A reply unto the letter written to Mr. Henry Stubbe in defense of The history of the Royal Society whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanville, and an answer to the letter of Dr. Henry More, containing a reply to the untruthes he hath publish'd, and a censure of the cabbalo-pythagorical philosophy, by him promoted.

A reply unto the letter written to Mr. Henry Stubbe in defense of The history of the Royal Society whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanville, and an answer to the letter of Dr. Henry More, containing a reply to the untruthes he hath publish'd, and a censure of the cabbalo-pythagorical philosophy, by him promoted.

Table of contents

Title page

THE LETTER TO Mr. HENRY STUBS Concerning his Censure upon certain passages contained in the History of the Royal Society.

A Defence of the Censure of the History of the Royal Society, against the Reply of the Virtuosi.

Title page

A PREFACE.

A Letter to Dr. Henry More, in Answer to that he Writ and Printed in Mr. Glanvil's Book.

Dr. More's Censure of the Cartesian and Mechanical Philosophy.

POSTSCRIPT.

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A REPLY UNTO THE LETTER WRITTEN TO Mr. HENRY STUBBE IN DEFENSE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY. Whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanvill; and an answer to the Letter of Dr HENRY MORE, Containing A REPLY TO THE UNTRUTHES He hath publish'd, AND A CENSURE OF THE CABBALO-PYTHAGORICAL Philosophy, by him promoted.

—Spissis indigna theatris

Scripta pudet recitare, & nugis addere pondus.

OXFORD, Printed for Richard Davis. 1671.

THE LETTER TO Mr. HENRY STUBS Concerning his Censure upon certain passages contained in the History of the Royal Society.

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SIR,

WHEN I was (lately) at Warwick, I purposed to have waited upon you, but I was told by a Person of Quality and of your acquaintance that you were gone to Oxford, with a great carriage of Books, to write against the Royal Society, and the reason of this enterprize was given to your disswading Friends, that the Society did design to bring in Poperty.

The accusation (1 confe§) seemed to me very strange, but what was more wonderful, is such mighty Zeal for any one Religion and against That. This calleth to my mind a discourse which you made one day at White-Hall to a Christ-Church Man and my self immediately after your return from Jamaica, where you told us of a Provincial of the Dominicans, who being a Prisoner there, had perswaded you to go and live with him in the Spanish Plantations, as being a place, in wich you might very gainfully practice Physick; and Nothing, as you said, hindred your complyance with his overtures, but only this, that you could not have carried away hereafter the Effects of your estate, but must have left it, if you had left the Country.

In all which account of the transactions betwixt that Provincial (who was of the Inquisition) and your self, you skewed so much gentle calmne§ of mind in the affair of changing Religion, that I was almost ready to have pronounced, that some one had stoln your Name and put it to the Censure; till I was better informed that your quarrel to this Assembly is so unappeasable, that you would fall out with any Religion, which they favoured, and that if they had of each kind amongst them, you would entertain no sort at all.

I must profe§ I always esteemed you (by your Printed Papers) a Man of excellent contradicting parts, and I thought you would in this book have done as good service to Aristotle, as a grave Dignitary of Canterbury hath lately rendred to him, when he very industriously maintains that the Philosopher in his Ethicks did teach, what is the summum bonum, as well as [Page] David could, when he set himself on purpose to treat of the same Argument in the first Psal. or that you would have repeated some of the least natural experiments, laught at them, and then with very good conduct of stile made all the rest appear ridiculous. But you'l say that may be done hereafter, but a present Religion, Religion is in danger, and therefore you must succour your Dear Mother the Church of England. It is done like a good Child: and further I must commend you as a generous enemy in your censure of the Historian. He is a Clergy-man, and herein you challenge him at his own Weapon: And if you vanquish him in this Encounter, you may expect to make both your Reputation and his lo§ very considerable, being that in England a Church-man suffers more for being Popishly affected, then for being a favourer of the New Philosophy. But i'le tell you what falls out very unluckily.

This History was not Licensed (as could have been wisht) by the President of the Royal Society: For then a Man might have charged every impious and pernicious Paragraph upon that large body of Men, but so it is that it comes abroad into the World with an Imprimatur from Secretary Morrice, of whom we cannot perswade the people to believe otherwise, but that he stands two or three removes off from Popery. But now at last give me leave as a By-stander to lock over your Game, and privately to advize you where the other side may espy any advantage. As the first instance of a passage in the History Destructive to the Religion and Church of England, viz.

While the Bishops of Rome did assume an infallibility, and a Sovereign Dominion over our Faith, the reformed Churches did not only justly refuse to grant them that, but some of them thought themselves obliged to forbear all Communion, and would not give them that respect, which possibly might belong to so Antient, and so Famous a Church, and which might still have been allowed it without any danger of Superstition. If any one should undertake a defence against your censure, it is probable that he would say somewhat to this purpose, that by Communion there mentioned the Author did not mean, that the reformed Churches should joyn with them in all or the most important acts of worship, being that hereby they must at all adventures yeild to the points of the controversie, wich the Roman infallibility would thrust upon them, for he tells us that our Churches did justly refuse to grant them that, but he explains what he intends by Communion, when he doth immediately add that they refused to give them that respect, &c. Now who can say that Communion if taken for Divine Worship can be the same with respect that it stewed to a Society of Men; and whereas you seem to argue from the notion of the word Communion, as if it were the same with the Lords Supper, it may by replyed, that the one sence, wherein it may be understood throughout the whole Scripture is, a friendly and charitable action, and from this we cannot except that verse, which you alledge, and in this sence it is not impious to say that we should not forbear all Communion, or deny to give that respect which possibly might belong to so ancient, and so famous a Church. Nor can I see that these Titles bestowed on Rome are so faulty, since there are methods of speech in our language suitable hereunto, whereby we call that antient and famous, not which is so at present, but what was such a long time ago, and continued the same for a great while. But I will grant that this is not the necessary, but only the possible meaning of this Historian; [Page] Yet at least if the contrary intimation be so hainous, good Nature should oblige to understand the phrase in the most favourable manner: but supposing he thought that Rome even at the reformation of others, (though it self was not amended) might neverthele§ be called a Church, he said no more then what the most learned amongst the German Divines, though warm with disputes, did readily acknowledge. It was usual with them to say that the Church of Rome was truly a Church, notwithstanding that it abounded in many and dangerous errours, seeing that they retained the main Doctrines of Christian Religion, and they indeavoured to clear their assertion by comparing it to a diseased body, which yet is as truly a humane body, as it is a diseased one.

And if it may be termed a Church, it is without doubt very antient and famous too, for what it hath been of old as to the piety and learning of many Inhabitants of that City; and still is Famous for that precedency, which any Herauld would assign to it in a free Assembly of Western Bishops.

So that from what hath been discoursed in this matter may be inferred, that though the Authour meant not, that we must communicate with them in the distinguisting Offices of adoration, yet (for any thing I perceive) he needs not to account them of that Church to be unto us as Heathens, or of such a Number of Men with whom we may not so much as eat, but that we may maintain a Communion of friendship with the professed of that Religion, whose morals may afford an example, or whose learning might advance our knowledge. And the reformed must still keep the hearty Charity for the Romanist, that after succe§le§ debates, though managed with reason and temper, he should still indeavour to improve him in all the uncontroverted instances of goodne§ and vertue; such an exercise of Friendship and Charity as this is a Noble and Religious Communion, it is an exhorting one another in our most Holy Faith, it is an exact obedience to ihat command; That as far as we have already attained we should walk by the same rule.

As to the next exception which you have against the same passage, viz. His mistake in making the Papal Infallibility to be the grand occasion of the differences betwixt the reformed Religion and Papist, I must tell you that he may well enough defend himself, though indeed you pre§ closer in this then in the former objection against all Communion with Rome. You say that only Parasitical Canonists did ascribe to the Pope such a Sovereign Dominion over our Faith: I suppose you mean at the reformation, though you cite many Authours much later, and if so I shall only referr you to the report, which Cassander gives of those days, in his Judgement which he passes on the controversies, viz. That then they made the Pope but little le§ then God, that they set his Authority not only above the Church, but above the Scriptures to, and made his sentences equal to divine Oracles, and to be an infallible rule of Faith, and (as he further proceeds) though there was another sort of people in the Church, yet they were such as were obscure and concealed.

Again though it were granted that infallibility lay in a Councel, yet the Pope had the executive power of those decrees and Canons, which passed by so high an Authority, and hereupon might be troublesome with an Infallibility derived from others, and impose little things as absolutely necessary in their own nature: and this practice of the Bishops of Rome (amongst others) caused those of Germany to stand off from the Roman Church.

But for a fuller proof against the Authour of the History, you alledge, that erronious Doctrine about indulgences was the primary occasion of introducing [Page] Protestancy. What you say is so far true, the first occasion of Luthers publick invectives against the Court of Rome, but for a good while after he maintained Communion as a member of that Church. This is manifest to any one, that is but in a small measure acquainted with the Histories of those times; but at last when he saw there was no hopes of Reformation in this and other instances of gross abuse, he utterly leaves them as past all likelyhood of recovery.

So that I have now prepared the cause depending betwixt you and him, and made it ready for a Tryal, and it may be determined by finding out the true account of the Grand hinderance of a Reformation at Rome. Your adversary might give a very fair proof, that it was mainly a reputed infallibility. This is evident in the impartial History of the Councel of Trent, where we read of a consultation held by Pope Advian VI. with some Cardinals for an amendment of what was amiss, more particularly about the matter of Indulgences, after that much had been said by himself and another against the mistakes and ill practices in that affair, and after that he had declared his Resolution for the regulating thereof, he was soon turned from his Former purpose by Cardinal Soderinus an old Politician, and one who well understood the Frame of that Church. This Man informs the Pope that any Reformation was dangerous for Rome, because that this would implicitely yeild that somewhat was amiss, and that possibly they might erre in more, whereas the successes of Rome, against such opposers were obtained by vouching for what ever was blamed and by proceeding against them as Hereticks.

This made Adrian to bewail the unhappy condition of Popes, who might not reform at home, if they would. And now at last you seem to make infallibility so small a thing even in their own esteem, that as you cite the words of a late writer amongst them, their Infallibility is limited to Tradition, and is spiritually assisted in the Faithful reporting of what hath been delivered. It is easie to see thorough this harmless pretence of your judicious Authour.

For to be the sole and undoubted witness in their own cause on which sentence must follow in course is equally advantagious, as if they were taken for infallible judges. Thus the Jews who did so highly advance the credit of their Rabbinical traditions as thereby to make void the Law of God, doe not (as we see in Abravanel) own any more then only that they expound and stew the Articles of Faith; yet that Jew, who shall despise or jeer at the Teachers of those traditions, shall not (according to their Fundamentalls) have a part in the life to come. And at the same rate may the Former sort of men denounce Anathema's if you believe not their report, though in matters, which are not only, not certain, but withall are unreasonable, ridiculous and impossible.

Another passage in the History is brought in by you, and deaply charg'd to be contrary to the Analogy of Faith and Scripture (to wit) He (the Natural and Experimental Philosopher) will be led to admire the wonderful contrivance of the creation, and so to apply and direct his praises aright, which, no doubt, when they are offer'd up to Heaven from the mouth of one that hath well studied what he commends will be more suitable to the Divine nature, than the blind applauses of the ignorant. This (you say) makes the acceptableness of all mens Prayers to depend more or less on the study of natural Phylosophy. But the Authors words may by asserted by the whole contexture of that Section, that he therein answers an objection, and clearly shews that the study of experimental Phylosophy is not injurious to [Page] the worship of God; he supposeth the person already a Christian; and then he praises God more beartily for some examples of power and wisdom, which he by inquiry hath found out, but others have not; for when a man praiseth God with understanding for what he discovers particularly in the wonderful works of Gods own hand, his praises must needs be more suitable on the same subject, then are those general thanksgivings, wherein a man that hath not meditated on the works of Creation, blesses God still for them, but cannot say how far these exceed the utmost productions of art, or the improved power of natural causes. Thus the commendation of any workmanship, if given by a great Master in that Art, is more satisfactory to the Artificer, then the admiring noise of the multitude, who probably may misplace their greatest wonder upon that wich is the least thing in it. And now (pray) what harm in all this, and yet the Authour (as far as I can see) speaks no worser, but much very well, in the following clauses, against Atheism. But if I may ask you to what end do you change his words Praises into Prayers? was it, that you might prove (as you do) that Christ is our Mediator? he never did deny it.

But, methinks, this would be a pritty Medium to prove the not-suitableness of experimental Philosophy to a Christian. You then proceed to make an apology for Ignorance, because that of those who were first called, there were not many wise after the flesh. To which may by replyed, that this will avail little, if it be considered, that by the phrase, wise after the slesh, is meant subtle and designing persons, who by their politick managery of a cause though not good, might propagate and spread it for self ends, so that it should find a general entertainment in the world. There was no such thing as this in the first advancement of Christian Religion. But that the ignorance of the professors hereof was not acceptable to the Authour of our Faith, is manifest; for that he endowed his Scholars with the gift of tongues and such utterance, which their enemies were not able to resist. You add immediately after the Text, that it was intended of the Virtuosi, why so? Is it, because they are wise? I am confident you will not say that this is the reason. They have taken that course, that will scarce ever make them appear wise to the halfwitted World, they are too timerous in what they affirm, they lay by much of that wordy Philosophy, which furnishes men with expressions hard to be understood and therefore is admirable, it makes a brave found to the ear, nay more then all this, it supplies one with such useful distinctions that he may affirm plausibly whatsoever he will, but instead hereof they practice a plain Trades-man like Profession in Philosophy, instead of axiomes and good old sayings concerning nature and matter and substantial Forms, which have salved a thousand difficulties, Nothing will serve them for proof in Physicks, but experiments and some what that is obvious to the sences; they must have new Fashion'd Telescopes wherewith to gaze upon the Heavens, and Glasses invented to espy Atomes, and Furnaces for dissolution of bodies, and for other unheard of curiosities, and yet though they do dissolve the compositum into its constituting parts they would never yet reveal to the Aristotelian what kind of a thing their substantial Form is, which (they are well assured) is one principle in that body. Whereas (Sir) you have a nearer way to learning then that wherein they go on. You became an excellent. Astronomer by reading a Systeme of the Ptolomaean Hypothesis, and have no reason to suspect or search further as long as you believe nothing about the Doctrine of the Sphere, out what you have learn'd from those institutions, you need not to pore with a microscope upon those minute figurings of bodies, thereby to guess how they [Page] produce such & such effects. You can answer any ordinary question in nature, by the 4. first qualities & their seconds; by the conjugation & symbolicalness of the qualities, by natures abhorrency of a vacuum, by the keen Appetite, which the first matter (of which we know very much Negatively) bears towards a Form. Nay further, if any man should demand a Resolution of the greatest problems, as of the Loadstone or the like, you are not constrained to make such a pittifull Reply, as many others must do, you can readily inform them, that it is either done by Familiarity of substances, which causes similar attraction, or by a sympathy, and that the Loadstone and the Iron do earn till they arrive at their mutual embraces; but if any one be so much a Novelist, as to urge, that such affections as these cannot be found, except there be in these bodies at least a sensitive Life, you can bid them then take this answer for your last, I say it is performed by an occult quality.

