knowledge how little they agreed with the practice in Piety, and obedience to Government, suppressed them, and so continued ever since, till of late some of them received countenance at the Synod of Dort, but that being a Synod of that Nation, cannot give authority to any other National Church, till publique authority; and it is to be hoped, that this Church will advise, before they submit to a foreigne Synod, especially of such a Church, that condemneth our Discipline, and manner of Government: And therefore the King referred the consideration to the course of the Church. Then for the person of Mountague, they affirmed him to be an able Scholar, right honest, and fit to do God, and the Church and his Majesty great service 2, August, 1625. And after the next session he was consecrate Bishop of Chichester.

The Books in question were these: His answer to the Romish Gagger, And his Defence thereof, afterwards styled Apello Caesarem, formerly opposed by Information prepared against him, of which he was discharged by King Iames, with leave to appeal to his Majesty from his defamators; and Doctor White then Dean of Carlisle was ordered to authorize the Imprimatur. But two years after Ianuary 1628. it was called in by Proclamation (to please the then Parliament) not charged with any false doctrine, but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which hath since much troubled the quiet of the Church, it seems with such unnecessary questions: And to humour that time also, Doctor Potter (a zealous Calvinian) was preferred to be Bishop of Carlisle to please the Parliament: and and yet for all these passages, the Parliament lookt asquint at the Kings actions as hereafter followes, anno, 1628.

The Lord Mordant, Lord Mordant made Protestant. (afterwards Earl of Peterborough) being a Papist, and willing to winne his wife from Protestancy; offered the combate of his Confessor with a fair dispute against any. This Confident was a cunning Iesuite (Beaumona) but his right name Rookwood, his brother executed in the Gun-powder-Treason, 1605. and the Lady elected Doctor Usher Primate of Ireland, at this time in England: the place Drayton in Northampton shire: but after three dayes controversie (concerning Transubstantiation, Invocation to Saints, Images, visibility of the Church) the Iesuite directly confessed, he was so deficient in his memory, that Gods just judgement had infatuated him to this desertion; and put his excuse upon his presumption to dispute with so eminent a Protestant, without leave of his Superiour. But the good effect, was, the conversion of the Lord Mordant, and confirmation of his Lady. Whereupon a Secular-Priest Chaloner in a jeer to Beaumond, bids him beware of coming to Drayton, for fear that Usher foil him again.

These Lawes are enacted this Session.

Against abuses committed on Sundays.

The King to make Leases of Lands, parcel of his Dutchy of Cornwall.

For ease of obtaining Licences of Alienation, and in the Pleadings of Pardon in the Exchequer, or else where.

For restraining Misbehaviour in Inns and Alehouses.

That this Session shall not determine, by his Majesties royal assent to these Acts.

Then passed a Bill in the Lower House, of Tonnage and Poundage, but because it was limited to one year, whereas former Grants to his Majesties Predecessors were for Life, It was foundred in the Upper House.

The Reason of this Restraint was thus.

In a Parliament the 18. of King Iames, the Kings learned Councill, culled out of that Act, reasons for pretermitted Customes, and other Impositions which were accounted Grievances to the Subject, and an Imoderate charge upon those Customes; and therefore their Design was to reduce them to the rate settled long since, tempore Mariae, but they wanted time enough, to mold it now.

The next Assembly met the first day of August at Oxford; Parliament at Oxford. The Divinity School for the Commons, and the Gallery above for the Lords. Hence is observed a pretty Note.Observ. 34. To give up the Divinity-School to the Commons; and that Chair to their Speaker, put them into an usurpation of Determinations of Divinity; and henceforward no Parliaments without a Committee of Religion of Lay-Persons, not onely to mannage controversies of Divinity, but to ruine the old, and to establish a New.

And because the Kings designes required Expedition, He summons both Houses to Christ-Church Hall, where he urged to them his Necessities for setting forth his Fleet. But his desires found no other consideration than for a formal Petition against Recusants, and the causes of their increase: with the Remedies.

Most Gracious Sovera • gn,

IT being infallibly true that nothing can more establish your Throne,Parliaments Petition. and assure the peace and prosperity of your People, then the unity and sincerity of Religion; We your Majesties most humble and loyal Subjects and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, observing that of late there is an apparent mischievous encrease of Papists within your Dominions, hold our selves bound in conscience and duty to present the same unto your sacred Majesty, together with the dangerous consequences, and what we conceive to be the most principal causes, and what may be the remedies thereof.

1. Their desperate ends, being the subversion both of Church and State, and the restlessness of their Spirits to attain those ends. The Doctrine of their Teachers and Leaders perswading them, that therein they shall do God good Service.

2. Their evident and strict dependance upon such Foreign Princes; as no way affect the good of your Majesty and this State;

3. An opening a way of Popularity to the ambition of any who shall adventure to make himself head of so great a party.

The principal causes of the increase of Papists.

1. The want of due execution of the Laws against Iesuits, seminary Priests and Papists Recusants, occasioned partly by Connivance of the State, partly by many abuses of Officers.

2. The interposing of foreign Princes by their Ambassadours and Agents in favour of them.

3. Their great Concourse to the City, and their frequent conventicles, and conferences there.

4. The Education of their children in Houses and Seminaries of their Religion in foreign parts, which of late have been greatly multiplied and enlarged, for the entertainment of the English.

5. That in many places of this your Realm, your people are not sufficiently instructed in the knowledge of true Religion.

6. The licentious publishing of Popish and seditious Books.

7. The imployment of men ill affected in Religion in places of Government, who countenance the Popish party.

The Remedies be these.

1. That there be great Care taken in the choise, and admitting School-Masters, and that the Ordinaries make diligent inquiries of their demeanours, and proceed to the removing of such as shall be faulty.

2. That the antient Discipline of the University be restored, being the famous Nursery of literature.

3. That for the propagation of the Gospel, such able Ministers, as have been formerly silenced, may by fair entreaty of the Bishops be reduced to the service of the Church, and that Non-residency, Pluralities, and Commendums may be moderated.

4. That a straight provision may be made against transporting of English children to Popish Seminaries beyond Seas, and for recalling such as are there already.

5. That no Popish Recusant be permitted to come within the Court, unless upon special occasion, agreeable to the Statute 3• Iacobi.

6. That all Jesuits, Priests, and others, having taken Orders from the See of Rome, may be banished by Proclamation, and in case of disobedience, may be proceeded against according to the Laws of the Land.

7. That none by any authority derived from the See of Rome be permitted to confer Orders, or exercise any Ecclesiastical function within your Majesties Dominions.

8. That all former Grants of Recusants lands made to the use and interest of such Recusants, may by the advice of your Majesties Council be voided.

9. That all Recusants may be excommunicated, and not absolved but upon conformity.

10. That all Recusants be removed from places of authority and government.

11. That all Recusants be disarmed according to the provision of the Law.

12. That they may be all confined to remain at their Country habitations, and not to travel above five miles from thence.

13. That none of your Majesties natural born Subjects be suffered to repair to the hearing of Masses, or other superstitious service at the Chappels or houses of foreign Ambassadours or elsewhere.

14. That all such insolencies as any Popishly affected have lately committed to the dishonour of our Religion, be exemplarily punished.

15. That the penal • y of 12. d. every Sunday for default of coming to Divine Service, in the Church, without lawful excuse, may be put in Execution.

Lastly that your Majesty would be pleased to order, that the like courses may be taken in Ireland, for the establishing of true Religion there.

The Kings Answer was so satisfactory,Kings answer. and sodain, to each particular, being heretofore branched to his Father, and the remedies resolved upon them, and now so reasonably required; as that the King took him from hence to speak for himself, and to put them to it to supply his very urgent Necessities, to set forth his Navy.

It found affection in some,And urges for Supply. earnest to give and to satisfie the present occasion with expedition; Others, having no heart to deny, nor willing to contribute, but cunningly to gain convenient time, as to prejudice the Design, which was to be sodain; and there were these (the most averse) that quarreled not the Expedition, for it was secret, and so ought to be, but old Sir Robert Mansel (a quarrelous person for his interest in the Glass house, then in dispence) must be set up: a Man of great Experience and sound Judgement (but where) in the Narrow Seas: And he (by Guess) had declared against the Design, and tendered some overtures of his own, with pretence of greater advantage and (alwaies) of less expence then any other Undertakers. And to mate it the more, the Lord Chichester, an Irish Commander, approved thereof to the Council of War.

But it was soon replyed by the Solicitor General, that the Duke (Lord Admiral) had been consulted, who though of abilities to judge, yet his Modesty and Wisdom▪ had communicated Mansels Project to the Council, who utterly disliked thereof, and had approved of the Design in hand.

Being convinced in this, yet the vote of the House was not to Supply, but rather to Remonstrate their Reasons, wherein they ranted so high and desperate upon the Duke, that it was apparent they meant to divest him of his Offices, Admiralty and all.

Nay they left not there, but were canvasing his Comings in, his great Revenues of Crown-demeans which they would revoke and resume back to the Kings wants: And in fine to bring him an Accomptant for his Receipts and Expences of publique Revenue intrusted unto him for the State.

It is handsomely observed,Observ. p. 35. the Commons Inconstancie herein, Breves Amores Populi, who but lately, the very last Parliament cired up the Duke for the ornament and honour of the whole Nation, that it was then almost put to the question, What shall be done to Him whom the Houses will honour? Now to be popular hatred. Their design was (saies he) to take the Great Seal from the Bishop of Lincoln, who cunningly to divert the Judgement, proposed Buckingham as the properer person to furnish them with matter, as the fitter game, of which the Duke had inckling, which lost the other the favour for ever.

And yet in Ianuary next we find the Bishop his Letter to the Duke, boldly, and if not with impudence so soon to caress him for a Courtesie, To Crown the King, for thus he writes; Being come hither in the duty of my place to do my best Service for the preparation to the Coronation, Cabal. p. 107. and to wait upon his Majesty for his Royal pleasure and direction herein; I do most humbly beseech your grace, &c. 7. Ianuary 1625. Which the Duke denied, for another did it.

But this was too high for the Duke to hold out; The Remonstrance penned so bitter, with aspersions on the Kings Judgement in his choice, and to grace him more then all others, as that to prevent the Dukes ruine, and not to retard the publique affairs of his Naval Design, the King in much regret resolved to give end to their Sitting. And of this Arrand comes the Usher of the Black Rod from the Upper house, who finds the Commo • s resolved into a Grand Committee, and the Solicitor in the Chair whom they forced there until a Protestation was framed which Mr. Glanvile declared, viz.

First, To give his Majesty thanks for his Gracious Answer to their Petition for Religion.

For his care of their healths in giving them leave to depart this dangerous sickness.

With a dutiful Declaration of their affection and loyalty, and their purpose to supply his Majesty in a Parliamentary way, in fitting and convenient time.

After this the Speaker re-assumes the Chair, Parliament dissolved. and admits the Usher and his Message for Dissolution of the Parliament.

And now the King must do his work himsel • ; and minding that he first dismist the train and burthen of the French Madams, and other that waited on the Queen hither. These were shipped away from Dover, who carried the tidings of the Kings evil success with his Parliament, and subjects, to his great regret and grief. And therefore we may spare him from the censure of [an otium for summer pastime] for he was very sad;Hist. p. 16. But the danger of infection spread to Oxford, forced his Progress and this speedy resolution of his affairs,Treaty abroad For the Fleet to put to Sea, and to conserve strickt Amity with our Neighbours, France, Denmark, and the United Provinces.

The last having been here by their Ambassadours in September, To supplicate a League offensive and defensive against the Common Enemy, the House of Austria, and to pray his Majesties assistance in soliciting other States, in this general Confederation, of equal expence to all: and for the present the States should bear a fourth part of the Fleets charge.

To see these performed, and to put it to present issue, with the best grace and honour to so high a Design; Ambassadours▪ were resolved upon, to confirm the Association beyond Seas; and presently the Fleet went forth.

The Duke and the Earl of Holland in Commission for the Embassie, lay a long time at Harwich for a Wind to waft them over in two Men of War; which met with ill weather upon the very Coast of Holland, a furious storm off from Sea, forced them upon the Shore, • t a foot sounding, to sinck all; when no other hope was left to help, but splicing two main long Cables at a Ketch Anchor, and so Veer out the storm, which had the Anchor not held, but come home, They had all been lost: but landed safe at Brill, and so to the Hague, where Ambassadours of other Princes were to meet, impowred for so great a Compliance, as the necessities of the Design required. But there, they found them all to flag: The Dane not able, the French not willing, stopt the Carreer of a further Journey into France, where preparations were gone before, to entertain our Ambassadours there. But the French were cunning not to engage expences, with the English Fleet, which was now at sea upon the Design for Cadiz, and all that was done by this meeting, they concluded in a League, For restoring the Liberties of Germany, wherein was included the particular reflection, the Cause of the Palatinate, and restitution of the Kings Sister the Queen of Bohemia; and no sooner were they returned home; but were received with unwelcome report of the Fleets Miscarriage, under their General Edward Cecil, Viscount Wimbleton.

This Gentleman was second Son to Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter, of a comely person and long experienced in Martial affairs in the School of the United Provinces, where he waited long for little preferment; alwaies kept under by the Eminencie and merit of the family and Honour of Veres; untill King Iames gave him his great rise from a Colonel, to be General of the English in the Miseffects of the Palatinate war, wherein he was suspected by that ill successe, his own complaint, He suffered disgrace by his Enemies about the imployment of the Palatinate] from which time twenty seven years since he was importunate to be called home for imployment here. His indulgent caressing the Duke with letters from the Low-Countreys, who truly before wisht him not much kindnesse, yet in the end gave him warning to this Expedition, and Commission to waft hither such Officers and Souldiers English, as he should elect out of Companies, ten Captains and thirty officers; but he got none at all: for he was much offended that Sr. Horace Vere was made a Baron before him, and then to please him, he got Precedency with a Vice-Count Title,Ill successe of Gades voyage. and to be General, with which he sets to sea, Octob. 8. his fleet 80 in all, and was overtaken with a storm in 4. dayes, which encountred the whole sail, that for 7. dayes conflict, and skirmish with winde and waves, fifty of the fleet were scattered, and a gallant ship of Ipswich with 175. persons perished. Being met together at the southern Cape, their Comission giving leave to be at liberty where to land, and which was so long in designing, that the whole Coast were alar • m'd, into so sudden a posture, as was not safe to shore any where.

Wimbleden was for land war, the Earl of Essex Vice Admiral at sea, and earnest he seemed, to set upon the Spanish ships in the Bay of Gades, his own designe though unaccessible, into a Harbour, without forcing a strong fort before they came at the Castle-Portall, But on they go with twenty English, and five Dutch ships, (in that service) these did well, but the English gave off in mighty disgust with their Commanders, till Wimbleton went aboord each ship to beg their advance against the Castle, which withstood the shock of two thousand shot, and not a stone the lesse losse.

And so conceived impregnable; Sr. Iohn Burrowes an experienced, souldier was sent with a select Regiment a shore, to force it by Land, where he was encountered with the enemies Horse and Foot, and they beaten back to a direct flight, and the cause inclining, a fear in the Governour (who by his white flag) invites a Parle, which concluded the Resignation of the Fort, first, with 15 barrels of powder and eight pieces of Ordnance: And Sr. Samuel Argall designed to be the Incendiary of the ships in Harbour, and the landmen to come a shore for recreation, and fresh water, to forage the County, and guard those that were at other work, which was (in summe) to turn drunkards, for being each one a Master Vintner of his Celler, in despite of sober commands to the contrary: which miserable condition not to be recovered in their short time of stay, but by ease and sleep, hastened them the sooner to their ships, lest the Spainard should take them napping, (as they might have done with little Intelligence) and cut all their throats. Their next design was to sea, and to seek the Plate-fleet from the West-Indies, and sending for Argall, his account was in that, that the Spanish ships were couched under the Port-Royall, and some Vessels sunk in the channel to hinder their income; Their purpose thus defeated, they set sail southwards, intending to stay twenty dayes, and seek out for silver; but sickness increasing, monstrous contagion, no hail-men sufficient, to handle a sail, an hundred and fifty bed-red in the Admirall: To cure them, they were exchanged by couples into all the severall ships for so many sound men, which so increased Infection, that sent them over-board by thousands, and hasted the Navi's return, but four dayes before the silver fleet came after, this kind of success flew home by land and sea ere we saw our Commanders who suffered under several censures.

The Parliament blamed for not supplying the Kings necessities, whereby the Navy sailed forth too late; October being the worst Moneth for our expedition at sea, which was the time we should have been there, and so were saluted with storms as soon as they set out. Others draw the evil event from the Dukes youthfulness, with a presaging Aphorism. [Never to be well with England, while the sea is under the command of an Admiral so young and so unexperienced] And another is bestowed on the King,H Pa. 18. and fathered upon Captain Bret, who should say to the Duke. [That the fleet was not like to succeed better, where there went along, Bagges, without money, Pa, 19 Cook without meat, and Love without charity] when in truth Bret was not then in being as a Captain, the other three▪ he calls Captains, but for Sr. Iames Bag, he never was any; Nor was he or the other two in that Expedition, but afterwards in the voyage to the isle of Ree, and there perhaps we may afford his observation to the like purpose.Cabella. pa. But indeed Wimbleden suffered under several strict examinations, not permitted to see the Kings face for many Moneths after, of which he complains to the Duke, excusing himself, upon the disobedience of the Mariners and Souldiers, and plainly condemning the Earl of Essex, who he said, suffered the Spanish ships to escape being in his power to have sunk them all, and ought to be thereof questioned.

But the main cause of ill successe must be supposed,H. p. 17. Ob. p. 36. [that Sr. Robert Mansell was neglected] who is pretended to have an unquestionable right in all Expeditions in the Admirals absence. A monstrous errour; for Mansell was Vice-Admiral of the Narrow-seas, that's his office, and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral. But our Vice-Admirals of the South and of the West of Cornwall at home, have place before him, and he no interest there at all. So hath not the Admiral of England right in the Ocean, Nor he, nor any other, but as impowred by special Commission from the King, which he may grant to whom he please.

The infected City London could not entertain Michaelmas Term which was adjourned to Reading, where November the eleventh, the Judges were Commissioned for executing Laws against Recusants, and Proclamations published in Churches to that purpose, with letters to the Arch-Bishops for discovery of Iesuites, Term adjourned to Reading. Seminary-Priests and Recusants, offenders in that kind; for indeed their insolencies exceeded descretion, with contempt and scorn of our discipline and Church duties, in times of divine service.

But it became the Kings serious consideration,Of Coronation of Soveraigns. not to be wanting to himself to set out soveraignty to the nearer sence of his subjects, in that necessary solemnity of setting the Crown on his own Head, which by right of blood and succession the Son and Heir apparant was to take, which is yet performed with some solemnities and settlement, called Coronation, with conditions and ceremonies; And the more orderly, the more expresse, and certain, among Christians; and established with more-sacred and religious kind of union, by Oaths mutual, of Prince and People. And the whole Action done by Bishops and Prelates.

The Greek Emperours of Constantinople (after the Emperour was translated thither by Constantine, the great and first Christian Emperour) Antequam coronaretur, fidei confessionem scriptam qua polliceatur se in dogmatibus Ecclesiasticis nihil esse Novaturum, &c. se nulla Ecclesiae instituta violaturum.

The first Latine Emperours, Charles the great (and his Posterity successive) were brought by the Primate of Germany to the high Altar, where he takes oath, by holding up his hand to Heaven, and then adorned with the Ensignes and Robes of the Empire. And so, Rex perfusus oleo sancto coronaretur diademate aureo ab Episcopis, & ab eisdem ad solium Regale ducitur, & in eo collocatur.

But a in Synod at Rome, Pope Gregory the fifth, by consent of the Emperour, Otho the third, appointed this form. To be chosen by six Princes of Germany: Three Ecclesiastical, Arch-Bishops, Moguntia, Colen, and Trevine: Three Temporal, the Duke of Saxonie, the Count Palatine of the Rhene, and the Marquesse of Brandenburgh; and when those six voyces should happen equally divided, that then, the Duke of Bohemia (before it was a Kingdom) should determine the Election: this was approved by all the Germain Princes and other Christian Princes and Estates of this world. And the manner and conditions are these: After his Election, he is called onely Caesar and the King of the Romanes, and not Emperour, till he be Crowned; and takes his Oath presently after his Election, To defend the Catholick Religion, and Pope of Rome; To minister Iustice; to keep the Lawes of the Empire, &c. and so is anointed, and with some prayers upon him; a drawn sword put in his hand, a Ring on his finger; a scepter in his other hand: and three Bishops set the Crown Emperiall upon his Head; Then all the Princes take Oath to him. In Polonie after the same manner.

In Spain, of late, the Kings are not Crowned, but have another admission equal, and performed by the Arch-Bishop of Toledo, Primate of Spain.

In France they have some alterations from their ancient manner, by Lewis le Ieune, who ordained the 12. Peers of France; Six Ecclesiastical and six Temporal.

The Arch-Bishop and Duke of Rhemes anointeth and Crowneth the King.

The Bishop and Duke of Lava bears the Glasse of sacred Oyl. The Bishop and Duke of Lanques the Cross. The Bishop and Earl of Beauvais the Mantle Royal. The Bishop and Earl of Koyon the Girdle. The Bishop and Earl of Chaalons the Ring. The Duke of Burgundy, Dean of the Order, holds the Crown. The Earl of Gasconie and Guiennie, the first Banner quartered. The Duke of Normandy, the second Banner quartered. The Earl of Tholosa, the Golden spurs. The Earl of Campain the Banner Royal or Standard of War. The Earl of Flanders, the sword Royall.

And this day the King is severally apparelled three times: First as a Priest; Secondly, a King and Warriour; Thirdly, as a Iudge: He takes his Oath by the Arch-Bishop of Rhemes to the Church, and to the people, &c. and so vested, with the Mantle, Girdle, Ring, Ointment and Crown, with declaration what each signified. And though this Ceremonie of sacring and Anointing Kings, be more ancient than the Christian Kingdom of France, yet is it the most ancient for particular Majestique manner; and most of the Neighbour Kingdoms have affinity from her, especially in England being the very same in effect.

The sacredness of the Hebrew Kings depended much upon their being anointed: Anointing added a divine Majesty to their Kings, and made them sacred, and allied unto God, exercising power and authority over things divine, the virtue of the sacred Ointment being communicated to them; formerly compounded by Moses, of Aromatick ingredients, and was yet for Initiation and Consecration, till Iosiah hid it under ground in the Temple, in the same secret place, where the Ark of the Covenant, Aarons rod, Urim and Thummim and the Manna were laid up, in preservation against the overthrow of the Temple by the Assyrians, as had been prophecied, and so lost to posterity in time of their Babylonish Captivity.

And therefore the King resolves on the day 2.Hist. 20. February, which is censured [For a vanity, though serious, and the wisest Monarchs are very idle in it, as not conferring one dram of solid grandure to the Throne] and yet he acknowledgeth, that as the King enters recognizance and stipulateth with the people to govern by Law, so they acclaim him their King. And is all this but vanity? Though the Scriptures also exemplifies it in the Iews their first King, Saul, after the manner of all Nations, Kings 11. 12. and after him David, Solomon, Iehoash; The High • Priest anointing him with solemnities, as you may see of Gods own appointing; and the Ceremony to our Saviour, when the Iews crowned him, was no doubt in imitation of other Kings, and may be a pattern for Christians.

But the day come which began his solemnitie, conveyed him by water from White-Hall to Westminster, not in usual state through the streets from the Tower, the onely reason, the dregs of the Infection, not clearing the danger of such concourse of people, which is [put upon his frugality to save money] And though it belonged to the Dean of Westminster, Hist. 20. Bishop of Lincoln to officiate some chief parts of the Celebrity, yet he being under a deserved displeasure, and in October last, put out of his office of Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, and intrusted unto Sr. Thomas Coventry, (who sat in Chancery two Terms before) much of his duty was conferred upon Dr. Laud Bishop of St. Davids, (not of Bath and Wells) till September after.Ibid. And then concerning the alteration of the Prayer, The very Committee for managing the particulars of the Coronation, resumed then those ancient particulars of the Prayer, till Henry the sixth's time, Ut obtineat gratiam huic populo, &c. like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the waters, Zacharias in the Temple; Sit Petrus in Clave, Paulus in dogmate; and were suitors to the King not to suffer the Dean to that duty, and had this answer, Who was not worthy to keep the seal, lesse deserving to Minister now to his Soveraign: Nor was he admitted to the next Parliament, nor had summons by Writ, so no Proxy, to appoint a suffrage, though it is said and evilly mentioned by an Historian, [That the Dukes Mother intruded, who loved the Bishop (if fame belies her not) better then was fitting] But this scandal I have answered sufficiently.Hist. 21. See the Life and Death of King Iames.

And his own letters will discover the truth, dated the seventh of Ianuary 1625. to the Duke, and signed Iohn Lincoln: so then he was not Chanceller, and saies that he is come to do service for the preparation to the Coronation, &c. and craves of the Duke to receive a creature of your own, struck dead with displeasure, and by him to be brought to kiss the Kings hands.

And another Letter to the King complains that he hath not received his Writ of summons unto the Parliament, that he might make his Proxie, &c. Nor can he go into the County as he had done long since, but in expectation of this Writ, and that in his absence in this Parliament; no use may be made of the Kings Name to wound the reputation of a poor Bishop. Cabala, 107, 108. and so our other Historians are mistaken in this.

And the manner of his Delivery of the Seal was thus; Sir Iohn Suckling was sent from the King to demand it, but charily he locked it up in a Cabinet, and sent it, and the Key by the Knight inclosed in a Letter to the King, and so was outed of the Seal, but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln, and the Deanary of Westminster, which indeed he had for his life, and after all, retired to Bugden, where he lived very Hospitably and in manner and order of the good Bishops, not without an eye and ear over him of such as were Intelligencers of Court.

And at Westminster Hall the Ceremony begun towards the Abbey Church, in order thus.

1. The Aldermen of London by couples, ushered by an Herauld.

2. Eighty Knights of the Bath in their Robes, each one having an Esquire to support, and a Page to attend him.

3. The Kings Serjeants at Law, Solicitor Atturney, Masters of Request, and Iudges.

4. Privy Councellors that were Knights, and the chief Officers of the Kings Houshold.

5. Barons of the Kingdome bare-headed in their Parliament Robes, with Swords by their sides.

6. The Bishops with Scarlet Gowns and Lawn sleeves bare-headed.

7. The Vice-Counts, and Earls (not in their Parliament but) in their Coronation Robes with coronetted Caps on their Heads.

8. The Officers of State for the day, whereof these are the Principal, Sir Richard Winn, Sir George Goring, The Lord Privy Seal, The Archbishop of Canterbury. The Earl of Dorset carrying the first Sword, The Earl of Essex carrying the second Sword, The Earl of Kent carrying the third Sword, The Earl of Mountgomery carrying the Spurs, The Earl of Sussex carrying the Globe and Cross upon it. The Bishop of London carrying the Golden Cup for the Communion. The Bishop of Winchester carrying the Golden Plate for the Communion. The Earl of Rutland carrying the Scepter. The Marquess Hamilton carrying the Sword of State naked. The Earl of Pembroke carrying the Crown. The Lord Maior in a Crimson Velvet Gown, carried a Short Scepter before the King amongst the Serjeants: The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshall of England, and the Duke of Buckingham, as Lord High Constable of England for that day went next before his Majesty.

The King entred at the West Gate of the Church, under a rich Canopy carried by the Barons of the Cinque Ports, His own Person supported by Doctor Neil Bishop of Durham on the one hand, and Doctor • Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells on the other. His train six yards long of Purple • Velvet held up by the Lord Compton, Master of the Robes, and the Lord Viscount Doncaster Master of the Wardrobe. Here he was met by the Prebends of Westminster, (Bishop Lawd, supplying the Deans Place) in their rich Copes who delivered into the Kings hands the Staff of King Edward the Confessor, with which he walked up to the Throne.

Which was framed from the Quire to the Altar; The Sca •• old. the King mounted upon it, none under the degree of a Baron standing therein, save only the Prebends of Westminster who attended on the Altar. Three Chairs for the King in several places, first of Repose, the second the antient Chair of Coronation, and the third (placed on an high square of five steps ascent) being the Chair of State.

All settled and reposed: the Arch-bishop of Canterbury presented his Majesty to the Lords and Commons, East, West, North, and South, asking them if they did consent to the Coronation of K. Charles their lawful Soveraign. The King in the mean time presented himself bareheaded: the consent being given four times with great acclamation; the King took his Chair of Repose.

The Sermon being done, the Arch-Bishop, invested in a rich Cope,2. February. goeth to the King, kneeling upon Cushions at the Communion Table; and askes his willingness to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors. The King is willing, ariseth and goeth to the Altar, and is interrogated, and thus answereth.

Coronation Oath.

Sir, Epis. Sayes the Arch-bishop will you grant and keep, and by your Oath confirm to the People of England, the Laws and Customes to them granted by the Kings of England, your lawful and Religious Predecessours; and namely the Laws, Customs, and Franchises granted to the Clergy, by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor, according to the Lawes of God, the true profession of the Gospel established in this Kingdome,Hist. p. 16. agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof, and the antient Customes of the Realm.

The Kings answer,Rex. I grant and promise to keep them.

Sir,Epis. Will you keep Peace and Godly agreement (according to your power) both to God the holy Church, the Clergy, and the people.

I will keep it.Rex.

Sir,Epis. Will you (to your power) cause Law, Iustice and discretion to mercy and truth to be executed to your Iudgement,

I will.Rex.

Sir,Epis. will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and Rightfull Customes which the Comminalty of this your Kingdome have, and will you defend and uphold them to the honour of God, so much as in you lieth?

I grant,Rex. and promise so to do.

Then one of the Bishops read this Admonition to the King before the people with a lowd voice.

Our Lord and King wee beseech you to pardon, and to grant and to preserve unto Vs, and to the Churches committed to your charge all Canonical privileges, and do Law and Iustice, and that you would protect and defend Vs, as every good King to his Kingdomes ought to be Protector and Defendor of the Bishops, and the Churches under their Government.

The King answereth,

With a willing and devout heart, I promise and grant my Pardon, and that I will preserve and maintain to you, and the Churches committed to your charge all Canonical privileges, and due Law and Iustice, and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my Power by the Assistance of God, as every good King in his Kingdom in right ought to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government.

Then the King ariseth, and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the people to observe the premisses, and laying his hand upon the Bible saith,

The Oath.

The things which I have here promised,Sworn, I shall perform and keep; So help me God, and the Contents of this Book.

Then were his Robes taken off, and were offered at the Altar. He stood a while stripped to his Doublet and Hose of White Sattin. Annointed. Then led by the Arch Bishop, and Doctor Lawd the Bishop • of St. Davids, he was placed in the Chair of Coronation (a Close Canopy spread over him) the Arch-bishop anointing his Head, Shoulders, Arms and Hands with a costly ointment, the Quire singing an Anthem of these words, Zadook the Priest anointed King Solomon.

Hence he was led up in his Doublet and Hose with a White Coife on his head,Crowned. to the Communion Table, where the Bishop of St. Davids (Deputy for the Dean) brought forth the antient Abiliments of King Edward the Confessor, and put them upon him. Then brought back to the Chair of Coronation▪ he received the Crown of King Edward (presented by the Bishop of Saint Davids and) put on his Head by the Arch • Bishop of Canterbury, the Quire singing an Anthem, Thou shalt put a Crown of pure Gold upon his head; whereupon the Earls and Viscounts put on their Crimson Velvet Caps, with Coronets about them, the Barons and Bishops alwaies standing bareheaded. Then every Bishop came to the King to bring their Benediction upon him; and he in King Edwards Robes with the Crown upon his Head, rose from his Chair, and bowed to every Bishop apart.

Then was girt about him King Edwards Sword, which himself after wards took off; and offered it up at the Communion Table with two Swords more (in relation to Scotland and Ireland, or to some antient Principalities with his Predecessors enjoyed in France.) The Duke of Buckingham (as Master of the Horse) put on his Spurs; and thus compleatly crowned, his Majesty offered, first Gold, then Silver, and afterwards Bread and Wine, which was to be used at the holy Communion.

Then the King was conducted by the Nobility to the Throne, upon the square Basis of five Descents (the Quire singing Te Deum) where he received the Oath of Homage from the Duke of Buckingham (as Lord High Constable for that day) and the Duke swore all the Nobility to be Homagers to his Majesty at the Kings knee.

Then the Earls and Barons laid their hands on the Crown upon the Kings head, protesting to spend their bloods, to maintain it to him and his lawful Heirs. The Bishops kneeled down, but took no oath, the King kissing each of them.

Then the King took a Scrowl of Parchment out of his Bosom, and gave it to the Lord Keeper Coventry, who read it to the Commons four several times East, West, North and South; the effect, His Majesties pardon to all that would take it under his Broad-Seal.

From the Throne to the Communion Table, where the Arch-bishop kneeling at the North side read prayers, and the Quire sung the Nicene Creed; the Bishops Landaff and Norwich, read the Epistle and Gospels, The Bishops of Durham and Saint Davids in rich copes with his Majesty received the Communion; the Bread from the Archbishop; the Wine from Bishop Saint Davids. The King received last of all, whilest Gloria Patri was sung, and some prayers by the Arch-bishop conclude the solemnity.

After the King had disrobed himself in King Edwards Chapel, he came forth in a short Robe of Red Velvet girt unto him, lined with Ermins, and a Crown of his own, upon his head, set with very pretious stones. And thus the Train, going to the Barges at the water-side, they returned to White-hall about three a clock afternoon. This being, as yet, the last solemnity of this King Charles, I could say no less, to preserve it to memory, to shew what that State, had been, till it be so again.

And now the King calls a Parliament,A Parliament called. which met the sixth of February; Sir Henage Finch, Recorder of London, chosen Speaker of the Commons House; So soon are they summoned after their last Dissolution; It was the Kings design then, to take this short time of recess to cool the heat of some fiery Spirits, and now for him, to give all possible satisfaction to their former pressures of Grievances, which had been lately fully cleared unto them in pursuance of their pretended devout care for settling of Religion. But still the house of Commons scrutiny, and by a Committee strictly examine, what abuses had interferred the execution of his Majesties Grace therein?

And the Lords betake themselves to a Grievance of their own Order; The old ones had a former complaint five years since to King Iames, against such New Lords of foreign Titles of Honour, that claimed thereby precedency of Inferior titles at home, and were then quelled in that quarrel, as being in the pleasure of the Prince to effuse the beames of Honour [and to collate what he please, upon whom, and how he please] But now, another dress, and much more boldly.

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty. In all humility,

SHeweth unto your most Excellent Majesty, Lords Petition your ever Loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, now in Parliament assembled;

That, whereas the Peers and Nobility of this your Kingdome of England, have heretofore (in civility) yielded, as to strangers, precedency, according to their several degrees, unto such Nobles of Scotland and Ireland, as being in titles above them, have resorted hither.

Now divers of the n • t • ral born Subjects of this Kingdom, resident here with their Families, and having their chief Estates among us; do, by reason of some late created Dignities, in those Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, claim Precedency of the Peers of this Realm, which tends both to the dis-service of your Maje ••• , and these Realms; and to the great disparagemont of the English Nobility, as by these reasons may appear:

1. It is a novelty without precedent, That men should inherit Honors, where they possess nothing else.

2. It is injurious to those Countreys, from whence their Titles are derived, that any should have Vote in Parliament, where they have not a foot of Land.

3. It is a grievance to the Countrey where they inhabit, that men possessing very large Fortunes and Estates, should by reason of foreign Titles be exempted from those services of Trust and Charge, which, through their default, become greater pressures upon others, who bear the burthen.

4. It is a shame to Nobility, that persons dignified with the Titles of Barons, Viscounts, &c. should be obnoxious and exposed to arrest, they being, in the view of the Law, no more then meer Plebeians.

We therefore humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will be pleased, according to the example of the best Princes, and Times, upon consideration of these inconveniences, represented to your Majesty, by the nearest Body of Honour to your Majesty, that some course may be taken, and an Order timely settled therein by your Princely Wisdom, so as the inconvenience to your Majesty may be prevented, and the prejudice and disparagement of the Peers and Nobility of this Kingdom may be redressed.

To which the King for the present,The Kings Answer. Promised to take order therein; And the next News was, the commitment of the Earl of Arundel to the Tower, and this the cause.

The King having a Design to reconcile an antient fewd of two families by contracting them into a Marriage,Earl of Arundel committed between the Lord of Lorn, son and heir to the Earl of Arguile, and bred up in England, a Protestant for that purpose, and the Eldest Daughter of the late Duke of Lenox; which though well known to the Earl of Arundel, he very boldly marries his eldest Son the Lord Matravers unto her; and excuses it to be the private contrivance of the two Mothers, but he is committed to the Tower, and being in time of Parliament, the Peers Petition the King.

That no Peer is to be imprisoned without Order of the Upper House, unless for Treason, Felony, or Denial of the security for the peace; which retrived their old dispute, Priviledge, and lasted the debate of a Months time.

In which space Mr. Pym, 1626. Chairman to the C • mmittee of Religion, reports the Inquisition of their discovery. A Letter to the Lord Maior of York for Reprieve of some Iesuits, Priests, and other Recusants; which Letter was compared with the Original in the Signet- Office, and so these proceedings lay in the Deck of other complaints, which the King understood, and took time to number them up to the Parliament as Indignities to his Person and Honour, to be so inquisitive after his actions.

But for the present,The King demands supply. he went on with his own more important affairs, and sends Sir Richard Weston, Chancelour of the Exchequer, with this message to them.

That his Fleet is returned and their victuals spent, the men must of necessity be discharged,Anno 1626. and their wages paid them, or else mutiny will follow, which may be of dangerous consequence.

That he hath in readiness about 40. Ships to be set forth upon a second service, which want a present supply of moneys.

That the Armies quartered on the Coasts, want victuals and clothes, and they will disband, if not furnished.

The Companies of Ireland lately sent, must speedily be provided for, else they may be subject to rebel.

Lastly, the season for providing healthful victual will be past, if this moneth of March be suffered negligently to elapse.

And therefore he desired to know, without more ado, what present supply be must depend upon from them, that accordingly he might shape his course.

This necessary message produced no other Supply than this insolency from a Member,Mr. Cook a • d Dr. T • rners insolent speeches. Mr. Clement Cook (Son to Sir Edward Cook now in Malignancie to the affairs of State) It is better (saies he) to dy by a Foreign Enemy, than to be destroyed at home.

And to make him the more, One Turner a mean, mad, Doctor of Physick who got a room in the House for such like rants, and he re-assaults, with 6. Queries, teaching to the Duke.

1. Whether the King hath not lost the Regality of the Narrow Seas, since the Duke became Admiral?

2. Whether he not going as Admiral in this last Fleet, was not the cause of the ill success?

3. Whether the Kings Revenues hath not been impaired through his immense liberality?

4. Whether the Duke hath not ingrossed all Offices, and preferred his kindred to unfit places?

5. Whether he hath not made sale of places of Iudicature?

6. Whether Recusants have not dependance upon his Mother and Father-in-law?

Alas poor Doctor! He did but gape (saies one) and had this clamour put into his Mouth by such, as had enough rudeness and Ra • cour in their hearts, but not the courage to let the world see it in them.

Thereupon the King sends to them all for satisfaction from the whole House, intent upon severe punishment against •• ose men; but finding them earnest, to aggravate the more, he summons both Houses together, and conveys his displeasure to them, by the Lord Keeper Coventry.

My Lords,The Lord Keepers speech. and you the Knights, Citizens, and Burgess • s of the House of Commons, His Majesties command hath summoned you hither, and the same Command hath put me upon the service of signifying his Will to you. His Will was, that both Houses should be called together; you, my Lords, as witnesses of the Justice of his Resolutions, and of this Address to the House of Commons.

His Majesty would have you know, there never was King who better loved his peopl • , or was more sincerely affected towards the right use of Parliaments, or more ready t • redress what shall be represented unto him in the quality of Grievance; provided, it be in a regular and decent way, than Himself; but he would also have you know, that as he loves his People, so he regards His Honou • ; and if he be sensible of his Subjects Grievances, of his own he is much more, especially when they flow from offences of such a nature, as not onely blast his Reputation, but impede the Progresse of his Weighty Affaires. To come to Particulars.

His Majesty saith, That whereas Mr. Coke spake very seditious words in your House, he was so far from being questioned or censured for them by you, as Doctor Turner (animated with the same spirit) made them his introduction to certain articles of Inquiry of as unsavory a condition, pretended against the Duke, but in truth, libelling his Majesties Government. And though his Majesty did not only, by Sir Richard Weston, but in his own Person, declare his just displeasure, and demanded Justice against those exorbitants; yet have you not only halted in your obedience to him, but have followed the very steps of Dr. Turner; and, upon false bottom'd suggestions endeavored to distain his Own and Fathers Honour.

He also complaineth, That you have taken upon you to search his Signet-Office, and to examine the Letters of his Secretary of State, leaving him nothing free from their discovery: a thing not formerly practised.

As concerning the Duke, whom you seem to persecute with such asperity of disgust, I am also commanded to tell you, that his Majesty knows (none better) he acted nothing of Publique Employment, without his Special Warrant; that he hath discharged his Trust with abundant both Care and Fidelity; that he merited that Trust, both from his now Majesty, and his late Father, by his Personall hazard, both at home and abroad: And that since his Return from Spain, he hath been sedulous in promoving the Service and Contentment of your House. It is therefore his Express Command, that you absolutely desist from such unparliamentary disquisitions, and resign the Reformation of what is amiss to his Majesties Care, Wisdome, and Justice▪

I am also to speak about the business of supply; you have been made acquainted with the posture of his Majesties affairs both foreign and domestique, and with his necessatous condition; the charge of all martial preparations, both by sea and land, hath been calculated to you, & you promised a supply both speedy and sutable to his occasions; but his Majesty complaineth, that as yet, you have performed neither, failing both in the measure and in the manner. In the measure, by granting onely three subsidies, and three fifteens, a proportion vastly short of what is requisite. In the manner, being both dilatory and dishonourable to the King, as arguing a distrust of him; for you have ordered the Bill not to be brought into the House, until your grievances be both heard and answered: which is such a tacite condition, as his Majesty will not admit of.

Therefor his Majesty commands you to take it into your speedy consideration, and to return your final answer by Saturday next, what further addition you will make; and if your supplies commensurate and equal the demands of the cause, he promiseth to continue this Session to your just content, else he must and will entertain thoughts of your dismission.