There is yet another piece of learning that is Chymistry, in which with a little adoe you can equal their attainments had through a process and tedious course. For the whole of what they pretend in this drudging Art, is no more then the solution and coagulation of bodies: by the first of these they with a great deal of cost indeavour to separate their three Elements, but you (Sir) more cheaply can shew your four Elements parting asunder at the dissolution of the mixt body. It is but laying of a green stick upon the other fuell already inflamed, immediately the Element of Air comes away in smoak, that of fire in the warm blaze, the Elementary water is that hissing juice at the end of the stick, and the Element of the earth is the remaining Askes, which if it be in the Grate will by its own inward propensity (if it can) slide away down to the Hearth, because the Hearth is nearer to the Center of the Earth then the Grate is; for it is well known that every weighty body hath a great affection to that Center. So that I think now you have outdone them at this trick, and you will not be behind them at the other, to wit, Coagulation. They are pleased to say that they Coagulate a body when they bring it from a liquid or humid to a solid substance. This fine feat you so well understand and it is so much beneath you that you leave it to the Apothecaries boy, when you prescribe troches for colds, besides Rosewater and Sugar, &c. to make this solid, you appoint White Starch q. s. and then refer it to the discretion of the lad to be made S. a. and here is so good a Coagulation that you never desire to learn any other kind of it as long as you live, except it be the secret of making the hard Sea-bisket. No more at present of the comparison betwixt your Philosophy and theirs. As I read on further in your censure I saw you were angry with this Authour, whom you have chosen for an Adversary, because he saith that Religion ought not to be the subject of disputation; in the sense wherein he speaks it, he is not singular, nor left almost alone, he discourseth of those Divines, who have mixed and kneaded into one lump the Doctrines of Christian Religion, and the Notions of the Peripatetick Philosophy, and hereby have twined into a dispute much of that which primitively was matter of practical Holine§: yet on the other side there is a sort of men, who would le§ regard Religion, if it were not the subject of disputation, like Hunts-men who are better pleased in following then in catching the Hare; you further tax him with introducing hereby a Popish implicite faith, whereas a little observation will discover, that this sort of Faith hath grown, and a better hath decayed upon the general respect, which the Philosophy [Page] now blamed by him hath found amongst those, whom we call Divines of the Schools., more usually and properly then Doctors of the Church. A man doth then implicitely believe, when he doth not cleerly and distinctly apprehend. So that he that speaks not so, as to be plainly understood, causes either that nothing which he saith should be believed, or else that it should be received as true in the Popish fashion, that is he bestows his vote and assent to be disposed on by another at pleasure. So that hence you may judge who it is, who draws on a novice in Religion the nearest towards wrapping his belief up within the faith of another, whether he who contends for so much plainne§, that the things propounded need not to be the-subject of disputation, or rather he who seems profound and wise in his sentences, yet doth so darken his wisedom with words, that the person to be instructed hath by this means no other way left but to believe that which he cannot understand. You produce some sacred testimonies to evince a necessity of divine illumination, yet do not apply them to the present discourse of the Authour, which is concerning School Divinity; but had you meant it of this, I must have said with you that the obscurity of those writings would have made such a Revelation necessary, had not the smalne§ of their worth rendred them almost usele§. It seems to me but reasonable, that as all the Books of Christian Religion hope for acceptance, because they profe§ to be agreeable to the truths of Scripture; so further if they design publick benefit, they should imitate the perspicuity and openne§ of the Evangelick Style. There is one argument against the Authour not inconsiderable, to which you have some reference, (that is) the study of such controversies, distinctions, and terms are of great use when we have to deal with a Papist disputant. Its very true, yet it proves not any excellency in that knowledge of it self, but meerly in relation to the adversary; though we have fresh instances of worthy persons amongst us, who have with good advantage managed the debate in behalf of our Church against that of Rome, without much help from those Schools: yet that sort of Learning, even for this reason, may still be maintained, in the same manner as tradesmen who lie on the English borders towards Wales, usually keep a servant to jabber Welsh (though no learned language) to the Brittains their customers. The next words of the History R. S. which receive a check are these, The grounds whereon the Church of England proceeds, are different from those of the Separatists, and also of the Church of Rome: and they are no other but the rights of the Civil power, the imitation of the first uncorrupt Churches, and the Scriptures expounded by reason. Though I cannot find any such passage in the page to which you send the Reader, yet I will take it upon trust, seeing that you have not till now misrecited any thing out of his book, that which offends you is, that he would have the Scripture expounded by reason. This appears to you like Socinianisme, but I remember the Calvinists direct to as much as this implies. They say that we must expound particular passages in Scripture by the main tendency of the whole discourse, that we must consider the phrase, whether literal or figurative, that we must observe all the circumstances of person, time, place, and what else is of any moment, And now (pray) say whether these directions can be practised but by reason, and if not, whether be who expounds Scripture by these rules, may not be truly said to expound it by reason: he doth not say that a man should not acknowledge Scripture, if it teach any thing more then those sentiments which reason had entertained [Page] before it was acquainted with divine writings. You would have them to expound the Scriptures by the authority of the ancient Fathers, when they see why they should do it, they at the same time expound by reason, if without cause given, they take up the Fathers sence in that implicite Faith against which you did lately declaim. The last Objection which you offer against this History, is about what he saith of wit, that it may be borrowed from the Bible, that this wit is (as he represents it) magnificent, appears to the diligent and judicious Reader: and that it may without offence be borrowed is as manifest to him, who gives himself the pleasure to peruse the Greek and Latine Divine Poems both antient and modern, which fetch their or naments as well as materials from the Bible. But you'l say however Scripture-expressions ought not to be applyed (as our authour would) to natural things. I see no reason which binders, especially when natural things become the occasion of divine praises, and furthermore, where as many Scripture expressions were by way of accomodation transferred higher from things natural, they lose not their original suitablene§, and when they are brought back and lower in our discourses, it may rather be said of them, that they are repaid then that they are borrowed; nor doth the meanest of the matter to which any saying is fitted out of Scripture, straightway make it unlawfull to be lent for a while; as for example the primitive Ignatius in one of his genuine Epistles, which was written (if I mistake not) to the Tralliani applies otherwise these words of our Saviour to his Disciples concerning those extraordinary assistances which they needed to receive from him: Without me ye can do nothing. And affirms that as our Saviour spake these words to his disciples, so a Bishop may say to his Presbyters, without me ye can do nothing. Yet I must profe§ that I am very sensible of the indignities and scorns which the sacred word of God suffers from a sort of persons, whose quality is better then their converse, they are such who are scarce ever guilty of wit or raillery, but when they are ingeniously prophane or blaspemous. The intemperance of these should lay a resiraint upen the sober & discreet least by an innocent use of a little liberty, they should unawares give any countenance to other mens extravagancies. You tell us upon this argument, how severe the jews are in this case. The most that wee meet with neer this purpose concerning them discovers not so much a holy reverence, as a stupid folly. They pronounce (as in a former instance so on this) that no few shall have a part in the world to come, who shall spit out, when he names God, or shall speak the Tetragrammaton in a forreigne tongue out of the Sanctuary. There is one thing at the end of your censure which is very unkind, and contrary to the law of common humanity; I speak of your sharp reflexion on an excellent person deceased Mr. Cowley, these younger fancies ought not after death to becomes his reproach, especially since he left a charge, that what was offensive in his Poems might be omitted: though it was judged by others, that he had written nothing, but what (with his own sober correction of himself, and an equitable allowance of charity) might well pa§ abroad in publique. You know that those who weeded out the worst of Beza's youthful verses, and presented them in one bundle to the world, purchasd more shame to themselves then to the Poet. It is now time that I should put an end to this tedious Letter, and I must request that you would excuse my plain dealing; do not suspect that (upon some account of friendship or acquaintance) I am too inclinable to vindicate the Authour of this History. I dare assure you I know him not otherwise then by face, and [Page] Printed books, one of which is against Sorbiere, whom (though a piece of a Virtuoso) he handles very smartly, examining the condition of his life and actions. What apprehensions then might you have, least if he should happen to have nothing else to doe, be should write the History of your life, and herein (as is usuall) describe your person, and enquire into Physiognomy, what temper of mind you must profess, and give a Catalogue of Books written by you, and shew in how many press-warrs you have served as a volunteer: But now that I have done, I have time to think, what a deal of needless labour I have bestowed to write, more then what you will have patience to read. I therefore take leave, and am, your, &c.

FINIS.

A Defence of the Censure of the History of the Royal Society, against the Reply of the Virtuosi.

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AFter so many Moneths respite, so much deliberation, in a case nearly relating to the welfare of the Religion and good Learning of this Monarchy, and even of the Government it self, I expected at least from the Virtuosi something of Wit and Solidity in their Reply: I knew the justice of my side too well, and the grounds I proceeded upon, to fear it might be worsted; but I thought it no unreasonable matter to promise my self florid Language, and a plausible, though not satisfactory, Apology. But though an entire Cabala of the R. S. did consult upon this responsory Letter, though a Learned Person of that Society did peruse it, yet can I find nothing in it that should have deserved my serious Animadversions, except the quality of those Persons who revised and allowed it: and 'tis my respect to their dignity, that I put once more Pen to Paper about this subject. 'Tis out of a regard to their quality, not performances; and I more suspected they would interpret my silence as a contempt, then my answer as arrogant. It had been more prudential for them not to have entermedled a second time in this Contest, but to have enjoyed the benefit of that distinction which I made betwixt the Honorary Members of the R. S. and the Comediants, then to mix with so insipid a Generation, whose thoughts are not to be elevated by indignation, and whom Learning it self, should it change Parties, could not rescue, or protect.

I must renew those Protestations which their Ignorance hath made me so frequently to use, and avow, that 'tis a troublesome affair to deal with Men that understand so little; they know neither how to state a Case, nor how to oppose, or answer pertinently: I am affronted with naked Assertions of Men that deserve no credit: my Conclusions are denyed, and the premises not invalidated: and to convince the World how little I injure them herein, I Reprint the first Censure upon their History, their Defense, and my present Rejoynder.

The Anonymous Author of the Letter begins with an Admiration, that I should have so mighty a Zeal for any one Religion; and why against Pag. 1. Popery? But that I know weak Persons are surprised at small Occurrents, and that their astonishment doth not proportion it self to the greatness of the cause, but the deficiencies of their Intellectuals: [Page] I profess it would trouble me, that having lived a life hitherto (as the Age goes) not very culpable, and having always professed my self of the Reformed Religion, and having united my self to the Church of England upon its restauration (preserving always before that a non-communion with the several Schismaticks and Sects of this Nation) that it should still be wondered at, why I should be concern'd for any Religion, or engage in opposition to Popery? But this surmise argues onely the vanity and folly of the Objectors; for were it in general indifferent unto me what Religion were National amongst us; yet considering our Circumstances, and that dismal Revolution which impends over my native Country, upon the restitution of that Religion, a Man who is concern'd for his own repose and tranquility, and desires not to be involved in the Calamities of a Change, can not want prudential Motives to induce him to oppose such an Alteration: Any Man that hath but reflected seriously upon the Consequences which have attended the Change of Religion, especially into Popery, any Man who is not unacquainted with our English Histories, or ignorant of the Politick Cautions which wise States-men have left unto us upon Record, will justifie my demeanour, without further inspecting into my Conscience. But to allow these Men of no reading or consideration, to allow them as ignorant of these things, as of the Sweating Sickness: why should they wonder at my being concern'd against Popery, since I had united my self to the Church of England? Is there any thing more repugnant to our Liturgy, Articles of Religion, and Homilies of our Church? Was there ever any action of my life could give them ground for this Conjecture, that I would openly adhere to any thing, and avow my doing so, and yet desert it rashly? I do not use to deliberate after Resolutions taken, whatever I do before: It had better become those of the R. S. who are under many Obligations to confront the Romish Religion, to have acted my part in this Contest, then to malign, discourage, and disparage me, for a work which the Apostle would have congratulated Philip. 1. 15, 16, 17, 18. me for, though I had attempted it meerly out of envy, strife, or pretence. Beyond this Reply I know not what to answer unto this Passage, because I have to do with Adversaries with whom Protestations, Appeals to God and Conscience, are ridiculous, and more insignificant then a sobriety of life, taken up neither out of affectation, nor design of gain, or honor.

The next Period relates an History of what passed betwixt me and a Dominican Provincial, and Inquisitor, about my removal from Jamaica to Mexico and Peru. I shall not deny the general Truth of the Narration; but since the alteration of a Word or two may vary much the odium or truth of a Story, I must remind this Adversary [Page] that the person I design'd to accompany (but was hindred with Sickness) was a Carmelite, not a Dominican: and that he never so much as proposed to me the change of my Religion; the strictness of the Spaniards there not being such as in Europe: and I did, upon particular Inquiry from some that had been there, receive assurances, That Physicians, Chirurgions, and Gunners, were so necessary there, and so welcome, that a prudent Person of those qualifications, needed not to apprehend the danger of any Inquisitor: indeed the power of that sort of men is not the same within the Patrimony of the King of Spain (so those Territories are called) and in the Patrimony of S. Peter. Had I, as the Virtuosi, and others do, propos'd a Voyage to Spain, or Italy, doth it infer a design of changing my Religion? yet in all this Story, as it is represented by themselves, there is no more said by me, then would have been convincing in those other cases, were the Argument good. Oh! that a Cabinet of the Virtuosi should reason thus pittifully! Surely Ignorance is infectious; and 'tis possible for Men to grow Fools by contact.

That which follows hereupon is so ridiculous, that were my Pag. 2. Dreams but so incoherent and impertinent, I would apprehend some eminent Distraction, and cause my self to be let Blood: and I advise my Adversaries speedily to transfer themselves from Arundel house to Bedlam, or convert the Appartments which they enjoy now into convenient Receptacles for such Franticks. Should I grant the truth of the Story, with all the advantages they could wish to have been added thereunto, doth it follow, that because I might intend to change my Religion at Mexico, that therefore I would alter it in England, considering the posture of our Nation? not at all, but with such as the Virtuosi, those prudent Persons, that understand Men and reasons of State so well. Nor are they more imprudent in that suggestion, That my quarrel to the R. S. was so unappeasable, that I would fall out with any Religion which they favored; and that if they had of each kinde amongst them, I would entertain no sort at all: I say this Suggestion becomes not intelligent Persons; for how great soever my Quarrel were against them, 'tis to be supposed I would prosecute it by befitting means, and such as were subservient to my ends; but to fall out with any Religion they should favor, if it were not untrue, destructive to the Monarchy, Laws, and Nation, were to defeat and overthrow my intentions: and consequently such a procedure was not to be fixed on me, except they had first proved that I was a Member of the R. S. I adde, that if my animosity against them had transported me so far as they represent, if I were resolute to oppose whatsoever Religion any of theirs held, I must [Page] consequently renounce Atheism, and all irreligion; those being, as 'tis to be fear'd, the important qualifications of some of the Comediants: and assert Protestancy, that being the Religion from which many of them are averse; and for which, as it is established in the Church of England, others are not over-zealously concern'd.

That which ensues hereupon, is very dull and flat: the course Pag. 2. how to attacque and overthrow these Ignorants, was not to be prescribed unto me by them: and methinks 'tis great Impudence in them, after that I have published these other Pieces, besides the Censure, to upbraid me as if they were not extant; and whatever relates to their Experiments, their vanity, and falshood, and Plagiarisme, were still un-printed. It was not my design to give precedence to the Censure: but they having procured a stop upon the promulgation of the other Books, I inverted the Method, making them odious first, and then ridiculous. But if I had done it voluntarily, am I to be blamed for preferring the advancement or continuance of Protestancy, before that of Natural Philosophy, though the last were better improved then these Comical Wits can ever attempt? I think that Reverend Divine of Canterbury merits our good esteem for his generous respects to deceased Aristotle: however his Age and different Studies incapacitated him to carry on the Quarrel so far, as to over-throw totally these Innovators: Yet since it was not my intent to defend the truth, but the utility of the Aristotelian Physiology; I shall not suffer my self to be engaged beyond my first thoughts, or permit that the Original and Primary Controversies sink into oblivion by any excursions and digressive Contests.

My Adversaries confess, That a Church-man in England suffers Pag. 3. more for being Popishly affected, then for being a favourer of the New Philosophy.—It is my judgement therefore, that they ought to be very sollicitous how they incur any such scandal, and endeavour timely to remove it. I am not conscious to my self at all, of having mis-represented the Words of the Historian, or having imposed on him other sense then the Words will, or do bear: I now come to consider, what the History is unto the Virtuosi? and how far I may conceive them interested in its Tenets.

My Adversaries say, That the History was not Licensed by the President of the Royal Society, for then a Man might have charged every impious and pernicious Paragraph upon that large body of Men: but so it is, that it comes abroad into the World with an Imprimatur from Secretary Morrice, of whom we cannot perswade the People to believe otherwise, but that he stands two or three removes off from Popery.—If that the R. S. had [Page] made an authentick Declaration of this Point, it had been material: but the profession of a nameless Pamphlet concludes not the Body. When Olaus Borrichius was at London, and familiarly conversed with the generality of the Virtuosi, even the most eminent of the number, the Intelligence which that inquisitive Person gives to Bartholinus, is thus expressed. Sociorum nemo posthac quicquam in lucem Th. Bartholin. Epist. Med. Centur. 4. cap. 92. p. 538. emittet, nisi prius communi suffragio approbatum, ne aliorum praesertim vitilitigatorum ungues reformidet. This Letter bears date, 1663. Aug. 10. Londini. and contains that account of the R. S. which he was, from their own mouthes, to communicate unto Foreigners: and in confidence of this promise of theirs (which is divulged every where in Germany) certain Foreigners of great Learning have expostulated with me for avowing (and proving) them to be so negligent. But since my Adversaries will here allow no other Book to be Entitled unto the R. S. but what is Licensed by their President, I will digress a little to shew their failure, even where the Authentick Brouncker, P.R.S. is prefixed: and that is in Mr. Evelyns Book of Forrest trees. I think I may with confidence aver, from his own Cidermaker, that the account of Sir P.N's. Cider is not perfect, & right: I am sure, that sundry Persons of Quality have spoiled much Cider within this three Years, in following the directions of that Book, which was read to the R. S. and published by their special Command: But whether it be exact now, I have not had leisure to enquire. There are also a multitude of Errors and Impertinencies in that Book, which I have not time to pursue, being continually interrupted by the attendance upon my present Practice: yet to shew how much they have fail'd in their undertaking, I will instance in the sap of the Birch-Tree, as a Liquor I have had the opportunity to consider, and frequently use these fourteen Years: having tapped seventy, and eighty, at one time. Though none be more communicative naturally them my self, yet the R. S. having not merited any Civilities from the hands of a Physician, or a Protestant, I hope I shall be excused from not divulging more then is pertinent to the matter. Mr. Evelyn saith, he is credibly informed, ‘That out of Pag. 72. Edit. 2d. the aperture there will in twelve or fourteen days distill so much of the sap, as will preponderate and out-weigh the whole Tree it self, Body, and Roots.’—I never saw any ground for an Opinion approaching near to this; except you make the exposition to be this, That if the collection of all that runs in many Years be computed together, it may amount to so much; which, I believe, may be true: but this seems not the Genuine import of his words: and in no other sense are they to be verified. I have in large Trees inserted two taps, yet did they not run twenty gallons. His account is [Page] very defective: the time he proposes to draw it, is about the beginning of March: but I avow, that who stays so long may sometimes lose his opportunity. I have known, in an early Spring, when the beginning of February hath been warm, the Tree to run on the tenth of that Moneth, and usually about the Twenty fourth day 'tis time to look after it: but in the Great Frost, when I came first to the Lord Mordant's at Parsons-Green, I could not get them to run till the thaw and warm weather prevail'd, which was in the end of March, or beginning of April: then the sap ascended speedily, ran thicker, and in greater quantities; but lasted I think but ten days. The truth is, the ascent of the Sap, and its running, depends much (when it runs) upon the Weather; it abates, intermits, and multiplies, as that varies: of which, these Observators speak not a word. There is also (which is contrary to Mr. Evelyn) a great difference in the taste, and colour, and consistence of the Sap of several Trees; some differs not from common water, and (whatever he say) hath neither smell nor taste of the Tree: some is a little vinous; some more milky, and resembling Aqua Lactis. His Friend from whom he promiseth much, says, he never met with the Pag. 73. Sap of any Tree, but what is very clear and sweet. As to other Trees, I cannot tell; but as to this, 'tis certain he little understands the Birch Tree: for some at first have run lacteous; all that ever I saw, towards the latter end, run thick, have a fracid or sowre smell and taste; and at last in a geltinous Body, stop the tap: for the truth hereof, I appeal to that Ingenious observing Person, Mr. Willoughby, who seconded my Observations with his own, in the presence of the Lord Bishop of Chester, at Astrop-wells. I adde, That this Water or Sap, contains in it such a saccharine essence, that if one evaporate it, or consider the faeces upon distillation, they will appear in consistence, and taste as a most perfect Syrup: and if you adde Yeast to a quantity thereof, and set it to work, it will cast off a great deal off black Barm, and come to an Alish drink (and sometimes resemble a little the Mum of Brunswick) to be kept as other Ale in Bottles; but 'tis no longer Saccharine, or like Metheglin, which I purposed to produce by this Experiment. This Saccharine quality degenerating into an acidity, is that which renders the keeping of it so difficult, if not impossible: to set it in the Sun, whatever Mr. Evelyns Friend say, is the way to hasten its degenerateness; for I have an hundred times set it in the Sun in Bottles close stopped, and it turns sowre, and smells fracid suddenly: and on the top there gathers a concretion of the Birchy Particles, white, with which the Liquor was impregnated, which I have known turn ligneous. I shall not give any account of what I have brought it to by long insolation, [Page] nor what way may be propos'd to stop its degeneration into acidity in order to its brewing (which is no difficulty;) nor by what ways it may be brought to a Wine (without heterogenous mixtures) by a peculiar sermentation of its own in certain Vessels: 'tis enough to have shewed, that the prefixing of great Names cannot secure us, when a Virtuoso writes. I now entreat my Readers pardon for this Digression, which is very material to the main Controversie, though not so much to the Paragraph instanced in: and I proceed to examine the credit of this History.

In the Year 1664. in September, Theodorus Jacobi a Silesian, writes to his Friends in Germany from London, where he had a great familiarity with Theodor. Haak, Mr. Oldenburgh, and many others of the R.S. He having told his Friends much of this most glorious Institution, addes, Interim lucem brevi videbit tractatus Anglice conscriptus, Pe:Sachs: Gammarolog. p. 68. in quo rationem instituti sui Orbi literario reddere decreverunt. If any have a mind to entertain himself with the Fabulous Representations by which they insinuated themselves into the esteem of Foreigners, let him read the Passages in Sachsius, till any one can oblige the World with the Original Letter of Theodorus facobi, that abused Silesian. This Tractate which they promised to him in English, was no other then this History; of which such expectation was raised, and such Miracles spoken, before it came out, as all England knows. But to convince the World further about this History, take the Authors own Words.

They thought it necessary to appoint In the Relation of Sachsius they speak of 10 Secretaries, with many other notorious untruths.two Secretaries, whoH. R.S.pag.94.are to Reply to all Addresses from abroad, and at home, and to publish whatever shall be agreed upon by the Society. These are at present Dr. Wilkins, and Mr. Oldenbourgh, from whom I have not usurp'd this first employment of that kinde; for it is only my Hand that goes, the substance and direction came from one of them. How much one of those two were interessed in the compiling of this History, doth appear hence, and from that Character with which He recommended it to the World; of which none but the deaf and insensible can be ignorant. That the R. S. did not publickly and personally read it, I am apt to grant: The Comediants had not patience to read it, or any Book of that bulk; but, as in other cases, gave their assent and applauds upon trust. But that the R. S. did own it, any man knows that was in London at its publication: not to mention the Character which Mr. Glanvill and the Transactor fix on it. Moreover, when the first brute of my designing to write against the R. S. did reach London, Sir R. M. writ to the Lady E. P. to inform them of my intentions; adding, That there was nothing in which the R. S. as a Body, could be concern'd, [Page] excepting this History: and if I would civilly represent unto them any defaults therein, they would take it kindly, and amend them. Hereupon I writ unto Him, as a Person whom I greatly honor, and who hath in all his undertakings and employments (which have been neither mean nor facile) expressed a wit, prudence, and conduct that is uncommon: to which, if I adde those other Imbellishments, which his Mathematical and other Natural Studies, have qualifyed him with, this Age can hardly equal Him: To Him I writ, complaining of the Indignities put upon my faculty by Mr. Glanvill, and their History, represented the Pernicious tendency of those Books, in reference to the Monarchy, Religion, and Learning of this Kingdom: and DEMANDED that the R. S. should disclaim both of them by some authentick Declaration, or I would not desist, whatsoever might befall me: But no repeated desires or Sollicitations of mine could prevail with them to disclaim the History: the other they were less concerned for, saying, He was a Private Person, and that the sense of the R. S. was not to be collected from the Writings of every single Member. Thus could I not extort from their grandeur any just Declaration whereby to satisfie either the Kingdom in general, or to oblige the Physicians in particular. After that they had denyed me the returns of Common Equity, I proceeded in that manner which I need not relate: The Concerns they all along express'd, were more then a little tenderness for a Fellow of the R. S. The menaces they made, and which were noised thorow Court and City, shewed that I had greater Opponents then the Author of the History. What meant the Resolution, (I do not say Vote) of the R. S. to give me no other answer; but that three or four of their ingenious young-men should write my Life: How comes this great concern for a Book in which they are not interested? When the Censure came out, why did several eminent Members presently report, and represent to the ___ that I had thereby libelled His Majesty, and pressed to have me whipped at a Cartstail through London? That Censure touches not the R. S. but only reflects on the Historian, and that modestly, though severely. And to what heighth their exasperations and power might have carryed things, I know not: but a generous Personage (altogether unknown to me) being present, bravely and frankly interposed, saying to this purpose, That whatever I was, I was a Roman; that English-men were not so precipitously to be condemned to so exemplary a punishment, as to be whipped thorow London; That the representing of that Book to be a Libel against the King, was too remote, and too prejudicial a consequence to be admitted of in a Nation Free-born, & governed by Laws, and tender of ill presidents. Thus spake that excellent [Page] English man, the great ornament of this Age, Nation, and House of Commons; He whose single worth ballanceth much of the Debaucheries, Follies and Impertinences of the Kingdom; in whose breast that Gallantry is lodged, which the prevalence of the Virtuosi made me suspect to have been extinguished amongst us. After all this, who can judge that the R. S. is so little engaged in the Controversie, as this Pamphlet suggests? But to see to what a period they have brought things? The whole effects of the Victory are yielded unto me: for the Design I pursued, and which I said I would make them to doe, was the disclaiming of their History: and having done this, I am sure I have performed a considerable service to my Country; and all other Disputes are but Circumstantial, and such as Conquerors often meet with, after an entire Rout, to be encumbred with some Parties of the scattered Enemy, and to be amused with Retrenchments, and Passes. But this Renunciation contents not me, because it is not avowed, nor solemn, and in such form as to conclude them beyond their pleasure: I will make them not only to disown the Book, but the Contents thereof, as not containing their Sentiments; and to adde, that they condemn all such, as under pretence of new and Experimental Philosophy, or any Mechanical Education, do decry all Learning, and vary that breeding which is absolutely necessary to the welfare of our Monarchy, Religion and Kingdom. Let Them but declare this effectually, and I shall impose a Silence upon my self, and willingly sink under their malice and obloquy for the publick utility.

Having thus acknowledged, that the R. S. are not concern'd to avow the History, my Adversaries proceed to give some account of the Passages I had chosen to censure. In the first Passage I am to complain, that since the Author of the History, and another eminent Person, read over this Piece, yet the sence of them which writ the History is not represented: the Question still remaining, What the Authors meant? 'Tis here said, ‘I will grant that this is not the necessary, but the possible meaning of this Historian: yet at least, if the contrary intimation be so hainous, good nature should oblige to understand the Phrase in the most favorable meaning.’ ___ If that the Historian had not been of the champerty, [Page] this Passage had been more plausible: but (Oh! Virtuosi have a care how you mention Good nature!) it had been an excess of Charity, and culpable, whil'st that our Jealousies are such as they are, and that the credit of the History remained entire, to have passed by those words which were so inconsistent with our Church, and the Religion established, without demanding an Explication, or renunciation of them. I adde, That the sense of my Adversaries is not consistent with the words, and therefore not possible: nor could any goodness of Nature, but meer insensibility, subject a Man to this construction. If that by Communion may be meant (without further import) a Friendly and charitable action, then by the doctrine of Equipollency, if those words be substituted instead of the other, the sense will be entire: but our Experimentators never essayed this: I will assist them in this, as in other cases.

It is natural to mens minds, when they perceive others to arrogate

H. R.S. p. 47.

more to themselves, then is their share; to deny them even that which else they would confess to be their right. And of the truth of this, we have an instance of far greater concernment then that which is before us: And that is in Religion it self. For while the Bishops of Rome did assume an Infallibility, and a Soveraign dominion over our Faith: the Reformed Churches did not only justly refuse to grant them that, but some of them thought themselves obliged to forbear all friendly and charitable acts towards them, and would not give them that respect which possibly might belong to so ancient, and so famous a Church; and which might still have been allowed it, without any danger of Superstition.

I demand now of my Adversaries, which of the Reformed Churches ever did think themselves obliged to forbear all friendly and charitable actions towards the Papists? I have not read, to my knowledge, any such thing in the Harmony of Confessions: and 'tis but just to expect the judgement of Churches should be demonstrated out of Church-Acts. I profess it is news to me; and so it is to hear, that one sense wherein the word Communion may be understood throughout the whole Scripture is, a friendly and charitable action.—I desire him to try only these Texts, Pag. 4. 1 Cor. 10. 16, 18, 20.2 Cor. 6.14. & he will abate of the generality of his assertion; which indeed is such, that I never heard of it before, [Page] though I have had some acquaintance with the Scripture, and Ecclesiastical History: but if the word might bear any such Analogical sense (as it does not, I think) yet, to see the mischief of our old Logick, I did suppose that Analogum per se positum stat pro famosiore Analogato. When our Virtuosi henceforward talk of Cocks and Bulls, we know by this how to understand them.

I shall not enlarge much upon the rest of this Discourse, but refer my self to the judgement of my Reader; Repet tions are tedious, and here needless, if he have perused the Censure it self. He saith, that the Historian in calling the Church of Rome a true Church, said no more then what the most Learned amongst the German Divines, Pag. 5. though warm with Disputes, did readily acknowledge.—I would he had instanced in the Authors, that I might have taken their Words and Learning into consideration. But Reader, take notice, that I enquire not whether the established Religion of Germany, but that of England be here overthrown? I enquire whether the Author of the History, or any else in Holy Orders, can avow such words without violating their subscription to our Articles and Homilies. 'Tis true, I was told by—that he was not well versed in the Homilies: How did he subscribe them then? or, How can he press others to subscribe to he knows not what?

I will not expatiate beyond the Question in debate: Hic Rhodus, Pag. 6. hîc Saltus. In the next Paragraph, where he should have proved against me, That the Infallibility assumed by the Bishops of Rome, and their Soveraignty over our Faith, was the cause of the Reformed Churches separating from the Papists: I find not one word of such proof offered; and indeed it is notorious to any Man that hath but a little insight into the History of those times, and the grounds of the Romish Religion. All he alledgeth is a saying of Cassander (not citing the Place and Words, and so I cannot well judge of them) to this effect. That then they made the Pope but little less then God; that they set his Authority not onely above the Church, but above the Scripture too; and made his Sentences equal to Divine Oracles, and an infallible rule of Faith, and (as he further proceeds) though there were another sort of People in the Church, yet they were such as were obscure and concealed.—I answer, that this proves not, That the Bishops of Rome assumed an Infallibility and Soveraign Dominion over our Faith, (which is the Point in question) but that some ascribed it unto him: Cassander must be understood in relation to the Canonists, [Page] which agrees with my Assertion, (yet were not all the Canonists of that minde, for in the Council of Pisa, which began at Millaine, Guicciardin. hist. 1.9. Carol. Molin. annot. in Deoii Consil. 37. there Philippus Decius, and others, did defend the Superiority of a Council above the Pope) or else what Cassander says is evidently false: for the Superiority of the Council above the Pope, and the limited power of the Papacy, were the general Tenets, and universally taught at the time when the Reformation began: and before it immediately, as any Man that traceth the History of the Councils of Constance, Basil, and Pisa, may inform himself. Cajetan himself, Cajetan. de potest: Papae. supra Concil. c. 27. inde etiam Francise. Victoriae relect. 4. de porest: Papae & Concil: pag. 194. who was a Cardinal, and Legate against Luther, though he prefer the Pope to a Council, yet teacheth this: Resistendum est ergò in faciem Papae publicè Ecclesiam dilaniantis, &c. Nor do I find any such Tenet avowed by Franciscus Victoria, Professor at Salamanca at the first beginning of the Reformation. In France you will never read that such a Power was ascribed to the Pope there, as Cassander speaks of; nor in Venice; no nor so much as in Swizzerland, as Hottinger avows. It can onely be thus far true what Cassander says, Hottinger: method: legendi hist. Helvet. p. 543. that the Canonists, who at Rome sway in the execution of the Papal Jurisdiction, might teach so: but not that it was any way the Tenet of the Divines: and there was then an opposition betwixt those two sorts of Men, as now with us betwixt the Courts Spiritual and Temporal. And the Theologicians did not hold themselves concluded by the Sentiments of the Canonists, nor the People neither, further 'Tis very observable, That this Pope Adrian sending to the Princes of Germany at the Diet at Noringberg, to suppress Luther, confess'd many abuses in Ecclesiastical Government, and doubled not to give Cheregat his Nuncio instructions to say, In hâc sanctâ sede aliquot jam annis multa abominanda fuisse, which he therefore promised by degrees to redress. Ld Herbert, Hen. viii. anno 1521. Where was now the question of the Popes Infallibility? The question is most easily demonstrated on my side, by [...]mparing the times of the Council at Pisa, which exalted a Councel above the Pope, in 1512. And the Reformation by Luther, began in 1518. At what time the generality of Germany inclined to refer things to a Council, and not to depend on the Papal Determinations. So did Charles v. hold, and other Princes, as is manifest in the History of the Council of Trent, pag. 683. And Calvin (not to mention Zwinglius, in 1518.) appear'd in 1536. 'Tis impossible from hence to phansie, that the case was such as is represented out of Cassander, without an unimaginable Metamorphosis in the Divines, which are contradistinct from the Canonists. then was requisite to peace and order of Government. This being thus false, and the relation of Pope Adrian impertinent (for the Papacy is thereby confess'd fallible, though for prudential Reasons not to be amended as Affairs then stood;) I have nothing to adde further, then to desire my Adversaries, whensoever they write, to think of the point in Question. It is an useful way wch is practised in the Schools of Oxford, for the Respondent to repeat a second time the Syllogism of the Opponent, and so to frame his Answer, when he is certain he comprehends the Argument. I could wish my Adversaries had been used a little to that custom in their Youth; their being habituated to such a method, would have qualified them better then their beloved Curiosities in Opticks and Magnetismes [Page] for the managing of Controversies: If it be too tedious to them to resume any Academick studies, I must recommend unto the imitation of the R. S. what I have read of as to the Exchequer. There is an Officer in the Exchequer, who though sitting with the Barons on the Bench, hath no power to vote with them, nor interposeth his judgement as decisive in any cause, but observing silence in Ephemeris Parliamentar: in the Preface. pleading, speaketh sometimes as to the regulation of the time, how it passeth away.

What he should have said concerning the Religion of Adam in Paradise, Pag. 9. and his mustering of all creatures together, I understand well: but what he doth say, it is not so easie to comprehend how it is much to the purpose. The Question is, Whether the acceptableness of our praises to God (I added prayers also; but took notice of the praises) depends upon the Authors being an Experimental Philosopher? I see not that he saith any thing against me therein, but that the Historian doth suppose that his Experimentator is a Christian, and engrafted into Christ; and that the accessional of his merits shall sanctifie his praises, yet shall the Praises he shall make be more suitable to God, being framed according to the genuine Texture of the Almighty Artist, then the more general Thanks givings, wherein a Man that hath not meditated on the Works of the Creation, blesses God still for them, but cannot say how far these exceed the utmost productions of Art, or the improved Power of Natural Causes.—I am sure he changes much the odiousness of the words of the Historian, who saith, That the praises of God celebrated by an Experimentator, shall be more suitable to the Divine Nature, then the blinde applauds of the ignorant; that is, of such as are not Experimentators. If it were possible for us ever to come to that perfection of discerning the operations of Nature, and the utmost productions of Art, I see the Virtuosi will prove beneficial to the Church, and 'twill be necessary the Convocation desire them to alter the Te Deum, &c. and to contrive new Anthymns to render our Church praises more suitable to the Divine Nature: And Dr. More's Canto's will put down David's Psalms, as well as Hopkins & Sternhold. I wonder Christ & Moses, both faithful in their charge, forgot so important a recommendation as this of 2 Tim. 3. 15, 17. the Virtuosi: I see now that the Scriptures cannot make a man perfect, thorowly furnished unto all good works, or compleatly wise unto salvation, through Faith that is in Christ Jesus. All that follows upon this subject, hath no original from any thing I said: If to write thus be not a kinde of extravagance and madness, I know not what is. I did not at all in the Censure compare the new and old Philosophy: I no where else avow the Truth, but the usefulness of the Hippocratical and Aristotelian Phylosophy in reference to Physick. The whole digression is not only Impertinent, but silly: He tells me of ways [Page] by which I attain'd knowledge, which I never pursued; and of solving difficulties, which I never used; being always more ready to profess Ignorance, then to yield an unsatisfactory Reason. I must renew my Protestations, that 'tis nothing to the purpose of the Censure, before I digress against this ensuing harangue. For my Exception against them lies thus: the Apostles did not enjoyn the Study of Natural-Experimental Philosophy; Christ when he inspired the Disciples with that which was necessary to bring them into all knowledge, and when they by Imposition of Hands did confer the Holy Ghost, and those Spiritual Gifts by which some were qualified with Hymns and Spiritual songs, they were not at all inspired with, or directed to this study of Nature, so celebrated by the Virtuosi: therefore I say it is not requisite to the making of our praises more suitable to the nature of God, that we go about to reform the Psalmes of David, or otherwise busie our selves about Experimental Philosophy, thereby to render our Anthymns and Praises more suitable and pleasing unto the Incomprehensible God of Heaven: we may acquiesce in Scripture-expressions, though more conformable to vulgar Sentiments then the Corpuscularian Hypothesis; Those Praises suit best with the Divine Nature, which are consonant to his Word, and uttered with true Faith in Jesus Christ. Thus I oppose the Letter of the Historian; and am repay'd with an Excursion concerning the Virtuosi, their Pains and Industry in comparison of the Peripateticks. He says the Virtuosi are timerous in what they affirm: This is not true: Pag. 11. But amnot I so too? Do not I scruple to say any Philosophy is true; or can be exactly and sensibly demonstrated? Do I avow any more then that the Hippocratical and Peripatetick Notions are useful? Why am I upbraided with the Ptolomaick Systeme; and ridiculous determinations of the cause of Magnetick Phaenomena? I am not obliged to reply hereunto; yet I say that the Ptolomaick Systeme produceth us true Predictions in Astrology, and as good Almanacks as the other: and our Navigation is not improved by any new Hypothesis of the nature of the Load-stone. He tells me what I can answer about sundry Natural Occurrents: give me leave to reply for my self, and I assure our Virtuosi, that I am always better content to profess my Dicere nescio, est tranquillitas animae meae. Proverb. Persic. L. Warner. Prov. 37. own Ignorance, then to render an unsatisfactory account of things, except it be in an exoterical and popular way, and where the Notions made use of are as useful to practise, as if true. He tells me I became an excellent Astronomer, by reading a Systeme of the Ptolomaean Hypothesis. This is news to me, and I profess I learnt from Hippocrates not to be sollicitous much about those Enquiries: yet they might have known I was not so great a stranger to Galileo, and Ricciolus, as some of the Virtuosi. He proceeds to upbraid me [Page] with Chymistry, but with so much Incoherence of thoughts, that I understand not the Reflection. ‘There is yet another piece of Pag. 12. Learning, that is Chymistry, in which, with little adoe, You can equal their attainments had through a long process and tedious course. For the whole that they pretend unto in this drudging Art, is no more then the solution and coagulation of Bodies; by the first of these, they, with a great deal of cost, indeavour to separate their three Elements: But you, Sir, more cheaply then they, can shew your Pag. 13. four Elements parting asunder at the dissolution of the mixt Body. It is but laying of a green stick upon the other fuel all ready inflamed, immediately the Element of Air comes away in smoke; that of Fire, in the warm blaze: the Elementary Water, is that hissing Juyce at the end of the stick; and the Element of the Earth is the remaining Ashes.’—Were I concern'd in the truth of the Elementary Hypothesis (to the defence whereof I will not now be drawn) I would tell them, that 'tis unjust to upbraid a Peripatetick with an Argument of this nature, who will not avow that on Earth there is to be found any such thing as any of the four Elements un-mixed, or separate and sincere: and therefore he will never, in rigour of Speech, make any such Assertions as are here Ignorantly imposed on him: 'tis true, that Gunter Billichius, a Man well versed in Chymistry, G. Billich. Thessal. Chym. c. 10. sect. 108. doth endeavour rudely, by this way of Argumentation, to evince the Doctrine of the four Elements. Take notice, that this Writer was an excellent Chymist, the Scholar of Angelus Sala; and also that Quercetan in the Anatomy of Celandine, resolves it into Water, Air, Earth and Fire: nor do the Chymists deny the four Elements. Moreover, Beguinus doth endeavour to demonstrate Quercetan. l. de med. Spagyr. pre. sect. de vegetab. c. 2. the Chymical Principles by as facile and cheap an Operation, as our Virtuosi here impose upon the Peripatetick: For he writes thus, Exordiamur à lignis viridibus, quae si cremes, egredietur primò aquosum quiddam, quod ignis flammae concipiendae plane inidoneum est, & in Beguinus Tyrocin. Chyml. 1. c. 2. fumum conversum si colligatur, in aquam resolvitur, diciturque Mercurius: deinde exibit oleaginosum quiddam—vocaturque Sulphur: tandem remanet siccum & terrestre— salis (que) nomen obtinet. But I proceed to demand of our Virtuosi, why do they say, That All that the drudging Art of Chymistry aims at, is by Solution of Bodies, to separate their three Elements; and by coagulation, to bring a liquid or humid Body to a solid substance? Is there no other operation in Chymistry, but solution and coagulation of Bodies? Enquire into the Chymical Tyrocinia, 'twill trouble you to reduce all their Operations of Calcination, Digestion, Fermentation, Distillation, Circulation, Sublimation, and Fixation, to these two. Have those Artists no other end but the [Page] discovery of their three Elements in their laborious processes? What think you of the Opus magnum, the preparation of Medicaments, &c. about which they are very solicitous, without any such aim as this Chymical Analysis? What do ye mean when ye speak of only three Elements of the Chymists? do not they separate an inutile insipid phlegme, or water also, and a Terra damnata? And, what is more then all this, have not I demonstrated, that Chymistry owes its Original and Improvements to the Peripateticks? I adde, 'Tis not oriously false that all Chymical coagulation is the reducing of an humid and liquid Body to a solid substance: since there are coagulations in Chymistry, wherein the Body coagulated comes not to a solidity, but continues still liquid; as any Man knows to appear upon the mixtures of Liquors in the making of Lac virginis, &c. A cold Posset comes not to a solid consistence. But our Grangousiers enlarge themselves upon Coagulation. ‘This fine feat you so well understand, Pag. 13. and it is so much beneath you, that you leave it to the Apothecaries Boy, when you prescribe troches for colds, besides Rose-water and Sugar, &c. to make this solid, you appoint white starch, q. s. and then refer it to the Lad to be made S. a. and here is so good a coagulation, that you never desire to learn any other kinde of it so long as you live, except it be the secret of making the hard Sea-bisket.’—Is not this a most excellent parade, and a good account of the three moneths study of so many eminent Wits to contrive this harangue? they are most excellent Diviners: They tell what I doe, and what I acquiesce in, with as much vanity and falshood, as if 'twere one of their Experiments. Physicians do indeed put Starch into some Troches for Coughs, but 'tis not to coagulate it meerly, but as an operative part of the Medicament; otherwise we can boil the Sugar high enough to coagulate without Starch, or use the mucilage of Gum Dragàcanth, &c. But that we understand no other coagulation, or desire to know none else, is a Saying becoming the Virtuosi, and none else. How many ways had the Ancients of separating the caseous part of the Milk, and making of Whey? Is there not any of us inquifitive how to make a Sack-posset, or Cheese? Could not we coagulate Oyle and Red lead into a Cere-cloth, nor give consistence to Plaisters with Wax, before these Insolents? Did not we understand the making of Common Salt, Salt-peter, and Alcalisate Salis, &c. before these Pig-wiggin Myrmidons appear'd? To conclude, since Chymistry and its several Operations were the discovery of the Peripateticks, as I have largely proved elsewhere; 'tis not for the R. S. to upbraid them with the ignorance thereof thus: nor for the Virtuosi to pretend to any praise therefrom, till they discover more [Page] then they have yet done in that Science, which my Adversaries here, you see, understand not at all. Pittiful Scriblers; I am concern'd for the Honour of our Nation, least it suffer more then ever by such defenses as these. I assure the Virtuosi, I could not wish a sharper Revenge upon them then to publish such Writings as these. Whatever Folly and Ignorance I charge upon them, they furnish me with new Arguments to prove it: I advise them hereafter to write against me in the Universal Character, that the Ignominy of our Nation may be more conceal'd: or to retire into some Deserts (fit receptacles for such Plagiaries, Cheats, and Tories) least this second sort of worth-less Fanaticks, these Alumbrado's in Religion and all Sciences (for 'tis now manifest, that they understand Chymistry as little as the Languages, Rhetorick, Logick and History) continue the Infamy of our Kingdoms. There needs no more to be said to this Paragraph; and as to the next, I desire onely that my Reader would compare this Answer, and my Censure, and see how Material the one is, and how Superficial the other: and let him take notice of the great usefulness which he ascribes to Doctors of Divinity. There is one Argument against the Author not Pag. 15.inconsiderable, to which you have some reference, that is, The study of such Controversies, Distinctions, and Terms, is of great use when we have to deal with a Papist-disputant. It's very true, yet it proves not any excellency in that knowledge of it self, but meerly in relation to the Adversary: though we have fresh Instances of worthy Persons amongst us, who have with good advantage managed the debate in behalf of our Church against that of Rome, without much help from those Schools: yet that sort of Learning, even for this reason, may be still maintained in the same manner, as Trades-men who lye on the English Borders towards Wales, usually keep a Servant to Jabber Welsh (though no learned Language) to the Brittains their Customers.—This is the great acknowledgement our Doctors have for dubbing any of the Virtuosi: the Universities (who are mainly in the Colleges design'd for that study,) are in a fair way to be sold, though at present they may be continued. This defense is pretty, and I think justifies my Imputation that they are enemies to the Universities, and would change the education of England. I am astonished to finde such a passage as this, in a juncture when the R. S. is under so great an odium.