Lastly, I am commanded to tell you, that his Majes • y doth not charge these distempers upon the whole body, and the assembly of the House; but as he is confident the greater number are persons of a more quiet dispose, so he hopeth their influence, and this his Majesties admonition will prevent the like for the time to come.

When he had done, the King went on.

I Must withall put you in minde of times past;The Kings Speech. you may remember my Father moved by your counsel, and won by your perswasions brake the Treaties; in these perswasions I was your instrument towards him, and I was glad to be instrumental in any thing which might please the whole body of the Realm: nor was there any then in greater favour with you then this man, whom you now so traduce. And now wh • n you finde me so sure intangled in war, as I have no honourable and safe retreat, you make my necessity your priviledge, and set what rate you please upon your supplies: a practise not very obliging towards Kings. Mr. Coke told you, it was better to dye by a foreign enemy, then to be destroyed at home. Indeed I think it is more honourable for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a foreign enemy, then to be despised at home.

This was sharp and sowre, yet the C • mmons kept close to their custom, and reply with a Remonstrance.

That with extream joy and comfort they acknowledge the favour of his Majesties most gracious expressions of affection to his people, The Commons Reply. and this present Parliament.

That concerning Mr. Coke, true it is, he let fall some few words which might admit an ill construction, and that the House was displeased therewith, as they declared by a general check; and though Mr. Coke's explanation of his minde more cleerly, did somewhat abate the offence of the House, yet were they resolved to take it into further consideration, and so have done, the effect whereof had appeared ere this, had they not been interrupted by this his Majesties message: and the like interruption • efel them also in the businesse of Doctor Turner.

As concerning the examination of the Letters of his Secretary of State, as also of his Majesties own, and searching the Signet Office and other Records; they had done nothing therein, not warranted by the precedents of former Parliaments upon the like occasions.

That concerning the Duke, they did humbly beseech his Majesty to be informed, that it hath been the constant and undoubted usage of Parliaments, to question and complain of any person of what degree soever; and what they should do in relation to him, they little doubted but it should redound to the honour of the Crown, and safety of the Kingdom.

Lastly, As to the matter of supply; That if addition may be made of other things importing his service then in consultation am • ngst them, they were resolved so to supply him, as might evidence the truth of their intentions, might make him safe at home, and formidable abroad.

The King tired with pro and con, Petitions, Answers, Speeches, Remonstrances, was resolved to reply to them in brief: That he would have them in the first place to consult matters of the greatest moment, and that they should have time enough for other things hereafter; But their designes were otherwise, and the Important business to them, was, an Inquisition against the Duke, and Incour • gement to the Parliament to any Informations.

The Earl of Bristow, being excluded the House, petitions them to prefer his Accusation, which was soon admitted, whom the Duke necessarily incounters and begins the charge against him.

But it is some Scandal to vertue to say, that [many good men were passing jocund at the contest] Indeed the Lower Members might make it their mirth, to finde the Upper Ones so malitious and imprudent, to persecute each other, being a presage of ruine by degrees and time to them all, when as the policy of the Commons would not suffer one of theirs to be questioned, till themselves considered of their Crimes, which kept them close together, Imboldned thus, to preserve themselves to the last.

But the Duke ptocures the King by his Attorny Generall to summon Bristow to the Lords Bar as a grand Delinquent, and to his face accuses him of High-Treason; To which he Answers, That he was a f • ee man and a Peer unattainted, and had somewhat to say of high consequence. Being bid to proceed, Then (saith he) I accuse that man the Duke of Buckingham of High Treason, and will prove it. And forthwith produceth twelve Articles of his Charge.

May the second.

1 That the Duke did secretly conspire with the Conde of Gondam • r Ambassador of Spain before the said Ambassadors last return into Spain, The E. of Bristows charge against the Duke. 1622. to carry his Majesty then Prince into Spain, to the end he might be enforced, and instanced in the Romish Religion, and thereby have perverted the Prince, and subverted the true Religion, established in England.

2. That Mr. Porter was made acquainted therewith, and sent into Spain, and such message framed at his return as might serve for a ground to set on foot the conspiracy: which was done accordingly, and thereby both King and Prince highly abused.

3. The Duke at his arrival in Spain, nourished the Spanish Ministers, not onely in the beleef of his own being Popishly given, by absenting himself from all exercises of our Religion then constantly used in the Earl of Bristows house) and conforming himself to please the Spainard by kneeling to, and adoring their Sacraments, but gave them hope also of the Princes conversion; which caused them to propound worse conditions for Religion, then had been formerly setled and signed by the Earl of Bristow and Sr. Walter Aston.

4. That the Duke did many times in the presence of the Earl of Bristow, move his Majesty at the instance of the Conde of Gondamar, to write a letter to the Pope, which the Earl utterly disswaded; and that although during the Earls abode in England he hindred the writing any such letter, yet the Duke after the Earls return procured it wrot.

5. That the Pope being informed of the Dukes inclination in point of Religion, sent him a particular Bull in parchment, therein perswading him to pervert his Majesty.

6. That the Duke in Spain did abuse the King of Spain and his Ministers so, as they would not admit of a Reconciliation with him; whereupon seeing the match would be to his disadvantage, he endeavoured to break it, not for any service to this Kingdom, nor dislike of it in it s • lf, nor for that he found, (as since he hath pretended) th • t the Spaniard did not really intend it, but out of his particular end and indignation.

7. That he intending to cross the match, made use of Letters of his Majesty then private to his own ends, and not to what they were intended, as also concealed many things of great importance from his late Majesty, thereby overthrowing his Majesties purposes, and advancing his own ends.

8. That, for the foresaid ends, he hath abused both Houses of Parliament by a sinister relation of the carriage of affairs, as shall be made appear in every particular of that relation.

9 That he imployed his power with the King of Spain for the procurement of favours and offices, which he bestowed upon unworthy persons, for the recompence and hire of his lust: which is a great infamy and dishonour to our Nation; that a Duke, a privy Counsellor and Ambassador, eminent in his Majesties favour and solely intrusted with the person of the prince, should leave behind him in a foreign Court, so much scandal by his ill behaviour.

10. That he hath been a great part the cause of the ruine of the Prince Palatine, and his estate; in so much as those affairs concern this kingdom.

11. That he hath in his relation to both Houses of Parliament, wronged the Earl of Bristow in his honour, by many sinister aspersions.

12. Lastly, that the Earl of Bristow did reveal to his late Majesty, both by word and letter, in what sort the Duke had misdemeaned himself, and abused his trust: and the King by several wayes sent him word he should rest assured that he would hear the said Earl in due time; and that four dayes before his sicknesse, he signified to the Earl, that he would hear him against the Duke, as well as he had heard the Duke against him. And not long after the King died, having been much vexed and pressed with the said Duke.

Here is no High Treason, herein mentioned, if the charge were proved, then no Traytor at all, neither most, nor least; for indeed had this done it, the Commons needed not, their new Impeachment which followes, and never amounted to more than Misdemeanors, Misprisions, Offences and Crimes; Nothing rare with favourites, and therefore never such pursued upon any, before this person, and these times.

Which might occasion an antient Baron the Lord Spencer [To start up, that was no upstart Lord, and to demand, Is this all you have to say against the Duke, The Earl replyed, Yes my Lord, and I am sorry it is so much; then quoth the Lord Spencer, If this be all; Ridiculus Mus; and so sat down again.

Upon this a Crotchet took the Lord Cromwel in the Crown and out he goes to Mr. Richard Spencer a younger Son of that Lord, and a great Zelot in the Lower house against the Duke, Dick, said he, What is done in your House to day against the Duke? My Lord (said he) he is charged with high Treason; Tush Dick, quoth the Lord, High Treason! If this be all? Ridiculus Mus.]

The Charge (I say) might occasion this story of the Lords complements, which out of doubt, was told to the Historian for truth, though couched in this wanton stile, not usu • l with his gravity I confess. And indeed if Mr. Richard Spencer have not forsaken his Memory, he professes, there was never any such confabulation with any Crotchet of Cromwells Crown, and desires the Author to expunge it out of his next impression, and me to excuse him in this.

But such a Charge as it was, It served the turn for that time, but not to prevent the Attornies Charge against the Ea • l, which to my knowledge was framed long before, and therefore needed no speeding as to prevention. Yet being ready, It was put in the next day, abating one of the Earls number against the Duke, for these were but Eleven Articles.

First, That the said Earl being imployed by the late King Iames, Articles against the E. of Bristow. as his Ambassadour unto Ferdinando, Emperour of Germany; and unto Philip the fourth King of Spain, in the years 1621, 1622, and 1623. with Commission to treat with them, for the plenary restitution of the Palatinate to the Count Palatine, who maried the Lady Elizabeth, the onely Daughter of his late Majesty; and also to treat with the King of Spain, for a Mariage to be had between his now Majesty, then Prince of Wales, and the Lady Donna Maria the Infanta of Spain; did falsly, trayterously, and confidently inform the late King, by sundry Letters, That the said Emperour, and King of Spain, would really make restitution of the Dominions, and Electoral dignity of the said Count Palatine; and that the said King of Spain did really intend the Mariage aforesaid; Whereas in truth, the said Emperour and King, or either of them, never really intended such restitution, and the King of Spain never intended the said Mariage, whereof the Earl could not be ignorant; whereby the the Dominions, and Electorall Dignity aforesaid, were utterly lost.

Secondly, That the said Earl having received from his late Majesty particular directions, to put the King of Spain to a speedy and punctual answer, touching the Treaties aforesaid, did nevertheless continue those Treaties upon Generalities, without effectuall pressing the King of Spain to particular Conclusions, sutable to his Instructions.

Thirdly, that the said Earl, to the intent, to discourage the late King from taking up of Arms, or entring into Hostility with the said King of Spain, did many times, both by word and letters to him, and his Ministers, extoll the greatnesse and power of the King of Spain, and did cunningly strive to retard the late Kings Resolutions of declaring himself an Enemy to the King of Spain.

Fourthly, That the said Earl, being told, upon his dispatch out of this Realm, that there was little probability, that these Treaties would have any good successe, he then replyed; He cared not what the successe thereof would be, for he would take care to have his instructions perfect, and to pursue them punctually; and howsoever the businesse went, he would make his fortunes thereby.

Fifthly, that the said Earl, on purpose to advance the Romish Religion, did (during the time aforesaid) often by Letters, and otherwise, counsell and perswade his late Majesty, to set at liberty Iesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion, which were imprisoned, according to the laws of the Land, and to grant the Papists a Toleration of their Religion.

Sixthly, That by the said Earls false Informations, and Intelligences given to the late King, and now his Majesty, then Prince, they were put into hopes; and, by long delayes, they were put into jealousies, concerning the said Treaties, that there was not that sincerity in them which they expected: Whereupon the said Prince, his now Majesty, was enforced to undertake in his own person, a long and dangerous Journey into Spain, intending, either speedily to conclude the said Treaties, or to discover the feigned Intentions of the Empero • r, and King of Spain; and thereupon to dissolve them. By which Journey, the Person of the said Prince; and, in Him, the peace and safety of this Kingdom was brought into apparent danger.

Seventhly, That at the Prince his first coming to the said Earl in Spain, he asked the Prince, For what he came thither? The Prince, at first, not conceiving the Earls meaning, answered, You know as well as I. The Earl replyed; Sir, Give me leave to tell you, they say here in Madrid, that you mean to change your Religion; and added further, Sir, I do not speak this, that I will perswade you to it, or that I will promise to follow your example, though you do it; but, as your faithful servant, if you will trust me with so great a secret, I will endeavour to carry it in the secretest way I can. At which the Prince being moved, said unto him, I wonder what yo • have ever found in me, that you should conceive I would be so base, as for a wife to change my Religion? The Earl replying, desired the Prince to pardon him, if he had offended him, saying, It was but out of his desire to serve him: Whereas it had been the duty of a faithful servant to God and his Master, to have disswaded the Prince from it, had he found him staggering in his Religion.

Eighthly, That he afterward having Conference with the Prince, about the Romish Religion, trayterously endeavoured to perswade him to turn Romish Catholique, using an Argument to that end, That the State of England never did, nor could possibly do any great thing, but when obedient to the Pope of Rome.

Ninthly, That during the time aforesaid, the Prince advising with the Earl, about a new Offer by the King of Spain, That the Prince Palatine should marry the Emperours Daughter, • e brought up in his Court, and so should be restored to the Palatinate, The Earl said, It was a reasonable Proposition: And when the danger of changing his Religion was objected, the Earl replyed, That without some such great Act, the peace of Christendom could never be procured.

Tenthly, That the Prince departing from Spain, and leaving the Powers of Disposorios, with the said Earl, to be delivered upon the return of his Dispensation from Rome; the Prince (fearing lest after the Dispensation, the Infanta might be put into a Monastery) wrote a Letter back to the Earl, commanding him, not to make use of those Powers, untill he could give him assurance, that a Monastery should not rob him of his Wife: which Letter, the Earl receiving, returned an answer, disswading that Direction. Shortly after which, the Prince sent another Letter, discharging him of his former Command. But his late Majesty, by the same Messenger, sent him a more express Direction, Not to deliver the Disposorios, until a full conclusion, had concerning the Palatinate; adding this expression, That he would never joy to marry his Son, and to leave his onely Daughter weeping: In which Dispatch, though there was some mistake; yet in the next following, it was corrected, and the Earl tied to his former Restrictions, which he promised punctually to observe: Neverthelesse, contrary to his Duty and Allegiance, he after set a day for the Disposorios, without any assurance, or so much as treating of those things to which he was restrained; and that so short a day, that if extraordinary diligence, with good successe in the Journey, had not concurred, the Princes hands might have been bound up, and yet he never sure of a Wife, nor the Prince Palatine of Restitution.

Lastly, That in an high an contemptuous manner, he hath preferred a scandalous Petition to this Honourable House, to the dishonour of the late King, and his now Majesty; especially one Article of that Petition, wherein he gives his now Majesty the Lye, by denying, and offering to falsifie, what his Majesty had affirmed.

There needs no strain of partiality to implead the difference of these charges; assuredly if the Earls charge against the Duke, could have served the turn, It might have spared the Commons Impeachment, the other comming far short of the designe, which was, to do it to the purpose. And therefore, This weighty Cause was managed by six Members, Mr. Glanvil, Mr. Herbert, Ma. Selden, Mr. Pim, Mr. Wans ford, Mr. Sherland; to them was added, Sr. Dudly Diggs, as Prolocutor, and Sr. Iohn Elliot brought up the Rear.

And so, though the matter, of the Prologue may be spared, being made up with Elegancy; yet rather then it shall be lost, you may please to read it at this length.

My Lords,

THere are so many things of great importance to be said in very little time this day, that I conceive it will not be unacceptable to your Lordships, if (setting by all Rhetorical affectations) I onely in plain Country language, humbly pray your Lordships favour to include many excuses, necessary to my manifold infirmities, in this one word; I am commanded by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the Commons house, to present unto your Lordships their most affectionate thanks for your ready condescending to this Conference; which, out of confidence in your great wisdoms, and approved Justice for the service of his Majesty, and the welfare of this Realm, they desired up •• this occasion.

The House of Commons, by a fatal and universal concurrence of complaints, from all the Sea-bordering parts of this Kingdom, did find a great and gri • vous interruption and stop of Trade and Traffique. The base Pirats of Sally ignominiously infesting our Coasts, taking our ships and goods, and leading away the Subjects of this Kingdom into barbarous Captivity; while, to our shame, and hinderance of Commerce, our enemies did (as it were) besiege our Ports, and block up our best Rivers mouths; 〈◊〉 Friends, on flight pretences, made embargoes of our Merchants goods, and every Nation (upon the least occasion) was ready to contemn and slight us: So great was the apparent diminution of the ancient honour of this Crown, and once strong reputation of our Nation. Wherewith the Commons were more troubled, calling to remembrance, how, formerly in France, in Spain, in Holland, and every where by Sea and Land, the Valours of this Kingdom had been better valued; and even in latter times, within remembrance, when we had no Alliance with France, none in Denmark, none in Germany: no Friend in Italy; Scotland, to say no more, ununited; Ireland not setled in peace, and much less security at home▪ when Spain was as ambitious as it is now, under a King (Philip the second) they called their wisest, the House of Austria as great and potent, and both strengthened with a malitious. League in France, of persons ill-affected, when the Low-countreys had no being; yet by constant counsels, and old English wayes, even then that Spanish pride was cool'd, that greatness of the house of Austria, so formidable to us now, was well resisted; and to the United Provinces of the Low countreys, such a beginning, growth, and strength was given, as gave us honour over all the Christian World. The Commons therefore wondring at the Evils which they suffered, debating of the causes of them, found they were many, drawn like one Line to one Circumference of decay of Trade, and strength of Honour, and of Reputation in this kingdom; which, as in one Centre, met in one great man, the Cause of all, whom I am here to name, the Duke of Buckingham.

Here Sir Dudly Diggs made a stand, as wondring to see the Duke present: Yet he took the Roll, and read the Preamble to the charge, with the Dukes long Titles; and then went on. My Lords,

This lofty Title of this mighty Man, me thinks; doth raise my spirits to speak with a Paulo majora canamus; and let it not displease your Lordships, if, for foundation, I compare the beautiful Structure and fair composition of this Monarchy, wherein we live, to the great work of God, the World it self; in which the solid body of incorporated Earth and Sea as I conceive, in regard of our Husbandry, Manufactures, and Commerce by Land and Sea, may well resemble us the Commons. And, as it is encompassed with Air, and Fire, and Spheres Celestial of Planets, and a Firmament of fixed Stars;

All which receive their heat, light, and life, from one great glorious Sun, even like the King our Soveraign: So that Firmament of fixed Stars I take to be your Lordships; Those Planets, the great Officers of the Kingdom; That pure Element of Fire, the most religious, zealous, and pious Clergy; And the reverend Iudges, Magistrates, and Ministers of Law, and Justice, the Air wherein we breath. All which encompasse round with cherishing comfort this Body of the Commons, who truly labour for them all; and though they be the Foot-stool, and the lowest, yet may well be said to be the setled Centre of the State.

Now (my good Lords) if that glorious Sun, by his powerful Beams of Grace and Favour, shall draw from the Bowels of this Earth, an Exhalation that shall take fire, and burn and shine out like a Star, it needs not be marvelled at, if the poor Commons gaze and wonder at the Comet; and, when they feel the Effects, impu • e all to the corruptible matter of it. But if such an imperfect mixture appear, like that in the last Age, in the Chair of Cassiopeia, among the fixed Stars themselves, where Aristotle and the old Philosophers conceived there was no place for such corruption; then, as the learned Mathematicians were troubled to observe the irregular motions, the prodigious magnitude, and the ominous Prognosticks of that Meteor; so the Commons, when they see such a Blazing-Star, in course so exorbitant in the Affairs of this Common-wealth; cannot but look up upon it, and for want of Perspectives commend the nearer Examination to your Lordships, who may behold it at a neerer distance. Such a prodigious Comet the Commons take this Duke of Buckingham to be: against whom, and his irregular wayes, there are, by learned Gentlemen▪ legal Articles of Charge, to be delivered to your Lordships, which I am, generally, first commanded to lay open.

First, the Offices of this Kingdom, that are the eyes, the ears, and the hands of this Common-wealth, these have been engrossed, bought and sold, and many of the greatest of them, holden even in this Dukes own hands, which severally gave in former Ages sufficient content to greatest Favourites, and were work enough for the wisest Counsellors: by means whereof, what strange abuses, what infinite neglects have followed? The Seas have been unguarded, Trade disturbed, Merchants oppressed, their ships, and even one of the Royal-Navy, by cunning practice, delivered over into foreign hands; and, contrary to our good Kings intention, imployed to the prejudice (almost to the ruine) of friends of our own Religion.

Next, Honours, (those most precious Jewels of the Crown) a Treasure inestimable, wherewith your Noble Ancestours (my Lords) were well rewarded, for eminent and publique service in the Common-wealth at home; for brave exployts abroad, when covered all with dust and blood, they sweat in service for the honour of this Crown. What back-wayes, what by-wayes have been by this Duke found out, is too well known to your Lordships; whereas anciently it was the honour of England, (as among the Romanes) the way to the Temple of Honour was through the Temple of Virtue. But I am commanded to presse this no further, then to let your Lordships know, one instance may (perhaps) be given of some one Lord compelled to purchase Honour.

Thirdly, as d • vers of the Dukes poor kindred have been raised to great Honours, which have been, and are likely to be more chargeable and burthensom to the Crown; so the Lands and Revenues, and the Treasuries of his Maiesty have been intercepted and exhausted by this Duke and his friends, and strangely mis-imployed with strange confusion of the Accompts, and overthrow of the well established ancient Orders of his Majesties exchequer.

The last of the Charges which are prepared, will be an injury offered to the person of the late King of blessed memory, who is with God; of which (as your Lordships may have heard heretofore) you shall anon have further information. Now upon this occasion, I am commanded by the Commons to take care of the Honour of the King our Soveraign that lives, (long may he live to our comfort, and the good of the Christian world) and also of his blessed Father, who is dead; on whom, to the grief of the Commons, and their great distaste, the Lord Duke did, they conceive, unworthily cast some ill ordure of his own fowl wayes, Whereas, Servants were anciently wont to bear (as in truth they ought) their masters faults, and not cast their own on them undeservedly. It is well known, the King (who is with God) had the same power, and the same wisdom, before he knew this Duke; yea, and the same affections too, through which (as a good and gracious Master) he advanced and raised some Stars of your Lordships Firmament, in whose hands this exorbitancy of Will, this transcendency of Power, such placing and dis-placing of Officers, such irregular running into all by-courses of the Planets, such sole and single managing of the great Affairs of State, was never heard of.

And therefore, onely to the Lord Duke, and his procurement, by mis-informations, these faults, complained of by the Commons, are to be imputed.

And for our most gracious Soveraign that lives, whose name hath been used, and may perhaps now be, for the Dukes justification, The Commons know well, that among his Majesties most royall virtues, his Piety unto his Father, hath made him a pious Nourisher of his Affections ever to th • s Lord Duke, on whom, out of that consideration, his Majesty hath wrought a kinde of wonder, making Favour hereditary. But the abuse thereof must be the Lord Dukes own. And if there have been any Commands, such as were or may be pretended, his mis-informations have procured them; whereas the Laws of England teach us, that Kings cannot Command ill or unlawful things when ever they speak, though by their Letters-Patents, or their Seals; if the thing be evil, these Letters-Patents are void, and whatsoever ill event succeeds, the Executioners of such Commands must ever answer for them.

Thus, my Lords, in performance of my duty, my weaknesse hath been troublesome unto your Lordships: It is now high time, humbly to intreat your pardon, and give way to a learned Gentleman to begin a more particular charge.

The Prologue ended, Sr. Dudly sat down, and the Impeachment was read, so large, as that for method, we adjoyne it to the Dukes Answer, which came in some dayes after. In which time, the Commons sent a Message to the Lords, how mightily it did mis-become the honor of their House, to permit a man so deeply impeached, to sit in Councel with them, whilest Sr. Dudly Diggs and Sr. Iohn Elliot, the Van and the Rear of the Commons were beckened out to speak with two Gentlemen, who proved to be two Messengers of the Kings Chamber, having his Warrant to take them prisoners to the Tower; where they lay, till the Iudges resolved into one Opinion, that thereby (no reason given to the House) their Restraint was an Arrest of the whole Body; and a breach of Priviledge must needs follow: which was so remonstrated to the King, and they therefore released.

But what ground • r Presidents had the Judges?Ob. p. 45 a late law of their own making; for it is well observed, That in the Parliament 35. Eliz. Sr. Peter Wentworth and Sr. Henry Bromley by petition to the Upper House to be supplicants with them of the Lower House unto her Majesty, for entailing the succession of the Crown, the Bill being drawn by them. These two were summoned before Sr. Thomas Henage one of the Privy Councel, and commanded to forbear the Parliament, and to stand secured to their Lodgings, and after further examination before the Councel, were committed; Wentworth to the Tower, Bromley and other Courtiers to the Fleet.

Another instance; Mr. Morice Attorny of the Dutchy of Lancaster, for moving against the justice of the Courts of Ecclesiastical Iudges, Subscriptions and Oaths, was taken out of the House (so saith another Authour) and committed to Prison; for whose release, Mr. Wroth, humbly moved the House to be petitioners to her Majesty; But was answered, That the Queen must not accompt for actions of Royal Authority, which may be of high and dangerous consequence; nor can it become them to search into the Prerogative of Soveraigns. These Members were five in all, and might have been Precedents for the King and his five Members (in due place) hereafter.

But this course now, taught the Lords to resent the like indignity to them in the Earl of Arundels case, who lay committed to the Tower as before said, and so they would sit still without motion to any matter, till that he might be re • admitted, which was instantly done.

To ballance with the Dukes Enemies, Three Persons his confederates were made Barons, to compeer in the Lords House, the Lord Mandevil, the eldest son to the Earl of Manchester, created by Patent Baron Kimbolton Grandison son to the created Baron Imbercourt, and Sr. Dudly Carlton made Baron Tregate, Hist. p. 45. Ob. p. 49. being newly returned from his Trade of seven years Leiger Ambassadour abroad in Venice and Holland.

But it is said, [That the Lords found out an Old Order to Counter -checque that designe. That no Creations, sedente Parliamento should have power to vote, but onely to sit, Not to Iudge, but to learn to understand during that Session, so that their Suffrages were excluded] But I am assured of the contrary; for they sate and voted.

Hence it is truly observed, That in the late Parliament 1640. Seymor, Littleton and Capel were so created, sedente Parliamento; and Digby, Rich and Howard of Charlton, called by special Writ, were also admitted their votes; and afterwards the last of the nineteen Propositions to the King at York, for the King to passe a Bill to restrain Peers made hereafter to sit and vote in Parliament, unlesse with consent of both Houses; To which the King absolutely refused.

But however they were admitted, the Duke was put to his own Innocency, partially stiled [impudency] and lodges injustice on the Peers [whose ill opinion (he sayes) deprest him, and (partial) affection elevated the other, who received the Attornies charge with undaunted spirit, and returned so home an Answer, as the House was amply satisfied] of which, take his own so saying, for we hear not a word more, nor other of it, than, that he saies so.

But the Dukes defence came quick to the Lords the eighth of Iune. Who (he sayes) sequestered him from the House until his cause was determined [upon which he was much dejected] when really, of himself he had forbore the House. And therefore this morning had resolved to send it, but was advised to present it himself, which we shall finde to this purpose.

The Commons Impeachment and Declaration against the Duke of Buckingham.

FOr the spe • dy redresse of the great evils and mischiefs, and of the chief causes of those evils and mischiefs, which this Kingdom of England now grievously suffereth, and of late years hath suffered, and to the Honour and Safety of our Soveraign Lord the KING, and of his Crown and dignities, and to the good and welfare of his people; the Commons in this present Parliament, by the authority of our said Soveraign Lord the King assembled, do by this their Bill shew, and declare against GEORGE, Duke, Marquesse, and Earl of Buckingham, Earl of Coventry, Viscount Villers, Baron of Whaddon, great Admirall of the Kingdoms of ENGLAND. and Ireland, and of the principalitie of Wales, and of the Dominions and Islands of the same, of the Town of Calais, and of the Marches of the same, and of Normandy, Gascoigne, and Guyen, Generall Governour of the Seas and Ships of the said Kingdoms: Lieutenant Generall, Admirall, Captain Generall and Governour of his Majesties Royall Fleet and Army, lately set forth: Master of the Horses of our Soveraign Lord the King; Lord Wa • den, Chancellour and Admirall of the Cinque-ports, and of the Members thereof: Constable of Dover Castle, Iustice in Eyre of all Forests and Chaces on this side of the River of Trent: Constable of the Castle of Windsor: Lieutenant of Middlesex and Buckingham-shire: Steward and Bailiffe of Westminster: Gentleman of his Majesties Bed-chamber, and one of his Majesties honourable Frivie Councel in his Realms both of England, Scotland and Ireland, and Knight of the most noble order of the Garter.

The Misdemeanors, Misprisions, Offences, Crimes, and other matters comprised in the Articles following: And him the said Duke do accuse, and impeach of the the said Misdemeanors, Misprisions, Offences and Crimes.

ARTIC. I. The Duke's 1. Reply. THat he the said Duke,His ingrossing great Offices. being young, and unexperienced, hath of late years with exorbitant ambition; and for his own advantage, procured and engrossed into his own hands, severall great Offices, both to the danger • f the State, and prejudice of that Service which should have been performed in them; and to the discouragement of others, who are thereby precluded from such hopes as their virtues, abilities, and publique employments might otherwise have obtained. THat his late Majesty did of his own Royal Motion bestow them upon him, and he hopeth, and concieveth, he may without blame recieve, what his bountiful Master conferred upon him, if the Common-wealth doth not suffer thereby. Nor is it without precedents, that men eminent in the esteem of their Soveraign, have held as great and many Offices as himself. But if it shall be proved, that he falsely, or corruptly hath executed those Offices, he is, and will be ready to resign them with his life and fortunes to his Majesties dispose. II. Reply 2. That in the 16.By buying the place of Admiralty. year of the Reign of the late King, he did give and pay to the then Earl of Nottingham, for the Office of Great. Admiral of England, and Ireland, and of the principality of Wales, and Generall Governour of the Seas, and Ships of the said Kingdomes, and for the surrender of the said Offices, to the intent, the said Duke might obtain them to his own use, the summe of 3000 l. and did also procure for the said Surrender from the late King, an Annuity of 1000 l. per annum, payable to the said Earl, for which considerations; the said Earl surrendred the said Office, with his Letters Patents, unto the late King, who granted them to the said Duke for his life; which is an Offence, contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, those Offices so highly concerning the Administration, and execution of Justice. That the Earl of Nottingham; then L • rd Admiral, being grown much in years, and finding himself not so fit nor able to perform what appertained to his place, as formerly; became an earnest sutor to his late Majesty, to permit him to surrender up his Office; who, at length, being overcome by the Earls many solicitations, condescended thereunto; and his late Majesty, at the entreaty of others, without the Dukes privity, was also perswaded to confer it upon the Duke, much against his will, he being no way experienced in those Affairs; so that the Earl did freely surrender, and the Duke aecept the grant of the said Office without any the least contract or proviso. But true it is, that his late Majesty, out of his Royall Bounty, did grant to the said Earl a Pension of 1000 l. per annum, as a Recompence for his former service to the Crown; and also the Duke himself did freely and voluntarily, with his late Majesties approbation, as an Argument of his honorable respects, to so Noble a Predecessor, send the Earl three thousand pounds, which he hopeth is not blame worthy in him. III. Reply 3. That he the said Duke, in the 22. year of the late King, did give and pay unto Edward Lord Zouch, for the Offices of the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports, and Constable of Dover Castle, the sum of one thousand pounds; and granted also an Annuity of 500 l. per annum, during his life; and that for the consideration aforesaid, the said L. Zouch did surrender his Offices, and Letters Patents, to the late King, who granted them to the said Duke for his life: which Offices (so highly concerning the Administration of Justice) the Duke hath ever since held against the Laws of the Land. That the Lord Zouch being grown in years,And Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. and unfit to manage the Office of the Warden of the Cinque-Ports, and Constable of Dover Castle; which are indeed, both but one, discovered a willingness to surrender it, and made severall Offers thereof to the Duke of Richmond; who at last, contracted with the said Lord Zouch, for his surrender, for the consideration of 1000 l. in money, and 500 • l. per annum; and the said Duke of Richmond being prevented by death, his late Majesty directed the Duke of Buckingham, to go through with the Lord Zouch for it, upon the same terms, which he was the willinger to do, by reason he had found by experience, that the Kings service suffered much through the emulation disaffecti • n, and contention, arising between those two Officers; and he hopeth this act of his, in acquiring this Office, accompanied with such circumstances, the King also being both privy, and directing it, will receive a favorable construction; especially considering, he was altogether unacquainted with any law t • the contrary. IV. Reply 4. That he hath neglected the just execution of those his offices,Not guarding the Seas. and violated the Trust reposed in, and committed to him by them; insomuch, as through his neglect, the trade of this Kingdome hath been of late much decayed, and the Seas ignominiously infested with Pirates and Enemies, to the great loss of both ships and Goods, and imminent danger of this Kingdom. That the loss happening to the Kings Subjects by Pirats and Enemies, hath not proceeded through the Dukes default, as is suggested; but because those Pirats ships are built of a mould as fit for flight as for fight; being far too nimble for the Kings Ships. To prevent which inconvenience, for the time to come, there is present order taken for the building of Ships of the same shape with those of Dunkirk; and for the Pirats of Sally, that provision is taken either to restrain by Treaty, or to repress them by force, as will give good satisfaction; and this will clearly appear upon proof. V. Reply 5. That, whereas about Michaelmas last,Stay of the St. Peter of New-haven. a Ship called the St. Peter of New-haven, laden with divers Merchants Jewels and Commodities, to the value of 40000 l. or thereabout, for the proper account of Monsieur de Villeurs, then Governour of New-Haven, was taken by the Ships of his Majesties late Fleet, and brought into the Port of Plymouth, as a Prize, upon probability that the said Ship or Goods belonged to the Subjects of the King of Spain; whereupon there was an arrest of two English ships at New-haven in the Kingdome of France: after which, intimation was given to the Advocate in the chief Court of Admiralty, from his Majesty, by Secretary Coke, for the freeing and discharge of the said ship; and goods; and thereupon, by Commission under Seal, the said Ship and goods were released. The said Duke notwithstanding any such order, and decree, detained still to his own use, the Gold, Silver, Pearls, Jewels, and other Commodities, so taken out of the said Ship, and unjustly caused the said Ship to be arrested again, in contempt of the Laws of this Land, and to the prejudice of Trade. That Complaint being made on the behalf of some French men at the Councel Table, concerning the Saint Peter, and some other ships; His Majesty then present did order that she and all other stould be released, as were found to belong to any Prince or State in amity with him, provided, they were not fra • dulently coloured. And accordingly, this ship was by Sentence in the Admiralty discharged. But within few daies after, new information came to the Lord Admiral, that this ship was laden by the Subjects of the King of Spain in Spain, that the Amirantesio waf • ed her beyond the North Cape, and that Witnesses were ready to attest as much: upon which, the Duke acquainted his Majesty therewith and by his command, made stay of this ship, as he was assured (by the opinion of the King, and five other Advocates) he might do, and command was given to the Kings Advocate, to hasten the examination of Witnesses, in pursuance of the new information. But the French Merchants, impatient of delaies; which the producing many witnesses would occasion, complained again to the Council-board, and obtained an Order from thence, for the delivery of the said Ship and goods, upon security; which Security was once offered, but after retracted; yet upon consideration of the testimonies produced, the Kings Advocate informing the Duke, that the proof came short for that Ship, the D. did instantly give order for her final discharge, and that all her goods should be re-imbarked to the Owners; which was done accordingly VI. Reply 6. That the East-India Merchants, in the 21. of the late Kings Reign, preparing to set forth four great Ships richly laden in their usual course of Trade, the Duke moved the Lords then assembled in Parliament, to know whether he should make stay of those Ships for the Service of the State: which motion, being approved by the Lords, the Duke accordingly did stay those ships; and after procured a joynt. Action to be entred in the Court of Admiralty in the name of the late King, and himself, as Lord Admirall, against 15000 lib. pretended to be Pyratically taken by some Captains of the said Merchants ships, and in the hands of the said Captains: and accordingly, an Attachment was served upon the said Merchants. Whereupon the said Merchants being urged to bring in the 15000 lib. or to go to Prison, made new suit to the Duke, for the release of their ships, who pretending that the Parliament must be moved therein, the Merchants much perplexed, and considering that they should lose much by unlading their ships, and the losse of their voyage; resolved to tender to the said Duke ten thousand pounds; for his unjust demand, who by colour of his Office extorted and exacted from them the said ten thousand pounds; and upon receipt thereof, and not before, released the said ships. That the motion in Parliament,And of the East India Fleet. about the stay of the East-India ships, was onely upon apprehension, that they might be serviceable for the defence of the Realm. That the Action entred in the Court of Admiralty, against the East-India Company, was not after (as is suggested) but divers moneths before that motion in Parliament; yea, before the Parliament began. That the composition (mentioned in this Article) was not moved by the Duke, but made by the late King, and that the Company, without any menaces, or compulsion, agreed to the Composition, as willing to give so much, rather then to abide the hazzard of the suit. That of the said sum, all but two hundred pounds, was imployed by his late Majesties Officers for the benefit of the Navie. And lastly, that those ships, were not discharged upon payment of the said sum of ten thousand pounds, but upon an accommodation allowed, that they should prepare other ships for his Majesties service, whilest they went on their Voyage; which accordingly they did. VII. Reply. 7. That the Duke,Lending the Vant guard to the French. being great Admirall of England, did by colour of the said Office, procure one of the principall ships of the Navy-Royal, called the Vant-guard, and six other Merchants ships of great burthen, to be conveyed over with all their Ordnance, Ammunition, and apparel, into the Kingdom of France; and did compell the said Masters and Owners of the said ships, to deliver the said ships into the possession and command of the French King, and his Ministers, without either sufficient security for their redelivery, or necessary caution in that behalf, contrary to the duty of his Office, and to the apparent weakening of the Navall strength of this Kingdom. That those Ships were lent to the French King without his privity; that when he knew thereof, he did what appertained to his Office. That he did not by menace, nor any undue practice by himself, or any other, deliver those ships into the hands of the French: that what errour hath since happened▪ was not in the intention any way injurious to the State, nor prejudicial to the interest of any private man. VIII. Reply 8. That the Duke knowing the said ships were intended to be imployed against the Rochellers, and the Protestants else-where, did compel them as aforesaid, to be delivered unto the said French King, and his Ministers; to the end, that they might be imployed against those of the Reformed Religion, as accordingly they were; to the prejudice of the said Religion, contrary to the intention of our Soveraigne Lord the King, and to his former promise at Oxford; and to the great scandal of our Nation. That understanding a discovery that those ships should be imployed against Rochel, To be imployed against Rochel. he endevoured to divert the course of such imployment: and whereas it is alledged, that he promised at Oxford, that those ships should not be so imployed, he under favour saith, he was mis-understood, for he onely said, that the event would shew it, being confident in the promises of the French King, and that he would have really performed what was agreed upon. IX. Reply 9. That he hath enforced some who were rich (though unwilling) to purchase honours; as the Lord Roberts, Baron of Trure, who was by menaces wrought to pay the summe of Ten thousand pounds to the said Duke, and to his use, for his said Barony. He denyeth any such compulsion of the Lord Roberts to buy his honour,Selling of honour. and that he can prove that as the said Lord did then obtain it by the solicitations of others, so was he willing formerly to have given a great sum for it. X. Reply 10. That in the 18. year of the late King,And Offices. he did procure of the late King, the Office of High Treasurer of England, to the Viscount Mandevil, now Earl of Manchester, for which Office he received of the said Vi • count, to his own use, the sum of 20000 l. of money; and also did procure in the 20. year of the late King, the Office of Master of the Wards and Liveries for Sir Lionel Cranfield, afterward Earl of Middlesex, and as a reward for the said procurement, he had to his own use, of the said Sir Lionel Cranfield, the sum of 6000 l. contrary to the dignity of his late Majesty. That he had not, nor did receive any penny of the said sums to his own use, that the Lord Mandevil was made Lord Treasurer by his late Majesty without any Contract for it; and though his Majesty did after borrow of the said Lord 20000. pounds, yet was it upon proviso of repayment, for which the Duke at first past his word, and after entred him security, by Land, which stood ingaged, untill his late Majesty, during the Dukes being in Spain, gave the Lord satisfaction by Land in Feefarm of a considerable value, whereupon the Dukes security was returned back. And that the 6000 l. disbursed by the Earl of Middlesex, was bestowed upon Sir Henry Mildmay by his late Majesty (without the Dukes privity) who had and enjoyed it all entire. XI. Reply 11. That he hath procured divers Honours for his kindred and Allies,Procuring honors for his Kindred. to the prejudice of the antient Nobility, and disabling the Crown from rewarding extraordinary virtues in future times. That he believeth he were rather worthily to be condemned in the opinion of all generous minds, if being in such favour with his Majesty, he had minded only his own advancement, and had neglected those whom the Law of Nature had obliged him to hold most dear. XII. Reply 12. That he procured and obtained of the late King divers Mannors, parcels of the Revenues of the Crown, to an exceeding gre •• value, and hath received, and ( • o his own use) disbursed great sums of money, that did properly belong unto the late King: and the better to colour his doings, hath obtained severall privie Seals from his late Majesty, and his Majesty that now is, warranting the payment of great sums of money by him, as if such summes were directed for secret service of the State, when as they were disposed of to his own use; and hath gotten into his hands great sums, which were intended by the late King, for the furnishing and victualling of the Navy-Royall, to the exceeding diminution of the revenues of the Crown, to the deceiving and abusing of his late, and now Majesty, and detriment of the whole Kingdom. That he doth humbly, and with all thankfulness, acknowledge his late Majesties bountifull hand to him, and shall be ready to render back into the hands of his now Majesty whatsoever he hath received, together with his life, to do him service: But for the value suggested in the charge he saith there is a great mistake in the calculation, as he shall make evident in a Schedule annexed, to which he referreth himself. Nor did he obtain the same by any undue solicitation or practice, nor yet a Release for any sums so received. But having severall times, and upon severall occasions, disposed divers sums of his late, and now Majesty, by their private directions, he hath Releases thereof for his discharge, which was honourable in them to grant, and not unfit for him to desire and accept, for his future indemnity. XIII. Reply 13. Lastly, That he being a sworn servant of the late King, did cause and provide certain Plaisters and Potions for his late Majesty, in his last sicknesse, without the privity of his Majesties Physicians; and that although those Plaisters and Potions, formerly applied, produced such ill effects, as many of his sworn Physicians did dis-allow, as prejudiciall to his Majesties health; yet neverthelesse did the Duke apply them again to his Majesty; Whereupon great distempers, and dangerous symptomes appeared inhim, which the Physicians imputed to those administrations of the Duke, whereof his late Majesty also complained: which was an offence and misdemeanour of so high a nature, as may be called an act of transcendent presumption. And the said Commons by Protestation, saving to themselves the liberties of exhibiting hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the Duke, and also of replying unto what the Duke shall answer unto the said Article, do pray that the said Duke may be put to answer all and every the premises, and that such Proceedings, Examinations, Tryals, and Judgements, may be upon every of them had, as is agreeable to Law and Justice. That his late Majesty being sick of an Ague,His applying Physick to K. Iames. a disease out of which the Duke recovered not long before, asked the Duke what he found most advantagious to his health; the Duke replied, a Plaister and Posset-drink, administred to him by the Earl of Warwick's Physician; whereupon the King much desired the Plaister and Posset-drink to be sent for. And the Duke delaying it, he commanded a servant of the Dukes to go for it, against the Dearnest request, he humbly craving his Majesty not to make use of it, without the advice of his own Physicians, and experiment upon others; which the King said he would do, and in confidence thereof, the Duke left him, and went to London. And in the mean time, he being absent, the said Plaister and Posset drink were brought; and at the Dukes return, his Majesty commanded the Duke to give him the Posset-drink; which he did, the Physicians, then present, not seeming to mislike it. Afterward the Kings health declining, and the Duke hearing a rumour, as if his Physick had done his Majesty hurt, and that he had administred Physick, without advice; the Duke acquainted the King therewith, who in much discontent replied, They are worse then Devils that say so.