The next passage I have nothing to say unto beyond the Censure: Pag. 16. [Page] onely he tells me, that He could not find any such passage in the Page I refer unto. The reason is, because he never looked The truth is, the History is there wrongly paged, and there is twice 362; and that which I cite is the second 362, following after 369. How accurate are these men, not to know thus much in their own Books? I argue according to the Church of England; how they answer, and how pertinently, let others judge.

The last passage under debate, is the application of Scripture to Pag. 17. common raillery. Let any Man weigh the Words of the Historian, and the Form of my Censure, and he will find my reprehension just. I had expected all Analogical senses, when used by the Fathers and others upon weighty and pious occasions: he might have transcribed out of the Censure, passages as much to the purpose as that out of Ignatius; and I granted the Fathers used it frequently: but we must distinguish betwixt the Anagogical and Mystical accommodations of Scripture to pious harangues, and the using of it in raillery. The Question is, Whether it be lawful and fitting to accommodate Scripture-sentences and the sacred phrase to the subjects of common and light discourse? such are Amorous Poems, or Discourses of Natural Philosophy. I instanced in Mr. Cowleys Poems, not to injure or upbraid the dead, but because he at his decease having repented of such offensive Poems, desired the Author of the History to dispunge them in the second Edition, which was recommended to his care: and since, notwithstanding this request of his deceased Friend, he thought fitting to continue them; I expounded him by himself, and fairly instanced in those Passages as the raillery, commended by himself, and conformable to what the Ancient Poets practised in honour of their Gods and Religion. I have no reason to recede from my Censure yet: but much greater perswasions then before, that I did a necessary work; and whatsoever their Malice may create me of Trouble, or Inconvenience, I never shall repent it.

The Conclusion of the Letter threatens me with the History of my Life, to be written after the manner that Dr. Sprat writ against Sorbier. I never pittyed that French man, because he had so flattered the R. S. and was himself a Member of it, and recorded for such in their History. But when a greater Man then this Epistoler made me the like Threat, I laugh'd thereat, and said, That as for my Physiognomy whatsoever it was, He made us, and not we our selves; and that I had observed worse Faces in their [Page] Society: and for any passage in my life, 'tis not clogg'd with these Circumstances, That I took the Covenant, or Engagement; or was a Visitor of Oxon; or Councellor to Cromwel and his Son: I shall not have any Pindarick Ode in the Press, dedicated to the happy memory of the most Renowned Prince OLIVER, Lord Protector: nothing to recommend the sacred Urn of that blessed Spirit to the veneration of Posterity, as if

His Fame like Men, the elder it doth grow,

Will of it self turn

Without what needless Art can do.

I never compar'd that Regicide to Moses, or his son to Joshua: When other Mens Flatteries did thus Exorbitate, you will find my Resentments for the Church of England to have been of another nature; and as I most associated my self with the Episcoparians; so in the decpest he ats that engaged me for my Patron's service, I did not decline to give them the Elogy of Judicious and Learned, and to plead for their Toleration in these Words. ‘To conclude, I Defense of the Good old Cause, p. 131, 132. should here become an Humble suppliant for those of the Episcopal Divines, who understanding the Principles of that Churchway which they profess, have learned in all conditions to be content: and in their Prosperity were neither rash in defining, nor forward in persecting soberly-tender consciences. It is certain, that we owe much to their Learned Defenses of Protestancy against the Papists, and several other their Labours: and may reap much more benefit thereby, if they may have a greater security (paying the respect which they ought to their Governors, and Praying for them, that they may live peaceably under them) then at present they enjoy in their walkings.’—I did there (in the Preface) cast my self at their feet; and made my timely Submissions to the Right Reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Winton: I receiv'd from his Hands a Confirmation in this Church, and never joyned with any other in Communion: you will never find me in a Presbyterian-Pulpit, nor leagued with the Sectaries: Whatever was offensive in my Writings, I voluntarily abandoned; and have done more in publick for the Church and Religion of England, without any further intent then the glory of God and welfare of the Nation, then others to be Dignitaries: and have not onely endeavored to fix others to the Preservation of the Monarchy, but some ways signalized my self by Testimonies of particular Loyalty, well known to the principal Secretary of State. I speak not this to inodiate others: I would they had given me happy Presidents for doing so much, or been Exemplary that I might perform more. But they (who perhaps are not so much as confirmed) [Page] having attempted nothing of this kind, multiply discouragements upon me; and would depress a Son of the Church, because he once followed a different party. Is it Thus that they would express their affection to the present Government? Is it Thus that they imitate him who would not quench the smooking flax, or break the bruised reed? Do they envy me the Grace of God? or would they have me adde obstinacy to my other faileurs? Such procedures do not become [...] Divine: and I desire God in his Mercy to prevent the Inconveniences, which so scandalous and unchristian demeanour may occasion to the Church, which must needs suffer in the publick Miscarriages of the Clergy.

FINIS.

§

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A REPLY TO A LETTER OF Dr. HENRY MORE (printed in Mr. ECEBOLIUS GLANVIL'S Praefatory Answer to HEN. STUBBE.) with a CENSURE upon the PYTHAGORICO-CABBALISTICAL Philosophy promoted by him. WITH A Preface against Ecebolius Glanvil; Fellow of the Royal Society, and Chaplain to Mr. Rouse of Eaton, late Member of the Rump Parlament. By Henry Stubbe Physician at Warwick.

[...]

OXFORD, Printed for Richard Davis. 1671.

A PREFACE.

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HAd the presse been so much at my disposall as I could have wished, I had not suffered Ecebolius Glanvill to have enjoyed the triumph of a few weeks: But since it is impossible to dispatch a particular Answer before the approaching Holy-dayes, I must begge pardon of the world for that short respite. It will not seem strange that, omitting Him, I hasten out a reply to Dr H. More, for the other is but a Zany to this Pythagorean, and the defamations of so ignominious and scandalous an Algerine as Mr Glanvill, do not reach so far, as the aspersions of his Master, which hath some repute for learning, and more for integrity, though his demeanour be such now, that I am necessitated to recant my judgment of him, and so not disoblige him by a second Elogy for Piety. The Prefatory Answer of Mr. Glanvill is no other then I expected, though severall others could not believe it possible that any such Resolve could be taken or suffer'd to be put in execution. But though the performance did not beseem a Christian (much less a Divine, of the Church of England) yet I knew it would agree with the genious of a Renegado-presbyter turnd Latitudinarian; and that some of the Virtuosi would doe what no Paynim or ancient Philosopher would imagine: I had had frequent experience of this truth, and had learned by their defamations and menaces of an assassination or bastinado (not to mention the Suit at Law, whereunto Dr. Ch. M. was obliged by certain persons of—) that neither Generosity, Morality, or Religion had any tye upon them superiour to their revenge. Not the relation that the Virtuosi pretend to have unto his Majesty could reclaim my Adversaries from violating that Amnesty, the indulgence whereof signalizeth him to all Ages, and the inscription whereof he dignifieth with the honour of his Royall Motto: [Page] Not conscience, which is still engaged to an utter oblivìon by the ACT, though the PENALTY be determined: not Civill prudence, which might have represented unto them how fatall this president might prove, by raising jealousies and seeds of discontent in the breasts of others whose case might be the same erelong, and whose crimes had transcended mine, as much as the actions I had done to efface my offences did exceed their performances. Twas strange to find as it were S. Paul upbraided with what he had done at the death of S. Stephen; and to see that I was upbraided not only with what I had formerly writ, but blamed for contradicting my self, though the contradiction amounted to a profession of Loyalty to the King, obedience to the Church, and regard to the Universities. Was there ever Indiscretion transported thus far? If that decision be true of Aerodius, That tis in vain to pardon offences, if the party so gratified may be upbraided therewith afterwards: May I not adde, that tis in vain to expect any compliance from the discontented and non-conformists, if their Conversion shall be reckoned to their disparagement, and their ignominy aggravated thereby. Thus Hudybras is come to Court? A wise objection, & becoming such as have transcended mee in their actings and Schismaticalness. To aggravate the malignity of my temper, tis made my fault that I defended M. H. in some Grammatical Questions against a member of the Royal Society, one much more criminall than I could be. I am reviled with opposing Mr. B. in his Holy Common-wealth and Key for Catholicks: and to shew how barbarous my demeanour towards him was, after the Elogies of Reverend, learned, and ingenious, HE is said to bee a person worthy of great respect: and our Ecebolius addes, that ‘hee can scarce forbear affirming concerning him as a learned Doctor of our Church did, that HE was the pia philosoph. p. 111. 112. only man that spoke sense in an Age of non-sense.’—As may be demonstrated out of the Evangelium armatum. I shall not recriminate upon Mr. Glanvill: there is a disloyalty which extends beyond writeing: it may be found in praying, [Page] preaching, and communicating with Rebellious Schismaticks: and if Education, and the being bred in ill times may excuse him, what is it that deprives me of that accessional alleviation? But since what I have said, hath been satisfactory to my Prince, and is more than many of my Adversaries can pretend, I shall now insist upon NO OTHER EXCUSE. After our Impertinent hath spent three parts of his book in this unchristian Satyre, and which I had effectively prevented, that which hee saith to the controversies in agitation is very little, and his performances very meane. Hee gives no reparation to the Physicians for these injurious words. ‘The moderne Plus ultra p.7 8. Experimenters think, that the Philosophers of elder times, though their wits were excellent, yet the way they took was not like to bring much advantage to knowledge, or any of the uses of humane life: being for the most part that of notion and dispute, which still runnes round in a labyrinth of talke, but ADVANCETH NOTHING. And the unfruitfulness of those Methods of Science, which in so many Centuries never brought the world so much practical, beneficial knowledge, as would help towards the cure of a CUT FINGER, is a palpable Argument, that they were fundamental mistakes, and the way was not right. For, as my Lord Bacon observes well, Philosophy, as well as faith, must be shown by its works. And if the moderns cannot shew more of the works of their Philosophy in six yeers, then the Aristotelians can produce of theirs in more than thrice so many hundred, let them be loaded with all that contempt, which is usually the reward of vain and unprofitable projectors. That this procedure hath effected more for the information and advantage of Mankind, then all the Ages of Notion, the records of the Royal Society alone, are a sufficient evidence, as the world will see when they think fitting to unfold their Treasure.’

This passage, as it gave first occasion to the controversy in hand, so the indignity therof ought alone to continue it, though no further incentives had been added. For what Physician can with patience endure to heare so great a contumely done to all our Ancestours from Hippocrates and Aristotle down to the latter days, when our most eminent Galenists did flourish in London? Of the Methods of Ancient Science there [Page] were two, the one consisting of more general principles, or rules; the other making up a particular Systeme or hypothesis, such as the Aristotelian and Galenical philosophy (with its variations and discrepancies) accommodated to Physick, and that part of it especially which is called Materia Medica. Amongst the more general rules, I doe comprehend the Art of reasoning, and Method: as also those other preliminaries of Aristotle, and Galen: that the final determination of philosophical truthes (relating to material beings) is SENSE: that we ought never to relie so far upon any prejudicate reasons as to desert the convictions of our SENSES: That Physick, as Calen. Method. med. lib. 9. c. 6. & ibid. lib. 6. 2. well as the more universal philosophy of nature, did subsist upon two leggs or props, viz. REASON and EXPERIENCE: that though in obscure cases Analogismes had their place, yet that twas always best to relye on direct experience, where it was to be had. Now this being so ancient a Method of Science, and so received by the Physicians, and which is agitated in the disputes of our writers, I doe justly complain that our Virtuoso should say, that the way they took was so unfruitful, and brought so little practical beneficial knowledge, as twould not help towards the Cure of a Cut finger. For they could from THINGS EXPERIMENTED demonstrate their abilities THAT WAY: As I evinced. As to the particular Hypothesis, called Aristotelian or Galenical, that even That was of much more advantage than our Virtuoso allowed it, I demonstrated hereby, that the Doctrine of Elements, of the first, second, and third qualities, as they were explicated and disputed, had been the occasion of most of our compositions, be they plaisters, or other Medicaments, that they were invented at first, or used afterwards: that according to those a Vide Simon. à Tovar de compos. medicam. exam. & Hieron. Mercurial. de compos. medic. Principles of old, Galen, and afterwards his successours generally (till of late) did regulate themselves in their new mixtures, and discoveries: and this way continues still amongst the † Spanyards and Italians, then whom the world never produced better Physicians: and in France till the [Page] days of Quercetan and Mayerne, the practise was regulated by these Principles, and in the contest betwixt the Chymists and Colledge at Paris, upon the Notions of Formes, Qualities, and Galenical or Aristotelian Temperament, was the controversy agitated: And upon the introduction of any new Medicament, as of Quicksilver for the pox, or lignum vitae, or sassafras, or the like, the Physicians for the use of them were usually regulated by that Hypothesis: from whence it is demonstrated, that since not only cut fingers, but even all Diseases were cured by them (as well, or better then by the Chymists: as appeared upon publick tryals before the Parlament at Paris) tis unjust and intolerable for us to be upbraided with the sterility of that Philosophy, as if it had contributed nothing to Beneficial Practical Knowlege, but ranne round in a Labyrinth of talk, advanceing nothing. I evidenced, that notwithstanding the Rhodomontade of our Ignoramus, most of the Glorious Discoveries ascribed to our Moderns, did referre to the Peripateticks, and their Philosophy. That for Anatomy we were MORE obliged to Aristotle, Erasistratus, Herophilus, Galen, and the late Galenical projectors, than to any of these new Corpuscularians. That the natural History of Bathes, Plants, Minerals, had been prosecuted by them: and accommodated to use upon those grounds: they not having, or not relying upon any other. And certainly Impudence never discover'd it self in a greater effort, then when M. Glanvil writ his PLUS ULTRA: and Hee must be undeniably ignorant, that can say that eighteen centuries of Peripatetick Philosophers have not produced so much of WORKS, as these last six yeers of our Virtuosi. I shewed that the Arabians were disputing followers of Aristotle and Galen, and regulated their Speculations by his Philosophy: yet these Disputers invented much of Non habemus antiquiorem Firmico, qui Alchymiae mentionem fecerit, Jos. Scalig. ad Manil. l. 4. Chymistry, some part of it being known to Aristotle, & his followers: that tis not the discovery of any old Aegyptian Hermes, but the name and original is of a much later date than the Peripatetick foundations at Alexandria: That the [Page] beginnings of it there were cultivated by the Sarracens, and so far improved by the Peripateticks downwards, that Paracelsus invented little or nothing of it, but stole all he had from the Aristotelians. The Doctrine of the Atmosphere was advanced by Alhazen: and the gravity of the Air (how it was only comparatively light) asserted by Aristotle, and Averroes, and Claramontius: who weighed it in a bladder. I Sancthr. in prim. Fen. adde now that Avi [...]enna in his Fen, and Sanctorius upon him, doe maintain the same tenet: and this Sanctorius was he who found out the Thermometer, or Weather-glass, proceeding upon the Peripatetick notions of elements, heat, cold, rarefaction, condensation &c. To all this Mr. Glanvil answers. ‘Doe I speak of the Methods of Physick, Chyrurgery, or any practical Art? If I had so done, Mr. Stubbe had had reason: But it was nothing thus, I had not to doe with any thing of that nature, but was discoursing of the infertility of the way of Notion and Dispute, concerning which I affirmed, that it produced no practical, useful knowledg. viz: by its own proper native virtue: & my sense here was the same as it was in that expression of my, Vanity of Dogmatizing [pag. 132 edit. sec.] I would puzle the Schooles to point at any considerable Discovery made by the Direct sole Not the Schooles of Physitians: and tis impertinent for to urge such a demand upon those of Theology, or Logick. Manuductiom of Peripatetick principles. So that I never dreamt of denying, that those Philosophers of elder times, that went that way, had Practical beneficial knowledg: yea, or that they were Discoverers of many excellent and useful things: But that they learnt that knowledg from the disputing Methods of Physiology, or made their discoveries by them. These were the things I denied; and I have the excellent Lord Bacon with me in the Negative.’—This is his defense of that innocent sentence: The Historian says that the Peripateticks and their Successours have been alwayes wandring in fruitless shades: that their Physicks were utterly useleless for the use of mankind. And M. Glanvil forgets what hee hath written, in talking thus. which how false it is, any man may judge by what I have said, or by looking into our Herbals, where the Nature and use of our Plants is explicated by the elementary qualities of hot, & dry, cold, and moist: and into our books de composit. medicament. where we are generally directed by no other principles then these, and the like; not to mention that the foundation of our practice was, Contraria contrariis curantur, which contraries were explained Peripatetically. Nor would [Page] our Schooles bee puzled to point at any considerable discovery made by the direct sole Manuduction of Peripatetick principles: since so many Medicaments have been discovered thereby; since that the weighing of the Aire, and the Thermometer were a pure and entire result of that Manuduction; as you may see in Sanctorius. But Mr. Glanvil saith, hee speaks not of the Methods of Physick and Chirurgery, or any practical Art? This is a STRANGE EVASION considering Quippe praecedere oportet eam quae a verâ Methado proficiscitur, remediorum inventionem; huic vero experientiam ad certiorem etiam fidem subscribere. Galen. Method. Med. l. 6. c. 2. that the Aristotelians and Galenists did not act as pure Empericks, but as men guided by a series of principles, and a Theory which they deemed Scientifical: and so they were in Chirurgery also; for those two professions were commonly united, and by few so separated, as that the Chirurgical cures and Medicaments were not regulated by the same Principles: as appeares from our Book of Chirurgery. I I shall not enter upon the dispute whether Physick (a branch whereof is Chirurgery) bee an Act, or no: some holding Ars est habitus cum recta ratione effectivus. the Affirmative, some the Negative: No Dogmatists ever held but that it was an Operative knowledge, or an Art guided by certain rules and observations to effect its end. There were the [...] of the Physicians, to whose judgment Aristotle thinks fit Men submit: and the [...], or such as by continual and diligent observation and reading had acquired the skill of Curing, not being devoid of the Dignosticks, Prognosticks, and Method of Curing, and tryed Medicines: but being absolved from, or ignorant of any Philosophical Theory: and for these the Stagirite declareth a Respect. The Galenists and Disputing Ages adhered to the former, and only reputed him a Physician who could give a PERIPATETICAL account of the Cause, and Cure of the Disease: and except M. Glanvil can demonstrate that the Physicians have for eighteen centuries acted blindly and Empirically (without the guidance of Aristotelian and Galenick principles) what he saith is MOST FALSE. But to wave this discourse about Art and Science, which is all one, to overthrow the insolence of our Virtuoso; hee saith Hee was discourseing of the Infertility of the way of Notion [Page] and Dispute, that it produced no practical, useful knowledg by its own proper native virtue: this is the first time I heard that disputations fittingly managed (& I am not to suppose men to be mad, or fooles,) produce no useful knowledge, if the subject debated be of that nature as to refer UNTO USE: tis apparently false in point of Physick, as a man that reads a Spanish or Italian consultation, will see. But it is not possible for me to divine what this insupportable Talker means by NOTION. For if it be the Peripatetick Physiologie, what hee saith, is untrue: if Hee mean Logical, or Metaphysical disputes, who was obliged to understand him about them, when the Question was about Natural philosophy, and practical knowledge? Hee might as well have said, that Arithmetick, or Astronomy, or Grammer, or Musick, did not by their own proper native vertue produce any practical useful knowledge, in order to the CURING OF A CUT FINGER. So that my Exception, and Indignation was just against this Insolent, and all Physicians ought to joyn with me in demanding Reparation: nor will my Lord Bacon's authority advantage our Virtuoso, for HIS Credit is valid perhaps in LAW, but not in PHYSICK, I am sure.

As the Physicians have received no amends from our Insolent for the outrage hee and the Historian did us; so neither doe I yet find any better sentiments in my Adversaries for the UNIVERSITIES then they expressed heretofore: yet hath Mr. Glanvil the impudence to protest their great respects for those illustrious Nurseries of youth: Have they authentickly disclaimed the History, or any part thereof that was prejudicial to the Church and Universities? have not they rather added to the former indignities by that new contumely against all the Doctors and Divines in the Universities? There is one Argument against the Author not inconsiderable, to which you have some reference,A Letter to H. S. in defense of the History, p. 15.(that is) the study of such controversies, distinctions, and termes is of great use, when we have to deal with a Papist disputant[Page]Its very true, yet it proves not any excellency in that knowledge of it selfe, but merely in relation to the Adversary: though we have fresh instances of worthy persons amongst us, who have with good advantage managedThis can be but understood of some general debates against the Papists; for many particular and great controversies as Transubstantiation, Imageworship, imputed rightecusness merits &c. cannot be handled without the aid of the Schooles.the debate in behalfe of our Church against that of Rome, without much help from those Schooles: yet that sort of Learning even for this reason, MAY still be maintained, in the same manner as Tradesmen who lye on the English borders towards Wales, usually keep a servant to jabber welsh (though no learned language) to the Brittaines their customers.

Certainly the most bitter Enemy that ever was to the Universities could hardly have expressed himself worse than doth this Virtuoso: Hee doth not allow any excellency to, or acknowledge controversial Divinity to be a Learned study, though it include so much of reading, not only in School-Divines, but Ecclesiastical History, Canon and Civil Law, and Critical knowledge: and though the defense of our Religion against more than Papists, and the explication thereof to our selves, depend ordinarily upon those studies, yet the maintenance of such as are eminent therein, is founded upon the same reason, that the Tradsmen near Wales keep Brittish servants to talk and trade with the Customers of that nation. And FOR SUCH A REASON the Lands of the University given to the educating such Divines MAY be continued to that Employment. MAY they not also be SOLD? As for Ecebolius, hee referres us to what Praef. answ. p. 72.73. Hee hath writ in his Plus ultra, and his Letter against Aristotle, there we may find the highest expressions of Love [Page] and Zeal towards the Universities, that were within the compass of his poore and narrow invention. I will oblige him so far as to repeate his words, though I doubt the Universities will scarce afford him their thanks for his kind respects. ‘I have said nothing to discourage young Academinas from applying themselves to those first studies which are in Use in the Universities. Their Statutes require Exercises in that way of Learning; and so much knowledge of it, as inables for those Duties, is requisite and fit. Nor doe I deny, but that those Speculations raise, quicken, and whet the understanding, and on that account may not be altogether unprofitable, with respect to the more useful Inquisitions; provided it keep it self from being Nice, Aiery, and addicted too much to general notions. But this is the danger, and the greatest part run upon this Rock. The hazard of which might in great part be avoided, if the Mathematicks and Natural History were mingled with those other studies, which would indeed be excellent preparatives and dispositions to future Improvements. And I adde farther, that the young Philosophers must take care of looking on their Systematick Notions as the bounds and perfections of knowledge; nor make account to fix eternally upon those Theories, as established and Infallible Certainties: But consider them in the modest sense of Hypotheses, and as things they are to take in their passage to others that are more valuable and important. I say the Peripatetick Studies thus tempered, wil not I suppose, be disallowed by the men of the practical Method; and so the University establishments can receive no prejudice from the spirit that dislikes a perpetual acquiescence in the Philosophy of the present Schooles.’ This is the result of his most calme & temperate thoughts, after a repentance for having mispent his time in the Academick studies at Oxford, that exercise the brain in the niceties of Notion and Distinctions, and afford a great deal of idle imployment foribid. p. 123.the Tongue in the combates of disputations.- "After I had spent some yeers in those Notional studies, perhaps with as good success as some others, I began to think CVI BONO, & to consider what those things would signify in the world of Action and Business: I say I thought; but could find no encouragement to proceed from the answer my thoughts made me: I ask'd my self what account I could give of the works of God by my philosophy, more then those that have none, and found that I could amaze & astonish Ignorance with distinctions, and words of Art, but not satisfy ingenious inquiry by any considerable and material Resolutions. I considered I[Page]had got nothing all this while, but a certain Readiness in talking, and that about things I could not use abroad without being Pedantick and Ridiculous. I perceived that that Philosophy aimed at no more, than the instructing men to Notion and Dispute; that its designe was mean, and its principles at the best uncertain and precarious.— "These things then I pondered, and in the heat of my thoughts, and a Youthful indignation, I drew up the Charge, and gave in the full of those bold accounts to the publick in a Letter about Aristotle, which perhaps you will not doe amiss to consider. Thus the great Impediment was removed, and the prejudice of Education overcome: when I thought farther, That Useful knowledg was to be looked for in God's great book the Universe, and amongst those Generous men that had conversed with Real nature, undisguised with Art and Notion. And still I saw more of the Justice of the excellent Poet's Censuro of the sonnes of Aristotle, when hee sayth,

—They stand

Lock'd up together hand in hand;

Every one leads as he is lead,

The same bare path they tread,

And dance like fairies a phantastick Round;

And neither change their Motion, nor their ground.

From this Philosophy therefore, and these men, I diverted my eyes and hopes, and fixed them upon these Methods that I have recommended, which I am sure are liable to none of those Imputations.—I appeal to any person of common Intellectuals if this Virtuoso hath not expressed a wonderful Love and Zeal for the Universities. This is that just and most sincere esteem for those Venerable Seats, and Fountaines of Learning, which hee solemnly protests to bear. Hee doth most chearfully own, and is ready to celebrate the great Advantages they affoord for all Sorts of Knowledge, and Hee verily believes that the other Members of the Royal Society have LIKE SENTIMENTS of them. Surely our Experimental Philosopher takes the University for Assemblies of an ignorant and stupid sort of Men, that were to be amused and deceived by Equivocations: He professes an esteeme for the VENERABLE SEATES; Are they not highly honoured? He styles them Fountains of Learning, but tells us not what those words import. Is it because that the first New philosophy was so much promoted, and the R. S. as it were embryonated there? And from that fountaine issued [Page] those waters which have served to quoddle our Virtuoso? Certainly there is nothing but imposture in this complement, & they must be very easy souls that are deluded therewith. The Character he hath given of his FIRST STUDYES, and the abuses which under the person of Mr. Crosse, are put upon all Vniversity-men [plus ultra pag. 120.] are so detestable, that he must not expect upon the profundities of the Philosophical course taught there, he should retain any esteem or regard for those VENERABLE SEATS. He expatiates you see upon all the FIRST STUDYES, which contain Grammer, Rhetorick, Logick, Physics, Ethics, Metaphysics. He recommends the Study hereof to the young Academians, not because they are usefull, but because they are REQUIRED BY THE STATUTES; and adviseth them onely to inable themselves for the performance of their Exercises; this is REQUISITE, & FIT. But for any thing more, if any man designe that, tis uselesse abroad in the world of Action, & renders the owner Pedantick & ridiculous: & he must, by example of our Heroe, repent thereof. Doth not this excellenly justify those harangues of sundry Virtuosi who every where disswade the Nobility and Gentry from resorting to the Universities, and mispending their time in Notions, which affoord a great deale of IDLE EMPLOIMENT for the Tongue in Combates of disputation? Have not these Gentlemen the SAME SENTIMENTS with the Rector of Bathe? If this Censure upon our Academick studyes were true, who would resort thither except to gaine a Scholarship, or Fellowship? and submit to that Education, unlesse it were to RISE by it? From that Philosophy, and these men, who would not with Mr. Glanvill, divert his eyes and hopes, and fix upon those Methods which Plato & the Faecundity of the CARTESIAN principles doe instruct us with? what should any Noble man doe at Oxford or Cambridge? Those are not the residence of those generous men, that have conversed with REAL Nature, undisguised with ART & NOTION: The SEATS are more VENERABLE then the present possessors. Did I [Page] injure these persons by representing them as such, who would overthrow the ancient and necessary Education of of this Island? Could any thing be more seasonable, then those reasons l alledge in behalf of our Vniversity-breeding against the Mechanical project? Twould be too tedious an excursion for me now to confute this whole resvery; l desire onely that the Reader would take notice how in the end of the Paragraph first cited, he turns his displeasure upon the Academick Physiology onely, and saith it may be used as an Hypothesis, This is the usual depariment of several Virtuosi, they declaime in general against the Periteticks, & Notions: & being pressed to instances of their deficiency, they fly to the old Scholastick Theology, or the Aristotelian Physicks, as if our. Universities were so employed as in the days of Sarisburiensis. They crye that Phylosophy doth not fit them for Action: and if you demand what Action, what world they are not thereby prepared for: their reply only is, you cannot learne hence the sophistication of Wines, the art of Dying & such like Mechanick trades. Is not this rationally objected? but not acquiesced in: and then he believes twill be ALLOWED OF to us. Why? will it then cease to be notional, and steril in the world of Action & Businesse? And will he retract his retractation, if we doe so? l know none that look on their Systematic Notions as the bounds and perfections of knowledge: If Mr. Glanvil were of that opinion ever, he was not taught it in his time at Oxford. Who did ever tell him that there was any absolute or compleat knowledg to be acquired in this life? Or was so impudent as to give the lye unto the Apostle teaching us, That we see here but as in a glasse; and know but in part? There are indeed some Systematick Notions that are of real use to guide us in our ratiocination, & regulate us in our inquiries that we be not imposed on by the resemblances of things. The distinctions of Materialiter, & Formaliter, secundum quid & simpliciter; the eduction of formes out of the bosome of matter; the primum incipiens in motion; the Logical tricks about shuffling & ordering propositions & forms of syllogism, are Speculations that will seem Wonderful, Useful & Significant, as long as there is any sense in this Nation, and that we are not debauch'd into superlative Folly, by such illiterate, ignorant, and impertinent Virtuosi as Mr. Glanvill, and his Adherents. Had he been such a Proficient as he insinuates [Page] in Academick studies, he would never have argued as he does, or concluded a Discourse of this Nature, with this Epilogism. " AND SO THE UNIVERSITY-ESTABLISHMENTS CAN RECEIVE NO PREJUDICE FROM THE SPIRIT THAT DISLIKES A PERPETUAL ACQUIESCENSE IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE PRESENT SCHOOLS. Let us hereafter judge of these Men rather by their ACTIONS, than WORDS: or if we must lend an ear to what THEY SAY, let us esteem of them by their SERIOUS DISCOURSE, not by what they RALLY or FLATTER with: Let us believe of them, as of such as Innovate the Education, undermine the Foundations of our Religion and Monarchy, supplant the Universities, destroy Physick, endanger all Professions and Trades: Let us place the SADDLE upon the right HORSES back; and not be deluded with the AMBLING OF THE SADDLE, into a conceit that the Horse doth not trot.

All the Digression about my Life and Writings, is but a Demonstration that he could not justifie himself against the imputation of ignorance; and therefore he amuseth his Reader with matters impertinent. It had become him to shew which of those Instruments, MICROSCOPE, TELESCOPE, THERMOMETER, and the BAROMETER, was the discovery of the R. S. for he had told us, that some of those Plus ultra. p.10. were first invented, all of them exceedingly improved by the Royal Society. He complains for want of time to do what most imported him, and yet wastes that he hath in frequent sallys against Mr. Crosse. It is a Year and an half since he first began to collect my Books: he omitted to Preach at Bathe for many Weeks, excusing himself by the pretext of Writing against me, and the result of all his industry and study might have been included in two Sheets. All this deliberation could not qualifie him so, as to understand the right state of the Question betwixt us: which is not, Whether Aristotle did know all things? Nor, Whether the latter Ages knew more then the precedent? But, Whether Antiquity was shie and unacquainted with Anatomy? Whether the [Page] Grecians, disputing Ages, and Sectators of Aristotle, did know any thing of Chymistry? In fine, Whether the Ancient Aristotelian Philosophy hath Advanced Nothing of Practical and Beneficial Knowledge? and Whether all the INVENTIONS that he attributes to the VIRTUOSI, belong to them? and that the MODERNS can shew more of the WORKS of their Philosophy in SIX YEARS, (this restrains the notion of the Moderns to the R. S.) then the ARISTOTELIANS can produce of THEIRS in thrice so many hundred? These being the Questions, 'tis not enough for him that I grant this or that Discovery to be MODERN, but he is to prove it the invention of a Novelist, or NEW PHILOSOPHER, if not of a Virtuoso. Thus, if Chymistry descend from the Alexandrine Peripateticks and Arabians; If Anatomy, were the particular eminency of Erasistratus and Herophilus; if Caesalpinus or Harvey discover the Circulation OF THE BLOOD, 'tis for the credit of the Man of Stagyra, and this Glory appertains unto the Aristotelians, whom Mr. Glanvill represents as meer Notionists, who still run round in a Labyrinth of Talk, but ADVANCE NOTHING. 'Tis a hopeful Preface or Introduction to his Answer, thus to mistake in the Beginning: But he is irrecoverably lost as to all Learning; all that he flourisheth with, is but the remains of a Treacherous Memory, which some years agoe studied something; or some Collections out of Vossius's Writings concerning, the History of Sciences, or Translated out of Pancirollus and his Commentator, without being able to judge of their Faileurs, by what others have censured in them. This new Book makes Fust, or Gothenberg, to have found out Printing: whereas P. 122. he might have learned out of Hadrianus Junius, that 'twas found out by another at Harlem. And that Flavius Goia Hadrian. Junius Bataviae. c. 17. Ricciolus hydrograph. l. 10. c. 18. sect. 1. id. ibid. perieget. l. 3. c. 21. sect. 10. discovered the Compass. Whereas I am confident that no good Author ever styled him Flavius Goia, but either Flavius a Seaman of Amalfi, or Johannes Goia, or Gira of Melfi: the Places are distinct; and some ascribe it to one, some to the other. Some say that Paulus Venetus did bring it with him from China, in 1260. But most certain it is, that Albertus [Page] Magnus, and Vincentius Belluacensis, do speak of the Gilbertus de Magnete. l. 1. c. 1. Cabeus de magnet. Philos. l. 1. c. 6. Polarity of the Load-stone, and say, That the Sea-men used THEM in Navigation; and that the knowledge they had of it, was derived from a Treatise of ARISTOTLE'S De Lapidibus, which is lost, and perhaps was but the Writing of an Arabian Peripatetick. I adde this to what I have already published, thereby to satisfie all Men, that this arrogant prating VIRTUOSO is not at all acquainted with Books, no not such as are of best Note amongst the Modern Writers, as my Margin shews you; and 'tis by chance, not any solid Learning he hath, if ever he uttereth any Truth about such subjects of Discourse: And I appeal unto all serious Men, WHETHER IT BE NOT FOR THE BENEFIT OF ORDINARY CONVERSATION, THAT THESE KINDE OF MEN SHOULD EITHER REFRAIN TO SPEAK OF LEARNED SUBJECTS, OR PREMISE ALWAYS WHEN THEY INTERPOSE, AS A FOOL MAY SAY, or one that is unacquainted with History and Books.