This being the plain, clear, and evident truth of all those things which are contained in that Charge, He humbly referreth it to the judgements of your Lordships, how full of danger and prejudice it is, to give too ready an ear, and too easie a beleef unto a Report or Testimony, without Oath, which are not of weight enough to condemn any,

Also, he humbly acknowledgeth, how easie it was for him in his young years, and unexperienced; to fall into thousands of errours in those ten years, wherein he had the honour to serve so great, and so open-hearted a Soveraign Master.

But the fear of Almighty God, his sincerity in the true Religion established in the Church of England▪ (though accompaninied with many weaknesses and imperfections, which he is not ashamed humbly and heartily to confesse) his awfulnesse not willing to offend so good and gracious a Master, and his love and duty to his Countrey, have restrained and preserved him (he hopeth) from running into any hainous misdemeanours and crimes.

But whatsoever upon examination and mature deliberation, they shall appear to be, least in any thing unwittingly, within the compasse of so many years, he shall have offended;

He humbly prayeth your Lordships, not onely in those, but to all the said misdemeanours, misprisions, offences, and crimes wherewith he standeth charged before your Lordships, to allow unto him the benefit of the free and general Pardon, granted by his late Majesty in Parliament, in the one and twentieth year of his Reign, out of which he is not excepted. And also, of the gracious Pardon of his now Majesty to the said Duke; and vouchsafed, in like manner, to all his Subjects, at the time of his most happy Inauguration and Coronation; which said Pardon, under the Great Seal of England, and granted to the said Duke, beareth date the tenth day of February now last past, and so here shewed forth unto your Lordships, on which he doth humbly relie.

And yet he hopeth, that your Lordships in your Justice and Honour (upon which confidence he putteth himself) will acquite him of, and from those misdemeanours, offences, misprisions, and crimes wherewith he hath been charged.

And he hopeth, and will daily pray, that, for the future, he shall by Gods grace so watch all his actions, both publick and private, that he shall not give any just offence to any.

However that, that an Authour hath descanted on this defence, It doth really appear prudential, modest and humble, and no doubt a Reply might be intended:Hist▪ p. 53. In the interim the Kings affaires requiring a quicker supply for the publique, than these lingring proceedings could admit, he demands the speedy producing their Bill of Subsidy to be passed; to which they were forced suddenly to conform, not unlikely to prevent their present dissolution, which (otherwise) they suspected; And resolving to make work, they were hammering a tedious Declaration of Grievances, which was allowed by the House, before the Bill of Subsidy. Whereupon with huge indignation,Parliament dissolved. the King, the very next day, Iune 15. dissolves them, with this positive answer to some Lords, that were sent to intercede for longer sitting; not a minute.

And the same day Bristow was committed to the Tower, and Arundell confined to his House,E. of Bristow Committed to the Tower. with a Proclamation for burning all Copies of the Commons Declaration, which was supposed to be framed before their dissolution.

Wee have been Ingenuous and clear in the particulars of Buckingham and Bristow; Hist. p. 54. in which the Historian may be susspected partially affected with his distinctions, though he seems in his Paragraph of reference to his former Story, to vindicate the King and Buckingham; as if he meant to forestall the Readers judgement with his own opinion; such presumption not consisting with the duty of a just Relator. And he will seem to intimate that [by this sudden Rupture of the Parliament the Duke scap'd a scouring.]

And because Bristow may be thought to have hard measure, now imprisoned at the Kings mercy, where he lodged under the Notion of a high Delinquent to the King and State, for his former mis-actions in Spain: but time wrought upon his discretion, and by his private means and submission, he was afterwards reprived to his Countrey House Sherbourn, and after, taken into favour, and became a faithfull servant to his Master, But to cleer this story, the passages are heretofore sufficiently laid open in the History of King Iames, (their proper place) where both in Germany and Spain, He and others acted so much in the Match, to which I refer the Reader. We shall onely conclude, That he was no sooner returned home, but brought under strict Examination of twenty Interrogatories, full and home, to which he gave Answer in writing to King Iames long and tedious, in twenty sheets of paper; And by that Narration, the several Treaties of the whole Match from first to last, are amply opened, and may hereafter see light by it self.

By which, it is apparent, that when able and prudent men, come to act their own parts, they are then (mostly) not of the clearest sight, and commonly commit such errours as are both discernable, and avoidable, even by men of mean abilities.

And it was thereupon considered, whether the tendring him any further Charge, unto which he might be able to frame a probable satisfactory Answer, would not then, rather serve to declare his Innocency, than to prepare his Condemnation, and so instead of pressure upon him, reflect back with disadvantage, upon the proceedings against him, which were intended by Star Chamber.

Whether it were not better, to desist from further questioning him without blemish to the Princes honour, or prejudice to the service?

And though Bristol, in sundry places of that his intended Answer, seems diversly to violate the Rule of the provident Mariner, who in foul weather and storm, to prevent Shipwrack, rather puts down, than sets up his sailes, Yet it was considered, either to have him quick and roundly put to it, or to proceed slowly and moderately, permitting him for a time to remain where he was reprieved to his own house, laid aside and in the way to be forgotten; a state of being, no doubt (by his complexion) and so apprehended by himself, equivalent to the severest and sharpest censure, that could be possibly afflicted on him. And in this condition he found means from the Parliament to set upon the Duke, to prevent the Kings design; who first by his Attorney accused Bristol of Treason.

And thus much of their quarrel, which ended with this Parliament.

And happy it was for Bristol to end so; for though it is supposed [That he had the better head-piece, and the other, only the better back] Certainly the Dukes head was too hard for him, and his brains more quick and nimble. Besides other advantages, for Bristow's own Creatures, stole his papers into copies from time to time, which were communicated to the Duke; who, had he lived, would have undone the Earl.

Lewis of France some years since having a designe against Italy, England and France at difference. and the Valtoline, and upon that score, obtained of King Iames the loan of a gallant ship of his Navy-Royal the Vantguard; and the Merchants consent for six of their own ships to joyn with that; But in the Interim, before they was fitted for that purpose, K. Iames dies: He dead, and Lewis finding the cause of the Hugonots too strong and violent to be mitigated by Treaty, and the (Card. Duke Richlieu) intent to bring them under by success of former designs, plotted his main force against those of Rochel a strong maritain city in France for • countenanced into a firm revolt by the practice of Count Subize, upon Sundry Overtures heretofore, and now waxed formidable and fit for subjection. But this violent resolution had been palliated by Embassies of King Iames, and very lately by two more of King Charles, the Earl of Holland, and Sir Dudley Carlton, his Assistant, in Commission; who pacified that high difference, upon which the power and design of the Hugonotes depended. And gave a real resolution for Lewes to advance greater forces against the Valtoline, then very hotly pursued by advantage of Confederation with England in enmity against Spain also, and gave the suddain occasion to hasten those former ships lent to the French in that design; and Sir Iohn Pennington, a Gallant Sea Commander, intrusted Admiral over them.

Subi • e an Out-lodger in Revolt, had gotten together a scattered number of small Ships, which unawares surprized the Isle of 〈◊〉 , and some Ships in that Harbour, even at the instant when the French Army was ready to March into the Valtoline; But the Duke of Vendosm not far off with Forces of the French King got thither some Troops, and prevented of the seisure of the Fort Lewes neer Rochel: And now not trusting to any Overtures, evermore counterfeit from that City, for the time only to palliate their Rebellion. All possible speed was resolved upon to bring them under by power, and to turn the present Design for Italy upon Rochel. And first Lewes finds means to him, shipping of the Dutch, pretended for the Valtoline, demanding of Pennington now in the French Port, The delivery of those Ships agreeable to former promise, which he utterly refused. But was ready to receive a Commander in Chief, and a competent number of Land Men not exceeding the English, and so to be imployed in the French Kings service. Nor could he be courted from this, into any other conditions of yielding up his Masters Ships, though he did at last, which was urged against the Duke of Buckingham as a great crime by his permission.

But the passages, we discover from Penningtons own Letters to the Duke from Stokes-Bay, and afterwards at Diep, in answer to Letters, sent Express to him, by his own Secretary Nicholas, peremptorily to deliver these six Ships to the hands of the French Kings Command, and according to his Masters pleasure, signified by Secretary Conway, and to take security of the French for their valuation dated 21. Iuly 1625. And at that time a Letter from the French King to receive his Cousin the Duke of Momorancy and his Souldiers aboard; to join with his great Fleet against his rebellious subjects; and to have possession that night.

Pennington offered to accept of all particulars, but not to quit his Ships, and dispossess himself of their Command.

Tis true, that Nicholas had order for Pennington to relinquish his Command and Ships, absolute to the French, which verbal Warrant not being sufficient for a discreet Captain to obey, he acquainted the Duke, by a speedy Shallop; and had second order not to depart with this charge. Upon this, and the threats of the French, the Mariners in a conjured Mutiny weyed Anchor, hoised sail, and came safe to the Downs, 27. Iuly 1625. where he had positive order to consigne up his own and the six Merchants ships to the service of his brother the French King, which was obeyed. These Ships and twenty more of the Dutch, (whose Commander was Halstein) with the French Navy was conducted by Momerancie, faced Subize from his fastnesse, repriseth many of the Lewis ships which he had seized, and chaseth him to the Isle Oleron upon the French Coast.

King Charles had some reason to resent this missimploying of his Ships, to other use then against Spain: being presumed by the humble complaint and pressure of those Commissioners residing here for aid to the Hugonotes in general, and now enforced this particular of Rochellers. And Lewis returned this Answer: That he had no Enemies then but the Spainard, and his intent no other, witness the like contract with the Dutch Ships; but his rebellious subjects the Rochellers starting this necessity upon him, he was enforced to suppresse the dangerous consequence with the advantage of those ships, against Rebellion, which he conceives, and he hopeth all Christian Princes conclude, such subjects the greatest Enemies to all Soveraignty. And indeed until some time of treaty had returned this Answer, the English had seized a rich Ship of New-haven, three hundred thousand pounds, which concluded a finall end of this difference, with the reinlarging to the French those ships and goods, and the return of the English seven ships, with reall satisfaction for their hire in May 1626. and this is the true story of that difference which needs no State-syllogism to unravel,Hist. p▪ 56. nor so much dilation as an Author consumes time and arguments to discusse.

About two moneths after King Charles wisely considering thes • prime overtures of discontent,The French Insolent here at Court. likely enough to occasion future differences, from the insolencies frequent here with the French tumultuary at Court, the remain of the Queries train, and others also flocking hither dependants upon welcom guests: He resolved upon this prudentiall Maxim, in due time to rid the Court from the danger of those Malignants, which usually infect all Courts suddenly after affinities of Mariage.

And truly it branched into sundry particulars long before the King was willing to apply any corrosive to the Recovery.

For first, the Queens Priests, and other Papists domesticques, being articled upon Mariage, which be competent in Numbers and conditions for her Princely convenience, stood highly charged for imposing upon her Person publique and superstitious Novice duties of Obedience, to their piaculary Injunctions, and not to insist upon such as were accustomary in private obedience, but it was enforst publiquely, to trace on foot from Somerset-house to St. Jameses, not unordinary amongst the Devotresses of Rome beyond the Seas; But more, She must progresse her Ambulations so far as Tyburn Gallows, to offer up her prayers for the souls of Iesuit Martyrs formerly trussed up there, for Treason.

Another occasion of distemper proceeded from the Queens Bishop of Mende, whom she had named one of her Trustees in the place of Steward, for those Lands intended to be setled for her Dower, and Mounsier de Fiat Chamberlain of her Houshold, to be her Treasurer. Of these, and others the like, she was convinced, That for her good, it was more expedient, to intrust English Protestants; for being to be confirmed by Parliament, it could not settle on strangers, especially Papists, without her eminent prejudice.

And indeed, some of her French women, in confidence of over much familiaritie and boldnesse, insinuated by their neernesse and trust about her Person; had confirmed a disorderly impudency to perk up in place before the English Ladies of eminent ranke, who in grace and honour to her Majesty, gave her the more, to increase repute and value to themselves, in a distant degree of Observance. This the French liked not, and therefore endeavoured a neerer parity, and thereby justled into the Coach with both their Majesties.

And this in truth was Madam Saint-George, and though of ordinary Extraction in France, yet for that Impudency being but put by, she plotted malitious revenge, pondering all possible means from thence, to raise suspition in the young Queen of the the Kings disaffection to her, and over much favour to the English Ladies.

For these,Sr. Dudly Carlton sent to complain. and other Politique reasons, Sr. Dudly Carlton was sent Ambassadour to the French King, to redresse some dregs of former differences of State: And withall to complain of those distempers in Court, dangerously introducing a rupture between his Majesty and his great affection to his beloved Consort the Queen, whose tender yeers might too hastily relish such strong temptations. And therefore desired his Brotherly power and authority with his Sister, by Message or Letters, to interpose his directions to Her, and his Command to the others, to mend their evil manners, or to return home.

Carlton gone upon this errand, and missing the French King at Paris, progressed a tedious Journey after that Court to Nantes in Bohemia, and the necessity of these daily encounters at home necessarily not admitting long delay: The Queens Chamberlain Monsier Tylliers suspecting some harsh event of this Embassie, without leave of any, steals after Carlton to make him in his Remonstrance. And at the heels of him King Charles speeds an Emissary to avoyd them both, and to post before them to the French King, with fresh complaints of the former and latter Crimes, with the Insolencie of Tylliers, now in office and duty subservient to their Majesties here, and yet to depart with warrant; And which inforced the King in prudence to resolve with all speed to acquit himself of the burthen of the rest of the French and to send them all within two dayes after.

And to act this, the King comes to Somerset-House, where the French were Ordered to repair. To whom He sayes.

Gentlemen and Ladies,

I am driven to that necessity, as that I am personally come to acquaint you, that I very earnestly desire your return into France. True it is, the deportment of some amongst you hath been very inoffensive to me: but others again have so dallied with my patience, and so highly aff • onted me, as I cannot, I will not longer indure it.

And when some, most guilty, offered their defence; if meant of them, to give answer; but the King replyed, I name none, and so parted; and they commanded speedily to return to France.

But the Kings Messenger gets thither, and no sooner delivers his letters to the King, but was opposed by others from Tylliers who was lodged by the way in a desperate Feavour, His complaints bold and high as his disease, with the speedy posting news of the French their turning home, which for the present made a great rupture at Court, and much danger to the Messengers person being assaulted at his lodging, and forced to his refuge. Upon which, Carlton coming after did not expose himself to hazzard, untill by publique Proclamations and Placands upon each post, His person and all other English there had Protection upon pain of death; and he received with all due respects and satisfaction mutual in each particular, answerable to his arrand, in which story the Historian is mistaken.

Indeed there was some time required to the necessity of the then imbroyled actions of the civil affairs of the French Court, for Count Shally, Guard de Robe having a handsom Wife somewhat wanton, and upon distast of the Kings drollery, who spared not to tell him so, he resolved to impo • son his apparel, with the connivance of other discontented Courtiers against the Cardinal Richlieu: The Count upon summons before the Privy Council without more ado, was condemned and forthwith beheaded at Nantes; the Duke Momerancie then under restraint suffered some time after; And Madam Chevereux as deep in the plot, had hopt headlesse then, had not the former Messenger from England (part of his arrand) advised her over night to fly from the danger, which she did, to the Duke of Lorain in much haste, which may excuse her neglect, not giving him thanks then,Mcro. Fr. & Du Ch • sn • . nor ever after.

And in answer to what is reported by the French [that they were cashiered without their wages] they received all their due, with large rewards, which amounted unto twenty two thousand and eight hundred pounds Sterling, and more remained, but the pestiferous brood, Madam Nurce and her daughters, whom the wicked parents bred up afterwards in all the tricks of insolent mischief.

To appease these distempers the Marshal Ballampier came over Extraordinary, and boldly demanded the Restitution and Return of the Queens Domestiques, but it took not effect, for at his being here, our Wine-Merchants • ships were arrested at Blay Castle upon the Gerond returning down the River from Burdeaux Town, in November, by Order of the Parliament of Rouen upon very slender pretence. And as to this and that before, we may conclude that the French brake League with us first, without the Nice distinction [rather he brake his word then his Faith.]

And even now comes newes of the Emperours successe against the King of Denmark, Ill news abroad. with whom affinity of kindred and reason of State had kept a strict and narrow correspondence, with the late ayd from England of 6000 men under conduct of Sr. Ch. Morgan who on the seventeenth of August received a totall overthrow by Count Tilly, and in fear of utter ruine; The Sound like to be lost, the English Garrison at Stoade straightly besieged, and their trade and staple of Cloth at Hamburgh destroyed. In these we are now concerned, though abroad, and as desperate at home, the • vil successe of our late fleet of thirty sail, Men of Warre in the beginning of October last,Our fleet comes home. under command of the Lord Willoughby and the Earl of Denbigh were so scattered with an hideous storm, as with much difficulty they got to Harbour, being not far from shore, which hastened them home, and returned Denbigh to Court ere he was expected. In whose short time of absence the young Marquesse Hamilton espoused to Denbighs daughter, [took a resolution when he wed her, Hist. p. 63. never to Bed her, upon which, he was divested of his place in the spicery worth 2500 per annum, and the Marquesse malcontent a week before Denbies return, departed for Scotland, bidding the Court eternall valediction, &c.] This story is mistaken throughout; for in the life time of the old Marquesse the young Couple were contracted, and often Bedded, in a wanton way of consummating the Nuptials; and Hamilton now grown man, alwayes under tutel • ge of the King, and filiall dependance upon his father in law, whose wife was sister to the Duke of no such mean Extraction to be accounted impar Congressus, and no fit match; He indeed, had a minde to visit Scotland, for setling his estate there, taking this convenient opportunity of Denbighs absence; and with leave without any regret or cause at all.

After whom, Denbigh hastens to invite him back to Court, untill some short time might prepare them both to journey thither together; which for some conveniences, was deferred, and about two years after the proper time, for compleating the Marriage, his Fathers former office in the Spicery, was now exchanged for the Mastership of the Horse; a very considerable difference in value, for the better: and thus this Tale takes end.

The King in want of monies to forward his designs and now not to sit down with his mishaps,Loan monies. found himself under this Dilemma, either to oppose his Enemies abroad, or in short time, to endanger a storm upon him at home, for the miserable condition of the Rochellers strongly beleagured by their King, under conduct of the Duke of Guise, necessarily required more speedy relief, then the sudden summoning of a Parliament, and their tedious course of proceeding would admit, with the Religious consideration (if not Policy) of dangerous consequence, if not ruine, to that strong fortresse of the Hugonotes rhe main defence of them Reformed, and so neerly concerning our Profession; though for the Persons and Faction of that Town, King Iames not willing to undertake▪ their Patronage (so often solicited) whose disposition was, not to continue loyal, when they had power to revolt.

And indeed, since overtures made made to raise present monies by Benevolence, Hist. p. 69. or by Enhancing Gold (Coin he calls it) two shillings in twenty; But concluded upon Loan, Hist. p. 64. which he calls [illegal Tax] and is justly blamed for that false title;Ob.. p. 41. For in truth He summes it [almost two hundred thousand pounds] Which had it been referred to the hazzard of perhaps, the total might have come short of any certain dependance. But therefore the Commissions of the thirteenth of October instructed the officers not to go a begging for a Common-Boon, but to require it of duty, seeing those Subsidies of the Subjects, which the last Parliament had granted by Bill, though not passed it into an Act before their dissolution, and was in kinde of the Soveraign raised by way of Loan, untill the next Parliament should enable him to make payment, or confirm this way of Levy by their subsequent Act; And yet this way, had it been in Bias to liberty so much disputed, he was to be excused, the necessity of his foreign Ingagements requiring, which were put upon him as an Instrument, by the House of Commons to break into wars, which was now wilfully deserted, notwithstanding his former Item to the Parliament, not to be betrayed therein.

These proceedings brought with them miserable effects to the King, not answering his expectation, and enforcing desperate wayes and means to bring up the Refractory Lords and Gentry Prisoners to the Council-Table, who were incouraged by others to undergo any pressures, that might blazon the semblance of hardship, or Invasion upon the Subjects Liberties; which the very Papists, (in this the better Partners) seemed more really to resent; and offered in lieu of some favour to them in the penal Lawes (not Toleration) to contribute very largely to the safeguard of the Narrow Seas; which put the State into present condition rather to collect their Arrears of Thirds, due to the King by Law.

It appeared not for private gain, but extream necessity of State which involved all, and therefore with possible endevours the Naval Forces were to be compleated for the summer.

But let us passe over to Ireland to see what they do there:Proposition for a more Toleration of Papists in Ireland. It was Michaelmas Term in Ireland, when the Papists there offered Propositions to maintain five hundred Foot for a more Toleration of Religion; Hist. pag. 65. but the Protestants to pertake in some measure of the charge; To that end, a great concourse of the Nation of both professions, appeared before the Lord Deputy Fawkland in the Castle of Dublin: but the Primate, and Bishops in their Assembly prevented their further proceedings, subscribing to a Protestation, as their judgement concerning Toleration of Popery.

That the Religion of the Papists is Superstitious and Idolatrous,The Clergies Protestation against Papistry. their Faith and Doctrine erronious and hereticall, their Church in respect of both Apostaticall. To give them therefore a Toleration, or to consent that they may freely exercise their Religion, and professe their Faitb and Doctrine is a grievo • s sin; and that in two respects.

For first, It is to make our selves accessary, not only to their superstitious Idolatries, Heresies, and in a word, to all the abominates of Poperty; but also (which is a consequent of the former) to the perdition of the seduced people, which perish in the Deluge of the Catholique Apostacy.

2. To grant them Toleration in respect of any money to be given, or Contribution to be made by them, is to set Religion to sale, and with it the souls of people, whom Christ our Saviour hath redeemed with his most precious blood. And as it is a great sinne, so also a matter of most dangerous consequence, the consideration whereof we commend to the wise and judicious. Beseeching the zealous God of Truth, to make them who are in Authority, zealous of Gods Glory, and of the advancement of true Religion; zealous resolute, and couragious against all Popery, Superstition and Idolatry. Amen.

Ja: Armachanus. Auth: Medensis. Ro: Dunensis. &c. Richard Cork, Cloyne, Rosses. Tho: Kilmore & Ardagh. Mich. Waterford, & Lismore. Mal: Casohellen: Tho: Hernes. & Laughlin. Geo: Deceus. Andr: Alachadeus. Theo: Dromore. Franc: Lymrick. Conferred and agreed upon, 6 Nov. 1626.

And this their judgement in April 23 after, 1627. Dr. Downham Bishop of Derry at the next Assembly, and before the Lord Deputy Falkland and his Council, took occasion to publish in the midst of his Sermon: His preamble herein was, That many amongst us for gain and outward respects are ready to consent to a Toleration of false Religion, and are guilty of putting to sale their own and others souls, and so unwilling to deliver his own private opinion onely, but the judgements of the Arch-Bishop and Bishops, which he thinks good to publish to them to cleer themselves from consenting. To which the people gave their vote, Amen. But then he went on; Not hereby (said he) to hinder the Kings service, for we desire that not onely the sole Army of 5500 may be maintained, but also a far greater Army besides the trained Souldiers, onely he wished, that the King would reserve to himself the most of those peculiar Graces of late offered, and granted to the dishonour of God and the King, the prejudice and Impeachment of true Religion, and what is wanting might be supplied by the County, to which he exhorted all good Christians and faithfull subjects. The Text the Bishop took was Luke 1. 25. 23, 24, 25. verses, speaking against mens subordinating Religion, and the keeping a good Conscience for worldly respects, and to set their souls to sale for gain of earthly things.

The L. Primate preached the next day before the same Auditory, and took his Text 1 Ioh. 5. 15. Love not the World, nor the things that are in the World, when he made the like application as the Bishop did, rebuking such who for ready gain, like Iudas sold Christ for 30 pieces of silver, or as Balaam following the wages of unrighteousnesse, &c. foretelling (as he had often) the judgement for these our Inclinations to such permissions and Tolerations, and spake as Ieremiah did to Baruch, of Gods being about to pluck up what he had planted, and to break down what he had built, and his bidding him not to seek great things for himself, he applied to these times.

Indeed the judgement of the Bishops, prevailed much with the Protestants that the Proposals sank by degrees, and therefore induced the Lord Deputy to desire the Primate, as the fittest person of the Assembly, and a Privy Councellor, and so concerned, to promote the Kings affairs, to summe up the state of the Business; and to move them to an Absolute Grant of some competency to the Kings Necessities, without any such former Conditions; which was so done, with much prudence, and to this effect; his Speech followeth.

My Lords,

THe refusal of those Gentlemen, Primate of all Ireland his Speech. to contribute supply to the Army for defence of this Nation, minds me of the Philosophers observation, That such as have respect to a few things are easily misled. Their minds so intent to ease themselves of a petit burthen, without regard to the desolation of a heavy war, which an Army may prevent; forgetting the lamentable effects of our late Civil War by famine, rapine, and what not? and now again the storm is foreseen, which if not prevented, our state may prove irrecoverable.

The Dangers are from abroad and from home: Abroad, we being now at odds with two potent Princes, France and Spain; to whom heretofore our dis-affected persons have offered this Kingdom to their Conquest.Abroad. In the daies of Henry the eight, the Earl of Desmond did it to the French King; the Instrument in the Court of Paris yet extant, expresses so much; and the Pope afterwards transferred the Title of Ireland to Charles 5. and so afresh confirmed to his Son Philip in the time of Queen Elizabeth, with a resolution to settle this Crown upon the Spanish Infanta. These Donatives though of no value, yet they serve for a colour to a potent Pretender, powerfully to supply what is defective. And of late, even when our Match was on foot with Spain, a Book was countenanced there, the Author a Spaniard, Philip O Sullevan, wherein he concludes the only way to establish that Monarchy, first to set upon Ireland; the Conquest of Scotland, then of England, and after of the Low Countries, will easily follow.

Nor is the fear more from abroad, At home. then the like danger at Home, Domestick Rebellion; but lest I be mistaken now, as your Lordships have been lately, I must distinguish the Inhabitants. Some descended of the ancient English race, or hold of the Crown, and have of their own possessions to stick to, who may well be trusted against a Foreign Invader, although Papists; and this is proved in the late Wars of Tyrone, when these persons, refused the powerful temptations from their Loyalty; for at that time, the King of Spain, did confederate with the Rebels, and landed their forces; The Popes Bulls likewise, and Breves solicited our Nobility and Gentry, to revolt from that Queen, imparting the same favour to them, as to such of his, that fight • against Turks, and so seconded by a Declaration of the Divines of Salamanca and Vallidolid; but our Nobles, notwithstanding continued Loyal and were incouraged so to do by the Priests of the Pale though Papists; who therefore were vehemently taxed by • he Traytor O Sullevan, and stiles our Profession, Insanam et venenosam doctrinam et Tartareum dogma. And besides those, there are a number of Irish grudging at the English planted amongst them, and being poor are apt to side with a Foreign Enemy. Indeed, our policies in planting have been defective from former times; which was, to plant new Colonies, but to translate the antient Inhabitants to other Counties; we have not done so; whereby they being strongly imbodied for power, and numerously increasing, seeing themselves deprived of their former Inheritance, will readily disturb our quiet, at the first occasion. And so at Home or Abroad our danger, is eminent.

Nor may ye my Lords and Gentlemen that differ from our Religion, imagine, that your Community in profession, will exempt you the Common mischief of an Enemy; as the Duke of Medina Sidonia answered one in 88. That his Sword knew no difference of Catholick and Heretick, but he came to make way for his Master; and the kindness of your Countrymen in such a Confederacy is the same as ye find by their Carriage to you and yours; both in the Court, and in the Colledges abroad; as they advised their Councils unto Spain, wherein they would not have so much as the Irish Priests and Jesuits descended of English Blood, but all of them, taken for Enemies to Spain.

In the Declaration about the beginning of the Insurrection of James Fi • z Morice in the South, the Rebels profess it, no part of their meaning, to subvert Honorab • le Anglorum solium, their Quarrel was onely against Queen Elizabeth, and her Government: But now the Design is otherwise; To translate the very Throne of the English to the power of a Foreigner, and the re-establishing the Irish in their antient Possession; which by the valour of our Ancestors we gained from them.

This ye may assure to your selves, Manet alta mente repostum, and make you more hated of them than any other of the English Nation; and therefore let us unanimously join our best helpes to avoid the danger.

It was wont to be said, Iniquum petas ut aequum feras; and such perhaps, might be the intent of the Project, the other day propounded to you; but now I observe, your distast against that hardly admits your ears to any equal motion. The exceptions are partly General, made by all, partly Special, only to • ching particulars. Of the Former there are Two; The quantity of the sum demanded, and the time unlimitted. The proportion for the maintenance of 5000. foot, and 500. Horse, you alledge too Great, and your means too Small; not able to undertake it; you shall delude his majesty, and disappoint the Army of their expected pay and though you were able to bear it for a time, yet you doubt it may conduce to a Custome, and continued as a constant Revenue to his Majesties Exchequer, unwillingly to be charged on your Posterity.

The Exceptions of the Second kind are against the Grants annexed to the former demands, which seemed rather to hinder, than to further the Service as not equitable. For first, Some have the full benefits of the Grant, as those Counties whi • h pay Composition, and during the time of new payments are suspended. Secondly, Others that have the Charge of the payments to the full are not partakers at all, of the benefit of the Grants; as the Brittish planted in the 6. Escheated Counties of Ulster. Thirdly, such as are forward to further his Majesties service, and to contribute with the most, are troubled in conscience to yield upon the terms proposed, whereby the execution of the Statute against Recusants is offered to be forborn.

Wherein if some of my Brethren the Bishops, are supposed to be too forward in preaching against this kinde of Toleration; I hope the great Charge laid upon them by your selves in the Parliament 20. Eliz. will plead their Excuse; Requiring and Charging all Arch-Bishops and Bishops, and other Ordinaries for the due and true execution of this Statute through their Diocesses; So that if in this Case they had been silent, they might have been the worse censured.

But if for these Reasons, the Project will not be admitted, we must not therefore discharge our selves, from the care of our own safeties: Where the burthen is born in common, by Subjects of different Iudgements in Religion, it stands not with common reason, to annex such conditions to the gift, as must of necessity deter the one party from giving at all, upon such terms, as are repugnant to their Consciences. As therefore the Recusants should join with us in a Common aid; we must not put in the condition of executing the Statute, which they will never yield unto; So, if they expect that we should join with them in the like contribution, they ought not to require the condition of suspending the Statute to be added, which we in conscience, cannot yield unto.

The way then will be to grant freely, without any manner of condition that may seem unequal to any side, and to refer to his Majesty how far he pleaseth to extend or abridge his favours, of whose limits in the execution of the Statute, our Recusants have found so much experience, as makes it the same freedom, in giving any thing that is demanded.

As for the fear of this voluntary contribution, to be made a Matter of necessity, and imposed perpetual upon posterity, it may easily be helped, with such a clause as we find added in the Grant of 〈◊〉 Ayd made by the Popes Council, 13. H. 3.Pat. 13. H. 3. in Tur. Lond. out of the Ecelesiastical pro • its of this land, Quod non debet 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ; its other examples also of later memory. And for proportion of the sum of money, which you say is too great, it is my Lords desire, to know what you can well bear, and will voluntarily proffer. To say you are not able to g • ant, as was demanded, may be some reason; but therefore to give nothing, is neither agreeable to reason or duty.

You offer to serve the King, as your Predecessours have done, with your bodies and lives, as if the Kings supplyes with monies, were unknown to our forefathers.

Search the Pipe Rolls, for only the Marying of H. 3.Pat. 13. H. 3. membran. 9. Sister to the Emperour, you shall find their Names in the Records of England.

And his Letters Patents directed hither into Ireland for aid money to pay his debts unto Lewis, Pat. Gascony 1 Ed. 2. memb. 25. in dorso. Son •• the French King. In the Rolls of Gascony we find the like better directed by King Edward 2. unto the Gentlemen and Merchants of Ireland; a list of their Names set down for his aid in his expedition into Aquitaine, and defence of his Land (which is now the thing in question) Besides, an Ordinance Pat. 44. Edw. 3. in Tur. Lond. for the personal taking them that lived in England and held lands and tenements in Ireland.

Nay in this Case, give me leave as a Divine, to tell you plainly for to supply the King with means for the necessary defence of your Country is not a thing left to your discretion, either to do, or not to do; but a 〈◊〉 of duty, which in conscience you stand bound to obey. The Apostle Romans 3. affirms, That we must be subject to the Higher powers▪ not onely for wrath, but for conscience sake, and adds this as a r • ason, for this cause ye pay Tribute also, as if the denying of such a payments could not stand with conscionable subjection. Thereupon he infers this conclusion, Render therefore to all their due, Tribute to whom Tribute, Custome to whom Custome, is due. Agreeable to that known lesson, which he learned of our Saviour, Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesars, and unto God the things which are Gods; Where you may observe, that as to with-hold from God, the things which are Gods, Man is said to be a Robber of God, whereof himself thus complains in case of substracting of Tithes and Oblations, so to deny a supply to Caesar, of such means as are necessary for support of his Kingdome, can be accompted no less, than A Robbing of him of what is his due, which I wish you seriously is ponder, and to yield to this present necessity, that we may not return for you, an undutifull Answer, justly displeasing to the King.

〈1 paragraph〉

And now returning to England, Bishop Andrews dies. we find Doctor Lancelot 〈◊〉 , that most eloquent and learned Bishop of Winchester to be dead. He was born at Alhallowes Barking in London, Schollar; Fellow, and Master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge. Then he was preferred by King Iames Dean of Westminster, Bishop of Chichester, after of 〈◊〉 , 〈…〉 and lastly of Winchester. He was excellently experienced in all Languages, specially 〈◊〉 ▪ which makes some to conceive, that had he lived at the time of the Confusion of Tongues he might have served the people for an Interpreter. 〈…〉 His gravity gave awe to King Iames in that sometime freedome of rebuke, when he too frequent was moved into passion. His admirable method in preaching, moved the King more reverent and attent to him, than to any other, as meeting with rare, and new matter. His Sermons collected into a Volume, were set out since his death, by command of King Charles, a Pattern to Preachers and Preaching. He lyeth buried in the Chappel of Saint Mary Overees with a very honourable Tomb, and a right true Epitah inscribed.

He hath been unjustly since his death, accu • ed of covetousness, though he was neither Rapax to get, or Tenax to hold, being a perfect enemy to Usury, Simony, and Bribery. He repaired all 〈◊〉 to which he had been preferred, for I find no Delapidations challenged by any his Successors, he left his estate to pious uses, but to order his actions in all his estate, he would give it for a truth▪ That Good Husbandry was good Divinity. And as for his Chappel Ornaments they were indeed such as might justifie him and them; and in all of him, it were wished such as succeed, would follow his foot steps.

At his death the Court was suddenly filled, with the access of Bishops, who knowing that by Removes, preferments would follow to many; each one, having charity to their merit, expect advancement in degrees. Which occasioned the Court Bishops to advise them not to appear, till they were sent for, and not prevailing they had command to return home▪ with those Instructions to be observed and put in execution, by each of them, which were directed to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury.

Charles Rex.

1. That the Lords the Bishops Anno 1627. be commanded to their Several Sees, to keep residence, excepting those which are in necessary attendance at Court.

2. That none of them reside upon his land or lease that he hath purchased, nor on his Commendum if he hold any, but one of his Episcopal houses if he have any, and that he wast not the Woods, where any are left.

3. That they give charge in their triennial visitations, and at other convenient times both by themselves, and their Arch-deacon • , that the Declarations for setting all Questions in difference, be strictly observed by all parties.

4. That there be a special Care taken by them all, that the Ordination be solemn, and not of unworthy persons.

5. That they take great Care concerning the Lectures, in their several Diocesses for whom we give these special Directions following.

First, That in all parishes, the afternoon sermon may be turned into Catechism, by Questions and Answers, when and wheresoever there is no great Cause apparent to break this antient and profitable order.

Secondly, That every Bishop ordain in his Diocess, that every Lecturer do read divine service according to the Liturgy printed by authority, in his Surplice and Hood before the Lecture.

Thirdly, That where a Lecture is set up in a Market Town that may be read by a Company of gr • ve and orthodox Divines, near adjoyning and in the same Dioces • es, and that they preach in Gowns, and not in Cloaks as▪ too many do use.

Fourthly, That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecture, he be not suffered to preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living, with Cure of Souls within that incorporation, and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure as soon as it shall be fairly procured for him.

Fifthly, That the Bishops do countenance and incourage grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy, and that they use means by some of the Clergy, or others, that they may have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers within their Diocess do behave themselves in their Sermons, that so they may take order for any abuse accordingly.

Sixthly, That the Bishops suffer none under Noblemen, and men qualified by the Law, to have any private Chaplain in his house.

Seventhly, That they take speciall care that Divine service be diligently frequented as well for Prayers and Catechism as for Sermons, and take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants, or otherwise.

Eighthly, That every Bishop that by our grace and favour, and good opinion of his service, shall be nominated by Us, to any other Bishoprick, shall from that day of Nomination, not presume to make any Lease for three lives, or one and twenty years, or concurrant Lease, or any estate, or cut any wood or timber, but meerly receive his rents due, and so quit the place; for we think it a hatefull thing, that any mans lea • ing the Bishoprick, should almost undoe the Successor. And if any man shall presume to break this Order we will refuse him at our Royall assent, and keep him at the place which he hath so abused.

Ninthly, Lastly we command you to give us▪ an Accompt, every year the second of Ianuary of the performance of this our Command.

Dorchester.

Our Naval forces now Compleat, the Duke of Buckingham is resolved to satisfy their expectation who heretofore complained of his great neglect (being Admiral of England) in committing the late Expeditions at Sea, to other Commanders, and stay behind himself. He is now therefore made General also of six thousand Horse and foot, in ten ships royall, ad ninety Merchant-men, and set sail from Portsmouth the 27. of Iune, and his MANIFESTO came out the one and twentieth of Iuly following, as it was there published in France, declaring,

The emergent causes of his Majesties present Arming:The Dukes Manifesto. What part the Kings of Great Britain, have alwaies taken in the affairs of the reformed Churches of France, and with what care and zeal, they have laboured for them, is manifest to all, and the Examples of it, are also as ordinary as the occasions have been: The now King my most honored Lord and Master, comes nothing short of his Predecessors therein, if his good and laudable Designs for their Good, had not bin perverted to their Ruin, by those who had the most interest for their accomplishment. What advantages hath he refused? VVhat parties hath he not sought unto; that by his alliance with France, he might work more profitably and powerfully the restitution of those Churches into their antient liberty and splendour? And what could be best hoped by so strick an alliance, and from so many reiterated promises, by the mouth of a great Prince, but effects truly royall, and sorting with his Greatness? But so far fails it therein, that his Majesty in so many promises, and so strait obligations of Friendship, hath found means to obtain Liberty, and surety for the Churches, and to restore peace to France, by the reconciliation of those, whose breath utters nothing else, but all manner of obedience to their King, under the liberty of the Edicts; that contrarywise they have prevailed, by the interest he had in those of the Religion, to deceive them, and by this means, not only to unty him from them, but also to make him (if not odious to them) at the lest suspected, in perverting the means, which he had ordained for good, to a quite contrary end. VVitness the English Ships, not designed for the extirpation of these of the Religion, (but to the Contrary, express promise was made, That they should not be used against them) which notwithstanding were brought before Rochel, and were imployed against them in the last Sea-fight; what then may be suspected from so puissant a King, as the King my Master, so openly eluded, but thorough feeling, equal and proportioned, to the Injuries received? But his Patience hath gone beyond Patience, and as long as he had hope that he could benefit the Churches by any other means, he had no recourse by way of Arms; so far, that having been made an Instrument and Worker of the late Peace, upon Conditions disadvantagious enough, and which would never have been accepted, without his Majesty's Intervention, who interposed his credit and interest to the Churches to receive them (even with threatnings,) to the end to shelter the honour of the most Christian King, under assurance of his part, not onely for the accomplishment, but also for the bettering the said conditions, for which he sends caution to the Churches.

But what hath been the issue of all this, but only an abuse of his goodness? and that which his Majesty thought a Soverain remedy: For all their forces, hath it not brought almost the last blow to the ruin of the Churches? It wanted but little, by continuing the Fort before Rochel (the demolishing whereof was promised) by the violence of the Souldiers and Garrisons of the said Fort and Isles, as well upon the Inhabitants of the said Town, as strangers; In lieu, whereas they should wholly have retired; they have daily been augmented, and other Forts built; and by the stay of Commissioners in the said Town beyond their Term agreed on, to the end to make broils, and by the means of the Division, which they made to open the gates to the Neighbouring Troops, and by other withstandings, and infractions of Peace. Little, I say, failed it, that the said Town, and in it all the Churches, had not drawn their last breath. And in the mean while, his Majesty hath yet continued, and not opposed so many Injuries, so many faith-breakings, but by Plaints and Treatings, until he had received certain advise (confirmed by intercepted Letters) of the great Preparation that the most Christian King, made to showr upon Rochel. And then, what could his Majesty do less, but to vindicate his Honor, by a quick arming against those, who had made him a Party in their Deceit? and to give Testimony of his Integritie and zeal, which he hath alwayes had for the re-establishing of the Churches, which shall be dear and precious to him above any other thing.

This was not published until the first assault of the Castle of Saint Martins in the Isle of Rhe about the 21. of Iuly following.

And because I have laboured the Truth of this Expedition from the calumnies of our Adversaries, I shall name them now to direct the Reader in the examination, and crave the patience to excuse the length of the story, in some measure to vindicate our Honour. The first is Anonymus; and the Title; Ladiscente des Anglois, somewhat ingenious. The French Mercury, or Vulgar Fragmentarian; herein, despicable, the brand of Malice and Immodesty, The third was Isnardus, the Parisian Advocate; whose contumelies, (even the best of them) were censured culpable, as being published after a perfect Peace was established by the polite Polititian Cardinal Richlieu: And the last of them was Monetus, a Iesuit; more close and wary, yet blasting the beauties of our best Martialists. But because this Action of the English, might not lodge upon mistakes of our too hasty quarrelling without just cause, I shall enter the Reader, by remembring former passages, and state the cause, as it now stood between Us and France.

King Iames succeeding Q. Eliz. his Neighbors,The cause of this War. and Him, courted each other into friendship and confederacy; so that no plot or frame of domination invaded each other, by jealousie or envy: and so soon as Henry 4. was murthered, how often and sundry waies did King Iames assist Lewis the 13. his Son and Successor, quieting his Civil Wars, and after such a League entred into with the Emperour, as neither affinity with the Palsgrave; utility with aiding the Spaniard; or Religion by assisting the Hugonotes; could in him any way dissolve, and so became Arbiter and Umpire of Europe.

Yet cause we had to use the help of the French, in the publique affairs of restoring the Palatinate. Our Auxiliary Forces granted to Mansfield to whom the French promised free passage, and to joyn with some horse, were miserably frustrated, and forced upon the coast of Holland, where they suffered in life, and loss of that design.

Then, of late, neer 100 of our Merchants ships imbarqued at Bourdeaux no just cause given. And lastly, the afflicted estate of the Reformed Religion in France, for whom the last Peace was granted, and King Charls warranting the observance, yet their pres • ures and Injuries, were exceeding the power of those poor people to indure.

And therefore a War was necessary, and against the Isle of Rhe concluded, as lying at the mouth of Rochel, the most famous Mart of the Re • ormed, and so a ready passage thence upon Spain, in case the French were forced to a Peace, and so the English began to Master an Army, and Rig a Navy. But Lewis the 13. having intelligence, prepares store of Foot and Horse, ready upon the frontiers of Poictois, and the Duke of An • oulesme, Is • ardus pa. 1. set down with 3000. Foot, and 300. Horse, for security of the Fort Lewis upon the continent neer Rochel, and had cunningly taken up more Quarters in the Neighbour Villages, than would contain 15000 men; which startled the Rochellers in fear of far greater forces, and forthwith the Duke of Buckingham had intelligence:Isnard. p. 16. for over into England comes Sobiez, and hastens the expedition to Rhe, who upon former slaughters made there, was now fled and banished; and no doubt, was able to act as much as he promised, but much more, than he performed. But the Summer season affording but Gentle gail, and such as lagged, (coming late); only two and twenty Ships appeared at the Isles of Oleron, who supposed them of Dunkirk attending for the fleet of Hollanders, their enemies then in the Road; who not taking Alarum, and their number increasing, they were known to be the English; and forthwith a dozen ships fell down to guard Port Breton, the rest sailed on to the Fort de la Prie, upon the Isle Ree, making approaches, with their Canon, so near, as Musket shot of the Shore: and though Sieur de Tora▪ Governour of the Citadel St. Martin, sent out all his Forces to hinder the English, the Ordnance keeping them off for freedome to land; yet Sir Iohn Burroughs, Sir Alexander Bret, The English land upon the Isle of Rhe. Sir Edward Conway, and Sir Charles Rich (the first that set foot on shore) landed 1200. which incountred 1000. in seven partitions, horse and foot, that came on, like French Gallant voluntiers, Isnard. pag. 36. whom our English Cannon saluted traverse, all the advantage we could make to mate their fresh and sodain Sally; This was quick, and the fiery French fell, either slain, or prisoners, and upon the second Sally, the accompt is thus cast up.

Isnardus names the French, Page 37. Restringler brother to Toras; Chastalois, Canfes Naval, and worthy Tatlian, Bassacies Son, Mountain, Savignie Heustebie, of the noble and first Rank, 60. in number. A hundred and fifty of the foot; Boisoneer, Condamine, Captaines; and sundry Lieutenants and Ensigns, Slain of the French. Scarce one of the Captains, and officers of the better note without some wound. So saies he.

Of the English we confess Sir Tho. York, And English. Sir Wil. Heyden, Sir Tho. Thornay, Sir Geo. Blundel, Kts. and of lesser note, Courtney, Glyn, Whaley, Powel, Woodhouse, Goring, Blundel; and with them six Captains Reformadoes; and of the Common-souldiers 100. And these Isnard calls 500. But it is confessed, we kept the field, and the dead bodies of both sides, and so can best accompt for them. And amongst the wounded, that we may remember their merits, who yet recovered, were Rich, Conway, Hawley, Greenvile, Abraham Rainsford, Wellome, Thorp, Marileus and Bennet.

The Duke removes his camp, to make good his publication there in French, of the reasons of the War (as before is said;) which he was to perform with so small Forces; and by report of their fugitives, the whole Island was furnished with French, and their main Army on the Main. This Island is stored with Wine and Salt, and Villages, in which (the Islanders being driven out) the English plant Garrisons. But though they found no forage; yet it 〈◊〉 said to be plentiful in provisions, and seemed commodious to the Merchants of Rochel, being seated at the mouth of their 〈◊〉 , who gaped after it, and was reduced by Gallant Momerancy, but two years since under the power of that Lewis 13. and for the advantage of his affairs, built two Castles, St. Martin a Kingly structure; the less called Mede, but of like strength, against which, the chief Martialists advised the siege, but the voices carried the design against St. Martin, which being won, the other would yield.

A Messenger from Toras, hastened our Journey, who affirmed that his Master would meet the Duke, who marches to St. Maries Church, thence to La Flotta, a small Village, resting that night, the Enemy not appearing,St. Martins Town taken. and the next day to St. Martin: where were 120. men, and 3. marching out before, which Cunningham accepted and dared any to single Combate: the Town set up ensigns of Peace, being so forsaken by four hundred, who were to defend this Town; Their fortifications and out works with twenty great Guns were thus soon rendred up, a miracle of cowardize in so many men, 〈◊〉 custom to vaunt, and vail in a moment; And now returns Sobier with but three hundred from Rochel, gallant men of the noblest, not answering the great number expected and promised, and did as little advantage to any affairs.

The Castle is in figure quadrangle with four great Bulwarks, Is. 64. sharpened on the top by degrees with deep trenches,Description of St. Martin Castle. that part excepted, against which the sea washes, and being no longer then a musketeer may reach; at the extream thereof the water courses brought back a certain safeguard for the souldiers, which secured them from all, saving overthwart shot: Of these Bulwark • s the first called • the Kings sconce,Four Bulwarks. the Queens, Tor as, and Antioch are of so great a Pile, as to contain certain bands of souldiers, which with Galleries, and Parapets hurdled and twigged together, stuffed with earth, preserve them safe from all shot. Neer the Trench from the deepest walls of the Tower (which are mounted very high) is a lesser wall (as a fast) securing the Tower round about, and serves for an obstacle to all counter trenchings. At the Skarfe there is a certain Rebate near the bank of the trench made strong with proper defence; where, as an Invironed or covered station, they might be furnished against all Counter-Skarss, and defends them in their watches, both against assistants and defendants. Lastly, without those were certain for tresses raised in shape of half moons, into which, as fafe Refuges they might retire, if by us overcharged: And betwixt all these, other works were raised crooked, in form of an Elbow; every one of them environed with trenches, hundring any passage at all, because every where the Tower was defended with great guns aloft, and water workes below.

It was indeed a Royal worke, finished not more then 13 moneths before: Such a magnificent piece, and so well provided, as might stand the shock of mighty forces, whether within or without. And to these, all warlike provisions that could be imagined for many moneths; Lastly, a most excellent Garrison, strictly manned and commanded by Toras, of an undaunted and gallant spirit: And yet Buckingham durst dare this Frame, upon the Coast of France, and now fortified by a numerous Army on the Main; and all, with a handfull of English far from home.

After debate, French army on the Main. whether by assault (because the further side of the Tower was not finished, or furnished with fresh supplies) or famine? for all men can defend by fight, and either the weaker parts of the Isle to be laid waste, and so to move from place, or to besiege by a trench; But then, some danger of an Enemy, to hem them in, unless the English ships of war failed to discharge their trust: But Buckingham the mist of Humanity, meant, rather to correct, then so cruell to destroy such a people,Anno 1626. from whose Royall Race, a Queen so lately and so Excellent was delivered into the Heart and hands of his Majesty and Master, the King of England: And so,The siege. rather resolved upon these perswasions.

He gives order for the Circumvallation, the ships disposed to encompasse the Island without: A Trench drawn round, and a Rampire just against the Tower bank with Bulwarks in equall distance perfected the inmost. Lastly, for great Guns in Artillery so disposed with Gabrions and blindes on high, either to batter the forts and yet hinder an Enemies landing, or any hostile vessel. Some Garrisons in several villages to restrain the poor Inhabitants, and all irruptions from the Continent.

Buckingham shews the largenesse of his heart; and desired requital with necessary supplies; but whom hope allows, mischance deceives, spent three moneths this way, to discover his meaning to be merciful, as a friend not foe; yet not so unwary, but promoved his designe, which was daily occasioned by his Canon, which played on the fort, that kept in the besieged.

The French KingThe French power. in the Campain is seized of a feavor, A Person, fit for action, is forced away, and leaves the command to Cardinal Richelieu whom the Reformed commend for his fair dealing; He tells them their danger to hazzard all their happinesse upon false hopes; and so their wavering brains were brought about, to depend on his promises and to neglect themselves.

And by this time, the Universal face of Europe changed, the single pretence which scarcely was upright at home, reached to all foreign, and strook at their own Grandees. And the Cardinal with all his power, for the welfare of France, sends to Haver de Grace for ships, and to the Isles and other places for provisions into the Castle, and some auxiliary ships from Spain; forces some of our English ships intercepted at Blois, now made fit for use: And, to their aid comes thirty frygots with ready money and Arms, and the Command upon Bellimount; and for Belly-fare or victuall, Marsilane the Abbot had the mannaging; Their Sea Council also concluded to fire our ships; and Pompeius de Faragoe the famous Ingeneer at Dunkerk is solicited hither. And all this in fear; for the English Duke was set down to do somewhat, as is confessed by Isnardus, pag. 83. So that our small forces exercised all France, and their Confederates.

Buckingham, mounts his six great Guns to overthrow their Windemills, that served the Castle, and the Besieged oppose with theirs, to defend them which were overthrown and made unserviceable, and many of the Garrison destroyed.

A numerous Navy now gathered by the French; Anno 1627. the Abbot Marsilane, advises some friends of Toras, to adventure into their Narrow Seas; but they affraid, come under the safety of Bellamount; The same time that Chasilvalin guarded with small force of foot and horse, not far from the Castle, is sent to guard some Mills (by order of Toras) but meeting with ours, he instantly rendred up himself and them, unto our power. The Duke having entertained these some three or four dayes, returned them to the Continent.

The day after (by Marsilanes procurement) another Conduct is furnished, whom some Nimble Gallies are to carry; but the swiftest of them falling into our hands; the rest retired, and increased with them of Bellamount.

The Trenches now open, and our Bulwarks so placed at distance, that our shot might certainly reach them on either side; The Circumvallation reaching from St. Martins Church in frame of a half-Moon, ended at the furthest •• de of the Castle, very near the Port it self; the Enemy making no opposition, suffering themselves thus to be shut up (of a good number) and fearing famine (if the fugitives speak truth) They privily sent out of the Castle Mounsier Sangrene to hasten the Conduct: but he, coming to Court where their King lay bound of his disease, received this answer, that he should exchange his Prayers into thanksgivings, that all things were in readinesse for the relief of the besieged: Onely, he besought that Bellamount might be sent privily to give them aid. And with like subtilty, came to Buckingham an English Monk (being slipt aside out of the French Tents about Rochel) but pretends from the Court of Great Brittain; reporting withall, what a numerous Army was in readinesse over all France, and at Sea, above three hundred and fourty sail; And that the subsidiaries of the Confederates might appear the more, speciously is Chatase a Baron sent, that those ships might be received into the neer Harbours, wi • h all • ignalls and Maritine Pomp, and that some ships built in Holland were to come hither.

In the mean time some light skirmishes happened,Some ships relieve the besieged. before the Castle, of those many ships adventuring into the Island, onely one, by a little winding crooked course, came into the Castle, (the rest put to flight) another hovering further off, crept into the Meden Tower in a dark and quiet night; the winde that helped them, dissevered and hindred us. These Provisions refreshed the besieged;Is. p. 95. who sent forth fourty horse, to skirmish with the like number of ours, that kept the watch; but they were put to flight, and some men lost on both sides.

Then,Fourth onset for relief. on the Main, the King in some recovery raises large forts and holds nearer Rochel, fearing, left if we got the Island, we might meet with a stop upon the Main, and the Towns-men full of Inconstancy, might, with more ease be bridled, who sent us food and cattel u • derhand.

The fourth onset for Relief, was committed to Mounsier Reyme, Du Closse, and others of their chief Nobility: They did not do it by craft as the Jnuier, but down-right, with their force-ship towards the Castle, and paid the price for his boldnesse, being the most slain, drowned, and made prisoners: and amongst them the Baron Reyme, who had so much favour, that he ran away, the gentle Noblenesse of Buckinghams nature, disdaining the advantage o • a Prison, scarce one of theirs from the lodging in our durance, but escaped.

Our Reformado's eager to fight, used this Strategem to draw them out; The low ditch neer the Tower, where the Besieged came often for water, was of more strength then they could well maintain, and to impoyson that water, they came forth with three Companies, Sanigur a French Baron leading the way, and meeting, fought gallantly on both sides, and mutually withdrew; amon • st whom, Shugburn an English Captain, having his arm broken, died four dayes after; a more cruell terrible fight had seldom been seen, done upon Emulation of either gallantry.

Then another French fleet well appointed with provisions, made stay a while at the mouth of the River Tramba; but the English ships, being prepared to oppose them, they kept aloof, an • for that time this succour made unserviceable. Lingeadi returned out of Spain, assures the French, that fourty great ships, and eighteen severall vessels were ready to set to Sea, for their aid, which made Buckingham say, That since he had Authority to war against Spanish and French, and whether by an honourable Sea-sight against both; or by land, or either, he wisht the decision of the Warre, and glory; And yet the distance of ships were so apart, that we could hardly joyn our Sea forces together, as Is nard confesses, pa. 99.

The siege is now become more hot, being a Moneth old, a fight happened neer the fortresse Antioch, with some slaughter, but not notable. The news of the besieged, are sent to their husbands, either into the Castle, or to the Main, a milde and gentle way of Buckingham; though Isnard is angry, and counts it upon the score of the English, as Tyrannous; because, by chance one of them was killed with their own shot, which had been but Tyranny, if we had done so by them all.

A Letter of Toras to Bellimount was intercepted,Letters intercepted. which saies, That the Mills could not long stand, all their Corn spent, inforced the souldier to feed on their store of Bisket, not lasting above tenne dayes, which is confest to put them in great fear,; Whereupon Command is sent to the Duke of Angolesme, Marrillac, Bellimount to help Toras, and Belcebate (a Captain) is commanded forthwith to conduct Ten well appointed ships, elected out of their whole number, to the relief of the besieged, and so to make a cleer passage for those sent before, which were an hundred and nine ships. All the care of France was not to put us to flight, but to assist the Castle, which they attempted by an hundred wayes, but all against the Art Military; and therefore they bid adieu to all hopes, since no Age ever knew a lesse Army of English, nor a greater of French; They consisting of thirty thousand, sufficient to beat the other, and closely to besiege Rochell, as by their very large Trench, and strong Forts almost inclosing that City. The Garrison secured with these, the rest might privily have been sent unto the Isle of Rea exceeding the English by Ten parts; The Emulation also of a famous victory, not long since gotten, and hope of booty might invite forth supplies of English, probable enough; for there was a rumour in England thereupon, to sent Colonies thither to plant.

Before therefore this should happen, It was necessary, that from the Continent and Isles of Oleron, and some eruption from the Castle at the same time must prevent. Nor could our Naval forces be any obstacle, for the large compasse of the Island did enforce our ships far assunder, and no winde assisting us, besides the night, and that space, denied us sufficient time to perfect that work, and advised the Enemy to recollect their Courages: their repaired Army could not have been broken, by any supplies out of England, if the Reformed had time to take Arms, and to joyn in league with the English.

This was gallantly considered, and souldier-like levelled, but not fit to be told abroad; for such a fear possest the French, that they attempted nothing till our departure, and the hoysing our great Artillery into our ships.

Those, delayes thus joyning together, They kept themselves (unexampled in any age) three Moneth within their skonces; let their own Heroes, which envy not our glory, speak the truth.

About this time, came the Duke of Orleans Duke of Orleans indeavours. (the Kings onely brother) to lead over thirty thousand from the Isles Oleron; yet nothing done, for help of the Castle; But why nothing done? Ask the Honour of France: Yet the King writes to Toras with wonderfull comfort, to incourage the besieged; Mean time, the Bishop of Nants, brother to Toras, finding Bellimount too slow to send succours, induced Desplane, with money in hand, to relieve Toras. He writ also to Bellicabe (a famous Sea-man,) with promise of a mighty reward, to convoy victualls into the Island. And the same day, the Cardinal sent a bond obligatory, and signed with his S • al, to pay ten thousand pounds sterling to any that would passe over, to release the besieged; Nor were these the first, for sundry letters had pas • ed before, with Prayers and Menaces, which it seems were not of value, till gain should hire them; yet nought prevailed.

Harvest now at hand, frequent Rains steeped the earth, the souldiers on all sides drowned in dirt; which yet the besieged prevented in some sort, with coverings of Planks and Pavilions; but the English suffered all hazzards; Open air, mirey dirt, bred into sicknesses of severall diseases, Catarrhes, short breath, feavors ending in incurable distempers of bloody-flux; Our number diminished, not to be recruited from England and Ireland: England so abounding with all Necessaries, either by nature or by purchace, that our fresh water souldiers (all these were no other) warring in another soyl, do ill brook the Inconveniences of a stranger Nation; the true cause of our Army mouldring away; not by their sallies, which were often, for we fought them within our Munition; Nor did it please their King, that those within the Castle (more than a well compacted Number) should be too much wasted with hunger, being feazable to overcharge us on a sudden, we not exceeding the half of those besieged; besides their advantage of having Meden-Castle at our backs, and the very Islands (forced to our sides) unfaithful, entrapping us on all sides, which takes off the mighty glory that the French assume to themselves, to be the Kill-Cows of all others. Otherwise, they might be ashamed after but five weeks hard siege, to rely upon Treachery, to hire a Cuthberte to stab Buckingham; which, though the French fail to mention; yet the truth is justified by the fellows confession under his hand, shewing the Duke the very knife, which clears the story to be true: We lodge it not upon Toras, though the villain confest that too. He scaped that fate then, which followed, and fell upon him after, by one of our own.

Three Souldiers perswaded by Toras to swim over that Narrow-Sea to the Main. with Intelligence from him: One of them failing, fell into our hands; A second (prevented in the water) perished: The third, landed at fort Lewis neer Rochel, half dead but recovered, well rewarded with Annuall Pension. He relates from Toras, their provisions quite spent, the Mills destroyed; each souldier but an ounce of bread a day; the mise • y of their souldiers lodging uncovered; having but five hundred boards; Gallant French-men, when the English had none at all, and yet continually in the open air.

Buckingham, now begins to summon Toras; but thus, Civilly. SIR,

That Naturall good affection I have to all Men, Buckingham summon to Toras. when occasion calls for it, shall alwayes call me to attest, in what esteem, I place Choice and Illustrious souls, and render me to them,Anno 1626. benigne and courteous; Conceiving, that I have carried my self after that form, in what concerns you, so far as the laws of arms would allow me: With this intent, that before I would utterly destroy, by enforcement of the necessity of war; to intreat you, To consider with your self, those heavy chances. you have indured, with an excellent and earnest courage, and are likely to suffer more, if you rely on the vain hope of Relief, and refuse the offer of safety; which will trouble 〈◊〉 to put upon you: And therefore I thought fitting freely to 〈◊〉 you, to render your self, and those who serve under you, 〈◊〉 such honourable conditions as you may not expect here • fter; if by opposing, you judge it better to dispute it at the swords point in our hands. Expecting your Answer, I subscribe,

Your very humble and obsequious servant BUCKINGHAM. To which, Toras makes quick Answer. SIR,

Your Excellent, Toras his answer. and virtuous disposition, is known to all men, which as your Custom is, you present with delight, to render them puissant, doing all which is praise-worthy: But to me, Nothing is, or can be imagined more praise-worthy, than to sacrifice my life, for my Princes safety. To this end, here I am, thus guarded, with stout Souldiers; of whom the very meanest and most unmanly, should be accounted unworthy of his Charge, if he did not, with undoubted courage defend this Castle against the worst of difficulties. Insomuch, as no distrust of promised Aid, nor extremity of present danger, nor fear of death, shall affright me, from this noble resolution. I can not imagine my self to have premerited the oblation of this honour by you, unlesse I should betray my trust; of which, be the event whatever it must be, glorious to me, And the more that honour shall be considered by you, the more obliged you shall finde

your most humble and obsequious servant TORAS.

These Letters exchanged into Ceremonies;Anno 1627. Toras demanded of the Messenger, whether the Melons in the Island were preserved, which being told Buckingham, he sent Toras Twelve, which he rewarded with twenty Crowns to the bringer; and the next day, sent Buckingham six pots of Orange-Flower-Water, twelve boxes of Cyprian perfume; which Buckingham rewarded with Twenty Iacobus's in gold: so that in fine, it was said, That their freindships were in earnest, and the War in jest.

Auxiliaries arrived from England and Ireland, Recruit from England and Ireland. under command of Sr. Ralph Bingles and Sr. Piercy Crosby; yet Buckingham thought fit, not to alter his former Resolve, to force the Enemy by Hunger; Others perswaded to assault the Meden-Castle, defended by Baniere, But our men were spent by death, and weak by sicknesse, and those left, out to be spared: Therefore, the English erect an Engine, in form of a Block-house, and a moveable greater instrument for nearer approach, made of the Keels of ships, handsomly joyned together; upon this, poized with Anchors, he mounts seven great Guns, fencing them with twigged Baskets stuffed with earth; and advanced towards the Tower: Ordering his small Barks in safety, under defence of his greater ships, which were to batter the French Navy, and so to hinder the Enemies violent Assault from the Main. But the Engine, battered and shaken with winde and waves, fell in pieces; then some Masts of ships and large pieces of Timber, bound together with Cables, crossewise, as a hedge or inclosure, should be set as a defence of the Sea, which yet was ript and torn assunder; At length, ships with ships are fastened together, with some empty Vessels bound with ropes and so disposed, that by the ships motion they might sink, or swim, above, or under water; But the windes stormy and tempestuous, they were separated and unservicea • Lastly, we sunk some small ships, laden with stones, at the Mouth and Haven, but not of such bulk, or Number, as to stop the Enemy from all entrance.

Sixteen ships procured by the French from Spain; Some relief to the Castle. First 6, and then four of ours met them, but though plying sails and oars, they got into a neighbour Port; And Abbot Marsilane furnishes a fresh subsidiary Navy, under command of Valine, but wanted Mariners, and why? Isnard saies, [That the bodies of the Sea-men which the English had taken, bound them, two and two together; and so, drowned, and dead, were cast on shore so gastly a spectacle, that few men could be got on ship-board] But with these, and thirteen Pilots, he adventures the sea; The nights still and dark, a great calm, the passages was evermore attempted, and their way directed by Torch light on the top of St. Martins Tower; diligent at their sails and oars, their small ships sometimes compassing, or passing by Ours of burthen, now at Anchor, strangely deceiving us, and our small shallops crossing uncertain aims, and some of our ships waying anchor, the Enemy sooner got into Saint Martins, then we could possibly reach them. No great piece of work or mastery in the French; for at the siege of Ostend, both the Hollanders and Auxiliary English Ships at noon day, in spite of Bucques, and his deadly Guns, at the very mouth of the Channel, relieved the Town. But the French here never attempted any passe by Moon shine. Many other attempts of theirs were frustrate, and some fell into our hands.

The besieged, by this means refreshed, they send out all their sick or wounded, and women with Valiane, and Ambelvile to the Duke of Orleans, who sayling as silently as they could by the shore of the Island, escaped us, and got safe to the Continent, which Valiane boasted to be able to do at pleasure. And told Mr. Ashburnham (then, at the Kings Court (of whom anon) the very time, when in despight of us, he would carry another supply, which so vexed our Sea men, that were heedful, we intercepted some of their Convoies, laden with provision, their Pilots, Souldiers and Sea men, wounded or slain.

Great scarcety also afflicts our own souldiers,Ashburnham sent into England. all provisions of the Island exhausted; The succours so often desired by Messengers into England, and as often promised, still failing; Mutinies (not without cause) suspected; To wrest and deliver himself, Buckingham sends Mr. Ashburnham (his Kinsman) into England; And a fair occasion is offered by Toras, who suffering under the same mischief, desires that Sansimine might passe from the Castle, to the Court, and to return again. And to obtain his desire, the witty Mounster, makes some Overtures of Surrender; To which it is assented, upon conditions, that Ashburnham might journey through France into England; and so they departed both for Paris. Sanserine at Court declares, first the affairs of the Castle, then the Contract concerning Ashburnhams voyage, and addes, that he could say something not unwelcome to the King; But it was concluded by the King and Council, That it could not conduce with the honour of France (an hostile Army in the Isle of Rhe) to hear any thing from One of that party. Yet Betras himself, comes armed with complements, to whom Isnard sayes, some Overtures of Peace from Buckingham were proposed; pag. 135. and sought a dishonest way of departing and a fair end of the War with the French: But Ashburnham then, and often since denies any such offers. And however, is denied to passe into England, or to return with Sanserine into the Isle of Rhe; where Sanserine, provided with all necessaries for Toras had not free passage into the Castle, but was detained; And though Isnard is very angry at this detention; when in truth he deserved to suffer punishment, for breaking publique Faith, and not to be civilly entertained free at Buckinghams Table, and convenient lodging.

Toras purposed to send his Companies into the Meden-Castle, (hitherto free from siege by the neglect of the English) and proposes that by the way, which leads to the English Camp, Trenches might be made, with continued Bulwarks, whereby their Souldiers (though ten for one of Ours) might be defended; And then, himself to sally out, kill the English, and quit the Island: To this end, two hundred vessels were in readinesse to convoy Provision and Men to that Castle, not to suffer the English to commence an Age in that Island. Bravely design'd!

A wonder to me, we never had above an hundred Sail there, and they so many more; and ten times Ours in land men (or thereabouts) should never dare to bid Battel at Sea or Land, during all our stay in that Island! And yet the Isle of Rhe of so great concernment, to suffer so much danger! for it being once subdued easie enough to be Masters of Oleron Isles, and from both, to make Incursions at pleasure in France, and to lay an open passage for the Rochellers, and so to be kept in spight of France; and we Masters at Sea; Nay our own Merchants (at the beginning) undertook to hold it, for the profits of Wine and Salt: And certainly if Valine (by hope or fear, art or hap) had not with crooked compassing of places, got to the Tower, there had been an end of their Island, and the French might have cast their Caps at it, for ever after.

The King is come post from Court to the Camp, and their further designes over to the Castle, is attempted Thrice, in Ten dayes.

And now dies brave Sr. Iohn Burroughs, Sir Iohn Burroughs dies. the twentieth of September 1627. Who viewing his souldiers works, was shot through; but led to his Tent, where the Duke visits him, and asked, what reward of his Merits he would demand for any of his friends? He answered, he had a debt to pay to Nature, and to his Kings service, which he had done at once; but for desert, he knew none; it was his duty to die for his Countreys honour, which he hoped the Duke would prosecute as he had begun.

The third day following,The French fail of their designes. the last Repulse of their Navy, In the second watch of the Night, the French with sundry Ships makes to the Castle, which were fought with, and Monsene brother to Toras and many killed; and some of ours of very good rank; onely one of them got in.

The eighth day a fresh Fleet is set forth;Their Ships destroyed. and of them all, seven were taken, others burnt, and the rest flying, were many of the men slain. Toras in distresse, and many attempts failing, his bread not for four dayes furnishing, he considers of Surrender; for the last Ship of Relief served not for a breakfast; and to choke them they knew the English had supply, by the diligence of Sr. Henry Palmer.

In their strait four Gentlemen are sent to treat with the Duke, who returned with this resolution, not to talk without present Surrender of the Castle: A sharp dispute followed, in which, some on both sides fell. Toras under a Moneths sicknesse, promised to his Captains to Surrender,The French sends to Surrende • . unlesse supply came within 8. dayes, when he sends Moulande to Buckingham; That it was hoped his Grace according to his singular Humanity, would impose no other conditions to the besieged, than what stood with the honour of Armes, and at last submit to what conditions he pleased. Buckingham overcome with courtesie to be counted Victor, seeking how to outvie the humility of the French in this their Misery. And AnswersBuckinghams Answer. (as Isnard confesses) Hee doubted not but they were too couragious and of greater fidelity to their King, than to render their Castle; Yet, since it was so, that they yeelded to necessity they should have honourable termes as might well become them to accept, and against the Morrow to be ready and Published. But it being the Nones of October, Moulande falling sick; Soubrane and Another are sent to Buckingham for conditions, which he referred to their own purpose. A wonder to our Enemies as the French conclude. In which, though nothing could be more dangerous than delay; yet the Duke sought for delay, when he might have put a period to uncertain affairs. This occasion overslipt, turned the Tables; now Our Game, anon the French. But, that the time might not run at waste, Buckingham contracts it onely to three hours space to present their desires orderly disposed. Nor, could the Beacons fired upon all the Coast of the Continent, nor the Higher light in the Tower, nor yet the prosperous Winde which served their turns be discerned by us,

But, to gain yet a little time, Toras sends a Drum to tell Buckingham of four sorts of people in the Castle, Holy Order, Volunteers, Sword-men, and Islanders, and not having time to consult withall, he craved time till Morning; To which was Answered, No difference of Prisoners but what proceeded from his Clemencie. And therefore commands his Canon to batter, and his Granado's to be cast into the Castle; The besieged Relieved. But even now, in this desperate condition, twenty ships laden with supplies, Men and Meat, arrived that very night.

The manner of this service was thus;And the manner. Manpise (you may remember) with other Pilots heretofore, had sounded the shelves, and designed the station for the ships, that the whole Expedition might be his: He resolved to passe neer the shore, beyond our Watch; Then with Oars and full sail in the dark, to steer to the Castle and so appearing before us, he might be taken for one of the English, untill he should get into the Haven. And for the way, it was cleer enough by the Lights, on the one hand, from the Continent, and on the other from the top of the Castle. He was helped forwards by the Winter nights, long and dark: yet he spent twelve hours in his voyage, which might have been done in one. And that no Artifice may be wanting, he sent some dissembling Renegadoes to tell us, that he passed a contrary way, and to compound some truths with some lies, the better to deceive us:

This Fleet was of 35. sail, 150. Mariners, 300. Souldiers, 60. of chief Nobility, and many Noble Commanders: At four a clock at night, they set out which was Sun-setting, they stuck in the way all night and day following. The night come, and the word given Vive le Roy, pass or perish; about eight a clock they spread sayl; yet, here remained, till the second watch; Manpase leading the rest, and got by day light, into St. Martins Haven, onely one ship fell into our hands; yet some of our ships upon the Renegadoes report, kept watch with all silence; The Earl of Lindsey in his Ship-boat without Company, drawing somewhat nigh, made the first discovery of their fleet, and alone pursued them; but, their nimble ships far out-went him.

The light appearing, and Buckingham on the Watch, and at the first view, observing the Enemies nimble vessels; He entred into a Ship boat with Sir William Courtney, and shewes himself to them all; who suspecting the English fleet might be neer them, hastily got into the next Haven, easier for them to escape, then we to follow.

Now did the English abound in the want of all thing,The ill condition of the English. especially Health, and therefore sent a fire ship instantly towards the midst of the French Fleet, which fired it self to nothing, ere it came to them: But when day light was open, we paid their Fleet with our Great Guns, as their own letters intercepted, do specifie, to their miserable losses. They confess a score of their Ships spoiled, and we retreated.

The English angry at the heart: for though it were in the power of Buckingham to give, or receive conditions of Surrender, and so voted by the besieged themselves, and so promised to Buckingham. That very hour wherein Stancius and Soubrane, promised to return with the conditions signed, they insolently shewed us their Rundlets of Wine, Turkies, Capons, and other Viands, upon the head of their Pikes and Spears.

For an Enemy to alter Resolutions, as the fate and affairs of War admits, and sometimes to falter in their promises; but basely to forswear, and deny a Contract, and to boast thereof, is perfect perfidy!

But Buckingham, now too late repents his gentle clemency, not so fit in a Commander, as never seasonabler, then when an Enemy falls under his foot, and to hug a Viper in his own Bosome. And therefore, to recover himself, he hastily supports his Mine, with traverse Timber-beams, and reducing it into water banks, and filling it with barrels of powder, with fire match▪ under all; blew up it self with the earth: but being not enough, vanished in smoke, without any hurt at all.

That night is spent in Council,29 September. and concluded with all speed to raise the siege,9 October and be gone out of the Island: and preparing publick removes and Carriages,The English rise from the fiege. gave the enemy assurance of our neer departing. Which the Rochellers also foreseeing with Subiez, humbly beseeching, not to desert the siege; to which they were ready to contribute all assistance.

But they were told the consult of Council had concluded, and their general necessities enforced; yet, the Arrival of Dolbier from England at this instant, assured, that the Auxiliaries were at hand, being to disembogue when he came away.

The siege is renewed,The siege renewed upon hope of supply. fourteen of our lesser ships, and as many Rochellers, are to ancher before St. Martins Port, to guard it against Supplyes. To sink some ships laden with stones before the Haven: and now (too late) the Rochellers are forward in all aid, with an eye also (and evermore) to their own more special affairs. But a long time spent in expectation of supply, and none come from England, the Cannons were again shipped.

The scene, thus often altered, King Lewis comes to the Camp to add more courage, to his Army there, and Abbot Marsillane dispatch a new subsidiary Fleet; for indeed, though we were in shew, and too likely to depart, yet the fame of fresh supplyes from England publisht over all France, to be coming, under command of the Earl of Holland, gave the French good caution to secure their affairs in this Island.

And therefore this their fresh Fleet, consisted of 15. good Ships, and 19. smaller Boats, part to Saint Martins, and the rest to the Medow-Castle; and thus got in, increased the English trouble. Nay seven more, got to the Medow Fort by Bellamounts command. But Manpasius in his return from his last auspitious supply, with all his fellow-helpers, perished in the Sea.

Fresh Companies are sent to the Medow Castle, with all manner of provisions, and to lengthen the ditch and Trench without, to raise the Towers; and all forsooth, for the Kings Army of 6000 foot, and 300 horse▪ to be received with all speed; which shew that the French were afraid we meant not to steal away; for now again Buckingham continues the siege in hope of the certain, and neer approach of Holland, and again began to batter; and with all, wisely to provide for his departure, with certain Muniments and places of safe retire, all which was discovered to the Enemy.

In the mean time upon some mischievous mistake, one Refuge, was preposterously raised at the very mouth of a Narrow Caus-way, which denied all Entrance in the South Isle, by which, we would neither fight on our side, nor retire on the other. And when the besieged saw our Ensigns remove, and our great Guns drawn off, they with ingenious fear suspected some fresh stratagem or deceit. And the • fore Toras having a strong imagination of good strength at the Medow Castle, Toras his Plot. sends four Gallants, Samprelle, Lougalin, Ravinione and Villachartres an Islander, (as by a sudain Eruption) to break through our Camp▪ and so to make an escape to the Medow Castle. And at the instant, when some issued out on our part, counterfeiting an Eruption and sudain assault upon us; Another part pursued, as though they fought under ours, and not their colours, crying, Kill, Kill. At length to make their free escape, they shot (but sure enough above their heads) so long, till they got beyond the reach of our watch: for we first saw them upon the sand, neer the Sea, whither, wee indeed, did often retire to provoke the enemy to fight, and so mistrusting some of their party to be our own, and loth to indanger ours to hurt them, we suffered them all to escape but Lougalin, who by a fall from his Horse, fell into our hands: the rest got clear away.

The French King Lewis, The French designes. wondrous diligent in his Camp, and so set out by his own Authors; by over acting his part shews him ridiculous: Their ignorance in Arts Military, affording his Attributes of Industry, improper for a General to act himself. But to ballance, both Enemies see their different Forces: Their Fear and our Courage; what mighty designs they had to drive us a way, that were departing.

The King himself Orders all things;Their grea: Forces. four thousand elected out of all the Host, besides Volunteers of the first rank that in all French Warrs, catch at all occasions for honour and fame, to whom came all the besieged, whom Samprule Numbers 11100. and all the Islanders to gain them favour of their old Masters. We had not 3300 foot, scarce 60. horse, half starved with their Grooms, so that their foot exceeded Ours by two parts, and their Horse by five: I reckon not, by colours, or Captains; some not 20. Onot 12. in a Company, and those sickly. If in all these hardships, the French had but the heart to try Mastry in open field, we should never have denied there, some glimpse of glory.

This last fresh collected Army for expedition was mustred in the Haven of the Continent, the shortest cut over to the Island, and committed to the Duke Shawbergh with Marilane his Lieutenant General, who would needs be landed with 80 Ships at Oleron, less guarded by the English, on that side. Nay, a third Fleet is preparing under command of brave Bassompiere, and Haliere, with 800. of their Kings Life Guard, 150 of the Country thereabout, 30. of the Kings horse, and 3. great Brass pieces, land at the Medow Castle: and their Authors, Fr. Mercury pag. 114. and Isnard pag. 193. assure us there were one hundred thousand loaves of bread, and other proportionable provisions; so it seems they were in fear to be rid of the English.

Bold Buckingham begins the assault,Both sides encounter. selects 500. foot, and 40. horse, and holding it a high point of wisdome to be quick. Neer the approach, the French under the Meden fort, and newly landed; take the Alarm, The first Rank meet the Charge at a distance with some loss, which drew up the rest to battall, and coming close to the fight, the French were put to it to fly into the Castle, with such fear as Isnard, who saw it (he sayes) and never saw the like, The French fly. and as our English generally reported at their return home, for in the flight of the French a Reformed French man on our side pursues his Country man with kill, kill; Another of theirs, encourages his Runawaies to stand to it with Courage Messieurs, Se ne sont que de francois; as if the English were terrible: And in a word had totally routed them, had not their Guides directed them their waies, which the dark night, drove us into durty quagmires. Isnard saies fifty of ours fell. The Mercury saies but 38. how many of theirs, we may guess (in the dark) by their own number of their principal Commanders, Monsane, Persemore, Baville, Pensamonte, and others; and so with this Victory Buckingham retreats to his Camp, where finding our former Trenches possessed with the French, he sends Stanley to recover them, with a fierce fight neer the Bulwark of Antioch, and with main force, beat them out again, with loss on both sides.

As we were packing away.English retiring. A Party of our Horse, commanded by the Lord Mountjoy took a small Troop of theirs; this Person Isnard terms • meritus; Miles qui jam functus est suo munere; but it may be scandal. Him they endeavour to surprize, with six Horse in show, who were chased to the Meden Castle, when we discovered their Ambuscado of many more, but we retired.

The French came over from the Continent by Shoals, And fight. it was ingenious gallantry for us to stand our ground, yet we assailed them. Among many Approaches, this for one; We fell upon a Party in a dark night, not discernable each from other, and so mingled, that by mistake we fell into their Camp, a prey to the Enemy: and so invincible Necessities enforced us to depart (whether Conquerors or conquered from the Isle of Rhe) Soldiers and Seamen so infeebled that sickness was the Physician of our want, and want our sickness, and death the onely cure. So that Noble Buckingham had no other cause to stay, but only (that which might put any other to a flight) ashamed to go away. He denounces the Battail, and the very set time,And assault, St. Martins Castle. and that by an Herauld, resolving to assault St. Martin Castle; to enjoy their Victual in despair of slow supply from England; Upon intelligence that they were weak within, decayed by death, and their walls on the further s • de, not finished to their intended height. The French Prisoners (many Gentlemen) were commanded aboard; and from thence to bring some scaling Ladders, and other materials for use.

Toras hath this by intelligence, the night before, commands his shot to their stations in Coats of Male, and his Guns in order, and signified so much to the Medow-castle, who upon our three times discharge of our Cannon should march up to the English; which by their discovery would be about midnight. Our Ladders but 40. and too short in one place, we assayled in another, and in another also: At Toras Fort, which yet we set up two yards under, which we boldly assaulted, not so ambitious perhaps of victory, as of honourable death, climbing to the upmost round, there we stuck unmoveable, untill opprest by shot, which felled us to the ground, not with one or two shot, and other wounds, but till they all together became deadly, and then more dropt; and not, till Isnard confesses, That Toras himself considered our Gallantry in impossibilities; so much our valour wrought upon wonder.

Somewhat we did too,And Retreat. for by the force of but eight hundred we drove the besieged from their place of strength, fenced with a ditch and fort, and thence into their inner Compass, where they lay hid in the very foot of their Castle to their great loss, and hitherto only as impossible any more, our fury became abated. And so unwillingly (not therefore because unwilling) we withdraw: but not till brave Buckingham was assured of the Enemies sudden supply he commanded a Retreat by sound.

Early the next Morn, in a well composed figure, their Army with the new come French marches towards our Camp; At La Flotta they met a small Troop of our Horse, led by the Lord Mountjoy, who with leisurely order retreated, before the enemy, untill time brought assistance of our other Souldiers before the Tower, who suddainly marshalled into order, the enemy in our face, they make a Holt, and streight way they turn to the Medow-castle.

Buckingham, pursues this moving Army, as far as La Flotta, but only with five hundred, and recovering that Village; supposing our selves far enough, and freed from the French, we passed to our Camp; I say not how easie it had been for their numbers, and advantages to have done much more then they did, if they durst to have dared our Resolution; though we dropt one hundred fourty seven dead, saies Isnard; and of theirs he names many Gallants, and a score more, but our accompt reckons them far above ours, which it seems he consents unto, not killed, but by heat of fight fell down dead.

Buckingham will be gone, and what the Enemy could not do, he does, demolishes his works, fills his Ditches, levels his Trenches. And now again, as often before, the Rochellers beseech him not to depart untill he had gathered contribution from the villages of the Isle, or else they were undone; In compassion to them, he makes not his going away so speedy as convenient.