Ecebolius doth find fault with a protestation of mine, & thus Pref. Answ. p. 142. descants on it. 'Tis a rare Protestation that follows: I protest in the presence of Almighty God, that if there be not great care taken, we may be in a little time reduced to that pass, as to believe the Story of Tom Thumb.—p. 11.] Doth Mr. Stubbe seriously think this, or doth he not? If so, he is more ridiculous then one that believes Tom Thumb already: If he be not serious in what he saith, he is impious in it: And if it were another Man, one might ask him how he durst in that manner use the Name of God, and protest a known and ridiculous Falshood in his Presence.—I do own the seriousness of my Protestation, and yet fear not the inconvenience I am threatned with by this Dilemma. I have lived to see Dr. More credit the Miracles of Pythagoras, that he speaking to a River, the River answered him again with Defense of the Philosoph. Cabbala, p. 186, 187.an audible and clear voyce, [...], Salve Pythagora. That he shewed his Thigh to Abaris the Priest, and that he affirmed it glistened like Gold, and thence pronounced that he was Apollo. That he was known to converse with his Friends at Metapontium and Tauromenium (the one a Town in Italy, the other in Sicily, and many days journey distant) in one and the same day. You will find more to the same purpose there: and I mention [Page] this, because Mr. Glanvil's Patron admits of Miracles Calvin. Pref. ad institut. ad reg. Gall. Hottinger. dissert. Theolog. de signis Eccles. Ibid. P. 150. in a false Religion: so did another Virtuoso in a Sermon well known: So that I need not say that what I writ is justified by both S. Austin and Calvin, and most Protestants that have writ De signis Ecclesiae. The same Dr. More saith, that the most Learned have already agreed, that all the whole Creation was made at once. As for example, the most rational of all the Jewish Doctors, R. Moses Aegyptius, Philo fudaeus, Procopius, Gazaeus, Cardinal Cajetan, S. Augustine, and the Schools of Hillel and Sammai, as Manasseh Ben Israel writes. That Doctor affords us in his Works an hundred Stories, which who so credits is fairly disposed to credit the Fable of Tom Thumb. And our Ignoramus would perswade us that Tertullian blamed a famous Physician of His time [Herophilus] for dissecting Men; that the Romans held it unlawful to behold the Entrails. That the Grecians, and disputing Ages, were ignorant of Chymistry: with many such untruths, which informe us of the dangers our approaching Ignorance will betray us into. But my Animadversions on the History, and Plus Ultra, will convince any Man of this Assertion; so that I need not transcribe the Discourse about the Sweating Sickness, or what relates to the Hero's being worshipped with Temples and Altars. Let our Bravo boast as much as he please of what Future Reply I may expect, I Know the Grand Questions there Discussed, are never to be revived by Him, except he make such an empty flourish as this is. 'Tis more easie to talk of Falsifications, then to prove them: Such Virtuosi as He could do nothing, if they could not talk: this pretended Experimental Philosophy is degenerated into Words, Lyes, or stoln Experiments. That I may give the World an instance of that Impudence with which Mr. Glanvill demeans himself in this effort of a desperate Ignorance, I shall set down what he replies to me about the Deceitfulness of Telescopes: the which Point I have so demonstrated in opposition to every particular assertion of his, as 'tis undenyable. I added, that if Mr. Crosse was in an error there, that I was sure Mr. Boyle was in the same: and I cited the Place according to the Latine Edition which I had then [Page] onely by me. Let us see upon what ground he built his confidenceProf. Answ. p. 176.in this first instance by which he impugnes Telescopes: Why M. Boyle complains, that when he went about to examine those appearances in the Sun, called Maculae, and Faculae Solares, he could not make the least discovery of them in many Moneths, and yet other Observators pretend to see them every day: yet doth Mr. Boyle professe that he neither wanted the conveniency of excellent Telescopes, nor omitted any circumstance requisite to the Enquiry. Thus the Animadverter; and hence he is sure that Mr. B. is in the same Error with Mr. C. that Telescopes are fallacious. Let this be an instance how this Swaggerer quotes Authors, and let the Reader look into the place cited from Mr. Boyle: If he do so, he will see that that Honorable Person saith nothing there that tends to the proving the deceitfulness of Telescopes; much less that he believes them fallacious. I have not the Latine Translation of those Essays, but in the second Edition of the Original English, I find the Discourse to which Mr. Stubbe refers, p. 103. Where the excellent Author imputes it not to the Glasses that he could not for several Moneths see the Maculae or Faculae Solares, but seems a little to blame those Astronomers, who have so written of the Spots and more shining parts,—as to make their Readers to presume that at least some of them are almost always to be seen there, which he conjectured was occasioned by their so often meeting such Phaenomena in the Sun, [ibid.]. But these for many Moneths our Learned Author could not discover by his Telescopes; not because of their fallaciousness, but because for so many Moneths they appeared so much seldomer then it seems they did before. These are the Words of that Honorable Gentleman [ubi sup.] And now how doth it appear hence that Mr. Boyle is in the same Error about the deceitfulness of Telescopes, with Mr. Cross? Is it sure that he thought those Glasses fallacious, because he could not see the Maculae and Faculae in the Sun, when they were not there? What are we to expect from this Man in reference to the other Authors he cites, when he so grosly and impudently mis-reports so known a one of our own, who is yet alive, and sees how maliciously the Caviller perverts him? I shall examine his carriage to other Writers in my next Book; and in that, shew that most of the Arguments he brings to argue the fallaciousness of Telescopes, prove only the Diversity and Changes of Mediums, and of the Celestial Phaenomena, not the deceit of those Glasses.

I have repeated Mr. Glanvills Words at large, that the solidity of my Answer may appear: for 'tis not my intention to abuse the Reader with false Citations, or amuse him with [Page] great confidence grounded upon a bare Reference to an Author which he hath not at hand: thus these Virtuosi may prepossess the unwary into an ill Opinion of their Adversaries, whereas they that know them as well as I do, will suspend their Assent till more diligent enquiry convince them. Haveing informed my Reader that this Book, Caesalpinus, Sir H. Savils Lectures, and many others, have no Index's, I proceed to repeat the entire Discourse of Mr. Boyle out of the Edition my Antagonist follows, pag. 102, 103. ‘But to say no more of the contingent Observations to be taken notice of in tryals Medical, I could tell you that I have observed even Mathematical Writers themselves to deliver such Observations as do not regularly hold true. For although it hath been looked upon as their Priviledge and Glory to affirm nothing but what they can prove by no less than Demonstration; and though they use to be more attentive and exact then most other Men, in making almost any kind of Philosophical Observations; yet the Certainty and Accurateness which is attributed to what they deliver, must be restrained to what they teach concerning those purely-Mathematical Disciplines, Arithmetick and Geometry, where the affections of Quantity are Abstractedly considered: But we must not expect from Mathematicians the same accurateness when they deliver Observations concerning such things wherein 'tis not only Quantity and Figure, but Matter and its other Affections, that must be considered. And yet less must this be expected, when they deliver such Observations as, being made by the help of material Instruments, framed by the Hands and Tooles of Men, cannot but in divers cases be subject to some, if not many Imperfections upon their account. Divers of the Modern Astronomers have so written of the Spots and more shining Parts, or (as they call them) Faculae, that appear upon or about the Sun, as to make their Reader, presume, that at least some of them are almost always to be seen there. And I am willing to think, that it was their having so often met with such Phaenomena in the Sun, that made them to write as they did. And yet, when I first applyed my self to the Contemplation of these late Discoveries, though I wanted neither good Telescopes, nor a dark Room to bring the Species of the Sun into, yet it was not till after a great while, and a multitude of fruitless Observations made at several times, that I could detect any of those Solar spots, which having dured many Moneths at least, appear'd so much seldomer then it seems they did before, that I remember a most Ingenious Professor of Astronomy [Page] excellently well furnished with Dioptrical Glasses, did about that time complain to me, that for I know not how long he had not been able to see the Sun spotted. And as for the Faculae, which are written of as such ordinary Phaenomena, I must profess to you, Pyrophilus, that a multitude of Observations made with good Telescopes at several places and times, whil'st the Sun was spotted, has scarce made me see above once any of the so look'd for Brightnesses.’

And as the nature of the Material Object wherewith the Mathematician is conversant, may thus deceive the Expectations grounded on what he delivers; so may the like happen by reason of the imperfection of the Instruments, which he must make use of in the sensible Observations whereon the mixt Mathematicks, (as Astronomy, Geography, Opticks, &c.) are in great part built. This is but too manifest in the disagreeing Supputations that famous Writers, as well Modern as Ancient, have given us of the circuit of the Terrestrial Globe, of the distance and bigness of the fixed Stars, and some of the Planets, nay and of the heighth of Mountains: which disagreement, as it may oftentimes proceed from the different Method, and unequal skill of the several Observers, so it may in divers cases be imputed to the greater or less exactness and manageableness of the Instruments employed by them. And on this occasion I cannot omit that sober Confession and Advertisement that I met with in the Noble Tycho, who having laid out, besides his Time and Industry, much greater sums of Money on Instruments, then any Man we have heard of in latter Times, deserves to be listned to on this Theam; concerning which, he hath (among other things) the following Passage. Facile, saith he, lapsus aliquis pene insensibilis in Instrumentis etiam majoribus conficiendis subrepit, qui Tycho Brahe, lib. 2. de Cometa, Ann. 1577. p. 133. inter observandum aliquot scrupulorum primorum jacturam faciat; insuper si ipse situs & tractandi modus non tam absoluta norma perficiatur ut nihil prorsus desideretur, intolerabilis nec facilè animadvertenda deviatio sese insinuat. Adde quod instrumenta usu & aetate à primâ perfectione degenerent. Nihil enim quod hominum manibus paratur ab omni mutatione immune undiquaque existit. Organa enim ejusmodi nisi è solido metallo affabre elaborentur, mutationi aëreae obnoxiae sunt; & si id quoque datur ut è metallicâ materiâ constent, nisi ingentia fuerint, divisiones minutissimas graduum non sufficienter exhibent, dúmque hoc praestant, suâ magnitudine & pondere seipse ita aggravant, ut facilè tum extra planum debitum aut figuram competentem dum circumducuntur declinent, tum etiam suâ mole intractabilia [Page] redduntur. Quare magis requiritur in Instrumentis Astronomicis quae omni vitio careant construendis, artificium pari judicio conjunctum, quàm hactenùs à quamplurimis animadversum est. Id quod nos ipse usus & longa docuit Experientia, non parvo labore nec mediocribus sumptibus comparata.

Out of this Discourse of Mr. Boyles, tis evident that He doth believe that Mathematicians when they deale in those Disciplines, which are not purely-Mathematical, but consider Matter with its Figure, Quantity, & other Affections', are not so accurate & certain in what they converse with, as in those other parts of pure-Mathematicks: and this is much lesse to be expected, when they deliver such Observations as, being made by the help of Material Instruments framed by the hands and Tooles of men, CANNOT but in divers cases be subject unto some, if not many imperfections upon their account. The Assumption is easy, Viz. But Opticks are a part of the mixt Mathematicks; and the Telescopes are Material Instruments framed by the hands and Tooles of Men, and consequently CANNOT but in divers cases be subject unto Some, if not Many Imperfections: Therfore in Opticks, and about Telescopes, Mr. Boyle doth not believe there is such a certainty as exempts us from Fallacy: which is the thing now in Question. To evince the deceitfulnesse in mixt-Mathematicks, our Iudicious Author proceeds to instance in the Spots and Brightnesses related by Scheiner, Galileo, & Zucchius &c. to be in the Sunne: of which those Writers pretend to be so assured by reiterated Experiments, that they have described their Number, Figures, & determinate Motion, which they most regularly observe. Mr. B. finds himself disappointed upon inquiry, though made my good Telescopes, and all other requisite circumstances observ'd. And many fruitlesse Essayes passed, before he effected any part of his designe. He doth not say, THEY WERE NOT THERE: but that Hee could not see them of a long time: nor did the Phaenomenon then agree to the accounts of Scheiner, (Whom Zucchius doth justify by modern observations.) And to what purpose was this discourse with Pyrophilus, [Page] about the deceivableness of Opticks, if he supposed his glasses true, and that the spots were absent at that time? I profess I doe not understand the coherence of the introduction with what follows, if he meant as Mr. Glanvil imposeth on him. What hath the variation of the object to doe with this remarque of his? Are mixt-Mathematicks & Opticks deceitful, because the Telescopes shew those Maeulae & faculae in the sunne, when they are there, & omit them when they are not there? Are our eyes fallacious when they represent the object accordingly as it alters? or would not any man argue hence for proof of their certainty.

I have set down the passage faithfully, without changing an expression, as Mr. Glanvil does: and leave it to every mans tryal, if he can impose any other meaning on these words, then that either the Telescopes of those Vel sola inconstantia, quae patet in Scheineri experimentis argumentum est fallaciae. Ricciolus Astronom.l.1.de sole. c. 12. § 15. other Astronomers, or those of Mr. B. were fallacious. If none can; then is it true that He as well as Mr. Crosse did believe that Opticks might deceive our judgements, & that Telescopes were not so certain as Mr. Glanvil sayes they are: As for what Mr. Glanvil addes that he will shew that most of my objections to argue the fallaciousness of Telescopes prove only the diversity and changes of the Mediums and celestial Phaenomena, not the deceit of those Glasses, tis a vain Rhodomontade, and not to be made good by one that is unacquainted with those studyes. It is undenyably true, that Long Telescopes shew more spots then the shorter: and that some Telescopes doe take of those radiations which others doe continue: and tis no lefse manifest, that the most judicious men doe complain that the Telescopes did deceive their Adversaryes, as not being good, whilest theirs did represent at the same time the same object under a different phasis. I have demonstrated this so largely, that I need not pursue the discourse farther: and whosoever reads what I have written, will see that Mr. Glanvil mistook himself in saying indefinitely, That Telescopes are as certain as our Eyes: And that they alter the objects in nothing but their proportions. For this is false, except you limit the saying to some Telescopes [Page] employed upon some objects; and that here on earth. And if the ordinary Telescopes (against which I have alledged so many complaints) were as certain as our eyes, how comes it to passe that so many men differ about the celestial phaenomena totally, betwixt whom there would be no disagreement about terrene objects. But if they were as certain as our eyes (which I have demonstrated they are not here on earth) yet the employing of that only sense would never assure us of what we see. I remember not long agoe two miles distant from any town, in a dark night I observed some thing on the ground that very much resembled a glow-worme, but the light was not so pale, and the body seemed a little bigger. Being surprised at this unusual sight, I lighted from my horse, and found the supposed glow-worme to be a piece of lighted Touch-wood, which through the bedewed grasse had deluded me, a Baker having sate down there to smoak a pipe. I did then call to mind that saying of Galileo, that notwithstanding all our Telescopes, twill be more easy for us to conceive that which is not in the Moon, then that which is. But I leave the reader to compare both our writings, and judge how satisfactory his Answers are; and how foolishly he now defends the Letter of his Plus ultra.

I will not anticipate my compleat answer by insisting upon any more passages of this nature: I adde only that I did long agoe request of Mr. Glanvil, that he would not give me any trouble by multiplying of lies; for though I knew that the refutation of them would be to my advantage against him, yet I had too much busyness amidst my practice to pursue it. But neither his duty to God, nor regard to the Ministry (which suffers in him) could restrain him from these exorbitances. He hath promised to be my VASSAL P. 161. and VICTIME, if he doe not prove all he sayes against me: Yet l have demonstrated to the R. S. under a NOTARIES HAND, that my Head is not Red; though he say it. And whereas he abuseth me for styling my self in one book, Physitian to his Majesty in the Island of Jamaica; l was honoured with that Title by the King, and as such received [Page] 200lb. at my goeing thither, his Majesty being graciously pleased to specify in the warrant (preserved in the Signet-office) that HE INTENDED ME FOR HIS PHYSITIAN THERE. I have collected several more untruths in my Answer, & intend to demand the performance of his so solemn promise: If he fail not of his word, I will take care he shall live better, preach better, and write better. One lye I must now take notice of briefly, and tis this, That Mr. Crosse did hire me to oppose our Ecebolius; and by treating me at Bathe, and entertaining me divers Pag. 181.190. times at his House with deare welcome, gain'd a person to his rescue, who before contemned him. I doe profess in the first place that my tongue was never guilty of those I suppose he means OLD FOOL. expressions he sets down. I never call'd him Old—nor said I would rescue the poor fellow. I did say that I would rescue in great part the poor old man. And that he had been as it were asleep, or buried for these 30 or 40 years in the Country, and knew not the transactions of the learned world. Neither doth He pretend thereto, as our ignorant Virtuoso does. But this doth not diminish that respect which is due to him as a Divine, and as such, not unlearned. I have heard the B. of Chester give him a much greater character then Mr. Glanvil allows him: and tis notoriously known how eminent his repute was at Lincolne College, and what esteem many honorable and understanding persons have for him. I adde, that He neither hired me, nor treated me at Bathe, except with one or two bottles of wine (for I did not dine with him,) nor was I ever but once at his house, where the entertainment was such as the Village affoorded, and my unexpected coming permitted: and then was the Book finished and almost all printed. I never had the least PRESENT from him in my life: nor did I see his Book till mine was all finished, except what relates to the world in the Moon, & a voyage thither, of which Mr. Glanvil writes nothing now, nor informs us where those wings are to be bought that may supply so much as the flying Coaches. I found [Page] that most of Mr. Crosses Book was personall, and I did not understand what to conclude about so different reports as I met with about that conference, till Hee, in whose house it was informed me, that all Mr Glanvill said was not true: and I am not yet convinced by the certificate, how it was possible for those to warrant the exactnesse & sincerity of the relation, since that the meeting was impremeditated; the discourse without designe, & desultory, & interrupted by others that were there, and hath received much of inlargement in the writing beyond what was there spoken. But I leave that to their consciences, which if they beare any proportion to that of Mr Glanvills, neither shall Mr Crosse, nor I, suffer in our reputation for any thing that such persons utter, or certify.