Canophie; Canophies Messages. (Commander in absence of Schombergh) to sound the depth of this mystery of staying thus long; Sends two or three Noble persons to Buckingham, for leave to convay their wounded away to the Continent; To which (Isnard sayes) That brave Buckingham made Answer,

Ere long,Buckinghams answer. both sick and sound should be sent them, for he resolved to take ship, before more forces came to the Island; unwilling to hazard himself or them, to fresh men, being already wearied with long siege, that they might not boast to force him thence. That the glory of the Castles safety was due to Toras, by whose invincible patience and gallantry, sustaining so many miseries, be acknowledged himself rather overcome than conquered.

Toras was told this (if Isnard devises not all of his own brain) for the other Authors (from whom he steals the most) speak not one syllable hereof; Onely Mercury pag. 188. gives us Buckinghams Letter to Canophie, That after three dayes he would give free pass to all, That the French could purchase small glory to fight with his few forces. The sickness and constancy of Toras (to whom all honour was due) persvvaded him to think of departure, notvvithstanding he vvould afford him another Paradox sin razon, nothing more acceptable, than to meet Toras vvith his svvord in his hand, to determine the quarrel in battail or combat.

The next night comes Schomburgh, and his Fleet, I say not hovv many ships, vvith hovv many men, and horse, their ovvn Authors are at difference, and we minded not the many, there being too many before; but in earnest, it was a very choice well ordered Army, that night disposed far enough from us. Marilane the next Morning meets Schomburgh, and thus united, they consult, being seasonably instructed by the Islanders for their advantage.

In the Mid narrow way,The French Army marshalled. between both Castles the French Army was thus marshalled. The front contained a part of the Kings guard, with a band of Navar, Champaine, and Piemont.

The second, consisted of some Champains, and those Forces commanded by Rambure and Bellimont.

Du Plesse and Melleres bands, concluded the third, some voluntiers armed with Halberts, appointed for the wings; The Horse divided into two companies guarded each side of the Army. Bussey Lamele with 25. horse, marched some two hundred paces before their whole Army: the whole horse 250▪ the foot 4000▪ compleat; the whole, we reckon not the Garrisons, Islanders, and others, exceeding ours double, and their horse five times.

Buckingham was not ignorant of these new forces,The English depart in this manner. and yet lay long a bed this morning, as Mr. Hackluite Captain of the Watch reported. But up he gets, timely enough to depart, about nine a clock the forenoon; his sick Soldiers packing away before, divides his forces into seven parts, neer a Windmill; challenges the French to battail; his Number 3000. foot, and 58. horse, and here he stands; but the enemy will not budge.

He views his Gallants, and amongst them Sir Charles Rich, and Sir Iohn Ratcliff Rich and Ratcliff gallant men. deadly sick, whom he desires to withdraw to the Ships. No, they came to fight, and leaning on their Pikes, challenge death it self. Buckingham marches on, and sees the Enemy follow at a fair and far distance, and turns his Guns backward upon them. And being come neer the village Coarda, he offers them a second challenge, confessed by their own Authors, mary thus excused, Marilane feigned a Holt, and therefore we stood still.

Toras (they say) having lost two of his brethren grew fierce, to force the fight, lest we should recede unhurt, that slew so many at our Coming; but Marilane was of another mind, rather to build us a Golden bridge to be gone: and therefore they moved after our Motion, we keeping ours, and they, their stands. Being marched out of the plain to the Village Coarda, Page 196. and there saies Mercury, A la entre de Coarda Les Enemies presentarant une autre fois la battail.

We went on, through the village, disposing some shot for safety behind the old Walls, Walks, Hedges, and Ditches. Schomburgh was come up to Marilane, and both of them followed us slowly, having past half our journey, three miles; and here again rallied, marching on to the Causway to Anserine not far off. And here, I know not with what wanton wile, again we made a fourth stand, thinking it might concern our honor, to provoke a fight; but they being faint and dull, the day past four a clock, and at the very entrance of the Cause-way; the very cause of our inevitable slaughter.

The Causway was in length 300. paces,The description of the caus • way. in breadth about four, on eithers side ditches, which mostly end at Salt pits. The strait way led on, to about 300 paces, which then the Wooden Bridge entercepted, from this Pass about eighty paces, the same cross way runs on; Hence on the left hand it bent with an Elbow, turning; and with another • also to the very bridge; whence lies an entrance into the Anserne Isle; which bridge was built upon Ferry -boats.

At the Floo • the water not fordable, the banks more dangerous, and neer the Bridge a monstrous mire not to be imagined, and no passage but at lowwater.

On the left hand, by reason of the mouth of the Causway, was a Village or Farm, called Damiere, and before that a Court-yard, big enough for a band of men; encompassed with a Ditch: On the right uneven ground, a Marsh with standing Motes, long waies and broad. And thus the causway.

Upon the greater Bridge,The unserviceable Fortresse. where both the Islands met, was raised that unfortunate and preposterous Fortress, but neither so high nor so strong as to defend us, or hinder them; when we had stayed now a whole day without fighting; a careless temerity hastened us to this causway, in a long, not loose, nor orderly march, which had we but abated till Twilight, we had not felt the danger.

And now comes our last but not alone Errour:English oversight. for though our Refuge was raised at the further end of the Bridge (which had been better at the entrance of the Causway for our Harbour) yet at present (by military order) that was to be attempted. Here therefore we should have staied with our colours, or withstood the Enemy by often incursions, until our safety had been raised behind us. (For so it is said Archduke Albert had baffled a French Army neer Ambianie) And the enemy knew full well, that two Companies of ours commanded by Connoway, Baste, and Spry, had past the bridge, and were come to the Anserne Island, And those commanded by Rich, Bret, and Morton, these all sick, were to pass the Causway, and with these four small Guns, to make good the bridge, and therefore they had onely to deal with two remaining, commanded by Courtney, Hawley, and Bingley.

Part of these two Companies about two hundred a piece, stood at the mouth of that Causway, which bore not above five a Brest. The other part, was placed at the side of the Causway, not far from Damier. Our horse, in the mean time (by reason of these companies) so dispersed, one Troop thereof consisted of not above 30. and the other but 38. to receive the enemies first charge; amongst those were some of the Reformed, as it were to inclose the Companies, and all this the enemy knew; and what companies could not come to assistance.

To Schomburgh comes Marilane, Both parts encounter. and requires the word, yet he intended not presently to fight us, but to afflict and take our last, as a noble Gallant confessed: for there, they appear to approach the Causway, not so by a strait, but by oblique course. The French now advance a pace,The English defeated. and are stoutly received by us; but overprest by multitude, they underwent diverse fortune. For one part of our Horse fell, amongst whom, was that gallant and unrevenged Cunningham. Another part yielded, amongst whom was the Lord Mountjoy, and he civilly used. Others by the Enemies numerous power, and their own weight in a steep place were forced to fly; and whiles thus hurryed, through the straits of the Causway, into Ditches and Salt pits we were thrown. The way thus opened, the French pursue, and made no small slaughter upon us; For with very long pikes they pierced some of us already in the dirt, whose face not long before they scarce durst behold. And those by our own horse (to whom onely they could give place) were thrust besides the top of the Causway, And killed. and so pierced by the enemies spears. Those Companies next the horse at Damiere with their colours flying, fought a while, but as the former (overpowred with the number) fell or fled. Amongst these the Reformed, by uneven, and turning paths, made their way to the fur • her bridge with much danger; For the Enemy spared none that they met with.

And in truth here was a very great Slaughter. Buckingham did much by direction and example. Nor did the diversity of their thoughts suite well, some endeavouring to fly, others forbad it, they rendred themselves by turns to the enemies pleasure; and endeavouring by heaps to pass the Bridge, one stopping another, and so forced the contrary way, until mutually knitting together, they were thrown into the Sea.

And (in truth) Rich and Bret, and many other Noble souls defending that bloody bridge, encombred and prest, perished in the waters, and as many as fell to the French; were surely destroyed.

Beyond the Bridge was ammunition,Some French slain. for which Crosby contended, but by a promiscous torrent of fliers and pursuers, forced away, having no leasure to distinguish Friends from Foes. But upon a turn of fortune, the French were forced beyond the Bridge. Marilane leading them; whom Sir Thomas Fryar, and Hacksvil with gallant Spirits, fall upon, and Crosby with the next stand, and rallied force assist, and so wrested the victory from the enemy. And herein not to be partial; consult with their own writers, they confess it; and name their gallants slain.

This nimble victory, makes us consult to pursue the French, but the paucity, and fewness of our men, night also come, caused us to forbear; and themselves say, Their return so disturbed, and altered the French affairs, that Marilane forsaken by his runnawayes could neither by fair means, nor force of Sword detain them.

It may be suspected, so few to put to flight the French, but remember heretofore the battails of Cressie, Poictiers, Agencourt; small handfuls of ours vanquished theirs; the French Naturally, (they must confess it;) spend all their fury at Assault, and without fear given, create fear to themselves: for they chill their internal strength, and run headlong into danger, the cause in themselves.

I must confess, the victory which we claim, was as I may say, but lamentable, which yet the Law of Arms allows us; No man perished of ours but who desired to dy, pent up to fight, not to fly, we fought for French against French, theirs, not our own, quarrel.

The number of ours lost,The number slain. are now in question; We say but 500. they reckon of us 1100. and how? By the old Breeches which we cast off, and the miserable beseeches bought of the Islanders to make a shew, and fill up their Accompt. And for their purchase of our number of Colours; (an oversight of us, not to send them away with our Guns) I told you before how we were weakned, not a dozen left to an ensign; and for the French who buried their own, accompt but two or three hundred; we cannot disprove them.

The night, as I said, came on, they are fled, we not able to pursue; We were to make good our design to depart the Isle of Rhe, not to be forced to be gone. Yet, still we stand expecting fresh Assaults from the French, which they might easily do; but did not, and returned.

We went on and Crosby had the Watch Guard that night, and order at the third Watch to burn the bridge, which he did without damage.

The next day Buckingham minding his departure, sends Fryar and Bret to demand the dead bodies, and Dolbier to treat about Exchange of Prisoners. Schomburgh consents to the first; but refers the second to his Kings pleasure; and so some tīme after, all were returned without ransome to either friends.

We make aboard,The English make aboard their ships. but here the question, the glory of the field, who of our own to stay last upon the shore? to avoid dispute, it was ordered by lot, and on ship too, we weighed not anchor, till eight daies, dared the enemie, with their numerous fresh Fleets to fight.

And so saies Schomburgh to the King, He intends himself to declare to his Majesty the English state and stay in the Anserne Island ere they departed.

Buckingham aboard, calls a Council, and demands their opinions freely,And consult▪ if enough had been done in honour to depart. All consented in one; and that truly, we had done well; But Buckingham offered his desire to land and force the Continent, and somewhat might be conceived in safety to the Rochellers, and their affairs, who were concluded under such a condition (no dou •• ) as rendred them in appearance,Rochellers false Friends. as yet Neuters, to our Design; or at least under pressure of submission, and so to secure themselves might betray us.

The 9. day we hoised sail, and met the Earl of Holland, neer our Western Coast, where at Plymouth, the whole Fleet came to ancher, and our Duke posted to Court to the King, who received him with extraordinary welcome;English hoise sail. after three Moneths stay in the Isle, and some weeks, and odd daies from the hour he went from England.

The ordinary Prisoners on both sides were upon former Treaty to be returned home.Hist. pa. 71. And therefore it is not well recited to say, [That Lewis gratiously dismist them as an offertory to his Sister the Q. of England, and refused the Lord Mountjoys round sum of his ransom for two couple of Dogs from England] When it was certain we had of of theirs here, that came prisoners to the Duke, and of greater quality, to be exchanged for him and others; and only the Common men returned free. Nor does any of all our Adversaries Authors, whom I have named; that spit their malice most, make the least mention hereof. Only this our own writer defames us.

At this time Pens and Tongues were set on work,Censure the expedition. to scandal and descant on this Expedition; I have answered these our Adversaries; Some of our own too do say [It was, propter Inscitiam & temeritatem Ducis] But Buckingham himself and others, that lived to suffer under obloquie,Hist. page 71. lodge the loss of the Design upon the Earl of Holland, not seconding the expedition, with recruit of Men and Victual, with those ten Ships committed to his command for strengthing and continuance of the Siege, and guarding the Passes to the Island, which might have prevented the Relief of the Besieged. And which Ships were ready, part at Plymouth, under oversight of the Lord Wilmot Vice Admiral;Observ. pa. 54. the other Squadron made up at Chatham were to take in provision there, and the Earl of Holland admiral of all. Tis true, he failed of his time to attend the Wind, which afterwards he lost so long, that the King was returned his Summer progress, ere Holland was got out of Portsmouth Roade; but was aboard, where he received the Kings angry Order. That the Vice Admiral the Lord Wilmot, hast post command at Plymouth, to be gone with his Squadron; and Holland might now stay his own leisure; which so astonisht him to be left behind, that instantly he quits his ship and all, but his Secretary, and one of his Chamber; and with the help of a small fisher Boat skews the Wind to the Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, in imminent danger of drowning by the way; and the next day by Post to Newport; from thence, he got into the weather and wind, and so gained of th • way, and landed again in the west, posting to Plymouth, timely enough to put to Sea.

And by the way he met with the Duke, returned from the Isle of Ree, for which, he hardly escaped resentment and jealousie (during life) that Holland could have been content with his feigned hopes to succeed him favourite.

Thus ended this Design,Hist. page 71. with loss of blood and honour [Which had it succeeded (saies one) to our desire would not have rewarded the charge] but he is much mistaken in this account; for besides the preserving Rochel, and the advantage to us of those Isles, Rhe and Oleron, and so footing in that part of Aquitain. Besides, the midway and conveniency of carrying on our Fleets and Forces towards Spain, upon all occasions of quarrel with that Monarch.

But the Duke returned, having an eye of Jealousie upon the Earl of Holland, for retarding his necessary Recruit, and so relief, which indeed for the present had slender apology. However the Duke posting to Court, and heartily received of the King, Professing that this neglect of Relief must lodge on his Friend and Confident Holland. To which he acknowledged, That indeed he had very affectionately intrusted him in ordinary affairs, but never in such an esteem, as to second him in Arms.

And accordingly it being now in the Dukes power to reward his wilfull negligence, Holland had orders to stay by the way and remain at Portsmouth, under the notion of ordering the Ships and Souldiers there, untill the Dukes further pleasure, which was so long in resolve, as lodged Holland under suspition to find the effects of utter ruin, prevented only by his humble Remonstrance, and submission to the Duke. But the Landmen, many strangers (Irish and Scots) were billeted by parcels in the County Villages, and to the great regret of their Hosts, that never felt any such burthen before, nor could this give any just cause of murmurre at all.

And to boot Sir William Balfore a Scot, Co • mander of Horse, in the Netherlands, and Dalbier, a Dutch Commissary, heretofore under Count Mansfield, joined in commission with bills of Exchange (thirty thousand pounds) to buy and transport horses from beyond Seas into England for the Kings service; which occasioned the more muttering in fear (forsooth, as the Turkish Ianizaries) and terrour to force obedience of the people, which report was fain to be palliated by Protestation, That as they might be useful for suddain and foraign service, so he willingly endeavoured at his own charge to ease their purses; and so the Design took end with these Jealou • ies.

In the time of the Expedition to the Isle of Rhe, the French had a gallant great Ship built at Texel in Holland, named the Sancta Esprit, and furnished with all materials necessary fo • War; Captain Trevere, a worthy Englishman in his return from Hamburgh, had Command to seize any Ships of the French upon the coast which lay there, in the mouth of that Haven, and this in the Harbour. The night, most proper for Trevers enterprize, he procured a Dutchman Hollander, for a round sum of money, to direct him in the dark to aboard this great Ship (which Toras, the Governour of the Isle of Rhe, caused to be built at his own charge.) upon the approach, the French man let fly his great guns, suspecting this Ship advancing so neer, but Trevers made up with courage under this others upper Tire, and shot the Frenchman through and through, boarded her bravely, and brought her away. And fitting her with his own Men, summoned the rest of his own consorts, and so fell upon the whole French Fleet, who in fear by the noise of the Cannon, and ignorant of any event, weighed anchor, and got away to Sea, in great confusion.

Spesse, the French Agent, complains to the States, of Trevers boldness to seize any Ship in their Chambers of Harbour, under their Protection. To which Trevers tells them, the Articles of Amity between his Royal Master, and them to pursue Enemy in eithers Harbour, which you have done (said he) by the Dunkirks out of English Ports. But whilst they disputed, Trevers hoists sail, and comes home with his Prize, and 20. whole brass Culverins, two brass semi-Culverins, two other great brass Guns; sixteen large Iron Guns, and two less. In the Hold for Ballast, was twelve great Guns, arms of 1100. Souldiers, eighty barrels of Powder. And though a general command kept all the French Ships in Harbour not to stir whilest the English were Masters at Sea; Yet Pennington the English Vice-Admiral took thirty four of theirs homeward bound, rich Merchant men; without loss of any of ours; and others were forced out of their Havens, under their very Castles and Forts, to the terrour of the French.

At this time Abbot Arch-bishop of Canterbury was sequestred from those services,Hist. page 71. Ob. page 55. which he could not at that present personally attend, otherwise proper, for his cognisance and jurisdiction, and which as Arch-bishop, he might and ought in his own person to perform and execute: and a Commission to five Bishops, London, Durham, Rochester, Oxford, Bath and Wells, or to any two of them, to execute Episcopall Jurisdiction within his Province.

Tis true, he had lain six years under censure for his mishap heretofore,Arch-Bishop Abbot sequestred. Mistaking the Dear, killed the Keeper, and though King Iames his Christian consideration of his Age and Reverend esteem then in our Church, remitted him to Sentence of some Bishops, who for these reasons, was favoured into connivance of not irregular, yet the most of the elect Bishops that followed, refused consecration from him, and other Reasons there were, for some time connived at; now, not so excusable; this Commission was awarded, for regulating the service of his Province. See Hist K. Iames fol.

In Michaelmas Term the Lady Purbeck, The Viscountesse Parbeck censured and escaped. daughter and heir to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband, and wife to the Viscount Purbeck brother to the Duke, passed her tryal for Adultery with Sir Robert Howard, and found guilty, to pay the Court 500. Marks and imprisonment, during the pleasure of the Court, and to do pennance at the Savoy Church, to which being pursued by the Officers, she was rescued by the Savoy Ambassadour her next neighbour, and so escaped; she had the favour for some hours, privately to dress her self in her Chamber, where beating down the wall into the Ambassadours lodging the next house, disguised into the habit of one of his Pages, she escaped into his Coach, whilest the Officers watched at her Chamber door.

But in truth, She was an heir, and a rich Marriage which the Duke ingrossed for his brother, whose light brain inclining to whimseys, increased with over much jealousie of his very handsome wife, whom her Stepmother getting into custody shamefully abused, and forced her to get freedome, and loving entertainment of Sir Robert Howard; which continued in despight of the Dukes power, to the day of her death, some years after.

This Winter quarter made much for the Emperours forces, now ravaging about Hamburgh, Stode taken by Tilly. having the Ice his friend without fording, to fall upon the Garrison of Stode, twenty miles from Hamborough on the other side of the Ebb, now governed by our Countrey man of Wales, Colonel Morgan, a stout old Souldier of Holland; and at this instant in great hazzard of their submitting, and was forced to surrender in May 1628. And the King of Denmark on whose safety all depended, now reduced in his own Territories even to despair; These exigents lodged upon the others score of confederates against the House of Austria, whose successful Armies led on by Tilly, and others; mastered where ere they came; and King Charles, the paymaster for the most part, must in likelyhood find the evil effects of losing the power of so kind a Kinsman.

Nor could King Charles do more; Rochel besieged by the French King. for since the Dukes return from the Isle of Rhe, the French King, resolves upon a formidable siege against Rochel; and to force it by famine, which he could never effect with the Sword; and to begin his main and mighty work, the Cardinal of Richlieu commands in chief, with an entire Circumvallation landward of Nine Miles in circuit, not distant from the Town, more than a Musquet shot: raising three strong Forts, and many Redoubts, with Intrenchments deep and wide, and for the Sea-Harbour, to prevent relief to the Town, he attempts a wondrous Design, not as Alexander at Tyre with many hands to choak the Current, but with Engins of Art, a Barracado and Travers cross the Channel, 1400. yards, leaving a convenient space for the Flood and Ebb of Tides.

The Rochellers see this, and in fear send over Count Subize, and others, Deputies to England, for fresh Supplyes to them; No doubt, The King was affected with their miseries, rather to protect them, than enable them, and so assured them his assistance, though in truth in much necessity for himself. And for all his former arrears of Loan, was put to it to borrow more: of the Common Council of London, one hundred and twenty thousand pound, upon Mortgage of his own lands, of one and twenty thousand pound per annum; and of the East India Company thirty thousand pound; Then upon Privy Seals, of some Hundreds of abler Men; and a Commission dated the beginning of February, for a Levy by Excise: and last of all, the hazzard of all, inforced him to call a Parliament; which he had little hope to find effectual for him, though he resolved to affect them with all Princely and imaginary complacencie; to meet the 17. March.

Here begins the buss • e,Parliament begins. Hist. p. 75. the Worthy Patriots (saies one) of the Peoples affection, were accounted the refractory; Men that refused the Loan, now under restraint, and they the prime men which the Freeholders cryed up for Representatives of their sufferings, which made them of eminent remark for noble Courage, and such men most true to be members, were likely to resent their own concernments first, being now made free, to quarrel their confinement.

This was indeed a Parliament, where most men of abilities were curious to come in; for now they were made up of curious brains, full of faction, with liberty and freedom to speak, and do what they list.Hist. p. 75. The consideration transported an Author to intitle them,Obs. p. 58. [Lords and Masters, and Petty Kings] but to miscount their abilities of estates beyond due proportion: for he supposes that these [Commons modestly estimated (being 500) to buy the House of Peers, the King excepted, (being 118) thrice over] and so, each Gentleman to be able to purchase his two Lords, and a half Lord one with the other. Which being but Hyperbole, the Observator seems over curious to quarrel it for a truth, which was not meant in earnest.

However then, the •• followed a change more strange; not long after a sort of upstarts, and yet appearing so mean and poor, that the Ballad offered the sale, a Parliament man for a penny, and many of them, worse than nothing. But then to censure the accountant for [excluding the Bishops] out of the reckoning, and to sentence the King as not well done to exclude them ever after▪ and to insist thereupon by the unhappy exigents that followed; which he might have spared to remark upon the Kings Act, unless he had prosecuted the story, and the affairs publick to those after times, and then to have offered his counsel, how the King could have avoided his after consent therein; which we shall refer to the subsequent time and place fitting, as also to answer his Observation of the Kings strange improvidence in a Message from York, Iune 17. where he reckons himself as one of the three Estates, a Member of the House of Peers, But of those in their due ••• ce hereafter.

We are told of a [Discovery of a Colledge of Iesuits at Clerkenwell]H. p. 78. but where abouts is this Fabrick? [In a Lobby behind a New Brick wall, which being demolished, they were unkennel'd.] How many trow you? truly [Ten] a Notable Story worthy Record.

The time appointed brings the Parliament together;The Parliament sits. March 17. and Sir Iohn Finch, the Queens Attorney chosen Speaker of the Commons house.

And thus the King Salutes them.

My Lords and Gentlemen.

THese times are for Action, for Action I say, not for Words; therefore I shall use but a few; and (as Kings are said to be exemplary to their Subjects, so) I wish you would imitate me in this, and use as few, falling upon speedie Consultation. No man is, I conceive, such a stranger to the common Necessitie, as to expostulate the cause of this Meeting, and not to think supply to be the end of it; and as this necessitie is the Product and Consequent of your Advice, so the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of this State, and just Defence of our Friends and Allies, being so considerably concerned, will be I hope, arguments enough to perswade Supply; for if it be, as most true it is, both my Duty and Yours, to preserve this Church and Commonwealth, this exigent time certainly requires it.

In this time of Common Danger, I have taken the most antient, speedy, and best way for Supply, by calling you together. If (which God forbid) in not contributing what may answer the quality of my occasions, you do not your duties, it shall suffice I have done mine, in the conscience whereof I shall rest content, and take some other course, for which God hath impowred me, to save that which the folly of particular men might hazzard to lose.

Take not this as a menace (for I scorn to threaten my inferiours) but as an admonition from him who is tied, both by nature and dutie, to provide for your preservations; and I hope, though I thus speak, your demeanours will be such, as shall oblige me in thankfulnesse to meet you oftner, then which nothing shall be more pleasing to me.

Remembering the distractions of our last meeting, you may suppose I have no confidence of good successe at this time, but be assured, I shall freely forget and forgive what is past, hoping you will follow that sacred advice lately inculcated, to maintain the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace.

The present Cause for supply of the Kings Necessities,1628. Subsides granted. was for the Religious defence of our Reformed friends now in present danger; And though the Parliament were convinced for their speedy Asistance, yet they looked a squint upon themselves, and but for shame had a minde first to do their own work, the Peoples Grievances, which were suggested to be many, or else were made so by themselves. But to put the King upon an aftergame was not reasonable: and so they gave him five Subsidies with unanimous consent Nemine contra dicente as Secretary Coke told him:Hist. p. 77. Whereupon (sayes One) the King wept for joy, and bad him assure them, he would deny them nothing of their just Liberties.

This the Observator notes, as the fourth Presage, taking it for granted that the King cried,Obs. p. 30. and which tendernesse of his, the Parliament ever after made use of to his great dammage. Presage four. Therein insisting, (it seems) by their continuall exacting upon the Kings Grace; the more he gave, the more they crave, demanding to his death▪ For indeed, He denied them nothing either what was their due, or what his favour could in reason afford them.

And forthwith they fall upon the peoples Liberties. No freeman to be imprisoned by King or Council without legall cause alleaged; As being an unreasonable thing, To send a Prisoner, and not withal to signifie his Crimes laid against him, Acts 25. 27. But this their Opinion indured large debate in the Upper House: wisely considering where the Prerogative should be suppressed in the King (their interests depending) would soon bring them low, and at last contemptible; And withal, having the Kings Counsel to defend his right, where the chief of them, his Attorney General (it is said) pleaded impertinent for his Majesty, but in what he doth not notifie, and so we suppose him here to be partial; for he confesseth that the Ducal or Royal party were so prevalent, as that the other popular party, or (as in truth they were stiled) the Lower House Lords of the Upper House, durst not venture upon the Orderly Vote, but moulded themselves into a Committee,Anno 1628. until the Lord Say (which is understood to be such a Lord) made his motion: That they who stood for the liberties (not fifty) might make their Protestation upon Record, and that the other opposit party (the greater number, but the weaker Head-piece) should with Subscription of their Names, enter their reasons upon Record; that Posterity might not be to seek, who they were that so ignobly betrayed the fre • dom of our Nation; and this being done, then to proceed to Vote. Indeed, the Court-party might be daunted at such a designe, which would have involved them in the danger, to be stoned to death by the ign • rant Multitude, who were wilde to have liberty in all things, and might be easily drawn to do to those Lords as they did after in my Lord Sraffords case, post them up, to be knockt on the head, for dissenting Lords.

Thus was Personal liberty setled, against all presidents of former Soveraignty, or future use and Custom; Themselves the first breakers of this their Ordinance, as we shall hereafter have too too sad occasion to mention: but certainly their meaning was evermore, to excuse themselves from positive laws, though of their own devising.

Then whilest it was warm, They crouded in all complaints, upon liberty of goods, unbilleting of Souldiers, and nulling of Martial law, in time of Peace; To which indeed, Magna Charta, and six other Statutes which explain it, affords them law; for which they now petitioned, and were answered (by the Lord Keeper) That the King consented those Evidences to be all in force, and he would govern them accordingly; His Royal word and promise being as binding to his conscience, as any laws they could make whatever, which he hoped would encourage them to proceed to the effecting of their necessary businesse.

This not so sufficient, begat a question very modest, Whether or no His Majesty should be trusted upon his word? for his Coronation Oath swears him to maintain the Laws of the Land, more of force then any Royal word could be: and should it be voted in the Negative, all foraign people would lodge that on them as dishonourable, not to trust their King; When up starts Sr Edward Coke, We • it (sayes he) to take his Majesties word, but in a Parliamentary way, sitting on his Throne, in his Robes, with Crown and Scepter in full Parliament (both Houses present) thus to be done with Ceremony makes his Royal word in Parliament, and not a word delivered in his Chamber, or sent to us by his Secretary, or Lord Keeper. And so he moved that More Majorum the House should draw a Petition (de Droict) of Right to his Majesty, which should be confirmed by both Houses, and assented to by the King, and that Word be as firm an Act as any.

And so they framed a Petition, presenting it to the Lords; and after the severall Statutes were verbatim recited, the substance of the Petition was this.

1. THey do pray your most excellent Majesty, that no man hereafter be compelled to make or yeeld any Gift, Loan, Benevolence, Tax or such like charge, without common consent by Act of Parliament; and that none be called to make answer, or to take such oath, or to give attendance, or be confin'd, or otherwise be molested, or disquieted concerning the same, or for refusal thereof.

2. And that no freeman be taken, and imprisoned, or be disseised of his free-hold or liberty, or his • ree customs, or be out-lawed or exiled, but by the lawfull judgement of his Peer, or by the law of the Land.

3. And that your Majesty would be pleased to remove the Souldiers and Mariners now Billitted in divers Counties, and that your people may not be so burthened in time to come.

4. That the late Commissions for proceeding by Martiall-Law may be revoked and annulled, and that hereafter no Commission of like nature may issue forth to any person or persons whatsoever to be executed, lest by colour of them any of your Majesties subjects be destroyed, and put to death contrary to law and the franchises of the land.

All which they most humbly pray of your most excellent Majesty, as their rights and liberties according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and that your Majesty would also vouchsafe to declare, that all awards, doings, or proceedings to the prejudice of your People, shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence and example.

And now indeed their Lordships Eyes were opened, and fearing the eminent mischief to the King, and in him to themselves, as having more interest in Prerogative (then the Commons) their first existence & present subsistence, and yet not altogether to leave the publique, without remedy they annexed to the Petition this addition of Salvo, We present this our humble Petition to your Majesty, not onely with care to preserve our own Liberties, but with regard to leave intire that Soverain Power wherewith your Majesty is trusted for the Protection, safety and happinesse of your People.

But the Commons refused this, and procured a Conference, and Mr. Noy is sent with reasons and resolutions of the Lower-House, which signified little: but at a second meeting managed by Sr. Henry Martin and Serjeant Gl • nvile, the Lords did comply, and so presented without that, saving. To which the King took a little leasure ere he returned them this for answer.

THe King willeth that right be done according to the laws and Customs of the Realm,The Kings first Answer. and that the Statutes be put in due execution, that his Subjects may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppressions contrary to their just Right and Liberties, to the preservation whereof he holds himself in conscience as well obliged as of his Prerogative.

Certainly the sense was as the very Essence; the matter being the Main, aud was excepted against, as too firm but not full enough, without their own formalities of the old Model, for which they agreed to Petition, but were surprized with this Item, from the King.

My Answer was made with so good deliberation,Second Answer. and approved by the judgement of so many wise men, that I wonder it hath not satisfied you to the full; but to avoid all ambiguities, and to clear my just meaning, I am willing to please you even in Words as well as Substance. Read your Petition, and receive an Answer I am sure will please you. Which was, Le droict soit faict comme i • est desire, This I am sure is full, yet no more than in my first; you may see now, how ready I shew my self to satisfie your demands, so that having done my part, if this Parliament have not a happy conclusion, the sin is yours, I am free.

Hereto the Houses shout with mighty acclamations of joy, testified also with the usuall consent of the publique; Bonefires, and Bells • inging over all the Cities, and the Upper-House finding this a fit time of reciprocal contexture, the King glad to see them satisfied, with little a • doe procured his Majesties Grace to extend even to those Lords in former disfavour, To Abbot Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, William Bishop of Lincoln, the Earl of Essex, Lincoln, Warwick, Bristow, and him (that was alwayes out) the Lord Say.

This did the King do,Obs. p. 31. Hist. p. • 7. Presage 5. the fifth Presage, [from the King vailing his Crown to the Parliament▪] which doth so astonish the Historian, that he breaks out into Ravishment, That this session that Gallant Standard of Common Liberties, the Petition of Right, was granted, That never did Arbitrary Power since Monarchy first founded so submittere fasces, so vail its▪ Scepter, Never did the Prerogative descend so much from Perch to Popular Lure, as by that Concession; a Concession able to give satisfaction even to supererogation, for what was amisse in all the Kings by-past Government.

But what did they do, having now thus sentenced all Illegalities, they fell to Execution of Commission of Loan and Excise and cancelled them in the Kings presence. And now thus secured, they yet ride on, ripping up all manner of Grievances and Grievers, in a large Remonstrance.

1. THe danger of Innovation and alteration in Religion. This occasioned by, 1. The great esteem and favours many professors of the Romish Religion receive at Court. 2. Their publique resort to Mas • e at Denmark house, contrary to his Majesties answer to the Parliaments Petition, at Oxford. 3. The Letters for stay of proceedings against them. Lastly, the daily growth of the Arminian faction favoured and protected by Nele Bishop of Winchester, and Laud Bishop of Bathe and Wells, whilest the Orthodox parts are silenced or discountenanced.

2. The danger of Innovation, and alteration in Government, occasioned by the Billetting of Souldiers, by the Commission for procuring one thousand German Horse and Riders, as for the defence of the Kingdom, by a standing Commission granted to the Duke to be General at land in times of peace.

3. Disasters of our Designes, as the expedition to the Isle of Rhe, and that lately to Rochel, wherein the English have purchased their dishonour with the waste of a million of treasure.

4. The want of Ammunition, occasioned by the late selling away of thirty six Last of Powder.

5. The decay of Trade by the losse of three hundred ships taken by the Dunkyrkers and Pirates within these three last years.

6. The not guarding the narrow Seas, whereby his Majesty hath almost lost the Regality.

Of all which evils and dangers the principall Cause is the Duke of Buckingham his excessive power, and abuse of that power. And therefore they humbly submit it to his Majesties wisdom, whether it can be safe for himself, or his Kingdom, that so great power both by Sea and Land as rests in him, should be trusted in the hands of any one Subject whatsoever.

This and the Bill of Subsidies went cheek by joll, and were presented to the King in the Banquetting house at White-Hall, which being read out with some regret in the Kings looks; He told them plainly, He expected not such a Romance to answer his gracious consent to their Petition of Right. But for their just Grievances, they would deserve his consideration: And so suddenly rose up, and stepping down short, from the degrees of steps raised under the Cloth of State; the Duke stayed him by the hand, which now, is supposed to be given him to kisse, in spight of the Parliament; or otherwise rather but his low Congie to his Majesties hand, which in Court-complement was too much. But in truth I saw that passe, and that other Lords near the King offering as much as the Duke did, which I well know, was then devised to lodge upon him, against whom their inbred dislike increased to all exceptions even of Circumstance or Shadow.

But how suddenly the Commons House incroach upon the Lords Liberties, excluding the words, the Lords spiritual and Temporal, in the very Grant of the Bill of Subsidies, which they resented with very high Indignation, though the Commons were known to be cunning enough to palliate the designe if discovered, with an excuse of bare mis-omission; yet the most of them stood it out, pretending (ever more in such cases) That heretofere some Acts had so passed, which they knew well enough how to avoid the proving. But if their good Lordships would return the Bill, their names should be inserted, as if they were not able to put themselves in, as the others were cunning to leave them out.

During these disputes, and the Kings necessities in purse, was the main cause of his consenting so much to raise the Parliaments and lessen his own Power.

One Doctor Manwaring observing the Clench meant to mend all by marring it with his two false Assertions,Dr. Manwaring questioned. The one to be preached before the King, That the Kings Royal Command imposing (without common consent of Parliament) Taxes and Loans doth so farre binde the conscience of the Subjects of this Kingdom, that they cannot refuse the payment without peril of damnation.

The other he preached at his Parish Church, That the Authority of Parliament is not necessary for the raising Aydes and Subsidies.

To these he was questioned by a Committee, and in reason justly sentenced.

1. Imprisonment during the pleasure of the Parliament.

2. Fined one thousand pounds to the King.

3. To make such submission as shall be set down in writing at the Lords Bar, and Bar of Commons.

4. To be suspended three years from the exercise of the Ministry.

5. Never to preach at Court hereafter.

6. Never to have Ecclesiastical dignity or Secular Office.

7. To move his Majesty for calling in of his Book, and to be burnt.

And truly, I remember the Kings answer to all, He that will preach other then he can prove, let him suffer: I give them no thanks to give me my due, and so as being a Parliament businesse he was left by the King and Church to their Sentence, But why this case must be marked out for a sixth Presage from the Kings vailing his Crown to the Parliament, Obs. p. 31. Presage 6. by suffering the House of Com • mons to set up, sayes he, a Committee for Religion, to question Manwaring and Sibthorp and others, for Doctrinal matters, more proper to be censured in the High-Commission▪ or Convocation to which Courts the cognizance do belong, and not unto a Consistory of Lay-Elders, which perhaps, wise men, but never the greatest Clerks. We may consent to his opinion in the Main for matters of Divinity and Orthodox points: But that the Preacher is Iure Divino, not to be censured but by themselves, smells of the Presbyter or Pap • st, both alike their Tenets, and so to ingrosse all into their General Assembly which was wont to be above Privy-Counsel, Parliament and King.

But the King bent his busie time to frame an Answer to their late Remonstrance, Iune 26. so tart, that the Commons resolved to double upon him against Tonnage and Poundage, which he would not indure, bnt prorogued the Parliament unto the twentieth of October, delivering his minde to them before his Assent to their Bills.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

IT may seem strange that I come so suddenly to end this Session, therefore before I give my assent to the Bils, I will tell you the cause, though I must avow I ow an account of my actions to none but God alone. It is known to every one that a while ago the House of Commons gave me a Remonstrance, how acceptable every man may judge, and for the merit of it I will not call that in question, for I am sure no wise man can justifie it.

Now since I am certainly informed that a second Remonstrance is preparing for me, to take away my profit of Tunnage and Poundage (one of the chief maintenances of the Crown) by alleadging that I have given away my right thereof, by my Answer to your Petition.

This is so prejudicial to me, as I am forced to end this Session some few hours before I meant it, being willing not to receive any more Remonstrances, to which I must give an harsh answer.

And since I see that even the House of Commons begins already to make false constructions of what I granted in your Petition, lest it be worse interpreted in the Country, I will now make a Declaration concerning the true intent thereof.

The Profession of both Houses, in the time of hammering this Petition, was no waies to trench upon my Prerogative, saying, They had neither intention, nor power to hurt it.

Therefore it must needs be conceived that I have granted no new, but onely confirm the ancient Libertie of my Subjects. Yet to shew the clearness of my intentions, that I neither repent nor mean to recede from any thing I promised you, I do here declare, That those things which have been done, whereby men had cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be trencht upon (which indeed was the true and first ground of the Petition) shall not hereafter be drawn into example for your prejudice; and in time to come (in the word of a King) you shall not have the like cause to complain.

But as for Tonnage and Poundage, it is a thing I cannot want, and was never intended by you to ask, never meant (I am sure) by me to grant.

To conclude, I command you all that are here, to take notice of what I have spoken at this time, to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in your Petition; But especially you my Lords the Judges, for to you onely under me belongs the interpretation of the Laws, for none of the Houses of Parliament joynt, or separate, (what new doctrine soever may be raised) have any power, either to make, or declare a Law without my consent.

This Session were enacted these Laws, and first of all,

For further Reformation of Divers abuses committed on the Lords day, commonly called Sunday.

2. To restrain the passing or sending any to be Popishly bred beyond Seas.

3. For the better suppressing unlicensed Ale-House Keepers.

4. For continuance and Repeal of divers Statutes.

5. For the establishing of the Estates of the Tenants of Brumfield and Yale, in the County of Denbigh, and of the Tenures, Rents and services thereupon reserved, according to a late composition made for the same with the King then Prince of Wales.

6 For the confirmation of the Subsidies granted by the Clergy.

7. For the grant of five intire Subsidies, granted by the Temporality.

There was a Design in the King to lay it up under deck, amongst other Crimes fit for Star-chamber Censure; that when the State should have been at leasure, their Charter might have paid for all, and I know the Attorney Generall had Order in these.

In Iuly dies Doctor Preston; an excellent Preacher, Dr. Preston dies, and his Charecter▪ of whom something hath been said in the Historie of the Church, which concludes his Character, A subtile Disputant and great Polititian, having large parts, of sufficient Receipt to mannage the broad Seal, which, if the Condition had pleased, was proffered unto him; and might have been the Dukes right hand (Or rather lesse then his little finger) who despairing of being Patriarch of the Presbyterian party, used the Duke no longer: Excellent parts (no doubt) he had; His pieces are in Print; His Posthumus, And his Pupil left nothing unsaid of his life, to give him merit, and eternall memory.

Somewhat must be said as to his Politiques: He was esteemed indeed a proper Patron for the Puritan Presbyter, which now got head to prick up: And all the Plot was to bring him in, forsooth, to make the Duke in that Ministery, which they durst intrust to his Management: And first, to appear aloof (the manner of Court observers) his addresse must be to the Dukes Confident, rhe Earl of Holland, made easie to him by favour of that family: But yet a Remembrancer was thought upon to move by the by, a dependant of that Lords, who in truth dealt Ingeniously; Intimating to the Duke, Doctor Prestons power and interest with the Presbyters in that time, more necessary to be sought unto, then to be put by; To which the Duke answered with an Oath, The King knows him too well, and hath no good opinion of him. If so (replied the Other) and already known, the advantage the better, to make alike use of him; so they did. In which truly the Dukes head was not too easie for the Doctors; for in shew he was carressed to undo him, which wrought the effects; suspected of his own followers, lest he should be, not onely besprinkled, but drencht in Court Holy-water. And in very earnest, somewhat tainted he was, and tempted with ambitious hopes, and (if I may speak it) himself was brought to accept it. But it was very necessary for him, to undeceive his Disciples, and there to intrust One, in whom Obedience and Blindnesse met together; A being made to do as he was bidden. To him the Doctor writes a Letter under hand to be communicated onely unto special friends, wherein to blazon himself, he relates what he thought fitting to be believed, more to his own glory, and disparagement of the weaknesse of Court wits (as he stiled them) then many vain men might be thought to imagine. That, not enough, he vents therein his own policy, working upon the witlesse Statists at Court, bestowing on each of them by Name such characters as he conceived would caresse his Pupils; with a Stanza or two, short and Satyrical. This Letter sealed was found in Smithfield broken open, and carried to the Duke; But by a noble friend of his, handsomly descried to him, How witty he was in Rhimes; and bidden to look about him: Of which when he had but a hint, He clapt his hand on his heart, and confessed he was undone.

But his party, to procure their Patrons peace of minde, and to silence such a Witnesse, they dealt subtilly indeed; down-right Bribes, to the Dukes Barber, to finger the Letter out of the Dukes pocket, and so being brought to the Doctor, to bury the obloquie▪ before his death, not much time after. This I say, to shew how partially Mens pens put down private Actions which they guesse at: Other such I could unravel. And for this with the Testimony to boot of a Person, then his disciple, and since, of that eminency in honour and justice as we shall fail to finde out his example.

Sithence the return home of the second unfortunate Fleet, The third Fleet to Rochel. designed to relieve Rochel, this whole vacation took up the time, with those ships and others appointed for a fresh Expedition thither; The most accomplished Armado that was set out by England. And the Duke designed himself to be the General Commander, once more to give adventure for the fatal effects, or final end to their languishing misery. And because the Earl of Marlborough had been a dull and unactive Treasurer for raising money to the Exchequer; he was removed to be President of the Privy Counsel. And Sr Richard Weston, lately created Baron, supposed more solid for the weight of that Staffe! And in truth the King was put upon it to seek for such men, whose abilities might recover him from the hazzard and defection he was fallen into, both in his Purse and power; He for the one, and Sr. Thomas Wentworth of the North was made a Lord ready for the next Session to sit with the Peers. He had been too heavy against Prerogative, and this was a way to bring them in for the King.

The Fleet now in readinesse; the King draws down his Guests of Progresse towards Portsmouth where the Ships were, and from thence to dis-embogue. The Town so full of Gallants, and so pestered with lodgings that the King kept aloof, and made his Court four miles distant. The Duke very diligent to hasten his designe, treating daily with the Commissioners of Rochel and Soubize, in Portsmouth, with his Duchesse and Family, when He took his last leave of this life.

And because the Historian is much mistaken in relation of the Dukes Murder, I shall ingeniously and truly (not upon surmize or Hear-say) resolve all the particular.

That fatall morning the three and twentieth of August the Duke having fitted himself to wait upon the King,The Duke murdered by Iohn Felton. he hastily called for Breakfast. His servants attending the sewer to bring in the meat; the Duke came down stairs from his upper Chamber to eat in a lower Parlour, turning in at the foot of the Stairs in a narrow Entry. And Sir Thomas Friar one of his Colonels following him to the Parlour door, stooping to take his leave, the Duke declining imbraced Friar with these words, Honest Tom. and so turning into the Room, one Iohn Felton at that instant, shadowed behinde them, stabbed him to the heart with a back-blow of a Coutel-knife, which stuck in his body till the Duke dragg'd it out, and so enlarged the orifice, that streamed with the effusion of so much bloud and spirit, that instantly he died, not able (it seems) to utter a syllable; and certainly no soul there present, for he fell backward into the Parlour, and the Assassinate fled: nor could any creature discern the Murderer, but by several suspitions of those that were left last above with the Duke: and therefore some cried out upon Soubiez, the Frenchmen, Friar, whilest Felton having no power to fly far, uncertain what to do, stepped aside into the Kitchin, near at hand; hither the uproar and search followed, some cried out, Where's the Villain? Felton mistaking the words for Here's the Villain, suddenly started, and said, I am he, whom they seized, and with much ado to preserve alive from the fury of the Servants, Mr. Stamford the Dukes follower tilting at him with a Rapier, which others put by, that missed but little of his intent, to repay him to the full.

This being the truth, we can scarce give credit, that any one, much less that the Earl of Cleveland and some others,Hist. p. 60. who were in the hearing of the thing, reported, [that the most religious Murderer in the very act of striking, said, Lord have mercy on thy soul, a Speech which the Duke had scarce ability to say himself, but was onely heard to say, (some report with an Oath) The Villain hath kill'd me.]

We must observe the Authours easiness to believe Reports so improbable, that the Earl and others (Witnes enow) should be so near to hear the thing, and the several sayings, and yet could not meet with the man till he discovered himself.

How very Christian-like he stiles • he Malefactour, The most religious Murderer, and grounds his faith (no doubt) upon his charitable Requiem for the Duke's Soul, which he had scarce ability to say for himself: and yet with the same certainty he assures us, that the Duke was heard to say much more, and that with an Oath, The Villain hath kill'd me. This Oath was either an Asseveration which needed not, or a Curse, more wretched, and both alike unlikely to be true.

Strange Reports are seldome of certainty, which wise men justly forbear without good proof. To say upon hear-say that A. B. hath hang'd himself, is an abominable untruth, if he be living. Yet in such case, the party belied, hath time and means hereafter personally to recover his good fame by disproving the Report. But to create and chronicle a fatal Scandal upon the very Soul of a noble person dying; and that irreccoverably beyond the reach of repair, is no doubt most unbeseeming an Historian, or a good Christian.

And for his two especial, almost [singularly observable things] are thus mistaken, that [the Gorps was (he says) totally abandoned by each living man] Indeed he dead, the inquisition for Murder made every good man a party in the search, as in such distraction is always needfull; and besides, the Duke's Dutchess and other Ladies in the upper Chamber, hastened all mens affections and charity thitherward, to preserve them and others in desperate agony. And for the other, ill news hath wings, carried to Court by Captain Charls Price, who found the King in the Presence chamber at his publick daily Prayers, and the Company about him on their knees, over whose heads he unhandsomly bestrid, to make his way to the King, rounding his ear, The Duke is murdered; which being thus passionately acted, and so observed, the Chaplain he made a stop till the King bid him go on, as not to interrupt his Devotions with any outward accident. [But others (he says) thought, he might dislike the mode of the Dukes dispatch, yet was well pleased with the thing, as if Providence had rid him of the subject, whom he could not prefer with safe • y, nor desert with honour] an unhandsome character of the Kings conscience.

Many Messengers posted to Court with this ill News, more hasty than able to satisfie the particulars therein; and as passionately the Courtiers posted to Portsmouth: There was one had command to inquire of the Fact, to see the man, and to search out somewhat to satisfie the King, and with his Warrant to the Governour, was put in to the Prisoner, a little, timber, meagre, gastly, frightfull face Fellow, already clapt into a small Centry house upon the Guard, horribly laden with manacled Irons, neither to sit, nor to ly down, but to be crippled against the Wall, with him thus in private, and to sweeten his devilish conditions, the party pretended, that in affection to some of his Friends he came of this visit, to administer comfort with his Prayers, the best effects of Charity to him. But he answers, that he was not so ignorant to believe, that a man in his condition should be admitted such comforts; but • rather receive you an Examiner, (said he) impowred to make inquisition of me and this Action of mine.

And after some dis • o • rse, Felton's confession. Sir, (said he) I shall be brief, I killed him for the •• use of God and my Countrey. Nay, (said the other) there may be hope of his life, the Surgeons say so. It is impossible▪ (he replied) I had the force of forty men, assisted by him that guided my hand. And being interrogated to several Questions, he made these Answers. That he was named John Felton, heretofore 〈◊〉 to a Foot Company •• der Sir James Ramsey: that he had end •• voured for a Commission to be Captain in this Expedition, and faild t •• ein, but without any regret upon the Duke, (from whom he had found respect) nor for any private interest whatsoever; that the late Remonstrance of Parliament published the Duke so odious, that he appeared to him deserving death, which no Iustice durst execute. That it was not many days since he resolved to kill him, but finding the Duke so closely attended, that it should be his business to pass a Voluntier, and do it in this Voyage. Somewhat he said of a Sermon at St. Faiths Church under Pauls, where the Preacher spake in justification of every man in a good cause to be Iudg and Executioner of sin, which he interpreted to be him. That passing out at the Postern-gate upon Tower-hill he espied that fatal Knife in a Cutlers Glass-ca • e, which he bought for sixteen pence. It was the point-end of a tuff Blade, stuck into a cross Haft, the whole length Handle and all, not twelve Inches, fastened to his right Pocket, and from that time he resolved therewith to stab him. That some days after he followed the Train to Portsmouth, and coming by a Cross erected in the High-way▪ he sharpened the point thereof upon the stone, believing it more proper in justice to advantage his design, than for the idolatrous intent it was first erected. That he found continual trouble and disquiet in minde untill he should perform this Fact, and came to Town but that Morning. That no Soul living was •• cessary with him by any ways or means of the Dukes Execution. That he was assured, his Fact was justified, and he the Redeemer of the Peoples sufferings, under the power of the Dukes • surpations, &c. And his Paper tackt in the Crown of his Hat seemed to satisfie his Conscience that he was thereof well pleased.

A little assurance may serve the turn to satisfie any charitable person,Hist. p. 90. that the Duke [might premeditate of death, besides the leaving of his Will behinde him] a greater wonder for a person of his high quality to hazzard himself in a publick Expedition of Sea and Land, without setling his Estate for his Wife and Children. And therefore he bequeaths her the fourth part of his Lands. His Debts sixty thousand pounds. His Iewels indeed were of good value, but under • rated at three hundred thousand pounds, yet this is mentioned by one, that thought it [too mu • h gain] though the Favourite of two Kings; Hist. p. 91. when we are assured Duke Cardinal Richel • eu's Estate was left certainly sixty Millions of Francks, accounted in English six Millions of Pounds Sterling.

His Bowels were interred in Portsmouth by his dear and onely Sister▪ the Countess of Denbigh, The Dukes Funeral and Tomb. and a handsome Memorial of him erected there. His body brought to York-house, where his effigies lay sometime in an illustrious manner upon a Hearse, and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edward's Chapel, without any such stir, as the Historian would infer concerning his Funeral, for his Executours paid for all, and it cost not the King a Penny, and a stately Monument erected over his Grave for his lasting memory.

And Felton found guilty at the Kings B •• ch Bar was hanged at Tiburn, against which time he was taught so much charity to his own soul, as with remor •• to acknowledg his Fact damnable, without Gods great mercy; laying the guilt directly upon the Parliaments Remonstrance, Felton hanged in chains. the immediate motive to his devilish Design.

His Body was sent to Portsmouth, Hist. p. 94. where without the Town upon the High-way it was gibbeted in Chains for some years, which I often saw, [not sto •• en away, as one relates] but after the Carkase was consumed, or piece-meal rotted and fallen down, the Gibbet by request of a Friend to the Dukes Family, was taken away, being but a Sign-post to the memory of that Murder, and to be cause of discourse concerning the Dukes fame, of which a wise man thus exprest.

Nunc quia pauca domi non sunt bene gesta,Verses on the Duke. forisque Pa • cula, successus 〈…〉 suos: Creditur esse dolus, fuerat quae culpa, putatur Esse scelus, lapsus qu • juvenilis erat▪. Rumpatur livor (dicam quod sentio) certe Imprudens, potius quam sceler at us, erat.

We are told [of ominous observations in reference to the Duke] and what may we suppose them to be?Hist. p. 88. [that on the same day when Dr. Lamb was slain, the Dukes Picture fell down in the High-commission-chamber at Lambeth; but that which is most memorable (he saith) was the Lady Davis foretelling, [that his time was not to come till August] Her Predictions were sundry, concerning this Parliament, and other her mad-brains Prophecies, never seriously observed by any so remarkable as our Authour.

Prophecy is not all of one and the same value, Of P • ophecy. either for the authour or manner. Some were Relaters onely, by the writings or conversation of Prophets. Many stole their Predictions from Prophets; and the Pagans and Infidels might take those passages, not understood by themselves, and so by them also ambiguously transmitted.

The Sybills Prophecies were most famous among the ancient Pagans and Christians, speaking plainly of the Resurrection, Iudgment of the World, Life everlasting, Glory, and reward of Righteousness, concerning Christian Faith and Religion.

Sibulae, signifying Women of councel with God; Sios quasi Theos Bule is Councel. All women Prophets generally are called Sibyls, but for their Number, (of whom we mean) they were but Ten.

The one of them Cumaena offered her nine Books in three Tomes to sell to Tarquinius Priscus, who refusing the price, she burnt the first Tome, yet asked the same value for the other Two; burnt the second also, and had her first demand for the third Tome; and so she vanished. They were laid up in a Chest of Stone in the Capitol with wondrous care, but were burnt in the flame of the Capitol, Anno 671.

Another, Cumaea, she lived in the Wars of Troy, for Aeneas had access to her at Cuma in Italy, and her Cave or Cell remained untill Anno Christi 1539. when by the general Earthquake her Cell was swallowed 〈◊〉 prophecied of our Saviour Jesus, born a King of the royal House of David, to reign as a King upon the House of Jacob for ever.

The Books of Sibylls were transcribed from hand to hand, and used as Reasons of State by the Romans, and were read, used, and commended by the learned Fathers of the Church. And God himself in goodness had a special regard therein, to procure credit unto those Predictions, which in after-ages the Christians vouched against the Pagans, as being no new Doctrine to them; and God renewed their esteem, when the Saviour was born, for Tiberius Caesar (tempore Christi) caused a second review of their Books, to distinguish them from others corrupt. The ancient Fathers used them against Infidels, which the Romans received but as reasons of State.

They were not all Virgins, nor could their Prophecying be Praemium Virginitatis; why not indifferent Virginibus? But because the other were holy and righteous. Those righteous and just men of old, Iob, &c. could not possibly have been made so righteous, so just, by being cleansed from their sins, without faith resolved in and upon the Incarnation, Death, and Resurrection of Christ, through the grace of God made manifest unto them. Why not? as these righteous ones, remembred in Scripture, or of such not spoken of there, but yet assuredly were, and lived before or after the Floud, untill the giving of the Law by Moses; not onely such as lived in Israel, (the Prophets) but such as were without the Pale of Israel, (holy Iob?) And so, why not of some Gentiles, as Trismegistus, Histaspes, O • pheus? Etenim ipsorum corda eadem mundabantur fide Mediatoris, & diffundebatur charitas in iis per Spiritum Sanctum; as saith Austin. Ask not how: God is various and admirable in his ways, and wondrous in his works, not Merita sequitur, sed facit merita.

That God spake by the Sibylls, (though wicked) and not the Devil, Potest prophetia haberi sine charitate, & gratia gratum faciente.

The Devils tremble, Balaam was wicked, yet he prophecied, •• ot by the Devil, (with whom otherwise he wrought) but by God; for the Devil loquitur e propriis, even then when he speaks not propria, and so speaks Lies intermingled with Truths, either in the matter, manner, or end; he can foretell, inspire, suggest, (unto his own) things to come, which in respect of us (not of him, nor themselves) be predictious. He can inform and advise concerning us, but the things of God, secrets of his counsel, he cannot see. God may and doth sometimes reveal, such things to him and his, as he doth to blessed spirits and good men, but in a different sort; God takes possession of his Prophets soul, speaking to them intelligibly. Spiritus Domini qui in me, & Verbum quod loquitur per • s 〈◊〉 .

The others are driven to what they say, and so understand not what they speak; truths against their wills, and to give evidence to that they would not do▪ Balaam did so, and yet it was no act of Satan. And though the Sibylls were as bad, yet, why the act of Satan, that they foretold of Christ? The Devil was not so ill affected to his own State, as to foretell the ruine of it; nor could teach men honesty, which he knew not himself. He might know, that Christ was to come to be born of Judah of the House of David, but to be born of the Virgin Mary, Daughter of Anna, Wife to Ioseph, and his Name to be Iesus, &c. untill he saw the event, he could not. Those and many such are in Sibylls, which makes some conclude them counterfeits, postnatis, forged by Christians.

In a word, Arreptiti and Enthusiasts amongst Pagans, those possessed of unclean spirits, are distracted, enraged, carried, haled, distorted in body and minde. The true Prophets spake words of knowledg and understanding, used gestures of modesty, sobriety, and gravity. It is against reason, that by the Spirit of understanding a man should be divested of his former understanding; that light should make a man blinde. But certainly such were not those Dames, the Lady Davies and Mistris Carew, their words and writings always vain, full of whimsies, uncertain, full of mysterious expressions, they knew not what, and so assuredly were from and by the Devil, knowing by several designs of wicked men, what the Event was likely to be, but not certainly what to be. But to our History.

The Duke being dead,The last Fleet to Rochol. the Kings personal presence hastened all the Necessaries fitting for the Fleet, and the great Expectation on whom that Honour would be conferred, all men in amaze, the Earl of Lindsey was assigned for the Command. Certainly h • was a person of no likely presence, but of some experience, by his last Expedition thither, and hereafter to the last of his life made good his faith with gallantry and courage. So that on the eighth of September he set forth from Portsmouth, and came to the Bar of the Haven with reasonable speed of winde and weather, where he findes that the Duke Cardinal Richelie • had finished his monstrous Work with Boom and Barracado, exceeding all the mighty Designs that ever were effected, by narrative of any History: yet none of these, nor all the Enemies Land-works, Forts, or Strengths, could deter this brave Man from dangerous Attempts; having passed the Out-forts and Bulwarks, even to the Mouth of the Bar, untill a cross Winde returned them foul of each other.

And so it appeared impossible, the Town viewing the sad effects, without more disp • te, called in their King, with the greatest submission that Revolters could express, Rochel surrendred. and had mercy accordingly to the remain which Famine had left, for otherways they lost none by the Sword; the King entring with all mercifull mildness the eighteenth of October, and found but four thousand, the remain of twenty two thousand Souls.

The prodigious Works and Fortifications were instantly slighted, and for the ignominy of the Inhabitants, the very name Rochel was sacrificed to oblivion, and a new Title given to that City, Borgo Maria, in honour of Queen Mother, the Cardinals dear Patroness.

Thus ended that quarrel between King Lewis and his rebellious Rochellers, for whose cause King Iames somewhat (but King Charls much more) endeavoured their relief; first by Treaties, and after by Forces: the Grounds and Reasons I have endeavoured to assure from observation of the particular causes since their first difference, and which reasonably the Duke of Buckingham's Manifesto seems to satisfie: somewhat may be said to the Design in policy, but for that score of Religion it is truly noted▪ That not onely that very Sect, Hist. p. 94. but of that very Church, for whose Protection King Charls was so solicitous, and whose supportation he now so ardently endeavoured, became afterwards none of the meanest sticklers and fomenters of his own and his Churches troubles. A document to Kings to be wary whom they aid. And so the Fleet returned safe home again.

The Parliament met the twentieth of Ianuary, Parliament sit. and convenient for complaints against the Customers, for destraining the Merchants Goods for Tonnage and Poundage, which the King meant to defend, and therefore summoned them to his Banquetting-house at Whitehall, and told them, That the difference might soon be decided, if his words and actions were considered, for though he took • ot those duties as belonging to his Prerogative, nor had he declared to challenge them his right, but onely desired them by gift of his People; why had they not passed the Bill according to their promise to clear his former and future actions in this time of his great necessity? which he now required them to make good, and so give end to all Questions without delay.

But the religious Commons must reform God's cause before the King's, nor would they be prescribed their Consultations, but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure. And so they did appoint, Committees, one for Religion, and the other for Civil affairs, to represent the abuses in both.

The first Committee for the Commons of England to regulate Religion, which (one says) the Courtiers called the Inquisition, Hist. p 66. Committee of Religion. and well they might for such it was. The Points were general Arminianism and Popery.

The Informations were many; concerning the first, grounded upon the ancient nine Articles, resolved at Lambeth 1595. by the reverend Bishops and Deans, on purpose to declare their sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars,Nine Articles at Lambeth and the occasion of them. Hist. p. 96. Obs. 71. and unto which the Archbishop of York and his Province did conform.

They did so indeed, deliver their sense, as Opinions, not publick Doctrines, as is truly observed; and King Iames recommended them over to the Synod of Dort, and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctours, and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland, to be inserted into the Articles of Religion, 1615. And so they were. But how?

The Observation tells us, That our first Reformers were not regulated by Lutheran or Calvinian Doctrines,Obs. 72. but by the constant current of Antiquity: and the way of Melancton most consonant thereto, was approved by Bishop Hooper on the Decalogue, and by Bishop Latimer in his Sermons, but also by the Compiler of the Book of Articles, and the Book of Homilies, which are the publick Monuments of this Church in Points of Doctrine. But the Calvinian entring the way, there aro • e a difference in particular judgments of these Debates, the matter controverted pro & con by some confessors in Prison, in the time of Queen Mary▪ she dead, and our exiled Divines returning from Geneva, Basil, and Frankford, (where Calvin's Dictates became Oracles) brought with them his Opinions of Predestination, Grace, and Perseverance, which they scattered over all the Church, by whose authority and double diligence of the Presbyterian party, to advance their holy Discipline, it became universally received as the onely true, Orthodox Doctrine, and so maintained in the Schools of Cambridg: in so much that when Peter Baro a French-man, Professor for the Lady Margaret there, reviving the Melancton way in his publick Lectures, and drawing others to the same perswasion; He was complained of by Doctor Whitakers, Doctor Willet, Master Chaterton, Master Perkins, and such like, unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury Doctor Whitgift, to suppress that Faction, who assembling at Lambeth, Doctor Richard Fletcher Bishop of London, and Doctor Richard Vaughan elect of Bangor, with advice of Doctor Whitakers, Doctor Tindal, and others, (all parties to the Sute) agree on the nine Articles to be sent to Cambridg, for composing their present Controversie, the six and tweneth of November, 1595.

Doctor Baro thus discouraged, at the end of his first three years, quits his Reading, and retires home to Fran • e, leaving the University in much disorder, for lack of such his abilities. Amongst his followers, was one Master Barret, who in his Sermon at St. Maries, not onely defended Baro, but offended the opinions of Calvin, Beza▪ and such others of the Reformatours, of which he was convented before the Heads, (Doctor Iames Mountague Master of Sidney College, a worthy Divine, but then of their own opinion) and by them May 5. next following he was prescribed his Recant • tion, and did so; yet the contentions were disputed higher, the nine Articles of Lambeth came down, hastened upon this occasion, otherwise perhaps they had not come at all.

But though these Articles were thus (and no otherwise) made and agreed, and made known to Queen Elizabeth, by William Lord Burleigh Lord Treasurer of England, and Chancellour of the University, who mis-liked the Tenets and Proceedings: she much offended with such Innovations in the publick Doctrine of the Church, resolved to attaint them all of Premunire, but upon received esteem of that Prelate Arch-bishop, (whom she called her Black Husband) and favou • ably admitting his Excuse, she commanded him to recall and suppress those Articles, which for a long time not a Copy thereof was to be found, though after by degrees they peeped out, and again in the Conference at Hampton-court, 1603. Doctor Reynold's Record, That the nine Assertions orthodoxal (as he stiles them) concluded upon at Lambeth, might be inserted in the Book of Articles of the Church of England. The King unacquainted with such novel Doctrine, asked, what they were? and was told as before said. To which he answered, That when such Questions arise among Scholars, the quietest proceedings were to determine them in the University, and not to stuff the Book with all Conclusions Theological. See Conf. p. 24▪ 40, 41. Let the Reader judg of these Reasons, whether these nine Assertions thus authorized, are so canonically confirm'd as to determine them orthodox Doctrine of the Church of England, and those men for Arminians that do not subscribe to them? or otherwise.

But we finde our Historian very positive for that party, and so zealous for his orthodox men, that being in the List alone without an Adversary, he rants it very high, accusing royal favour, for sheltring the Arminians, as he calls Doctor Cozins, Manwaring, and Sibthorp; but also through the prevalency of the Bishops of Winchester and London advanced to great preferment, &c.

And when he comes to the Papist, he is in bodily fear [lest Tiber should drown the Thames.] His Reasons are the uncontrouled preaching of several Points tending that way, by Mountague, Goodman, Cozens, and others. Secondly, the audacious obtruding superstitious Ceremonies by the Prelates. Thirdly, fixed Altars cringing towards them. The last, surely the most, standing up at Gloria Patri, dangerous dilapidations from the true Reformation, which he calls Popery oblique, we are like to be assured of a perfect account from this Authour, that seems so partial in his Relations.

But we come to the Abuses in Civil affairs.Abuses in civil affairs. The Printer was questioned for printing the Petition of Right with the Kings first Answer, which was not satisfactory. He confessed, that during the first Session of Parliament, 1500. Copies were printed without that addition, and since he had order from the Atturney General to reprint it with that Addition.

Many Merchants Goods seized, and Informations in Star-chamber against them, for not paying the Customes of Tunnage and Poundage. Some Impositions against the Petition of Right and Privilege of Parliament, upon which Sir Io: Worstenholm, the Farmers of the Custome, Master Daws, and Master Carmarthen his Assistants, were called to account, who were excused by the King, that they acted by his command, which he presumed the House of Commons would grant him by Bill, as they had promised.

The Parliament would not understand it so, their Commission onely impowred them to collect the Moneys, but not to seize the Merchants Goods.The King and Parliament differ. But for the Bill, his Majesty had declared Tunnage and Poundage to be a Principal Revenue of his Crown, and so his own, already, without cause otherwise to demand it, or they to grant; therefore that Record must be cancelled, and the King confess his no Right thereunto, else they cannot grant but their free gift.

The Parliaments Plot was this way, for the King to leave his Customes to their Seisure, as Delinquents, by their undue behaviour therein, which in honour he could not, nor would.

The House in a Hubbub at Secretary Coke who brought this Message; they adjourn for some days, and when they met, the King adjourned them till the first of March, Sir Iohn Eliot his Speech and Remonstrance. when up starts Sir Io: Eliot with a stinging Complaint against the Lord Treasurer We •• on, as accessary to all Evils in Church and State, with a Design to transfer our English Trade unto Foraigners; and so in love he was, of what he meant to say, that the Heads thereof were copied and published to the Treasurer, who prepared the King with a Message, that followed his Speech immediately to adjourn till the tenth Day; but now they grow high, and check the Speaker for admitting the Message: and therefore they will go on, and give ear to Eliot's Remonstrance, which he offered to the Speaker and Clerk, but they refuse, and so he was bold to reade it himself. In effect, That they had considered of a Bill for Tunnage and Poundage, but being over-pressed with other business, and that of it self so perplext, would require much leisure to discharge, which at that time they could not, this present Session, moving hastily to an end. And lest his Majesty should her • after, as he had done heretofore, incline to evil Spirits, or be abused to believe, that he might justly receive the Subsidies of Tunnage and Poundage, which they humbly declare to be against the Fundamental Law of the Nation, and contrary to the Kings late Answer to the Petition of Right. And therefore they crave that his Majesty would for the future forbear such Taxes, and not to take it ill, if his Subjects refuse, what is demanded by arbitrary and unwarrantable power.

The Speaker was moved to put it to the Vote, whether it should be preferrd to the King or no? To which he craved pardon, having been ordered by the Kings command expresly, to leave the House; and attempting to rise, was by force held down by Master Hollis, who swore, he should sit still, whilest they pleased; but not prevailing, Sir Peter Hayman moved Hollis to reade these Articles which the House protested.

First, The Commons Protestation. whosoever shall bring in Innovation of Religion, or by favour seek to introduce Popery, or Arminianism, or other Opinions disagreeing from the true and orthodox Church, shall be reputed a capital Enemy to this Kingdom and Common-wealth.

Secondly, whosoever shall counsel or advise the taking or levying of the Subsidies of Tunnage and Poundage, not being granted by Parliament, or shall be an Actor or Instrument therein, shall be likewise reputed a capital Enemy to the Common-wealth.

Thirdly, if any man shall yield voluntarily, or pay the same, not being granted by Parliament, he shall be reputed a Betraier of the Liberties of England, and an Enemy to this Common-weath.

To each of these in order the House gave there a loud applause at every close, which distempers reaching but to the Kings ear, he sent for the Serjeant of the Mace, but he was kept in, and Sir Miles Hobart a Member locked the Door, and kept the Key. The King incensed at these insufferable Contempts, sent Maxwel the Usher of the Black Rod to dissolve the Parliament, but him and his Message they excluded, which put the King into a forcible Posture, the Captains with their Pensioners and Guard to break their entrance; they fearing the effects suddenly slunk out of the House, not daring to abide his anger, who instantly came to the Lords and told them.

My Lords, I never came here upon so unpleasant an occasion, it being the Dissolution of a Parliament; therefore men may have some cause to wonder, why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission, it being a general Maxime of Kings, to leave harsh commands to the Ministers, themselves onely executing pleasing things. Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of virtue, as punishing of vice, I thought it necessary to come here to day to declare to you, and all the World, that it was meerly the undutifull and seditious carriage of the Lower House, that hath made the Dissolution of this Parliament. And you my Lords are so far from being causes of it, that I take as much comfort in your dutifull demeanours, as I am justly distasted with their Proceedings. Yet to avoid mistakings, let me tell you, that it is so far from me to adjudg all that House guilty, that I know there are many there as dutifull Subjects as any in the World, it being but some few Vipers amongst them, that did cast this mist of undutifulness over most of their eys; yet to say truth, there was a good number there, that could not be infected with this contagion, in so much that some did express their duties in speaking, which was the general fault of the House the last day. To conclude, as these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment; so you my Lords must justly expect from me that favour and protection, that a good King oweth to his loving and dutifull Nobility.

And now my Lord Keeper, Parliament dissolved. do what I commanded you. Who in the Kings name dissolved the Parliament.

But because Tunnage and Poundage was much disputed, we shall shall say something to the first ground and occasion of them.

It is a fundamental truth, essential to the constitution and government of this Kingdom, Of Imposition of Tunnage and Poundage. and hereditary Privilege of the Subject; that no Tax, Tallage, or other charge might be laid without consent in Parliament: this was ratified by the contract of this Nation with the Conquerour, upon his admittance, and declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published, and yet afterward • broken by King Iohn and Henry 3. then confirmed by Mag ••• Charta, and other succeeding Laws; but then attempted to be broken by the two succeeding Edwards, when the Subject pursued those Breaches by the opportunity of frequent Parliaments, and found relief, procuring the right of the Subjects to be fortified by new Statutes. And it may be observed that those • ings in the very Acts whereby they did break the Law, did really affirm the Subjects liberty and disclaimed that right of him, a thing which hath been since challenged by successive Sovereigns, the Merchant in those times usually giving consent to such Taxes, but limited to a time, to the ratification of the next following Parliament, to be cancelled, or confirmed.

But mostly these upon Merchandise were taken by Parliament, six or twelve per pound for time, and years, as they saw cause, for defence of the Sea: sometimes also granted unto Noblemen, or Merchants, but for that use: and afterwards they were granted to the King for life, and so continued for divers Descents.

Between the time of Edward 3. and Queen Mary, never any Prince (some say) demanded any Imposition but by Parliament: Queen Mary indeed laid a charge upon Cloth by the equity of Tunnage and Poundage; because the rate set upon Wool was much more than that upon Cloth, and little Wool being transported unwrought, she had reason to impose so much more, as brought them to an equality, but that there still continued a less charge upon Wool wrought into Cloth, than upon Wool carded out unwrought, untill King Iames his times, when upon Nicholson's advice, there was a further addition of charge, which is that which we call the pretermitted Custome.

In Queen Elizabeths time some Impositions, nay many, increased; the general prosperity of her Reign, in the conjuncture of time and forrein affairs overshadowing, and her power and will commanding, without regret or complaint. That of Currans was one; for the Venetians having taxed a charge upon our English Cloth, she raised that of the Currans, with pretence to be even with them, the sooner to take off the other. And this came to be denied to King Iames by Bates a Merchant, and a Sute in the Exchequer adjudged it for the King. The three Judges (then no more) distinguished their several opinions.

The first, that the King might impose upon forreign Commodities, but not upon Natives to be transported, or necessary to be imported for the use of the Kingdom.

The second Iudg was of opinion he might impose upon all forreign Merchandize, whether superfluous or no, but not upon native.

The third, was absolute, seeing the King had the custody of the Ports, and Guard of the Seas, and might shut up or open the Ports as he pleased, 〈◊〉 had a Prerogative to impose upon all Merchandize exported or im •• rted.

Afterwards King Iames laid charges upon all Commodities Outward and Inward, not limited to time or occasion: This Judgment and the right of imposing, was a question in 7. and 12. Ian. and in 18. and 21. Ian. It was declined by the Commons House. But in 1 Car. it was renewed by the Kings Propositions, and then rather confirmed, not abolished.

It was not sufficient for the King to break up the School of dissension,The Kings Declaration. and separate the Members, whose indisposition to his quiet might disperse and spit out malignities against the Kings honour, to excuse themselves; therefore he did no doubt take President from his Fathers dissolving his Parliament. Anno. And by his Example a Declaration is published by the King to all his loving Subjects, setting forth his Reasons and Motives for dissolving the Parliament, with Breviats of all Transactions of both Sessions; closing all with mention of the late Duke of Buckingham, as the onely man of mishap to all foregoing Events of Parliament, and mischief to the People, and yet the Evils increased, so he was mistaken, not being the cause, which was then, and still continues, in some few of the Members of the Parliament.

We have ingeniously set down the narrative part, not so particular neither, that should seem to exasperate, for the King, but certainly we have not read nor heard of higher Provocations, Indignities, disorderly offered to a Power, by whose dispensation any Meeting, Convocation, Assembly, have their Indulgence: and therefore now in likelihood, to be the last adventure to hazzard another Parliament: for oft have they for many years before, been unwildy, the latter times of Queen Elizabeth, the most of King Iames, and hitherto of this King, yet it was his fate to adventure forward towards a fatal end of all.

Whether malignity of those Members gave Examples to others,Obs. p. 93. The French Parliaments. their Effects flew over Seas, and infected the French Parliaments about this time, where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon far less provocations; for from the antient Assembly it continued to the year 1614. when first the third Estate representing (as ours) their Commons, encroached too busily upon their Clergy, and some preheminency of the Nobility, enjoyed by favour of their former Kings, so offended the Royalty, that he resolved to dissolve them, and with good counsel, never admit the like. The future Kings following that President, yet with some regret of the former manne • , it was there devised, to communicate with his People in another manner, called La Assemble des Notables, some selected persons out of each order of Estate, of his own election or naming; and to them were added some Counsellour out of every particular Court of Parliament, (there being eight of them in all France) through that Kingdom, and so being fewer in number, would not heed such a confusion as the General Assembly of States had done before. Their Acts are as obliging to all sorts of Subjects, as the others were, onely from Controulers they are become good Counsellours still. And with this course the Estates and People are as yet content; It being no shame to submit to this Power whom it will be sin to overcome.

But the King finding his Declaration to take the effect of satisfying his well-affected Subjects,Members questioned. took a resonable time to question those whose punishments he had referred till now: and therefore the eighteenth Day he sends for some the most refractory Members to the Council Table: Master Hollis, of honourable extraction; Sir Io: Eliot, Sir Miles Hobart, Sir Peter Hayman, Sir Io: Barington, Master Selden, Master Stroud, Master Correton, Master Valentine, Master Long, Master Kirton.

Hollis was asked, wherefore (the Day of Dissolving) he placed himself by the Chair, above divers of the Privy Council?

He said, Hollis his answer. That he had seated himself there some other times before, and took it his due there, as in any place whatsoever (unless at the Council-Board) to sit above those Privy-counsellours. That he came into the House with as much zeal as any other, to serve his Majesty, yet finding his Majesty offended, he humbly desired to be the subject rather of his Mercy than of his Power.

The Lord Treasurer replied, You mean rather of his Majesties Mercy than of his Iustice.

I say, (answered Hollis) of his Majesties Power, my Lord.

Hobart's offence was for locking the Parliament Door,Hobart's offence. and putting the Key in his Pocket, was excused to be the Command of the House.

All the other Gentlemen were questioned for reproving the Speaker, not permitting him to do the Kings Commands, to ••• ch they pleaded Privilege of Parliament.

But Eliot was charged for words he spake in Parliament, Eliot's answer. and for producing the last Remonstrance.

His answer was more peremptory, Whatsoever was said or done by him in that place, and at that time, was in the capacity as a publick man, and a Member of that House; and that he was and ever will be ready to give an account of his sayings and doings there, whensoever he should be called unto it by that House, where he conceives he is onely to be questioned, and in the mean time, he being now but a private man, he would not now trouble himself to remember what he said or did there as a publique Person.

But they were all Ten committed to several Prisons, the Tower, Gatehouse, Fleet; and the first of May the Attorney general Noy, sent Processe out against them, to appear in the Star-Chamber, and answer his Information there: They refused to appear; denying the power of that Court, their offences being done in Parliament; which created a large controversie in law, concerning the Jurisdiction of either Court.

As for Eliots Doctrine,Obs. p. 95. It is said to be the first seed which after took root in Parliament] It was indeed a new Tenet; Liberty, like the Popes Conclave; or rather the Scots Kirk Assemblies; such religious doctrines they had, nay every Minister made it up in his Pulpit, never to be questioned for speeches (though treasonable there) but by themselves in their Assemblies. We have sundry examples that our English Soveraigns did not suffer contempts upon their Person, or Estate by any Member of Parliament, without due punishment inflicted on the offenders, and it was law and Justice heretofore: It seemed not so now, the Judges conniving, declared the whole House of Commons under an Arrest, when Diggs and Eliot had been restrained. And therefore the King suspecting their further positive opinions in Eliots case at this time, put them to the question in private, which they seemed to resent with th •• House; But when they afterwards sat in the seat of Judgement, at the Kings Bench Bar, they could sentence them with Law, and reason also, to several sines, which were paid by some; others, dying under restraint, and those not able, were released upon petition, submission, and conditions to forbear the Court Ten miles compasse, under 2000 l. bond for their good behaviour, and that was Mr. Stroud, being a younger Son of Sr. Iohn his Father then living, and had no means to pay; but was after well paid for his pains, and for that suffering.

To begin this year,Anno 1629. comes to the Court of England the old Marquesse Huntley, that zealous Romane Catholique, from Scotla •• fled from thence with the Earls of Arol, Athol, Nidsdale, 〈◊〉 , and some others of that Nobility. The Marquess had been too favourable to them in the cast of his office (hereditary Sheriff of the North of Scotland) concerning their connivance with the insolencies of some Priests, which caused the Council there to put them all to the Horn for non-appearance, and afterwards to Proclame them Rebels: But to avoid apprehending, they all fled hither for some sanctuary, untill their cause were pleaded, which found little favour, they being returned back upon good caution and security, to abide their several trials at home.

Some overtures were made here from the Emperour, overtures from the Emperour. in referrence to the further quiet of Germany, and the cause of the Palatinate: And finding the Queen of Bohemia neerly concerned, and in a narrow condition, her former Pension from hence, decreasing, she was consulted by Message of Sr. Henry Vane (sent by the King to visit her) and to relate the offer of 30000 l. per annum from the Emperour, with conveniency of Reception, within the Palatinate, Her Eldest Son to marry one of the Emperours daughters, and to be brought up in that Imperial Court. Whereunto (it is said)Hist. fol. 104. She made this Magnanimous reply [Rather then to suffer her childe to be bred in idolatry, She would cut his throat with her own hand] for which the Authour so highly extolls her, to have so erect a minde in her lowest estate.

This appears to be Strange: That Sr. Henry Vane sent on purpose over Seas of an Arrand, should be so mistaken in his message, to make it the Kings desire, which was but his bare proposal: And that such a religious Person as her Majesty, should be forward to commit so damnable a sin to her self, as to Murther her own Son, rathe • then to consent that he should be bred a Papist, and so to prevent a hazzard (his damnation it seems) under the profession of the Church of Rome.

The Wars in Italy began two years since,War in Italy▪ about the succession of the Duchies of Mantua and Monferrat, which after the death of the Duke Vincent without children, fell to the Duke of Nevers. The Spaniards (through Jealousie) without right or title take Arms; so did the Duke of Savoy, He seized some places in Monferrat, and they besieged Casal: The Venetians in suspition of the Spaniards, further progresse in Italy, and joyn with Nevers. So does France, who passeth by force through Savoy, to the streight of Susa; and after the taking many Towns of Savoy, falls upon the Spainard, takes Cambrey, besieges Montmelian, sends before to Piemont, and follows himself in person, where he was victorious, leaving the poor Duke of Savoy, to seek preservation in desert and unaccessible places. Yet the Spainard continues the siege of Casal, under command of Spinola, And the French defends the Citadel by force of Toras, two succesful Generals, the one in the Low-Countreys, and the other against the English at the Isle of Rhe. The businesse came to this, The Town and Castle were already yeelded to Spinola, and the Citadel had capitulated to surrender by such a day if succour came not. In the interim Spinola dies of Infection, the Duke of Savoy in his Bed▪ when by intercession of the Pope and Cardinal Mazerines first Negotiation and dexterity; the peace was concluded with the Emperour of Vienna, and all caressed in that Treaty. The French restores all to the Savoy, Nevers begs pardon, and is invested; the Spaniard renders Monferrat, and all are Friends again, which the fume of ambition had caused with much bloud-shed.

And really those two Nations, having stoutly wrangled, by Famine, Sword, and Sickness in Italy, with the loss of above a Million of Mortals among them, came neither of them to their secret end, and reaped no other salary but vain-glory, and all Neighbours about suffered by siding to their several humours.

When the French had broken that puissant party of the House of Austria in Italy, Peace with France. he devises new Alliance to attach the Spaniard. And first by Mediation of the Venetians, they are put upon it to propose a Treaty for Peace between the two Crowns of England and France, which was not difficult for us to accept, King Charls being more manacled at home by his own Subjects, than the French were with outward Forces. And so both parties having their several Designs, they soon agreed into these Articles.

1. That the two Kings shall renew former Alliance, inviolable, with free Commerce, and in this particular, such things may be proposed to add or diminish, as either part shall judg convenient.

2. That for what is past during the late Difference, in satisfaction, shall be demanded on either side.

3. That the Articles of Marriage of the Queen of Great Brittain shall be confirmed, and concerning her Domesticks to propose Expedients to be added or diminished.

4. All former Alliances between the Crowns shall stand good, unless changed by this present Treaty.

5. And the two Kings being thus remitted to their former affections, shall respectively correspond towards the assistance of their Allies (so far as the continuation of affairs, and the general good shall permit) for procuring of the repose of the Troubles of Christendom.

6. Ambassadours on either part to be dispatcht for ratificatication and Residencies in either Court.

7. And touching Ships at Sea, with Letters of Marcque on either side, that for 2. moneths following, shall n • t prejudice this Agreement, Provided to restore eithers Prize after that time upon demand.