Upon occasion of what Ecebolius sayth concerning the mercenarinesse of my penne, & that I was HIRED to this performance: I shall say in vindication of severall others, that I was neither AT FIRST PUT UPON THE WORK, nor HIRED thereunto by any. What Mr Glanvill sayth Mr Crosse engaged me unto, Dr Merrett sayth the APOTHECARYES did BRIBE ME TO UNDERTAKE: but there is as litle truth in what that Virtuoso relates, as in the reports of the Rectour of Bathe. Others of the R. S. have told it publiquely, that I was incited unto it by severall Reverend and Learned persons in the Universityes. But neither did any one there know of it, till I had undertaken the worke, & writ some of it. I first acquainted the R. S. and after that, had printed & shewed some papers to their President, before I divulged them in either University: so that nothing of that report can bee true, except the Virtuosi doe apprehend, that the approbation & reception of my papers have met with all are demonstrations that I was put upon it: whereas this doth rather evince the generall odium they have drawne upon themselves; and I could wish they would endeavour effectually to remove those umbrages, in which I placed my cheifest strength; & I did presume to finde all intelligent persons my abettours, but I tooke my measures [Page] from their common interest, aud not from any speciall assurances given unto me. There is another Reverend person so unfortunate as to suffer by their malicious intimations, as if Hee had HIRED me to the undertaking, because hee was so unhappy as upon another occasion to present me LATELY with a piece of plate. There is not any course which I see these Virtuosi will not pursue thereby to ruine me: twill bee a conspiracy against the R. S. shortly for any one to employ me as a Physician; and each Fee will be reported as a Bribe, and the Donor esteemed as an enemy to the Experimentall Philosophers. This is the Method they now take, & thereby imagine they shall deprive me of all commerce or correspondence with persons of Quality and interest. How generous & brave these contrivances are, how becoming the name of a Royall Society, how suitable rather to a company of Poltrons; I leave to the judgement of all mankinde.

It may not be amisse here to professe that respect for the Royall Society which doth become me: I doe avow all just esteeme for the Institution; though I cannot rise so high in its commendation, as the Historian: I think it might have added to the glory of his Majesty, and beene of great advantage to learning, had the designes of the Royall Founder, and those persons of Honour which joyn'd with it, been diligently & prudently pursued. Their purpose being at first, to make faithfull records of all the works of Nature or Art, which can come within their reach: that so the present Age, and posterity, might be able to put a mark on the Errours, which have beene strengthned by long prescription: to restore the Truthes, that have laine neglected; to push on those which are already known, to more various uses: and to make the way more passable to what remaines unrevealed. It was never my intention to detract from the laudable purposes of my Prince, nor to derogate from those of Quality who were Honorary Members of it: nor to enterfere with any Learned men in it. But if a sort of Comedians under pretense thereof, doe overthrow that Education which is necessary to the Church & Monarchy, undermine the established [Page] Religion, and insult over the Faculty of Physitians; I hope it will never Prejudice me in the favour of any Patriot here to interpose my selfe: nor will any serious man interpret the greatest testimonies I can render of my Loyalty, conformity, and peaceableness, for so many demonstrations of the malignity of my temper, Hypocrisy, and sinister designes. I have offered to desist several times, would they but make such a declaration as the publication of their History, and Mr. Glanvils books, hath made necessary. If they will force me to extend the quarrel beyond seas, and acquaint forraigners with the abuses that have been put upon them by a fabulous description of the R. S. If I must protest against this sort of Virtuosi; that the nation is not to be valued by their abilityes, or performances: tis their default, not any contentiousness in me. Would they be pleased to contribute what they ought to the repose and tranquillity of the Kingdome, I can tell how to employ my idle minutes in more pleasing studyes, and such as shall have lesse of personal hazard and disquiet then what I now attend on.

A Letter to Dr. Henry More, in Answer to that he Writ and Printed in Mr. Glanvil's Book.

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SIR,

I Profess that I read with a more than usual surprise your Printed Letter. I wondered at the Contents, and that you should publish any thing of that nature without giving me notice of it: the long acquaintance I have had with you, the respect wherewith I mention you, and the place I hold in the esteem of a Family which you honour, should have moved you to a more civil procedure: and I must reckon this deportment as a new Ethicks, which if your Enchiridion teach, the World will not be much obliged by the Author. When I was busie in Animadverting upon the History of the R. S. and Mr. Glanvil, you happened to be at Ragley; and upon some incidental Discourse about the Virtuosi, I asked of you How you could adhere to them, since they had published such Passages in their Writings as did overthrow our Religion? That all your Ethicks would signifie as little as those disputative ones of Aristotle and the Stoicks, if that a Mechanical Education would supply Histor. R. S. p. 341. Ibid. p. 63. in some part the usual Morality, and have a surer effect in the composing and purifying of our thoughts, than all the rigid Precepts of the Stoical, or empty distinctions of the Peripatetick Moralists: That, if to pass an hard Censure on the Religions of all other Countries, be dishonorable; certainly you were extreamly to blame who had writ so much, and so severely against Popery: That, if the Mechanical and Corpuscularian Hypothesis deserve credit, all your late Documents about the World, that its Phaenomena were vital, and not Mechanical, must be grosly erroneous. After the exchange of some such words, you call'd for the History it self, and determined to read it more exactly over than you had formerly: and as you perused it, you affixed several marks (as 'tis your custom) to the sides of the Book with your Leaden Pencil, according as you approved, or disliked them: the Book is yet to be feen in the Library there, and the Passages I animadvert upon are there condemned by you: You, your self, was pleased particularly to shew me the place, pag. 312. and to censure it, according to what I say, and indeed as became Franciscus Paleopolitanus [Page] to do. I told you that Mr. Glanvil did inform the World, that we might be secure that the R.S. would no way endanger Religion, since so many pious Clergy-men were Members of that Body; amongst which, Dr. H. More is recounted: But now it was apparent, that, notwithstanding those venerable and worthy Ecclesiasticks, our fears were not so Panick and causeless, as the Rector of Bathe reputeth of them. I urged you to renounce the R. S. and employ a Preface of your next Edition of the Enchiridion Ethicum against the History: you expressed much of dis-satisfaction with the History, and extenuated your admission into that Society, by laying it on the violent perswasions of others; adding, that you seldom came there, though in London; and did not pay any of those contributions which are usual in the Members thereof. I confess, I was so vain after such Discourses, as to think that you might be wrought upon to testifie in Print your dissent, and you must pardon me if I expected no less from a Man who pretends to such an uninteressed piety and Zeal, as Dr. H. More. But I now perceive the injustice of that Opinion, that you are, as other Men, deceivable: you will rather not be a Christian, then no Platonist; you will abandon Truth, to gratifie your Passion; and to preserve your Zany, most barbarously endeavour to destroy your Friend. All I said of you, is this, ‘Dr. Moor, albeit a Member of this Society heretofore (for he allows nothing to it now) yet a pious one, professeth, That this Mechanical Philosophy doth lead to Atheism: neither would he approve Agaiust Glanvill. pag. 173. of those deductions as necessary, but ridiculous, when I upbraided him lately with that non-sensical and illiterate History.’— These are the Words that so exasperated you, and raised in an Hypochondiac such Fumes as to blinde his Reason. I say, that you were a Member heretofore of the R. S. but allow nothing to it now; meaning thereby, that in declining the Weekly contributions, you seemed to have relinquished it; but I say not that you had formally left it. And you had this sense upon your thoughts, when you made that harsh reflection upon me; yet with that Mental Reservation, which would better have become a Jesuit, you urge me with that sense, which the Conclusion will seem to sound unto all Men at the FIRST reading. Was not this Candidly done, when your Memory (not half so treacherous as your Heart) could tell you what I otherwise meant, and had discoursed of unto you, and which was not grosly false.

[Page] Neither is that a gross mistake in me, that you charge me withall in the second place. ‘It is a gross mistake in him, that he looks upon that Mechanick Philosophy which I oppose, to be the Philosophy which the Royal Society doth profess, or would support.’—Impudence it self never uttered a greater Untruth, and it had better become Mr. Glanvill, then Dr. More. I appeal to the History, which How Authentick it is, I have elsewhere shewed; & 'tis evident that the R. S. have not, nor will be brought to renounce it; and since the Authors thereof may be presumed to understand the Principles of the Virtuosi, better then Franciscus Palaeopolitanus, and are Secretaries of that Body, 'twere folly not to believe them, but to enquire at Bathe, or in the Philosophical Bower, what the Royal Society profess. ‘Dr. Wren produced before the Society, an Instrument Hist. R. S. pag. 312. to represent the effects of all sorts of Impulses, made between two hard Globous Bodies, either of equal or of different bigness, and swiftness, following or meeting each other; or the one moving, the other at rest. From these varieties arose many unexpected effects; of all which, he demonstrated the true Theories, after they had been confirmed by many hundreds of Experiments in that Instrument. These he proposed as the Principles of all Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy: Nor can it seem strange, that these Elements should be of such Universal Use; if we consider that Generation, Corruption, Alteration, and all the vicissitudes of Nature, are nothing else but the effects arising from the meeting of little Bodies, of differing Figures, Magnitudes, and Velocities.’—This Paragraph doth not indeed confine Supernatural Productions to the Rules of Mechanism: But as for all the Ordinary Phaenomena of the Universe, and particularly those of Generation, Corruption, Alteration, they are said to be Nothing Else but the effects arising from the meeting of little Bodies, of differing Figures, Magnitudes, and Velocities; and the Principles of All Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy, are recommended unto us to be deduced from such Theories. Out of which it is manifest, that they suppose not onely that the Material part of every thing in the Corporeal Universe is Body, or Corpuscularian, but that the Vicissitudes and Phaenomena occurring therein, even in the Generation of Man, are the result of Corpuscles moving Mechanically: For if it be not granted, that every part of the Corporeal Universe, or this great Aggregate of Bodies, do move in certain Lines, according to the determinate Figures thereof, and that without the Particular Concourse of an Immaterial Incorporeal Being, putting such Corpuscles into this or that Particular Motion, and continuing it therein Mechanically, then doth the whole Systeme of the Mechanical Philosophy [Page] falls to the ground; and the Demonstrations cease to be any longer such. The very Word Mechanism imports thus much: it being an allusion to the conformation of Machines, wherein each part contributes to the effect according to its Scituation, Size, and the Geometrical Proportion it bears to the other Parts, of which the Machine is composed: And if the Machine do not produce its effect entirely, by vertue of such a Geometrical frame, we do not say that the Phaenomenon is Mechanical. Thus the Motion of a Water, or Clock, when it ariseth from its Fabrick purely, then it is Mechanical: but when a Man doth winde it up, 'tis not a Mechanical motion, except it do also appear that Man is also a Machine, and that what he operates at that time, is purely Mechanical. I would not insist upon this Argument from the denomination of the Philosophy, if it were not manifest that they that profess it, did not desire to be understood so: for the whole Hypothesis of the Cartesians doth depend hereon: and Sir K. Digby, in his Vegetation of Plants (a Discourse made in the R. S.) as well as in his other Books, proceeds on these grounds: nor do they, or any Mechanical Philosophers, demand any more than that God should at first create Matter in such a Quantity, such Parts, and such Motions, thereby to folve all the Phaenomena of Nature, without Specificating Forms, Plastick Virtues, or his particular Concourse to the Action, or Production in an Immaterial Way. Thus the floating Corpuscles of Salt or Nitre, are Mechanically, or by the Geometrical necessity of their own Figures and Motions, together with the impulse of other Corpuscles in the Air, Liquor, or Vessel, acting in the same Geometrical subordination of Causes, precipitated and sized into their peculiar Crystals of Salt and Nitre: thus Plants are said to be Generated, and the actions of Animals produced, and all the vicissitudes of Nature to be NOTHING ELSE. And I am willing to allow your Quibble, that this is the Mechanical Belief of credulity; but you must not go about to perswade me, that this is not also that Philosophy which is properly Mechanical, and which your Historian doth assert: You understand not the state of the Question, nor what you have done, or you prevaricate when you fay, that the Mechanical Philosophy you oppose, is such a Mechanical one as professeth, That matter having such a quantity of motion as it has, would contrive it self into all the Phaenomena we see in nature. For these Philosophers do not ascribe Prudence or Contrivance unto Matter, or say that Matter can Operate upon, or alter it self, being both Agent and Patient, but that God hath so altered the World, and so contrived Matter and its Motions, that it runs into all these Phanomena [Page] by a Geometrical Necessity arising from the Fabrick. And upon this Philosophy you spend your Arguments, and enlarge into this Censure.

Dr. More's Censure of the Cartesian and Mechanical Philosophy.

AFter he had exploded the Cartesian Philosophy, by the name of not onely purely Mechanical, but of the Mechanick Philosophy, which professeth the Mechanical deduction of Causes in the explication of the Phaenomena of the World, by an Hypothesis as close and necessary, as Mathematical Sequels: After he had Charactered Des-Cartes for a Person of the greatest-Wit (for the extraordinary handsome semblance he makes of deducing all the Phaenomena he has handled Dr. you never minded what you read in Des Cartes, when you said this: for he mistook even his own Mechanism in his account of Tydes. necessarily and Mechanically, and for hitting on the more immediate Material Causes of things to an high probability) and of the greatest Folly that ever yet trod the stage of this Earth: And he reputes him so egregious a Fool, because he is so credulous, as not only to believe that he has necessarily and purely Mechanically solved all the Phaenomena he has treated of in his Philosophy and Meteors, but also that all things else may be so solved, the Bodies of Plants and Animals not excepted. After he had pretended to have demonstrated not only that Des Cartes-mistook about Gravity, but that all Mechanical Solutions thereof are impossible, it being so manifestly repugnant to the confessed Laws of Mechanicks. The Dialogue is thus continued.

Hyl.

It is very true.

Divine Dialogues, Part I. Chap. 12.

Cuph.

That may seem a Demonstration for the present, which to Posterity will appear a meer Sophistical knot, and they will easily see to loose it.

Bath.

I believe by the help of some new-improved Microscopes.

Philop.

Nay, but in good earnest, O Cuphophron, (if you will The fond and indiscreet hankering after the impossible pretensions of solving all Phaenomena Mechanically, freely and justly perstringed. excuse my freedom of speech) though I have not that competency of judgement in Philosophical Matters, yet I cannot but deem you an over-partial Mechanist, that are so devoted to the Cause, as not to believe Demonstration against it, till Mechanicks be farther improved by Posterity. It is as if one would not believe the first Book of Euclid, till he had read him all over, and all other Mathematical Writers besides. For this Phaenomenon of Gravity is one of the simplest that is, as the first Book of Euclide one of the [Page] easiest. Not to adde what a blemish it is to a Person otherwise so Moral and Virtuous, to seem to have a greater Zeal for the ostentation of the Mechanical Wit of Men, then for the manifestation of the Wisdom of God in Nature.

Sophr.

Excellently well spoken, O Philopolis. As in water Prov. 27.19. face answers to face, so the heart of man to man. You have spoken according to the most inward sense and touch of my very soul concerning this matter. For I have very much wondered at the devotedness of some Mens Spirits to the pretense of pure Mechanism in the solving of the Phaenomena of the Universe, who yet otherwise have not been of less pretensions to Piety and Vertue. Of which Mechanick pronity, I do not see any good tendency at all. For it looks more like an Itch of magnifying their own, or other Mens Wit, then any desire of glorifying God in his wise and benign Contrivances in the works of Nature; and cuts off the most powerful and most popular Arguments for the existence of a Deity, if the rude career of agitated Matter would at last necessarily fall into such a structure of things. Indeed, if such a Mechanical Necessity in the Nature of Matter were really discoverable, there were no help for it: And the Almighty seeks no honor from a Man's Lye. But their attempts being so frustraneous, and the Demonstrations to the contrary so perspicuous, it is a marvel to me, that any men that are Virtuously and Piously disposed, should be so partially and zealously affected, in a Cause that hath neither Truth, nor any honest Vsefulness in it.

Out of all which, as 'tis evident, that you understood by Mechanical the fame thing that I do, viz. A Geometrical way of explaining of the Phaenomena of Nature, according to matter and motion: So it is no less evident, that you do absolutely explode it as having neither Truth, nor any Honest Vsefulness in it. And it is no less manifest, that you do oppose herein that Philosophy which the R. S. do profess and would support: As appears by that Passage I Animadverted upon in their HISTORY. Had not some BASE ENDS, some particular indulgence to your Zany, malice against me, or inclinations to gratifie some of the Virtuosi, transported you, you would never have writ as you do now. I fay, that you have refuted that Philosophy which proceeds upon pure Mechanism, in opposition to [Page] what the Royal Society lays down in their History. View but your Antithesis, and blush at your Ignorance iu Logick. ‘It is a gross mistake in him, that hee looks upon that Mechanick Philosophy which I oppose, to be the Philosophy which the Royal Society doth profess, or would support.’ It were happy for you, if the World thought you Distracted, and that Bedlam, not Cambridge, were the place of your residence. I say, You oppose that Philosophy which the Royal Society lays down in their History. You neither deny the Truth of my Allegation out of the History, nor that they owned it ever: but tell me, That 'tis not the Philosophy which the Royal Society doth profess, or would support; If the History be owned by them, they do profess it; If they do not, what you fay is not contradictory to my averment. Less of Plato, less of Mathematicks (yet have you not much thereof) and more of Aristotles Logick, would have prevented this, and a thousand other mistakes in your Writings. What I do Animadvert upon, is the Assertion at least of Dr. Sprat, and his Assistants: Your Puppet saith, that ‘Geometry is so fundamentally Plus ultra, p. 25. useful a Science, that without it, we cannot in any good degree understand the Artifice of the OMNIPOTENT ARCHITECT in the composure of the great World, and our Selves. [...], was the excellent saying of Plato; and the Vniverse must be known, by the Art whereby it was made.’—I do not know what can be more positive then this, that God is an Omnipotent Architect, and that he made the World by Geometry. 'Tis News indeed, that CREATION should be a Geometrical procedure: but he is inconsiderate in his Assertions, aud consequently the fitter for your esteem. But I adde, that Dr. J. Wallis in his Discourse about D. Wallis, de motu. p. 1, 2. Motion, gives this definition of Mechanism: MECHANICEN appello, Geometriam de motu, & per Mechanicen eam Geometriae partem intelligimus, quae MOTUM tractat, atque Geometricis rationibus, & [...], inquirit, Quâ vi quisque motus peragatur. This Definition, as well as the Book, hath met with general approbation in the R. S. and agreeable thereunto, that Philosophy is Mechanical, which proceeds to salve the Phaenomena by a Geometrical deduction of Mechanical causes: such 'tis that you oppose; but that which you assert, and would insinuate for the R. S. as if it were also Mechanical, doth not deserve the name of Mechanism: you equivocate therein, as you do in all this enterprise against me: and when you seem in your Wits, you do deny the conduct of the World [Page] to be Mechanical. viz. ‘The Primordials of the World are not Divine Dialogues, p. 1. c. 10. Mechanical, but Spermatical or Vital; not made by rubbing and filing, and turning and shaving, as in a Turner's or Black-smith's shop, but from some universal Principle of inward Life and MOTION, containing in it the seminal Forms of all things, which therefore the Platonists and Pythagoreans call the great [...] of the World.’—Can any man read these Passages, and imagine that Dr. More would be esteemed an abettor of Mechanical Philosophy, and not an Opposer of it. I think I may securely acquiesce in my Citations, since they are so well grounded: but to shew that there is nothing secure from the attempts of Impudence, or the ignorance of some of these Virtuosi, give me leave to represent unto you the following Words. I believe indeed most of us, I am sure my self does conceive, that Generation, Corruption, Alteration, and all the Vicissitudes of Corporeal Nature, are nothing else but Unions and Dissolutions (I will adde also, Formations and Deformations) of little Bodies or Particles of differing Figures, Magnitudes, and Velocities. But this thus bounded is not the Mechanick Philosophy, but part of the old Pythagorick, or Mosaick Philosophy, so far as I can see by any History. So that 'tis very unskilfully done of your Antagonist, to bring me in as opposing, or clashing with the Royal Society in a thing of this great Consequence, and so to make them Patrons of that, which neither Sound Philosophy, nor True Religion can allow.—Dr. More, I have been heretofore Friendly unto you, I shall not give you now the advise of an Adersary; but haste into the state of silence, or henceforward crust over the present vehicle of your soul with the habit of a Mad man, and attire your self in that guise whensoever you come into company. I dare swear not one of eminence in the R. S. will own this Philosophy at all; and not any, that 'tis Mechanical. Your Formations and Deformations are two canting terms, equal to any of the Peripateticks, and becoming Hippocrates, Plato, or Severinus Danus, and not a Virtuoso. Here is not one Word to tell us wherein the Geometry of the OMNIPOTENT ARCHITECT doth consist, nor how those Unions and Dissolutions are performed. What will Dr. Wrens Hypothesis about the rules and measures of motion signifie in your Systeme? What goodly Principles of Demonstrations in Natural Philosophy will there be, when an Immaterial Deity, acting by the power of his will, or a Spirit of Nature must bear a part in the Deductions? But where is my unskilfulness in bringing you in as opposite to the R. S. you tell me what you conceive, and what you believe they do: but since, you do not make the last evident against my presumptions, and the Letter of [Page] the History; 'tis unskilfulness in you to conclude so peremptorily, and not to reminde that Caution I gave to such Virtuosi as you, to forbear all Conjunctions causal, or illative. I now haste to that Remark with which you conclude this Passage, viz. That neither any sound Philosophy, nor true Religion can allow of that Hypothesis, which though it allow the Creation, solves all the Phaenomena of Nature Mechanically. They are redevable to you for this Letter; and your vindication of them, signifies as much as when you talk of the Learning and Eloquence of Dr. Sprat; or the Parts, Judgement and Vertue of Mr. Glanvill.