8. These Articles to be joyntly signed the 14 of this prese • t April, and instantly then, to be consigned into the hands of the Lords Ambassadors of Venice, to be delivered to each King a • a day prefixt. All acts of Hostility to cease, and to be Proclamed in both Kingdoms the 20. of May following.

And in September Sr. Thomas Edmonds Controller of the Kings Houshold, and the Marquesse of Chasteauneut were sent reciprocally from either King, to take confirmation of these by Oath.

The State of Spain in no worse condition of retrograde then either of the other,Overtures of peace with Spain. finding it some disadvantage upon him for two such Monarchs, to piece up their Peace, meant to make sure of One. Not that he was so low [though Pasquin poasted him up in a Friers habit at Rome] as begging friendship. A common abuse among Princes,Hist. fol. 105. being subject to the pleasure of Poets and Painters, not so handsom to be chronicled for Authority, seeing at that time the House of Austria was high enough, the Emperour (on the other side by way of equal return) elevated on his Throne with a King fallen at his feet, and the Eagle (loaden with feathers) plucking the Crown off his Head; but these fancies are the common peoples food.

But of this arrand (we are told) came Peter Reuben hither, the famous rich Painter of Antwerp, Secretary and Gentleman of the Chamber to the Arch-Duchesse of Eugenia, Which was but thus; King Charles had a minde to dignifie the structure of the Banquetting • House at White-Hall, with ornament of Painting in the in-side, and Reuben sent hither for that designe, He having lately finished most excellent Figures, and Historical Pieces for the Queen Mothers Palace at Paris; The like he did here. The Paintings over head in the Room fore • shortened and looking downwards, as from the clouds, the rarest postures that late ages can paralel, being the portraictures of King Iames in several relations with all Imaginary similitude of Him, tending towards Eternity; for which he was well rewarded, with the honour of Knighthood to boot. Indeed, the Artist had an indifferent esteem for his skill, and by his wealth, was wise enough to receive Informations on both parts, in reference to Peace; but never to be Plenepotentiary of either side; for truly, I cannot call him so much as Agent for any, unlesse we admit him Ambo-dexter-Ambassadour; for he was the means that a greater man (Don Carlos Colonas) came after to do the work; And I have some knowledge in the particulars, that the other was rather set on by us, when (with that conveniency) we had him here.

It was in Iuly, That an Arrest was made upon one Billingham, (sometimes a Captain at the Isle of Rhe) and an attempt made to his Rescue by some Templers,Uprore in Flectstreet. being acted in their Quarters of Priviledge to their Houses; and to their cost, they were wounded by the opposition of the Lord Major and his City Bands, that were wilde to flourish out their Ensigns against any Gentlemen, their Patrons. This undertaking increased to a hot skirmish of above five hundred.; Of the Majors Militia four were killed, and sundry others hurt; above an hundred on both sides, and so the Evening parted the▪. This uprore so neer the Court caused the King to speed Justice with an extraordinary Session to be held in Guild-Hall London, for Arraignment of several of the Malefactors, seized vpon in the quarrel, And by ill hap, laid hold on Two, who were accounted Principalls, because more publique (Captain Ashurst, and Iohn Stamford the late Dukes servant) for it was no medling with the Students; And though Stanford came by but by chance in a Coach, and onely drew his sword, without any part in the fray; These Two onely were found guilty by the City Jury, and executed at Tyburn. Stanford had his pardon before, being in company when a Watchman was killed at a Tavern called Duke-Humphreys, and his relations to his late Master, made his crime the more remarkable, now exceeding the bounds of Reason, so without the bounds of Mercy.

There had been a Manuscript Book contrived long since,The Earls of Bedford and Somerset confined. by Sr. Robert Dudly at Florence 1613. (that discontented Catholique) who descended from the Dudlies Earls of Warwick, and so he stiled himself. It was a Rapsodie of severall Projects for increase of the Kings revenue, and somewhat in prejudice of proceedings in Parliaments. Sundry Copies thereof were disperst by such as meant not much honour to the King, and therefore suspected to contrive the Book, though pretended for his Majesties Instruction, as the manner had been, to force such feigned discoveries, and fix them for the Kings designes; and therefore the Earls of Bedford, Somerset and Clare, Sr. Robert Cotten, Mr. Selden, and Mr. Saint Iohn were committed, and an Information entered in Star-chamber against them, But Sr. David Fowles upon oath, cleered the suspition, and discovered the Authour, and so it ended,

William Herbert (Son of Henry) Earl of Pembrook dies in April; Earl of Pembrook dies. He was the third Earl from his Creation, 3 Elizabeth, Baron Herbert of Cardiff, Lord Parr; Ros of Kendal; Marmion, and Saint Quintin; Lord Warden of the Stanneries Governour of Portsmouth; Anno 1630. Knight of the Garter, Chancellour of the University of Oxford, and lately Lord high Steward of the Kings Houshold [but not of England.] He married Mary the Eldest daughter and co-heir of Gilbert Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, Hist. p. 107. and dies without issue; so that his honours descended to Philip Herbert his brother. He supped the night before his death with the Countesse of Bedford at Bishops-gate upon the day of his birth, fifty yeers since, from thence he went home to Baynards Castle▪ sitting up as usual, very late▪ for he was a hearty feeder, and went to bed very well; But not long after he fetcht a deep and deadly groan, which startled his Lady that lay by, and she not able to awake him, called for company, who found him speechlesse, and so continued till eight in the morning, and then died, as a figure flinger had told him many years before.

We are told his Character in a high strain of Magnificence;Hist. p. 108. but we may give way to his good commendations in a reasonable measure: A proper Person; well set, of graceful deportment; his minde truly generous, of the ancient stock and manner of Nobility: His defects, were in letters and Travel; He had onely the breeding of England, which gave him a conceited dislike of foraign men, their manners and mode, or of such English that professed much advantage thereby; so that the Scots at Court and he were ever separate, and therefore he was onely the old Courtier, that kept close to the Commonalty, and they to him, and was therein trusted by his two Soveraigns as not over furnisht with abilities to be lesse then loyal, which jealous Princes usually suffered.

In May 29 day,Prince Charls born. the Queen was brought to Bed of a Son. Surpassing joy there was of all true hearts and good subjects, and in Iune the 27. baptized at Saint Iameses with princely Ceremonies, and named Charles; His Godfathers were the King of France, and the Prince Elector, represented by the Duke of Lenox, and the Marquesse Hamilton; the Godmother was the Queen Mother of France, and her Person represented by the Duchesse of Richmond. Obs. 96. A man would stand amazed to believe that a sort of pretended sanctified subjects should not desire the King to have any issue; I have my Author, The Puritan-party, that could not descern the cause of joy when the Queen was with childe: God having better provided for us then we were aware, in the hopeful Progeny of the Queen of Bohemia: These men brought in the Reformed Religion (Presbytery) when it would be un • ertain what Religion the Kings children would follow. And he observes to his own knowledge, that when the most of the Parish gave publique signes of rejoycing with Bonefires, Bell-ringing, and mutual feasting, onely the Presbyterian or Puritan party (as he stiles them) were shut up, as on the day of general mourning.

And it may be remembred, that afterwards as the Kings Issue increased, the Common Prayer for the Kings onely Sister and her children was left out, and in place thereof a Prayer compiled for preservation of the Kings Issue; for though the Presbyterians hated the whole Book, they would not stick to mention the one in their Prayer of the Pulpit, and leave those other out of Gods blessing, till by express command they were made to conform.

At his Birth there appeared a Star visible,A Star appeared at noonday. that very time of the Day when the King rode to Saint Paul's Church to give thanks to God for the Queens safe delivery of a Son, upon which occasion these Verses were then presented.

Rex ubi Paulinas accessit gratus ad aras, Immicuit medio • lucida stella Polo. Dic divina mihi tractans aenigmata coeli, Haec oriens nobis quid sibi stella velit? Magnus in occiduo Princeps modo nascitur orbe; Moxque sub eclipsi regna ori • ntis erunt. When to Paul's Cross the gratefull King drew near, A shining Star did in the Heavens appear: Thou that consult'st with divine Mysteries, Tell me what this bright Comet signifies? Now is there born a valiant Prince i'th' West, That shall eclipse the Kingdoms of the East.

But this Star now appearing, some say, was the Planet Venus; others, Mercury, the Sign of Merlin's Prophecy. The splendour of the Sun shall languish by the paleness of Mercury, and it shall be dreadfull to the beholders. Any Planet says the Astrologer within its Degrees of the Sun is very unfortunate. And Mercury being the Lord of the Ascendent and Mid-heaven was a chief Significator of the Prince his person, who being afflicted by the presence of the Sun, yet miraculously God did by his power make this Star shine bright in a clear Sun-shine day, which was contrary to Nature.

The German▪ Empire much weakned from the former greatness,The State of Germany. partly by the Popes in Italy advancing themselves and the Papal Authority, (besides the translation of the Seat to Constantinople) and much diminished by several pretexts of Provinces, and Towns, and Kingdoms, have loosened themselves from this great Body.

But the principal subject of all is drawn from the diversities of Doctrines, heretofore resolved into two Professions, Roman Catholick, and the Confession of Auxburgh or Lutheran; with the ambition of the House of Austria, too powerfull both in Spain and the Low-cuntreys. The • temperament in Religion was concluded in the Contract of Passavia, the Protestants to enjoy all their former Ecclesiastical Possessions, and to rest in perpetuity to the Catholicks, but not performed. And Complaints arising by many of the States of Germany against the House of Austria, continuing their greatness about two hundred years in Imperial Dignity, as if hereditary: and having increased Victories, by humbling the King of Denmark and the Protestant party, chastized Bethlem Gabor, destroyed the Peasants of Austria, deprived the Prince Palatine of his States, Mansfield dead, and the Empire at quiet. The Emperour too much partial to the Catholick Complaints against the Protestants, concerning their Divisions, in reference to the Composition of Passavia, which the Protestant Princes were resolved not to be wrested from them; and for the maintenance of which, they were resolved to call in Strangers.

The Emperour the sixth of March, 1629. commands the render of all Ecclesiastical Goods, taken after the Contract of Passavia. This Sentence was so hard of digestion to the Protestants, (somewhat like the Exaction of the Tenth Penny, upo • the Low-countreys by the Duke d' Alva) that they protest to oppose it, and petition for Suspension till the Decision of a general Diet at Ratisbone, at the same time when News came thither of the King of Sweden's entrance with an Army into Germany, which made the Protestant Ambassadors peremptory for the Revocation of the former Edict; and it being refused, they got all away and met at Leipsick. Herein the Emperour receives his first check, and prosecuted with Confederations and Leagues, and Strangers called in; the ambition of Spain was universally canvased; nay, the People in general, Protestant and Papist, were wilde for a change, according to their several self-interests.

The Prince Electour Palatine had invitation to put in his Plea for his Restauration,Ambassadour to the Emperour. and thither he sends his Agent; not without his particular address hither to his Uncle King Charls, to countenance his entertainment at the Diet, with an Ambassadour of his own, for mediation; and the Imployment fell upon Sir Robert Amstroder concerning the Pressures and Relief of the Palsgrave, whose Message was in effect.

That nothing could affect his Master the King of Great Brittain more, than the consideration of the daily calamities undergone by his Brother in Law the Prince Elector, his Wife and Children. That no place was more expedient to treat of Recon • iliation and re-establishment than in the Diet; therefore he made it his most ardent Request to his Imperial Majesty, that having regard to the many Intercessions of his late Father, and other Kings and Princes, he would remit the displeasure conceived against his Brother, and recall the Proscription issued out against him. True it was, his Brother had offended, and was inexcusably guilty, unless the rashness or precipitation of youth may somewhat plead for him; but others had been as culpable, whom yet his Imperial Majesty had received into favour. And would he be pleased, to extend to him the same clemency, it would oblige his Master to demonstrations of deepest gratitude, and raise a glorious emulation in others, to imitate so excellent a Patern. That the Palsgrave would entertain this favour with an heart so firmly devoted to his service, as all the intention of his spirit should be disposed to compensation and reparation of his former miscarriage. That his Master held nothing so dear, as the affection of his Imperial Majesty, and establishment of a durable Peace between them. And as upon all occasions he hath been forward to represent himself solicitous for it, so at this time he is ready to give more ample testimony, if his Imperial Majesty be pleased to incline to a Treaty.

This was fair and full of respect, which gained civilities to the Ambassadour. But that the present affairs of Germany, which occasioned the Diet, were so important, as may not admit any foreign debate, and yet (when opportunity and leisure afforded) the King of Great Brittain should receive such satisfaction as would be agreeable to their honour and assurance, (they hoped) to his content. And this was all the form and effect of his Ambassie.

Doctor Leighton a Presbyterian Scot, Dr. Leighton sentenced. full of fire, had intituled a Book, Sions Plea, and dedicated it to the last Parliament, counselling them, to make quick work to kill all the Bishops, by smiting them under the fifth rib. Railing at the Queen, whom he called a Canaanite, and Idolatress. How he might have sped with them then, his confidence gave him good hopes. But now in power of the King, he was sentenced in Star-chamber, his Body to be whipt, his Forehead stigmatized, his Ears cropt, and his Nose slit; but though he escaped out of the Fleet, he was got again by the Warden in Bedfordshire, and these Punishments executed upon him to the full purpose.

The Peace with Spain was pieced in November, Peace with Spain. the same in effect formerly made up by King Iames and Philip the third; but for the Palatinate, that the King of Spain should dispose all his interest in the Emperour towards the Restitution of the Prince Electour; this was so much as for that present could be gotten; and as the Kings affairs permitted, more could not be quarrelled, The end of November, Sunday the 27. proclaimed it in great solemnity, and two days after sworn unto in the Chapel at Whitehall, the King and the Spanish Ambassadour entered into their Traversies whiles an Anthem was sung, and whilest the Dean Dr. Laud, with three other Bishops went up to the Altar, with a Latine Bible, upon which the King laid his hand, Secretary Coke having read the Oath, the King kissed the Book, and signed the Articles, which he delivered up to the Ambassadour, and so passed to the Banquetting-house to a princely Feast, which the Kings good Friend assures us, [the Subject paid for, with the aid of an old Prerogative-statute of Tax for Knighthood] Hist. p. 110. It was ancient indeed, and from time to time of all Kings and Sovereigns since Edward the second,Obs. p. 99. Tax of Knighthood. framed then more for ease of the Subject than profit of that King; then reduced to such to be made Knights, that had twenty pounds per annum, but before that time all men of fifteen pound per annum, were required to take it. But why it should [ly skulking] it seems to him onely who devises the matter and the manner. To appear at the Coronation onely, [Ad arma gerenda, not to be per force Knighted] as was vulgarly supposed] This vulgar Historian confines us to the manner, [Every man to receive a Belt and a Surcoat out of the Kings Wardrobe, and if in four days there were no cause to fight, (without a Sword it seems) they might take leave and be gone again.] The Statute is intituled, Statutum de Militibus.

That our Sovereign Lord the King hath granted, that all such as ought to be Knights and be not, and have been distrained, to take upon them that Order, before the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord, shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Arms of Knighthood, untill the Vigil of Saint Hilary, &c. And c • rtainly it was their quality of thirty pound Rent per annum, a plentifull Revenue in those former times, made them capable, not their sufficiency of body to bear Arms, when thousands more of less Estates might be found fitter for fighting. But being in force now, (notwithstanding those that refused it) were brought to the Exchequer, I believe,Obs. p. 100. above one hundred thousand pounds. And the long Parliament that succeeded, to please the People, repealed it. So that all the advantages he had to help himself were either condemned, as done against the old Laws of the Land, or else some new Law must be made to deprive him of the other, that wanting all other means to support himself, he might be forced upon the Alms of the Parliament.

The original ground was heretofore, when the Services done by Ten were taken in kinde, it was thought fit there should be some way of trial and approbation of those that were bound to such Services. Therefore it was ordained, that such as were to do Knights service after they came of age, and had possession of their Lands, and should be made Knights, that is, publickly declared to be fit for service. Divers Ceremonies and Solemnities were in use for that purpose, and if by the parties neglect this was not done, he was punishable by Fine.

There being in those days an ordinary and open way to get Knighthood, for those which were born to it, &c. The use of this hath for divers Ages been discontinued, yet there have passed very few Kings, under whom there hath not been these Summons, requiring those holding Lands of such a value as the Law prescribes, to appear at the Coronation, or some other great Solemnity, and to be knighted; so as it is not new in the kinde, nor new in the manner, nor in excess of it: indeed heretofore the Fines were moderate in some proportion, and of late to meaner People, Inholders, Lease-holders, Copi-holders, Merchants, and others; scarce any man of value free from it. And the Proceedings out by good Example, President, or Rule of Justice, by Distresses and Issues.

The Disease of Europe was now become Martial, War in Italy, Germany in Bands of old Souldiers, France afraid of a Neighbourstorm, hindred all Propositions of Peace; England, besides the general Interest of the Reformed, had the particular of the Palsgrave; and always in Mutinies, the States general are most concerned; the Protestant Princes suppressed; the House of Austria grown already to heigth, threatned their • uine; nay, the State of Venice was invited to increase the flame and disorder of this powerfull Body. So then from North to South, and of each side also, was Germany beset with Enemies.

It was in Midsummer that Gustavus Adolphus King of Swede descended into Germany, King of Sweden enters Germany. invited by themselves, and incited by the assistance of all the former Princes and States, though slenderly performed by them all. Much to do he had to finde the cause of a Quarrel. But Reasons he made and published, which the Emperour answered, and that sufficiently, as we may conclude in the main, concerning the Emperours depriving the Dukes of Meckelenburgh his Kinsmen of their Dutchies. To which he was told, That the Imperial Majesty was not to be controuled at home by foreign Pretences; His Ears being open to Intercessours, but not to Commands.

His general Pretence was (as he vaunted) to be the defence of the Protestant Cause and Religion, which produced effects of a cruel, bloudy, and horrid War, there then and other where since; by the immense ambition of some few persons, whom we may not name, though their Vice we blame.

The Emperours old General Wallestein Duke of Frithland was at this Diet, dismissed that Command by the perswasions of the French and Duke of Bavaria, who had joyned a League defensive and offensive. And his other General Tilly was turned Beadsman to his devotions, and happy he had been to have so continued, whilest he had Fortune his Hand-maid, with as much glory as any Captain in the World, which he changed, to be conquered. His former happiness was concluded in these, That he heard Mass daily, never touched a Woman, never lost a Battel. But he is wrought upon even by their Priests, and prepares for War.

His first Master-piece was, by cunning not force; for finding Magdeburgh an Emperial rich Town of Saxony in some distraction then, which brought such distraction after, as no History can paralel. The difference proceeded from their first choyce of Augustus (Son to the Elector of Saxony) for their Administrator; King of Swed • But the Emperour and Pope commended the Arch Duke Leop • old, now Governour of the Low Countreys. The Town take parts, and are appeased by Wallenstens power, who turned the Town into a Garison, and the forfeit of 150. thousand Rix Dollers.

Then Leopold presses further with very high demands, which Christian of Brandenburgh and the Duke of Saxony interpose as therein concerned. Brandenburgh enters the Town disguised, and offers his and the King of Swedens protection, who is received, opening his passage into Pomerania and Meckelendburgh, which he soon mastered. And thus busied abroad, he leaves Brandenburgh, to rejoyce at his own designe, when Poperheim posts thither, makes havock of all before him, and stops the Fox in his hole, and besieges Magdeburgh December 1630. and thither comes Tilly, and whilst they melt themselves at Magdeburgh, Magdeburgh is besieged by the Emperialists. Gustave marches up the Oder, and beats the Emperialist at Frankfurt, slew 3000, and forced the rest to pace it to Silesia, and so he marches to succour the besieged.

The Duke of Saxony, head of the Protestants Assembly at Leipsick, and confederate to succour Magdenburgh, to joyn with Swede, and to resist the Emperour; and Gustave to be Captain General for them all, and so forfeited as you have heard before, with all the confederate foreign Princes and States, promising to himself the Empire if but fortunate in one Battel.

Papenheim and Tilly, taken and burnt. though beaten abroad, yet ply their siege; mastered all the out-works, forced into the Town, then repulsed, and on again; fired the first house, and in four hours He consumed all to ashes, and the people to death: the reproach of Tilly for so much innocent blood. And having done there, he marches into Saxony, being beaten at Werben: the confederates resolve to face him, who having taken the Town of Leipsick, encamped hard by, and so gives occasion to fight a Battel, the hazzard of Two Electoral Caps the liberty of Germany, the hopes of the Catholiques the effects so bloudy, as made the old Banes to fly for it.

But this Battel we must refer to its time and place the next year, and see what is done in England.

This foreign newes flew hither; which hastened forward the Marquesse Hamilton in his intended designe,Marquess Hamil • ons design to wait upon that Kings fortunes; That was his outward aim, though his ambition had an eye homeward in that undertaking; for he having sent thither David Ramsey a Gentleman of the Kings privy Chamber, a most turbulent boutefeau (Sr. Iames and Alexander Hamilton, and Robert Meldram, and also to endear the Marquesse to the Scots Officers in that Army) to proffer his service to the King, with the aid of some Regiments of foot. This madman, more like an Ambassadour from a great Prince, then a Messenger from a Peer, took his place before the Lord Rey his Countreyman, and a Colonel in Arms, who to honour him the more, procured the other Scots Officers to make addresses, and to attend him: discovering thereby that the Marquesse his aim was of deeper consequence, not to fight under the Swede: And following his apprehension with prudent observations, he won upon Rams • y, to history out the mystery of the Marquesses designe, By this means to raise forces under a formal colour, but in earnest, to make himself King of Scotland, and thereof, he draws a Pedigree of his Right and Title from King Iames the first, and in several froliques of mirth and wine, to ascribe unto him Soveraignty, Of which Rey returning, into England, told it to the Lord Uchiltry (yet living) who forthwith acquainted the Lord Treasurer Weston, and he the King.

And at the same time Major Borthick accused the said Meldram, to have under oath of secrecy, communicated to him the whole designe, the grounds and reasons; which he justified before the King and Councel, and Meldram faintly denied, but was committed to the Fleet prisoner two years, and then released by the Marquesse.

Some time before this discovery, S. William Elphiston Cup-bearer to the King, was sent over Convoy to the King of Denmark, and with him, the Marquesse would enforce a companion, Meldram, who had private Instrustions to the principal Scots officers in the armies, and thereby more respected then the Kings Messenger Elphiston; but at their return to Gravesend, a Scots man dependant of the Marquesse, gave Intelligence to Meldram that all was discovered, but was imboldned to come to Court, where he was accused.

The Lord Uchiltry for reporting the discovery to Weston, was afterwards sent prisoner to Scotland, where the Marquesses power was more dreaded, and there coming to examination and tryal, Ucheltry spake out so plainly, but without further hearing, he was conveyed close prisoner to the Castle of Blacknesse, where he remained till the English set him free.

Meldram was after preferred Secretary to General Lesly at New-Castle, Alexander Hamilton with a pension of 500 l. and afterwards General of the Covenanters Artillery.

But as to the Marquesse and his small Army, impoysoned with secret Treasons at home, got over to the King of Swede, but so distressed with hunger, and want of all necessaries for War, that the Marquesse being neglected, and his forces falling to decay, he returned home again, till some other designe might set up his Treasons again.

Having much to say concerning Non-conformists, A Puritan who. generally noted under the Title Puritan, as also some good men, being scandalously included, We shall therefore distinguish his Name, render his Esence, in the very property, and whose several kindes Essentially differ.

The Name (Puritan) is ambiguous, so it is falacious. The good Puritans are pure in heart, and so blessed, that they shall see God.

The evil Puritans desire to seem to be so, but in their Doctrine and Discipline are the underminers of our True, Protestant, Reverend Church.

The Essential definition of him is, A Protestant Non conformist: A Protestant is his Genus, his kinde of being: A Non-conformist, his differentia, his essential difference or quality.

Non-conformist, contradictist to the Scripture sence, in three things. The first is in the 39. Articles of our Churches Reformed Faith. Secondly, Our Common Prayer Book. Thirdly, The Canons of our Church. All which three, are contained in the deduceable sence of holy Scripture. The several Articles which he opposeth, are the 3. 6. 9. 16. 17. 20. 21. 23. 26. 27. 33. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. The selected Prayers in the Common Prayer Book he rejecteth, which were collected (though corrected and purged) out of the Masse book. Against the several Canons from the 1. to the 15. 24. 29. 30. 31. 48. 49. from 54. to 58. 60. 61. 73. 127.

But who is this Puritan? Mr, Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Article saith, that since the suppression of Puritans by Arch-Bishops, Parker, Grindal and Whitguift, none will seem to be such. Read the Survay of the pretended holy Discipline, and here it is evident, that himself knows not what he is, nor what he would be.

The Species, Specifical kinds of this Puritan are numbred. First, The Perfectist. Secondly, the factious Sermonist. Thirdly, the Seperatist. Fourthly, the Anabaptist. Fifthly, the Brownist. Sixthly, Loves familist. Seventhly, the Precisian. Eighthly, the Sabbatarian. Ninthly, the Antidisciplinarian. Tenthly, presuming Predestinatists. Every one of them differing in his proper essential quality: yet the same subject of inhesion may be all Ten.

1. The Perfectist: His purenesse is continuata perseverandi actio significans, never to sin after Baptism: the Novatian Catharist, and this man sins against the 16. Article.

2. The factious Sermonist, He serves God with sermons and extemporary prayers, according to his suppositious Iusjuration; This professor is against the 26. Article: and his opinion is, that Preaching is better then Prayer.

3. The Separatist is the Pharisee, That onely he is Elect, Regenerate and Faithful, all others not so, are Reprobates, and therefore believes, our Churches regeneration is by infusion of Grace, by sowing the good seed. But to answer him in this, Let all Christians religiously pray and live according to the grace of Restitution, and humbly submit their judgements concerning the secresie of personal Election, and so this man sins against the 17. Article.

4 The Anabaptist, His purenesse is, a supposed birth without Original sin, and his Tenet, that Infants must not be baptized; and this believer opposeth the 9. and 27. Articles.

5. The Brownists purenesse is, to serve God in Woods and Fields, and his opinion is, that Idolatry cannot be reformed without pulling down of Churches. Christ indeed whipt the buyers and sellers out of the Temple, though it was prophaned, yet without any pulling down; and this man is against the 35. Article.

6. Loves familist, serves God as well at his neighbours charge, as at his own, omnia sunt communia, the things which they possesse are not their own, but all are Common: He teacheth, that unlawful swearing is worse than murther; and this is against the 39. Article.

7. The Precisian will not swear before a Magistrate; That unlawful swearing is a greater sin than murther. God indeed is greater then man; here is the compare; but then the effect, destructive, is greater, by murther, God commands that the murtherer die, blood for blood, he deals not so severely with the swearer. See the 39. Article.

8 The Sabbatarian preaches down Holy dayes; preaching, that the Instrumental directing cause, to keep holy the sabbath day; he makes to be the keeping holy the sabbath. But Gods holy Worship, prayer, is keeping holy the sabbath day, for preaching the holy direction, teacheth holy worship, prayer, to be the holy practise of that day, to praise the Lord for our Redemption, the sole principal end of preaching on the Lords day. His preaching is a Sylva synonymorum, Tautologies, Iterations; His praying much erroneous; and this is against the 35. Article.

9. The Anti-disciplinarian is above the Kings supremacy, Imperious Imagination, his highnesse is the Churches greatest Authority; and he saith this is as good a rule to know the reformed true faith, is the holy Writ, He is a strict observer of the Law; therefore he accounts it the best Religion; His tenet is, That Kings must be subject to the Puritan; To the Puritans Presbyters Censure, submit their Scepters, throw down their Crowns, lick up the dust of their feet. This Mr. Rogers in his eleventh page of his Preface to the 39. Articles; And T. Cartwright teacheth in his Reply, page 1080. And here the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance are broken; against the 21. Article: His tenet, that all Priests should be equal; See Varellus and Vivetus sermons, two Geneva Presbyters; against the • 3. 33. and 36. Articles, and against the twentieth Article.

10. The presuming Predestinatist hath an inspired knowledge to be saved by Gods absolute Election, as sure as it were now in Heaven; no life in him, but Gods essential glory; against the 17. Article, and the 3. Article.

Thus was it then, amongst us Reformed, and since it hath increased ten times worse; But the Papist is not clear from Crimes, schismes and sins.

The contest between Iesuites Priests and Secular Priests Jesuites and secular Priests at difference. have evermore their debates, and now grounded upon this occasion. Richard Smith, titular Bishop of Calcedon, his honour there in Greece, but his profit from England over all the Romish Catholicques, especially for ordaining of Priests and confirmations of persons Baptized; But when he came hither, we cannot finde, till now we have caught him here; Yet Pope Gregory the thirteenth delegated one William Bishop to Calcedon, who died 1624. After him succeeded another (by Mission of Urbane the eighth, 1625.) this Richard Smith to the same Title: But why to a foreign Title, and not at as easie a rate to English, as in Ireland, he had, to all Sees there? the reason is, He had in Ireland a Counter-party of People, for Number and Quality in every Diocesse and Parish; not so in England, where it had been ridiculous in the Granter, and dangerous in the Accepter. To oppose his power, up starts Nicholas Smith a Regular, in malice to his advancement, and quarrelled also against Doctor Kelson President of the Colledge of Doway, who had printed a Treatise of the dignity and necessity of Bishop and secular Clergy.

Nicholas Smith's Reasons were for the Regulars: first such Bishops uselesse in England in times of persecution, Either for Ordination, which might be supplied by foreign Bishops: Or Confirmation of children, which any Priest might perform by Commission from the Pope.

Secondly, Burthensom to the already pressures of the English Catholicques. And Thirdly, the Person of Calcedon, not lawfully called.

Kelson undertakes Answers to all these, and the Insolency of the Regulars seemed more secular. And indeed the Irish Regular exceeded such in England; maintaining, That the superiours of Regulars were more worthy than Bishops, which caused the Doctors of Sorborn in Paris to censure the Proposition, and the Arch-Bishop of Paris, to condemn Nicholas Smiths Book, and other Tractates of that sense.

But Bishop Smith would take upon him to approve of such Regulars Priests as were to be constant Confessors, which the Jesuites opposed as an usurpation upon them; And being the better Polititians, contrive a Declaration under the name of the most noble and eminent Catholiques, against his pretended Authority; which Declaration was offered to the Spanish Ambassadour, Don Carlos de Coloma, together with the Kings Proclamations, to ferret his person, He declined both his power and presence to seek safety in France. The Bishop fled, the dogs bark. Knot vice provincial of the English Jesuites, and Flood another of St. Omers, undertake him and Kelson also, but were censured and silenced; though not their several factions unto this day.

But this bickering is lodged under the product of the peace with Spain, Hist. p. 112. as if to encourage the Catholiques to rant it in Ireland also towards a Toleration. The Lords Justices at Dublin, at Church in one Parish, the Priests at Masse in another, who were seized by the Arch-Bishop, and Major, and all the City Officers, their Trinkets taken away, Images hewen down, the Priests and Fryers delivered up to the Souldiers, and yet rescued by the people, from whom a strong power enforced them, and eight Popish Aldermen clapt in prison for being remisse to attend their Major; upon which mis-behaviour and mutiny, fifteen Houses were seized to the Kings use, and the Fryers and Priests persecuted, and Two of them to save publique Execution, hang'd themselves in their hose-garters.

The Earl of Essex Earl of Essex his second Marriage. would needs try Mastery with a fresh Mistresse; being over born by his first Wife, as their story is truly told in the life of King Iames, 18. years since. He then but a stripling, but ever since getting strength, and being falsely fram'd for Martial Exploits in the Low-Conntries, where he Disciplin'd himself, but without any high renown, or feats of Arms, or any extraordinary proofs of his manhood, had a strong minde to a second Marriage, and as if recovered of his former Impotency, to exercise himself upon tryal with Betty Paulet (as they called her) daughter she was indeed, of a Knight, extracted from that Nobility, of the Marquesse of Winchester, but by what venture of descent we need not enquire. She was pretty, but poor, Beauty hath price enough; and a great portion would not have him. In March he was Married, but being mistaken in his own abilities of the Bed,Anno 1631. having it seems not excercised that kinde of Low Countreys manhood, found himself failing, and so retired out of Town, as to give occasion for others to court his Countess, and his advantage of a second Divorce; and in truth he was easily drawn thereto by such as hung upon him in former time; his Revenue now divided into Families, Wife and Women-creatures shared the less to his Dependants.

Their Design was to watch their Countess, who was wanton enough for such a Husband, and by a Ladder to her Chamber-window saw so much, as forcing the Door, Master Udal was found sitting upon her Bed-side very late, unbraced with heat, as in pursuit of her Sister, who in merriment, after some questions, he had been commanded to kiss her, she being shadowed in the Ladies Chamber, where he went to seek her: but the conclusion was Divorce, though her innocency was pleaded and sealed with all possible protestations, and so generally believed, untill she proved with childe; and yet the Earl was so wise as to father it. Marry then the Mooncalf must fall at the minute of his own account, which no doubt happened just with the birth of the Baby a jolly Boy, and so as best right for him to nestle, who seized it from the Mother, never like to see it long alive; nor what became of it we need not doubt.

But why these his dishonours were not more [resented at Court agreeable to his Extraction] in a prophetick relation to [all King Charls his future mishaps] is more of the Authours wonder than I can make of it; and concludes, that he became the Head of an Army, giving the King Battel in a Pitch F • eld partly upon the score of those indignities before, which he supposes was charged on the Kings account.

It was in Anno 1627. Therefore Feoffees were legally intrusted to purchase in the ImpropriationsImpropriations permitted and punished. with their own and other good mens money, and with the profit to maintain a constant preaching Ministery, where the Word was wanting. They consisted of 4. Divines to perswade the conscience, 4. Lawyers for the Conveyances, and four Citizens, for no other end but their money. There was no need of Captains, for Captain Michael's Sword was then sheathed.

There are in England 9284. Parish-churches endowed with Glebe and Tithes. But 3845. were either appropriated to the Clergy, or impropriated (as Lay-fines) to private persons, which latter these Feoffees endeavoured to redeem, and might have done it in fifty years, by the large summs soon advanced: and no wonder, the subtilty was not then discerned, for in time the Purchasers would become the prime Patrons, for number, and greatness of Benefices, multiply their dependence, and increase non-conformity; and therefore the Attorney General Noy exhibited a Bill in the Exchequer to overthrow their Apocrypha incorporatum.

First, Breach of Trust, for erecting a Morning Lecture at St. Antholines, London, (the Land of Goshen) and not in other places far distant, where Souls famished for want of Food.

Secondly, preferred Non-conformists, and so their proceedings were censured, as dangerous to the Church and State, pronounced illegal, and dissolved, and their money confiscate to the King, which yet of late was accounted a pious Project.

Good men and bad are Examples fit for History, the one to follow, these to shun; And the man of the first rank was Mervin Lord Audley, Earl of Castlehaven, Arreignment of the Ea • l of Castlehaven. married to a second Wife the Daughter of the old Countess of Derby, and Widow of the Lord Chandos, by whom she had a Daughter married to the Lord Audley the Earls eldest Son.

This Earl, upon Petition of his own Son and Heir the Lord Audley, was committed in December last, and indicted at Salisbury, the County of his abode, the 25. of March, the first day of this year, 1631. accused for causing one Skipwith, of mean extraction, and his Servant, advanced by him to great preferment, to assist him to ly with his Countess, and to cuckold his Son Audley, the Earl assisting, and to hold his Wife whilest Brodway did ravish her: and for acting Sodomy upon Brodway and Fitz Patrick his Servants: a strange kinde of hideous monstrous quality in the sin of this Earl, enforcing others to that wickedness wherein himself had no temptation for his excuse, or inclination to the action, which is the begining of sin; no fruits or sensual pleasure for the present, which is the act in sin; no advance or profit in the future, which is a reward to a mans self of his sin. The uncouth baseness of the Rape, the Master to serve the Servants; to cuckold himself, the highest horridity of a Wittal; the Husband to ravish his own Wife; nay, to commit a Rape upon himself, (being both one) a sin without former President, or future belief; so monstrous in the manner, so execrable in the end. The onely man of Nobility of infamous note that suffered judicial Execution by this King; for I reckon not the Earl of Strafford under that notion,

These Crimes are bad enough, we need not devise any more, [that he in Prison impudently told some Lords, Hist. p. 115. his whole delight was to damn Souls, by inticing men the surest way to effect it] which hath no credit, and we shall lodg no other upon him but truths; for certainly had he said this before his Trial, it might have been remembred as all circumstances were then, to advance his guilt. And it becomes an Historian in dubious relations to admit the most Christian and charitable, being more unlawfull to deceive Posterity by feigned narrative, than to abuse a Judg by false Witness.

But of the other he was found guilty by Grand Inquest, and so his cause put over to the Kings Bench, and his Person sent to the Tower.

The manner of his Trial for Life was by a Court of High Commission, delegated to some principal Person as chief Iudg, constituted with a Power as being next to the King. In some sort matching the Ephory amongst the Lacedemonians, and therefore not to be longer intrusted than for the time of Trial; for the business being done, he breaks his Staff, the Verge of his Power and Authority. And Thomas Lord Coventry Lord Keeper of the Great Seal was by Patent of the thirteenth of April, 1631. commissioned Lord High Steward of England, for the Day, being the five and twentieth of April. And because it was the first and last Commission of this nature by this King, we shall not spare the particular Narrative, to rectifie mis-reports of many others herein.

It was at the Kings Bench in Westminster-hall, Manner of Trial. where a Theatre was erected, in height equal with the Bench, covered over with green Cloth. In the upper end was placed the Tribunal Chair of State for the High Steward; on either side the Peers of the Realm, and under them the Iudges; in the lower end against the State were the Kings learned Council; and at their backs two Pews lifted up to face the Court for the Prisoner and his Keeper; and in the midst of the Court a place of descension for the Clerk of the Crown and his Assistant; where they all met between eight and nine of the Clock that Morning.

First, the Clerk of the Crown and the Iudges, the Lieutenant of the Tower and the Prisoner, (retiring into a Room near hand;) then the Peers seven and twenty in number, those of the Garter order wearing their Coller of Esses about their neck, the chiefest of them were, Weston Lord Treasurer, Earl of Manchester Lord Privy Seal, Arundel Earl Marshall of England, and so the rest.

Then enters the Lord High Steward his Grace, in a black Velvet Gown trimm'd with Gold Buttons and Lace, before him 7. Maces of State, born by the Serjeants at Arms, attended by Sir Io: Burroughs Garter principal King of Arms, and Maxwel Usher of the Black Rod.

The JudgesJudges. Assistants for Counsel in case of Law, were Sir Nicholas Hide Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, Sir Thomas Richardson Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir Humphrey Davenport Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and Baron Denham; four Judges, Iones, Hutton, Whitlock, and Crook. The learned Council were Sir Robert Heath Attorney General, Sir Richard Chelton Solicitor General, Sir Io: Finch the Queens Attorney General, and Sir Thomas. Crew Serjeant at Law, Sir Thomas Fanshaw Clerk of the Crown, and Keeling his Assistant.

The Clerk of the Crown presented his Grace with the Patent of his Place of Lord High Steward of England. After O yes! he delivered the Patent to the Clerk of the Crown, who read it, and returned it back. The Black Rod kneeling down presented him with the White Staff or Verge of State. After a second. O yes! his Grace gave leave to the Peers to be covered, and Proclamation made, That the Judges should bring in (as by Writ commanded) all the Records touching the Earls Arraignment, and the Peers answered particularly to their several names. After the third O yes! the Lieutenant of the Tower brought in his Prisoner into their powers, and his Warrant being read, his Grace addressed himself to the Peers.

My Lord Audley, Speech to the Prisoner. (said he) (for so he stiled him as a Baron of England, and not by his Creation of Earl Castlehaven, being a forreign Title of Ireland, by which Title onely he could not be tried by the Peers) the Kings Majesty is given to understand both by report and also by Verdict of divers Gentlemen of quality in your County, that you stand impeached of sundry Crimes of a most high and hainous nature: and therefore he brings you this day to trial, doing therein like the Almighty King of Kings, (in the eighteenth of Genesis) who went down to see, whether the sins of the Sons of Sodome and Gomorrah were so grievous, as the cry of them that came before him. And Kings on Earth can have no better Patern to follow, than that of the King of Heaven: and so hath summoned by special command these your Peers, either to acquit or condemn you; they being so noble and so just, so indifferent Iudges: for his Majesty desires that your Trial should be as equal and upright as Iustice it self: wherefore you may speak boldly and confidently without fear, to clear your self, and so to be set free; but if otherwise your own conscience accuse you, give the honour to God and the King, by confessing the truth, without shifts or subtilties against it, which are but Consilia adversus Dominum.

May it please your Grace, (said Audley) Audley's answer. I have stood committed close Prisoner six moneths, without Friends or Counsel, deprived of the knowledg of the particular circumstances of the Crimes laid to my charge, unskilfull of the advantages or disadvantages of Law, and but weak to plead at the best; and therefore desire liberty of Counsel to plead for me.

Your long Imprisonment (said his Grace) hath been rather a favour for conveniency to bethink your self: and you shall have all possible favour in this your first demand, in which the Iudges shall satisfie you, as in all other your de • ires in the prosecution of your Trial.

The Judges gave opinion, that in principal Causes, Counsel is not to be allowed for matter of Fact, but for matter of Law it may.

His Grace commanded the Clerk of the Crown to reade his Indictments, Indictment. being three in number.

The first, for a Rape, by assisting Brodway his own Servant to ravish his Wife the Countess of Castlehaven.

The other two, for Sodomy committed on the Body of Brodway and on Fitz Patrick his Footman.

To which he pleaded, Not guilty, &c.

And therefore his Grace said thus to the Peers.

My Lords, the Prisoner is indicted of Rape and Sodomy, and pleads Not guilty: My duty is to charge you with the Trial, Yours to judg. The Cause may move pity in some, detestation in all, but neither of them may be put in the Scale of Iustice, for a Grain on either side sways the Ballance. Let Reason rule your affections, your heads, your hearts, to heed attentively, and weigh equally. In the right course the Iudges will direct you, if doubts arise. Ye are not sworn how to proceed, the Law supposeth your integrity to Iustice, which others are compelled unto by Oath. And so God direct you.

Crew opened the Indictments, and so was seconded, and by turns all the other, but the Attorney General proceeded in brief; that the Crimes were far more base and beastly than any Poet invented, or History ever mentioned. Suetonius indeed sets out the Lives of Heathen Emperours, whose Sovereignty had no Law to question their Power, nor Religion to bound their wills from acting any Crimes. And here ravelling into his former debauched life and profession of Papistry, digressing from the matter of the Indictments, the Prisoner desired that his Religion, nor other circumstances not conducing to his crimes charged, might be spared. But he was told to forbear to interrupt the Council, till the time fitting to make answer.

And so the Attorney went on with his Religion, His Religion. bred up a Protestant, and after fell to Papistry, for more liberty in evil; or rather of both Professions, or of either, or of none at all. Cor quod ingreditur duas vias non habet successum. In the morning at a Mass, afternoon at a Sermon; believing in God thus basely, God left him at the last to his lusts, and so to Atheism, to work wickedness without hope of Heaven or horrour of Hell.

His moral actions Moral actions. beyong imagination wicked; for though he married this Lady, as noble in birth, as great in fortune; so soon as that solemnity was done, and she in Bed, he presents Amptil his Page to her Person, and unchaste imbracements, reasoning with Scripture, that her Body now made subject unto him, and so at his command; if to evil, not her fault, let her sin ly at his door: but she refusing, he left her at this time; and takes Amptil whom he

That the Kings Majesty had committed the Trial of the business to your Grace my Lord High Constable, the Earl Marshal, and this Court, 〈…〉 which course was warrantable by the Laws of other Nations, and also by our own, who have used the same manner of Trial.

That our Law admitted sundry Proofs for Treason, which in other matters it did not: That all Subjects were bound to discover Treasons: and cited two ancient Civilians, Hieronymus and Tiberius, who gave their Reasons for this kinde of Trial. And he mentioned sundry Records of our own Chronicles and Examples herein, as the Duke of Norfolk combating against the Duke of Hartford in Henry 4. his time. Jo: Ely and William Scroop against Ballamon at Burdeaux, the King being there. The Lord Morley impeached Mountague Earl of Salisbury. And that Thomas of Walsingham and Thomas of Woodstock in their learned Writings expressed sundry Presidents for this manner of Proceeding; wishing the Court in Gods Name to go on to the Trial, and the Appellant to give in his Evidence.

Then the Appellant came up upon the Table, to whom the Earl Marshal delivered the Petition, which he had the day before exhibited to the King. And the Defendant being also called up, the Petition was read, which was in effect, That he having accused Ramsey of Treason, and also Meldram his Kinsman, and of Confederacy, against whom Captain Nothwick was witness, therefore had desired that the Court would proceed against Meldram first.

But he was told by the Court, that their Cases differing, the Appellant was ordered to deliver in his Charge against the Defendant, which he did, in writing by Bill, containing sundry Particulars, viz.

That in May last in the Low-countreys, The Charge. Ramsey complained to him against the Court of England. That the matters of Church and State was so out of frame as must tend to a change, if not desolation.

That thereforefore he had abandoned the Kingdom, to live where now he was, and to expect a mutation forthwith, to which end he had brought present Moneys to maintain him at six pounds a day for three years. That Marqucss Hamilton had a great Army promised to him, for pay whereof the King had given in hand ten thousand pound, and all the Wine Customes in Scotland for sixteen years, presently to be sold for the Armies subsistence. And that he staid but for Ammunition and Powder to come over, for which his Lordship was to mediate with his Majesty of Sweden and the States, and then link themselves together, of whose minde Rey should know hereafter.

That their Friends in Scotland had gotten therefore Arms and Powder out of England, and that what he should procure in Holland was to be brought over by the Marquess; and that all Scotland were sure to them except Three.

That France and Spain thirsted for England, but Hamilton would defeat them for himself. His onely fear was of Denmark, where he meant to land, and either to take him off, or make a party.

That afterwards at Amsterdam, Ramsey with Alexander Hamilton solicited him the Lord Rey to be true to them, and to be of their Council, though as yet they durst not reveal too much of Hamilton's secrets, but if he repaired to England, he would intrust him with Letters; and that his Brother in Law Sea-port knew all.

This being the effect of the Charge. He added,

That if Ramsey would deny it, he was a Villain and a Traitour, which he would make good. And therewith cast him his Clove.

Ramsey denied all, and said, Rey was a Liar, a barbarous Villain, and threw down his Glove, protesting, to gar him dy for it, if he had had him in place for that purpose.

Rey was temperate, without any passion, but smiling, replied, Mr. Ramsey, we will not contend here. Answer to my Bill.

Then Ramsey offered some Reasons of the impossibility of the Charge, the slender Numbers of men from England, but six thousand raw Souldiers, against three Kingdoms, whom the first Proclamation might dissipate. That the Marquess was neither so wicked; nor weak in judgment: and if he should conceit to surprize the King, what hope had he against his Children and Kindred? And therefore (said he) my Lord Rey is a barbarous Villain, and a Liar, and he will gar him dy for it, or lose his dearest bloud.

He was interrupted by the Earl Marshal, telling him, he must not stand upon conjectures, but answer the Bill of Form according to Law, and was advised to take counsel therein.

Then Ramsey in general acknowledged all the particular circumstances of time and place alleged by Rey, and the discourse to that effect, but concluded, that no Treason was intended or uttered, and craved Counsel to answer, which was granted.

And so the Court adjourned till the fifth of December, but upon a fresh Arrest by the Earl Marshal they were to put in Bail for Appearance, which were the old Security; and Ramsey ordered to answer upon Oath. At which Day appearing, the fame of the Cause brought thither such a crowd of People as was not imaginable.

Rey entered as before in manner and habit: but Ramsey was new suited in black Satten, and presented his Answer in writing to this effect:

That having well considered the time, Ramseys Answer. place, and communication with the Lord Rey beyond the Seas, (as before urged) he confesses;

That Rey demanded of him, whether the Marquess Hamilton intended to come over and follow the Wars? He said; Yes. And told him of his Forces six thousand men, and of the ten thousand pounds in money, and Wine-customes in Scotland, which he would selt to maintain the Army, and that he would come so provided with Ammunition, that being joyned with his Friends he valued no Enemy. Upon which Rey replied, that his own two Regiments should wait upon him: but the place of these Forces to meet was at Sea, and there to receive directions from the King of Swede, where to rendezvouz. Upon which Rey said, that his Life and Fortunes should wait on the Marquess; who being told of his friendship, wrote a Letter to Rey, which Ramsey delivered, in effect, that Rey would get some Ammunition from the King of Swede, which was wanting. And that, speaking in general of matters amiss in England, Rey answered, God amend all. To whom Ramsey replied, By God Donnold, we must help him to amend all. And to all the other matters and things he utterly denies, and craves revenge upon Rey's person by dint of Sword.

Then Doctor Eden Dr. Eden for Ramsey. of Council for Ramsey spake to the Court, That being assigned his Council, his opinion was, that the Defendant might decline the Combate, and reply to the Appellant's Bill in brief, with these Reasons:

First, that by the words in the Bill, No man can be charged a Traitor by one that is guilty in his own particular, and so is not tied to be Defendant, nor to answer such a Bill.

Secondly, the incertainty and doubtfulness of the words in the Charge; so that till the Court doth censure them to be treasonable, the Defendant is not tied to answer.

Thirdly, the Appellant refers the Combate till the last, if he cannot in the mean time prove the Charge by any other ways; then he offers to make it good by his Body. So then, the Defendant may forbear his Answer, and decline the Combate.

And now my Lords, (said he) I humbly shall acquaint you with the Defendants answer to me in private, which was,

That though in Law he might, yet in honour and innocency he would not, decline the Combate, but being his own consent, his Advocate hath the less to say for him. And so time was given for Rey's Replication till Friday after.

Reys Councel moved, whereas Dr. Eden had excepted at some words in the charge, he answered,Dr. Duck the Kings Advocate for Rey. that whoever was accused of Treason, was not to insist, how polluted the answer was, but how to approve and clear himself: Then to refer the Combate to the last, was well done, ultimum refugium, to expose his life, for God, the King and his Countrey.

This Speech being somewhat peremtory,E. Marshal. and directory to the Court, he was told,

That the Court needed not his direction, as to the Tryall of Combate, their wisdoms would consider of that when it was time; and so the Court adjourned, both parties being admitted to have common Lawyers; but to plead onely by Civilians.

This day come, Rey appears as before; But Ramsey in a new suit, of Ash-colour cloth, opened with scarlet colour, the cloke scarlet cloth, lined with ash coloured velvet, and the whole suit and cloke overlaid with silver and Sky coloured lace.

The former proceedings were read by the Register; Rey his Replication. and thereupon the Appellants Replication presented to the High Constable: in effect.

That Ramsey in his answer, had cunningly slipt over a part of the charge, which was, that the Lord Rey protested, he was not ingaged in Wars, for want of subsistence, and therefore would not hazzard in any designe, without sure knowledge, upon which words, depends much of the matter and main of that part of the Bill. And so ripping up the several charges of the Bill, the strength, reasons, and likelihood, and the defendants defects in not clearing the chief points, they went on with the Councel.

It was his part to inforce the charge against Ramsey to this effect.

He observed, Dr. Duck for Rey. That the first day, Ramsey denied all the charge, whilest he stood upon positive resolution, but afterwards his Councel brought him to particulars and taught him to Answer superficially; first he knew nothing, and yet now so much.

No doubt there was some stranger enterprize by the Marquesse Hamilton, then to serve the King of Swede, by Ramseys professing that Hamilton was a Protestant, and bore Arms for Religion, not caring with whom to grapple; from hence observing, That they intended somewhat to attempt of themselves. Ramsey stiled the Marquesse his Master in discourse, and in many of his Letters produced, much of the discovery by Rey, was to fish out of Ramsey the truth of his doubtful words; How unlikely it was that Rey having two Regiments of old Souldiers, Captain of the King of Swedes Dragoons in good pay for all, should offer to serve Hamilton who was to be commanded by the King.

And that Ramsey might decline the Combate, or forbear answering till the last, was a strange opinion of Councel; because, combate was to be reserved till all other means of discovery fayled, and therefore Rey his reasons, were supplimental proofs; and requesting Meldrams testimony; but however he was now ready, if the Court thinks fit to give the Combate presently.

And concluded with an example in case of Murther. Two men fight in secret, the one is slain, the other flies, and though without any witnesse of the fact, his seeking to escape condemns him guilty. So Ramsey having been accused of Treason above three Moneths by the Lord Rey, and both confined, Ramsey dispairing of his cause, seeks his flight from Justice by sending to Rey a private challenger, being a sufficient conviction in Law, as by ancient Presidents in this Court: viz. Kiteles, after an Appeal, seems a challenger to Scroop, and was therefore adjudged guilty.

Doctor Duck Answered to all. That first, It was prudence for Ramsey Dr. Duck for Ramsey. to answer in general Negatively, having been newly landed from Sea; and might be excused till time and consideration, to refresh his memory, being not upon Oath; And as yet, the defendant need not answer perfectly, till further time and favour, to view the Exhibits in Court by copies, which he desires.

And directly urged against the Lord Reys Replic • tion, not to be allowed; Because, Rey referring himself now to Proofs, might have saved the trouble of this Court of Honour and Chivalrie and hazzard of their Persons by Combate, which intends the Trial without proofs • And that the Defendant having ingaged his sureties, but to this day, He humbly desires the time and place to be ordered for the sudden Combate, according to the Law of Arms, and custom of this Court; Saying, that the Duel foreseen, must ensue upon the Appeal and Denial; and therefore ought now to be granted.

Doctor Reeves Dr. Reeves for Rey. moved for continuance of the Replication, and consented to the Combate; The Court admitted the Replication, and ordered time till Wednesday for Exceptions thereto.

Doctor Duck Dr. Duck. offered some reasons to satisfie Rey, and extremely to censure Ramsey, where he was interrupted and told by the E. Marshall, That the Court will save him the labour and councel, till the Rejoynders be put in, and then to be Ordered.

Doctor Eden Dr. Eden for Rey. shewed that the copies of the Letters Exhibited were not given out: Nor shall sayes the Earl Marshal, till the court have considered of the contents, and so they were read.

The one was from Ramsey to Rey, Letters read. certifying him of passages in the Low-Countreys since their parting to put the Marquesse in minde of directing him, how to dispose of the Ammunition and Arms in his custody; subscribed,

 

your servant, Ramsey.

The other from the Lord Marquesse, to the Lord Rey, congratulating his love and affection, expressing a great desire to meet him in Germany, upon any terms he would propose. And that Ramsey the Bearer, was instructed for him to Treat with the King of Swede, whom he desires to favour and assist, which will oblige him his

 

friend and servant, Hamilton.

Doctor Duck Dr. Duck for Rey. opened the whole matter, and each particular, Insisting, That my Lord Reys evidence being for the King, and he a person of Honour, and Peer of Scotland, his testimony was sufficient.

And moves that Mr. Meldram might be admitted for supply, for though they were not joynt witnesses together, of the words, which made the charge; yet for as much that they were spoken assunder, and agreeing together, made up a full proof: That no testimony may be neglected in matters of Treason. That if any part of the charge was denied by the Defendant, and proved by the Appellant, it might convince him in a manner of the Whole: And urged the offence of Ramseys challenging Rey. But more of that hereafter.

But Doctor Reeves prosecuted the matter, for that Ramsey's Dr. Reeves for Rey. Councel endeavoured to prove that he might decline the Combate, or forbear answering, because of some words which reflected upon my Lord Rey as matter of reproach, that Rey had uttered words of Treason to catch Ramsey, and then to turn Informer. But (said he) No office can be accounted base, when the King and Kingdoms safety is concern'd; citing a story out of Livie, that the Romans confederate with the Sanubies, were to undergo a base office that stood not with Honour, and resolved, so long as it was advantagious to the Romane State, it might with Honour be undertaken.

Doctor Eden Dr. Eden for Ramsey. was earnest to excuse himself for putting in these words against the Lord Rey, saying, that his Client enforced, to have them inserted,

But being a point of Honour, the Earl Marshal iuterposed, That true it was, the best man may not refuse the basest office to preserve a King and Nation; But again, it was most unworthy the degree of honour, for any man to angle and intrap another, and then to present him to that Kings Iustice.

Then the Pleaders argued concerning Meldrams Testimony, That no proof ought to be omitted for the King; But it was offered for Ramsey Doctor Eden for Ramsey. to joyn issue upon that point in Law; for the Bill was laid against him not general, but particular, to Place, Time and matter, viz. That in May last in a Ship, and afterward at Amsterdam, then again at Delph, Ramsey should say such and such words, which if Meldram would justifie, besides himself, they ought to be admitted, otherwise it was no good matter, but must refer to a new Bill.

That the Defendant had answered fully, for that the Lord Rey profered his service to the Marquesse without pressing to know any designe. That nothing in the Letters could convict Ramsey. That the Lord Rey standing upon his great offices under the King of Swede, and so not necessitated to serve the Marquess, He had not those places of command then, but since; and that since his coming into England, he said that he would have served under the Marquess, and concluded that Ramsey and the Marquess might use such words, and yet not intend Treason to his Majesty.

But having in this Tryal medled so much with the Marquess, the Court was fain to enter an order or Protection, to clear the Marquess his words or actions from dishonour.

Then the Court proceeded to Examine witnesses viva voce.

Archibal Raukin Raukin examined. was to prove the challenge as the Bringer, upon these questions he confessed, That he was in Ramseys chamber at Richmond the last of October.

That Ramsey did not imploy him to carry any challenge to the Lord Rey; But at that time Ramsey told him, that it was his grief to be restrayned not to meet Rey, who was a Trayterous villain, and wished to meet him in the open fields at Barn-Elms, he would make him dye for it, and tear his heart, with other such words of reproach, and wished this Deponent to tell Rey so much, which he did, but it was three weeks after, and then, not until the Lord Rey told him, that Ramsey had sent him a challenge; so that said Ramsey, my Message was but a relation, not a challenge.

But Rauken was observed to falter from what he affirmed before Dr. Reeves, and others, viz. to have carried the challenge, and that Ramsey could not deny it; so that Rauken was threatned not to accuse Ramsey.

Gilbert Seaton deposed, That Ramsey said, he had made it come to Rey's ears, to have ended this businesse without troubling the King or Lords.

Then Doctor Duck Doctor Duck for Rey. summoned up all the proceedings, observing that formerly in the presence of the King, Ramsey had with deep protestations and oath denied the time, place, and matter which he now confesseth, and though then not examined upon oath, yet in France and other Countreys, the very holding up of the hand is an oath, and so Tertullian sayes of the Romanes, and Ramsey confessing part, he might be guilty of the whole charge.

Doctor Eden said,Doctor Eden for Ramsey. That Rey was not a competent witnesse against Ramsey, though for the King, for he was particeps criminis; Capitalis Inimicus: for the first his Bill made him so; for it Ramsey spake Treason, so did Rey; for the second, it appeared by Reys violent prosecution, and if all failed, his sword must make it good; and so the Defendant was not bound to answer, nor to accept the challenge unlesse he will, to which he is so willing.

But Doctor Duck Doctor Duck for Rey. said these Reasons did not currere quatuor pedibus. Some of the Conspirators with Cataline were revealers of the Treason, and allowed as witnesses.

Doctor Reeves Dr. Reeves. concluded, that although some of the Lord Reys witnesses did not affirm what they might, it would encourage him to set a sharper edge upon his sword when he entered the Lists; and that the God of right would so weaken the heart of Ramsey, that it should fail him when he took his sword in hand.

The Holy-daies of Christmass drawing nigh, E. Marshall. The Court ordered, that either party might repair to Sr. Henry Martin, and possesse him with further proofs, out of these witnesses already Examined, but of no other. And so adjourned the Court till Monday the ninth of Ianuary, when after some small debates, but no further Matter or Proofs, the businesse was briefly determined, to be referred to the Kings pleasure.

Which came to this Account. That Hamiltons power with the King got all favour for Ramsey; and well rewarded in due time; And Rey having done the duty of a Loyal Subject, left the Court and Kingdom, and returned to his Command in Sweden. But this story, though tedious, will enlighten us further to the truths of the Scotish affairs.

This Year increased Discontents in the Clergy at Oxford University; First many conceived that the renovations, reducing their use of primitive times in Divine service, was now no lesse than Innovation, against which, they bitterly Invected in their Pulpits and Pasquils. University divines differ in opinions. Their very texts giving just cause of offence and mutiny, as Let us make us a Coptain, and return into Egypt. And he cryed against the Altar in the word of the Lord, Numb. 14. and said, O Altar, Altar, 1 Kings 13. and many such, reflecting upon the Persons of the most Eminent in the Church, and violating the Kings Declaration for depressing Arminian controversies, some of the offenders being convented before their superiours the vice Chancellor, Appeal to the Proctors: Bishop Laud mistaking these retrograde proceedings, in appeals from Ascendents to Descendents, caused the King at Woodstock to order the difference, and censured the offenders to be expelled the University; The Proctors deprived, and others partakers check't for engaging; But the Expulsion of these Preachers Expelled not their Schism, which inwardly burnt the more for blazing the lesse, many complaining of the two edged sword of justice, too penal for some to touch, then others to break the Kings Declaration. And in this controversie died the Arch Bishop of York Dr. Harsnet, a discreet Assertor of these necessary and useful Ceremonies, and complained even against the Conformable Puritan, who preached it in policy, but diffented in judgement. His Epitaph sets forth his Bishopricks. Indignus Episcopus Cicestrensis, Indignior Norvicensis & Indignissimus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis, enjoying them all three.

And now they revive the Sabbatarian controversie, which was begun five years since, 1628. Bradburn on the Sabbath day, and directed to the King, maintaining, First, The fourth Commandment simply and intirely Moral, and Christians obliged as well as the Iews to observe everlastingly that day. That the Lords day is an ordinary working day, it being Will-worship, to make it a Sabbath by vertue of the fourth Commandment. But the High Commission Court soon made this man a Convert; which opinions begat controversies of five heads, What is the fittest name of that day? when to begin and end? Upon what authority grounded? Whether alterable or no? Whether any recreations, and what kinds on that day? And then these disputants were distinguished into Sabbatarians, Moderate men, and Anti-Sabbatarians, and their preaching and pamphlets so quarrelous, as made the poor distracted people to seek what to do.

And at the Temple It was Explained by Learned Dr. Micklethwait, That the richer fort, were more obliged to the strictnesse of the day than the poor workman, such as have no diversion by labour all the week, need no Recreation on One day, the Labourer having some title to Liberty. But from the Pen, they fall to Pikes, and Somersetshire the Stage and fie • y Scene; First, keeping their Church-Ales and Wakes of meetings on that day evening, which upon complaint to Richardson Chief Justice, that Circuit, he suppressed them totally by Order of the nineteenth of March. This being an usurpation of a Lay Judg on Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, the Arch-bishop Laud procures from the King a Commission to two Bishops and other Divines to examine the Judges carriage therein; which Order at last he was fain to revoke the next Assize: and so the quarrel on foot, and petition, troubling the King to settle this difference, it procured reason of State in the King to revive his Fathers Declaration for Sports, set out in the fifteenth of King Iames, upon the like occasion in Lancashire, which refer to the subsequent time 1654. And indeed though the State was induced with much prudence to afford some liberty to labouring people, carving to some freedom on that day, cut most for others, and leave least for themselves. The Declaration was not pressed on the Minister to publish, more proper for a Lay Officer or Constable, but because Judg Richardson had enjoyned his Order to the contrary, and the Minister obeyed it. Now the Declaration was put upon them also by the Order of the Bishops. Some Schismaticks were forward to read it, and forthwith the fourth Commandment, setting (as they meant) God and the King at odds, that so themselves might escape in the fray. Nor was the reading absolutely urged upon any, unless under the Bishop of Norwich, too severe there. Many men out of breath, observe this as the concurring cause of our sad events and Civil War. 'Tis true, our fights were often forced upon the King on that day, as pointing at the punishing of profaneness; but our Battels have been rubrick'd each day in the Week with English bloud: and therefore to pick a solemn Providence out of a common Casualty, savours more of Curiosity than Conscience: though indeed Edg-hill Fight fell on that day, which entred us into so much misery. And truly, had we (all of us) strictand duly observed the holy keeping that Holy Day, we might be happy there still; I mean the due measure: but we have wrested it awry from the right way, reeling into extremes, afterwards neglecters, now contemners, Transcendents above common piety, they need not keep any, because they observe all days: we call them Levellers, equalling all Times, Places, Persons, nay to our Lands in common; a general confusion they make to be Gospel perfection; for having supprest all due observation of festival, Saints days, and their Eves, Wednesdays and Fridays Service and Letanies; now our Hypocrites out of errour, or worse, perfect pr • faness, take away the Lords day also.

The famous Fabrick of Saint Pauls Church and Steeple, made so in process of time from the p • ety of primitive Christians, 1632. their devout zeal to good works:Repair of St. Pauls. and since by several additions of Benefactours raised to a structure of admiration;Anno 1632. a Pile huge and honourable, not the like left to our last Age to be sampled in the whole World. What the hands of good men had made wonderfull, the hand of wasting had extremely decayed. Onely the hand of Heaven by accident of Lightning had burnt down the high Spire, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, who then had designed not onely to rebuild that, but to repair the whole Church, and to that end some Materials were then prepared.

Afterwards in the time of King Iames, the religious Patriot Sir Paul Pindar Sir Paul Pindar a bounteous Benefactour. of worthy memory, returning into England some years since, from his Ambassie, Lieger in Constantinople, and afterwards one of the great Farmers of the Kings Customes, and of ample fortune, the most in money, became the great Example of Charity to many, and the Patern of Piety to all, in his magnificent re-edifyfying of this Church. First, he repaired the Entry front and Porches to all the upper Church Quire and Chancel, and enriched them with Marble Structures and Figures of the Apostles, with Carvings and Guildings far exceeding their former beauty, which cost above two thousand pounds, the act of a good man, as King Iames said. But the main Fabrick fit for the work of a King.

And therefore King Charls having a pious resolution to begin the Repair of the whole Church and Steeple, made his humble entry at the West end of the Isles up to the Body, Quire, and Chancel, where after a Sermon of Exhortation to that Christian intention, he made his pious Procession about the inside Circumvelation thereof; and viewing the Decays gave up his promise with his Devotions, speed • ly to settle the beginning of the work.

And this year issued out his Commissions under his Great Seal, to the Lord Maior Sir Robert Drewry, the two Arch-bishops, the Chancellour, Treasurer, Privy Seal, some Bishops, Secretaries, and Councellours of State, Deans, Aldermen, and others, or any six of them, whereof three to be of the Privy Council, and always the Bishop of London for the time being to be one, who was then William Laud; and the first man but not the chief Promoter, being promoved and attempted by others before he was of note, yet indeed he became a diligent and powerfull Actor therein, and the first Benefactour, who gave a hundred pounds per annum, whilest he should be Bishop of London; by whose pious endeavours and forward Example, and sundry Contributions of good and godly men, and by Commissions of Protection for Breves and Collections in all Churches of England and Wales, there was gathered in time, the sum of fourscore thousand pounds in all.

A large consideration was had to begin with the Steeple and Body, and so to descend to the Isles, presuming that when the Steeple should be finished, the Contributions would necessarily invite the compleating of the whole. But it was otherwise resolved and they began at the West end, and first the out-walls, which being cluttered with petty Tenements, even to the stopping of the Church-lights, that clouded the beauty of the first Foundation; those Houses by Lease or Rents were purchased and pulled down, and the little Church called Saint Gregories builded up at the West end, South of the Foundation, was willingly taken down to the ground, and a very necessary place ordered for the erection of another Church for that Parish.

And to this excellent good Work the fore remembred Sir Paul Pindar, besides his former Expences, took upon him also at his own proper cost and charge, (and did effect it before he died, to repair or rather new build the great South Isle, far more beautifull than it had been at the first e • ection, which 〈◊〉 him above seventeen thousand pounds.

The Contribution-money was intrusted to the Chamber of London, (then supposed the safest Chest) from thence to be issued out for Materials and Workmanship. The West end or Enterance was finished more sumptuous and stately than at first. A gracefull stately Porch was raised, the whole breadth of the West end, upon Pillars of Stone of the Ionick work supporting the Roof: on the top whereof, in seemly distance, was erected the Figures and excellent Postures of King Iames and King Charls, mounted on Pedestals, leaving room aud spaces for other succeeding Sovereigns. Then they had new cased the whole intire out-walls more nobly, to the Roof; with large Figures of Pomegranates set upon Pedestals at equal distances, to grace the Roof, which was all overlaid with Lead. The Windows with admirable painted Glass of Figures of the Fathers, Prophets, and Apostles, with several historical pieces of Scripture. Then they had vaulted the Roofs with massie Supporters of Timber, and Scaffolds raised for re-edifying and beautifying the Roof. Lastly, they had raised outward Scaffolding from the body of the Church, to the very top of the Steeple, and were going on with the Spire; and some Moneys in stock towards the finishing of all, which most Artisans supposed might be finished for forty thousand pounds.

When on the sudden, William Laud late Arch-bishop of Canterbury, was impeached by the late House of Commons in their long Parliament, and our Civil uncivil Dissentions, seized the whole stock of Money, and so the Work ceased. The Church forthwith turned into a Prison or Goal of Malignants, then into a Garrison of Foot-soldiers, then into a Stable of unclean Beasts, and then to the sale of all Materials, Stone, Lead, Glass, Iron, and last of all the very Scaffolding of Timber, which cost forty thousand pounds, sold for six thousand, the Money never paid, the end and ruine of that most glorious and Christian Design.

After-ages may conceive this final and horrid ruine to be the effects of a cruel War, which devastates all. But at the beginning of this Design of Repair; it is most true, [that many had no fancy thereto] the whole gang of Presbyterians utterly disliked of it.

And when the Earl of Holland, Hist. p. 124. Chancellour of the University of Cambridg, was commanded by the King to write his Letters to that University for Contributions of the Heads, Fellows, and Students, a wonder it was what plots and devices of some (afterwards busie-bodies in Parliament) for a time, obstructed those Letters, and other pious intentions of sundry Contributions, and were the onely causers of that desolation, and earnestly urged the ruine to all Cathedrals, as it is well observed, that Doctor Bastwick (whom he examples for one, and a known Schismatick) grudging at the great expence in the Repair, Obs. p. 104. observes his base and irreverend expression, alluding to the name Cathedral; That all the mighty mass of money must be spent in making a Seat for a Priest's Arse to sit in. See Bastwick's second Part of his Letany.

But as that repaired, London Bridg burnedLondon Bridg burnt. (the North-part) to the first open distance, which secured the rest; an ugly, patcht, unformed Building it was: part of the ruine is since repaired, a handsome well-piled Patern for rebuilding all the rest.

The King took the infection of the Small Pox, The King sickned of the Small Pox. to the great grief of the Subjects in general, and because many had suffered extremely in that Sickness, the Pulpits, Prayers, and private Devotions of all good and well-affected People, were frequently offered to the Divine Majesty, who in mercy soon restored him to health again, without any marks or blemish, of usual Spots to others in the like Sickness.

The military affairs of Europe were now come to the miserable effects of a cruel War on all sides,Polish Wars with the Turks we shall enter the story of the the Eastern part. Sigismund King of Poland and Swethland, the Bulwark of Christendom against the Turks tyranny, had been heretofore enforced to sue for succour of neighbour Princes by several Embassies; of King Iames by Ossolinsky Count Palatine of Sendomeria, who so well performed his eloquent Oration, and excellent behaviour, that he procured from hence two thousand men and money, Voluntiers for the Guards of that Kings Person.

This Count was initiated a Civilian, bred up in Court to become Chancellour, and now a Commander in this War: certainly a man of singular merit, and to boot very handsome, and of most obliging demeanor, which took with the King and all our Court, of high concernment, to chuse a Person proper for his Arrand.

And because the Quarrel came to mighty execution of both parties, I may not omit the occasion so much concerning those miserable neighbour Nations bordering the Turks Dominions, specially the Pole, who (it seemed) in those days deserved better of all Princes, than to be worried out of his own Inheritance, by a Christian now of late 1655▪ more cruel now than the Turk was then. And so by this entrance we shall bring the brief History to our time.

Mah • met the Authour of their Alcoran enjoyned the Race of Othomans, two special things: To propagate the Empire by some mighty Attempts of War. The other, to glorifie their Religion by some wondrous Action in Peace, or stupendous Structure of Amazement to the World.

For the first; Their Ter • itories extend to the Asian and African shores, from Trebizond the bottome of the Black-sea, to Argier, neighbouring the Straits of Gibralter, 6000. English miles besides the possession of Greece and her Islands, with his intrusion into Hungary. And have Auxiliary friendsh •• of the Great Tartar-Chrim: from whose Ancestors Tamberla •• proceeded▪ who though himself the Turks Scourg, yet of late the Tartar takes Affinity from the fi • st Scythian Othoman. And if the direct Line faile, He challengeth the Proximity of succession; for which purpose, he keeps correspondence with the Grand Signieur, Assisting him some time with one hundred thousand Tartars; By whose and his own multitudes he hath prevailed against Iews and Christians, possessing Ierusalem in Asia; Grand-Cair in Africa, and Constantinople in Europe.

And for the second; Their admired Mosques (Churches) of oftentation, works of charity and observant Holiness (ad pios usus) demonstrate not only their opinion of a Deity, but their obedience also to their Mahumetan constitutions▪ imploying their time and wealth to merit the more of the joyes of Paradise, as they augment their Piety upon Earth. So it seems by that wonderful History of Soliman the magnificent, and the faire Roxellana contriving her manumission, and obtaining to be overprest under a dissimuled Sanctity of erecting a Mosque in honour of that Prophet. Church-men. The principal Mufty (Churchmen) which the doctors of their Alcoran have greater access to the Emperour then either the Visier or the Bashawes. And is more awed by them, than by the Revolts or Mutinies of the tumultuary Ianizaries; by whom alone the Atlas of his Monarchy is maintained secure, from any daring attempts to disjoynt that frame.

But the occasion of the Polish warPolish war. was thus, whilst Sr. Thomas Glover was Embassador at Constantinople, one Iasparo Gratiano a mean Man his Drogoman (or Interpreter) born in Austria, and the Emperours Subject; and heretofore servant to the Prince of Moldavia, dispossessed of his Inheritance by contrivement. Both of them, became Imprisoned in the Black-Tower, for complayning against the Visier, who took part with the Princes Competitour, but both of them escaped out of Prison, and became suiters to most of the Christian Princes; and here in England, and had relief of Ten thousand Dollars by credit of our Merchants, and so made his great Virtue Umbragious with the Malignity of tyme, and covertly got 〈1 page〉 winding up on the wheel of destiny. Remember the Othoman glory: Let it be thy virtue to be thankful, and my fortune to impart this grace and benefit to a worthy Person. Instantly sends for the Visier and Bashaws, adjuring them to the Ratification of this his will and pleasure though he had children; and so dyed a short time after.

Mustapha Mustapha advanced to the Empire is deposed. is forthwith advanced to the Diadem; in which he enjoyed a while undisturbed, untill Scander-Bashaw perceiving his own power in some 〈◊〉 , under this gallant Prince, plot • his designes to be Visier, to depose Mustapha, and so to set up the son of Achmate, specially the lovely Osman of Nine years old, and asks him, if he be not the Eldest son of his father, disputes with the Bashaws their two hasty Enthroning of Mustapha, Osman elected. confers with the Visier and principal Mufty, to dispose the other, and set up Osman giving a Largess to the Ianizaries sends for divers Casawcks and Tymorites, and all things prepared brings forth Osman, and presents him to the people; with wonderful applause they invest him in the Robes and proclaim him Emperour, Imp • ison Mustapha with a Guard of Capowches and instantly proposes the war against Polonia, and Remembers them all of the charge of Achmate, to Revenge their Darings to defend Moldavia and the house of Austria, for the Emperours of Germany, Rodulphus and Matthias being dead; the Princes of Germany, banding against the peace of Europe, would be an occasion to advance their design, and so the war was determined and Osman to go in person.

But first let us story out the state of Poland. The state of Poland. About the year 1609. One Stephen, living then with the Visier at Constantinople, pretended right to the Principality of Moldavia, and either by favour, or bribes (seldome a sunder) had asistance of Twenty thousand Turks, whereby he prevailed against the sons of the late Prince of Moldavia, whom they barbarously murthred and slew their Uncle Simeon. And because the sons of Ierzay were reputed Bastards, the King of Poland by contract with the Turk, had the naming of a successor, and Elected Constantine the younger son to the Vadvod, which so displeased Mahomet Bashaw, designed to rectifie their disorders, that he slew Constrantine and set up another of his own faction, which indignity to the Pole caused that King to assist the distressed People.

These wars lasted, till Sigis • und King of Sweden was elected King of Poland; a warlike Prince against the Moscovites, and a continual friend to the Moldavians. So that about the year 1618. the time of the Blazing Comet in the Heavens, Osman mustred up a wonderous Army of Tartars, the naturall Enemies of Europe. To them, were united the Countries of Dacia, Servia, Belgaria, Illyria, Thracia, Epirus and the Tributary Provinces of Christians themselves, forced thereto in fear of more slavery.

They marcht to the fields of Dacia and Belgaria, where the Polacks with some assistance of the Russe, Encounter them, and with the fortune of Noble Sigismund and his excellent son, in all their battels to have the victoryes.

And in 1620. gave the Tartars and Turks an overthrow, as they transported their Army over the River, that their numerous Bodies stopped the very stream, and twenty thousand slain at three Encounters; which so inraged Osman, that he resolves in Person, with an Invincible Host. The first year he was Intercepted by Plague in his Army. The next year a Terrible Earthquake at Constantinople shook the ground, overturning tops of houses and many Mosques, amazing the Multitude with some other several mischances to the Person of Osman which retarded his speed.

But resolved it was with threatned Protestations, and Vows, and Invocation to Mahomet, first to send Scander Basha his Fore-runner, with an Army of two hundred thousand into Bogdania.

Sigismund soresees this Storm in earnest, acquaints the Princes of Europe by Embassies, to the Emperour at Vienna by way of Intercession of a Peace between him and Bethlem Gabor, and to other Princes, in great discord with the Empire. And so other Ambassadours also, to other Nations, and Ossolinsky into England.

But after that the right noble Sigismund in four several Encounters had bravely defeated forty thousand Enemies, and sundry Triumphs had passed in honour of his glorious Victories: the Polonians over presumptuous in their last Battel of Bogdonia, disranked themselves, over secure, giving occasion and courage to the Ianizaries and Caphies to rally the Tartars, with fresh Numbers, that enforced the Polonians to give ground, and the Enemy advantage of their Retreat, and totally to rout as far as Poldavia, with the fearfull execution of thirty thousand, besides cruelty, Murders, Rapines, barbarously inhumane.

And thus stood the State of Poland in the last time of King Iames; and now let us see their Proceedings at this time.

Uladislaus the fourth King of Poland, War between Poland and Muscovia. was after the death of his brother Sigismund, by consent of the States preferred to the Throne, and a fair occasion was offered, to signalize his Inauguration, and to be the terrour of his enemy the Muscovite, who having done much spoyl in Lituania, besieged the Polish Town of Smolensko. The War was high, and either party endeavour their succour: Both of them in this quarrel indifferent to Great Brittanes Interest, unlesse the Scots will afford the Pole their favour, for countenancing their pedling trade of Land Merchandizing, from Fair to Fairs. And indeed they have reception there also for such of them as have been souldiers of fortune. But the English upon a double account have increased their Naval trade to the Muscovite, and our Merchants thereby inriched into an Incorporate Company, setled in the time of Queen Elizabeth; and so that great Duke (or Emperour) solicits King Charles for Assistance in his intended War, and siege of Smolensko, where because the English and Scots both, had entertainment on either side, they shall not want a Remembrancer.

The King of Swede at his first descending into Germany, fomented this quarrel, willing he was to engage Poland, and all our neighbour Princes and States in any War, the better to prevent their assistance to the Emperour, countenancing and en •• uraging divers of his own Officers, strangers, to take pay on either side. The Muscovite sends abroad his Ambassadours for aid, with particular Letters to King Charles, for Men and Officers; who recommended Colonel Thomas Sanderson, which for a compleat double Regiment of two thousand English, English and Scots assist on either side. by the North Cape, the first that ever transported Military men to that Nation, by sea, to the Town of Arch Angel, the North part and Port to the Musco, and the place where all Merchants strangers keep their Sta • le. There they land the sixth of August, 1632, Commissioners are appointed to receive them, upon such conditions, as never were more noble for Souldiers, the Colonels own single pay, near 200 l. sterling a Moneth. And being received and Carressed at Musco, the whole Army march to Smolensko, a strong Town in the borders of Poland, formerly taken by Sigismund from the Muscovite, with a two years siege, like that of Ostend, in Flanders, if we consider the length of the siege, and the number of the slain, which amounted (as Authours reckon) to more than twenty thousand men; and now was the Muscovite resolved to bid fair for the Game, with an Hoast of fifteen hundred thousand Souldiers: And being come, after some Skirmishes, the King of Poland in person, draws down his whole Army thither to besiege the Besiegers. Entrenching himself, which was all he could do for the present, against such a powerful Army, of 120 thousand, and so by degrees he cuts off all provisions, which put the Musco General to quicken the siege, and to make several attempts upon the strong Town. And at last, having summoned his Councel of War, And amongst them of several Nations, Colonel Sanderson, Colonel Alexander Lesly a Scot, differing in opinions, fell to quarrel; which the General opposed, saying, These that will not fight the Enemy, let them keep their own quarters; But gave command to countenance Colonel Sanderson with 3000 Foot to fall upon the Polish quarters, weakened by drawing off their choisest Horse and Foot to Dorogobuse, to prevent their Muscovite provision of relief; and the General privately took Sanderson crosse the River, to get a secret view for the best advantage of the designe, When suddenly an Alarm came to the General, who commanded Sanderson with speed, to his quarters, who passing by the brow of an Hill where Lesly drew out into Order, and seeing Sanderson without any guard, with a dozen of Horse, followed him that took no heed of any Treason, but minding his enemy before his face: Lesly came close behinde him, and with a brace of bullets, shot him by the nape of the neck, into the head, stark dead, the second day of December 1633.

Upon which Murther, the English drew into a Body, with resolution of revenge upon Lesly and his Scots, but for the instant were both commanded into a truce with great protestation, that the Murtherer should be subject to severe punishment, and so submitted him to a Guard, of which the enemy having knowledge, takes the advantage, falls upon the Muscovite, and in this disorder, put them to a great losse, and kills six thousand, enforcing them to a Parly, and to these base unheard-of conditions: That an Army of an hundred and twenty thousand should cast their Arms and Colours at the feet of this King, a Monster of Victory: He pardons them all, the strangers near fourteen thousand are never to bear Arms against the Crown of Poland, and all Arms and Ammunition, submitted to the Conquerour. And not long after the general peace was ratified between them. That the King of Poland should relinquish his Title and pretensions upon the great Duchy of Musco, and the grand Duke his, upon Smolensko, and other such places formerly depending on the Muscovite.

These dishonourable conditions, fell heavily upon the General, who was at his return home, soon-beheaded, His Son the Lievetenant General whipt to death about the streets, and his family banished for ever into the Countrey of Ibera, there to catch Sables for the Emperours profit, a customary punishment of such, as have relation and dependance upon Traitours.

Nay, the King of Swede had called in the Turk, who to besiege Poland, was entred into the Countrey; but the King had timely gotten this Victory, to put fire in the Turks tails, beating them out again, and forcing them also to beg a peace upon most honourable terms for the King, at that same time, when the third part of Constantinople was burnt to the ground, with incredible losse, a Prodigie threatning the Turk with that misfortune, which afterward befel him.

The Murtherer Lesly, after some time of imprisonment, with great summes of money wrought his release there, and to be sent Prisoner to the justice of King Charles, whose subject he was. Here he was cast into prison, and suffered under the trial onely of the High Court of Honour, where, being arraigned, he produced the Kings pardon, who was pleased thus to excuse, and that truly. That being the Murther was committed in a foreign Nation, the Laws of England could not reach to punish with death, which said, the King having passed a formal Tryal, may give caution to his Subjects not to execute the like; The pardon being onely to shadow from publick knowledge, the weakness of our Laws against such foreign Offenders. But the Hand of Heaven prosecuted this Murther; for He wandring in foreign Wars, came over hither again, with some command in the Queens forces, which She brought over from Holland, for assistance of the King in the late Civil War; where, upon his first service, he was 〈◊〉 and maimed in his Murtherous hand: Then he returns into Muscovia, where, but for suspicion of Treachery, he was imprisoned in a Tower, and from the top, was flung 〈◊〉 sharp stakes, and lingred out a reasonable time of execut ••• 〈◊〉 he wretchedly died.