Your last Exception against me, is, That I should say, You did not approve of those Deductions of Dr. Sprat, as necessary, but ridiculous. I shall recite your Words, because as serious as the Case is, I can approve of them as ridiculous. ‘Which Deductions, says your Antagonist, I would not approve of as Necessary, but ridiculous: Truely, if I had said so, I should have made my self ridiculous; for how could I approve of Deductions, especially in so serious a Point, as, or Quatenùs RIDICULOUS? for there is no man, let him be never so Pious, unless he be a Fool, that can approve of Deductions for their being ridiculous in so serious a Cause. But it seems he having a mind to monopolize all the Wit in the World to himself, is content to repute me for Pious, so he may remonstrate me to all the World to be a Fool, and such as he may play the Fool withal, as he has done in all this Page you have pointed unto me.’—I might here excuse the Wording of that Passage by my own haste, and the disorders which happened in the Printing, the sense intended by me, being, that you did not approve those Deductions to be necessary, but esteemed them as ridiculous: and that this was my purpose, is so manifest, that all that you Cavillatio, ut Caius I.C. definit, est subdola, ratio, quam conscii nobis mendacii, vincendi tamen caus [...] proferimus. say is but the Cavil of an angry Hypocondriack; and who is also so ignorant, as not to know there is a sort of ZEUGMA, wherein the latter part of the Sentence is not construed, nor related with the preceding Verb, but depends upon another, which is to be understood according as the sense requires. This, and much more you will learn in Greek and Latine, when you and some others of the R. S. are provided of an able School-master. I meet with very evil Retributions for all my kindness to some of your Friends; that motion for to supply you with an able Antiquary and Grammarian, might have become the best of your Adherents; had it been mentioned sooner, and the Proposal took effect, H. O. [Page] and Mr. Glanvill, Dr Sprat, Dr Merret, had YOU, and not committed such childish errours, as you runne now into.

But, you grant you might approve of those Deductions as smooth & plausible, though not as necessary, but something of a lubricous and doubtfull aspect: but you know very well, you could not approve of them as ridiculous. Here then, most argute Hypochondriack, lyes the Question, Whether it be possible for a man to approve of any passage as ridiculous where the subject is serious? And for the proofe hereof I do referre my selfe to all that have read Hudybras, whither serious subjects are not there debated by such deductions, as any man will approve of as ridiculous, but not as serious. I have in the Cabbala, which you so admire, read a thousand deductions which I could approve Happeruschim Bechinath. p. 63 of as ridiculous. Such is the Gematria of Shilo expounded to be the Messiah, because the letters of both words make up the same numbers 358. such is that Jewish argument of the worlds being created in September related in Schickard; That every mans soule must animate three bodyes, is prettily proved in that Adam's name consists of three letters in the Hebrew, viz. A. D. M. & from those three Letters tis likewise demonstrated that the soul of Adam must animate David, and the Messiah, because that after A follows D. and then M. And S. Cyprian's reason is no lesse pleasant, when he proves that Adam was made up out of the four quarters of the earth, because the initial Letters of the foure quarters of the world in Greek doe make up his name? [...]. In your works, Dr. More, especially your Cabbala I can finde an infinity of passages which upon no other account gain my approbation. They are pleasant instances of folly disporting in paralogismes. You collect out of Des Cartes and other Philosophers what your phansy approves, & this you represent for a Mosaical Cabbala, and prove it thus, ‘In the Expounding of Moses, I think I may lay this down for a safe principle, that there is no considerable def. of the Philos. Cabbala. p. 138. truth in Nature or divinity, that Moses was ignorant of, and so if it be found agreeable to this Text [by any distortion] I may very well attribute it to him. At least the Divine wisdome wherewith Moses was inspir'd, prevents all the inventions of Men.’ Having laid down this principle whatever chimaeras the imagination of Des cartes furnished you with, or the mysterious non-sense of the Platonists and Pythagoreans, you presently impose upon the Sacred Text, and demonstrate them thus.—Hee that is but a little acquainted with French Philosophy understands the business plainly. As in case of the Celestial matter;— ‘for the celestial matter doth consist of ibid. p. 138. two plainly distinguishable parts, to wit the first Element, and the second, or the Matcria subtilissima, & the round Particles, as I have already [Page] ready intimated out of Des Cartes.—Thus for the waters above which are mentioned in Genesis; these are the seminal formes: the Pythagoreans called them Naides or water-nymphs. Where for the ibid. p. 146. watery powers (as Porphyrius also calls these Nymphs) it is not at all harsh to conceive, that they may be here indigitated by the name of Vpper-waters. See Porphyrius de antro Nympharum.’ Are not these goodly deducations? All you say there almost from mee gaines no more then the approbation of Ridiculous. But I thinke it highly concernes the Church and Magistrate to put a stoppe to the further publication of such extravagancies, whereby the authority of the Scripture is disparaged, and only a Truth of appearance allowed to the Scripture, whilest the Platonicks and Pythagoreans are avowed to retaine the true sense and Hypothesis of the Creation. Thus you remove at once the credit of the Scripture and whole Church, and by giving so great advantages to the Pythagoreans and Platonists, endanger the rejection of the whole Bible in comparison of that Philosophy, which is the most ridiculous of all, and the most opposite to Christianity. Instead of the Law and the prophets, you alledge Pythagoras, Plotinus, Porphyrius, and I may justly retort upon you, Habes Pythagoram pro Mose, pro prophetis Platonem, pro Paulo Porphyrium. Methinks the mention of Porphyrius should fill you with horrour: No man ever writ so bitterly against the Christian religion: Thirty Fathers, are said to have writ against Him; His Books were every where destroyed by Them, nor had this Antrum Nympharum been transmitted to us, but that an unhappy casualty preserved it under the name of Malchus: The fathers, Eusebius, Theodoret, and S. Jerome speak not of Him but with detestation: quibus religio fuisse videtur nomen Porphyrii absque execratione proponere: Lucas Holsten. de vitâ & Script. Porphyrii. c. 16. And when the Christian Emperours would make the Arians compleatly odious, they commanded them to be called Porphyriani. He was either the Author or encourager of the persecutions under Diocletian and Decius: that party were the Worst Adversaries that ever Christianity had: those names you reverence are no other then Hierocles, Iamblicus, Amelius and Plotinus. Twas that Pythagorical Philosophy which gave encouragement to the Ethnick Idolatry and Magick: twas that Philosophy whereby Julian the Apostate did justify Paganisme, and those of that sect were principally Paganin. Gaudent. de philcog. Juliani c. 15. caressed by Him above any Peripateticks or Stoicks, as Maximus, Priscus, and Chrysanthius. ‘Eâ de causa Platonicis vacabat Julianus, quia ejusmodi philosophia faciebat ad Genios, ad sacrificia, aruspicinum, auguralia, quorum omnium fuit studiosissimus.’ That pestilent Pythagorisme produced those Sects of Simonians, Valentinians, Marcionists, Gnosticks, Maniches; and [Page] what troubles Origon did oecasion in the Church, what divisions and Heresies issued from Him, and his way of expounding Scripture, is a thing so notorious upon record, that I am amazed to see that Dr. More's works should meet with a Licencer, and not rather the Author, and his Zany GLANVIL sinke under Ecelesiastical Censures. The commendations by which You in the conelusion of the Philosophick Cabbala endeare Pythagoras and his followers to the esteem of all men, are such as may betray the Unwary to believe them True: though to ascertain you one thing, I believe never did man more Abuse History, Argue Worse, or lesse understand what he said, then You doe. And twas upon that consideration I gave you the Elogy of PIOUS, but not of Learned: This was the matter that exasperated You; To be PIOUS, was no Character for a Virtuoso; to undeceive the world herein you resolved to turne Lyer; I did not without some scruple give you that other Title: I doe now Recal it. You wonder that any man of Piety and Virtue should own the Mechanick Philosophy, it being such as no True religion can allow of: yet have Jugled in favou of them that doe, and endeavoured to oppose Him that had with so much peril contested therewith. You mention with Praise for Virtue and Learning those that have Asserted it. I shall here represent unto the world your Harangue in behalf of Des-Cartes.

The ummannerly Superstition of many is such, that they will give more to an accustomed Opinion, which they have either taken up themselves, or hath been conveyed unto them by the confidence of some private Theologer, then to the Authority of either Fathers, Churches, Workers of Miracles, or what is best of all, the N. B. He holds that Pythagoras, and Empedocles, and Abaris did Miracles. most solid Reasons that can be propounded; which if they were capable of, they could not take offense at my admittance of the Cartesian Philosophy into this present Cabbala. The Principles, and the more notorious Conclusions thereof, offering themselves fo, freely, and unaffectedly, and so aptly and fittingly taking their place in the Text, that I knew not how with judgement and Conscience to keep them out.

For I cannot but furmise, that he has happily and unexpectedly light upon that, which will prove a true restauration of that part of the Mosaical Philosophy, which is ordinarily called Natural, and in which Pythagoras may be justly deemed to have had no small insight. And that Des-Cartes may bear up in some likely equipage, with the fore-named noble and Divine Spirits, though the unskilfulness of Men commonly acknowledge more of Supernatural Assistance in hot unsetled Fancies, and perplexed Melancholy, then in the calm and distinct use of Reason; yet for [Page] mine own part (but not without submission to better judgements) I should look upon Des-Cartes as a Man more truly inspired in the knowledge of Nature, then any that have professed themselves so this Sixteen hundred Years: and being even ravished with admiration of his transcendent Mechanical Inventions for the solving the Phaenomena of the World, I should not stick to compare him with Bezaleel and Aholiab, those skilful and cunning Workers of the Tabernacle; who, as Moses testifies, were filled with the Spirit of God, and they were of an excellent understanding to finde out all manner of curious Works.

Nor is it any more Argument, that Des Cartes was not Inspired, because he did not say he was, then that others are inspired, because they say they are: which to me is no Argument at all. But the suppression of what s [...] happened, would argue much more sobriety and modesty, when as the profession of it with sober Men, would be suspected for some spice of Melancholy and Distraction; especially in Natural Philosophy, where the grand Pleasure is the evidence and exercise of Reason; not a bare belief, or an ineffable sense of life, in respect whereof, there is no true Christian but he is Inspired.

I desire you would compare this Passage with that Censure which you fix upon the whole Cartesian Philosophy in your Divine Dialogues, and tell me, How you will avoid the imputation of Levity and Instabilitie of Judgement? How will you reconcile two so different sentiments? That He is inspired in the knowledge of Nature; And that He is a prodigy of Folly: That He hath not demonstrated any one Phaenomenon in Nature to be purely Mechanical, but hath failed every where: And, that He is to be compared (in your judgement) to Bezaliel and Aholiab, for his transcendent Mechanicall inventions, Divine Dialogues. part. I. c. 8. whereby to solve the Phaenomena of the World. I am confident the World will condemn you with Blasphemy for that comparison betwixt those inspired Artisans, and your Des Cartes: That they were Inspired, the Scripture assures you; you have not so much as probability to esteem so of the other; yet do you not stick to compare them, and Him. You cannot but surmise that Cartesianism will prove a true restauration of that part of Mosaical Philosophy, which is ordinarily called Naturall: You know not how, with Judgement and Conscience, to exclude his Principles out of that Cabbala of yours, which You advance so much above the Letter of the Sacred Word of God, as [...] transcendeth [...], Introduct. to the defense of the Cabbala.p.101, 102, 103, 104. or Reality exceeds Appearance. Consider Dr. Moor, consider whom you thus celebrated: A man so Infamous for, and Impudent [Page] in his Lusts, that he makes no other Apology for his Transgressions of that kinde, then That he had not vowed Chastity? So impious in his Metaphysicks, that he was condemn'd by the Reformed Universities in Harderwick and Vtrecht, as a Pestilent Writer: and his whole Philosophy prohibited to be Taught or Defended in Leyden and Herborne. Take notice what Character you have imposed on the Papists, and remember withall, that Des Cartes your Alumbrado, is of that number. I Jac. du Bois in praefat. adu. Wittichium. must protest unto you, that the serious Animadversion upon these Passages of yours, makes me scrupulous how to allow Dr. More the Attribute of PIOUS: and my doubts multiply upon me, when I observe that you deduce your Cabbala from the Pythagoreans, and relie more on the mysteries of their members, then the plain Text, and Authority of the Universal Church. You dignifie Pythagoras so far as to ascribe unto him ‘a power of Working Miracles, as Moses and the succeeding Prophets did; which Skill (dare you to call it Skill!) Empedocles, Epimenides, and Abaris having got, they grew so famous, that Empedocles was sir-named Alexanemus; Epimenides, Cathartes; and Abaris, Aethrobates, from the power they had in suppressing Storms and Winds, in freeing Cities from the Plague, and in Walking aloft in the Air: which Skill inabled Pythagoras to visit his Friends after that manner at Metapontium, and Tauromenium in one and the same day.’ You represent Plato as a Divine man for Knowledge, and Vertue: though it appear otherwise in the Records of his Life: and Plotinus must be Sainted, though he were a Magician, though he stiled Christianity [...], and blamed Origen for defending it. Good God! How far doth prejudice transport you? How different are your Sentiments concerning those men, from what the Fathers, and the most Authentick Records of History, relate about them? Those that you almost Idolize, were no others then Idolaters and Sorcerers; and Julian the Apostate is redevable unto Dr. More, for assigning them a better Qualification. Thus Plotinus and Dr. More; Porphyrius and Glanvill, are mutually ingratiated; and the Creation better explained by the Allegories of the Platonists, then the Mosaical Writings in Genesis. I finde that Simplicius denies the Scripture to be of Divine Authority, becaufe it is Erroneous about the Original of the World: 'Tis granted by our Cabbalists! And if we extenuate the Assertions of Gods Word, from concluding in matters of Natural Philosophy, and Astronomy, How shall we any longer reject the Alcoran, and Talmud, for Errors therein? With what justice shall we deny them the benefit of that excuse, [Page] which we make use of our selves? But I finde my self to enlarge beyond the designes of a Letter: I beseech you, Sir, to follow that advise I have heretofore suggested unto you; Consult Books, and not your Phansy; enquire better into the Foundations of the Cabbala, and the repute you give to the Pythagorical Philosophy: you will finde after a better Scrutiny, then your narrow Reading as yet qualifies you for, that your Confidence is but weakly supported, and that upon prejudicate Opinions you desert the Sacred Text, and obtrude upon us your own Conceits for Mosaical; and with greater Impudence then any Jew, you obtrude for such what you never Received as such: And lay down this extravagant position: ‘Desense of the Philosoph. Cabb. p. 138. In the expounding of Moses, I think I may lay down this for a safe Principle, that there is no considerable truth in Nature or Divinity, that Moses was ignorant of; and so if it be agreeable his Text, I may attribute it unto him. At least the Divine Wisdom wherewith Moses was inspired, prevents all the Inventions of Men.’—By this Rule, it is impossible for any thing considerable to be newly invented: neither need we contest with the Virtuosi whether one of them, or a Peripatetick were Author of this or that; 'tis certain Moses was acquainted with every thing considerable, and the Spirit of God, which inspired him, doth prevent all the discoveries of Men. Thus you attribute to Moses the Opinion that the Earth is a Planet. Id.Ibid.p.138. ‘For, as I have elsewhere intimated, Moses has been before-hand with Cartesius. The Ancient Patriarchs having had Wit, and by reason of their long lives leisure enough, to invent as curious and subtile Theorems in Philosophy, as ever any of their posterity could hit upon, besides what they might have had by Tradition from Adam.’—Most excellently argued, a posse ad esse. Thus you make the Three Elements of Des Cartes to be Plainly Ibid. p. 151. Distinguishable parts in the Matter first Created. And when you Write again, the Elasticity of the Air, and its ponderousness, will at least become Ingredients in your Cabbala; and the Authors are obliged unto you, if you do not attribute the Barometer, Thermometer, and Air-pump, &c. unto the first Patriarchs, who had so much wit and leisure. Did ever Madness arise to such a heighth? or was there any man who more grosly transformed Scripture into a Nose of Wax. Sir, you will pardon me for being earnest with you in a case of such importance: I would believe you, but that in so doing, I should dissent from God Almighty. I was inclined to believe you were an Hypocondriack, and that your Opinions were not the result of your judgment, but of your temperament; but you have no Intervals: [Page] and in the explication of your Preexistence, you make the Bible not your Rule, but Pretence: and what you have asserted and consented unto in the Church, you regard not in comparison of the Pythagorical Tenets. Give me leave to tell you, that where the Foundations of Government are dissolved, there can be no Piety. Our Laws oblige you to the 39 Articles; and They to the Scripture: if such Glosses be put upon them, 'tis in vain to expect that any thing can binde, or that the Act of Vniformity can take place: It is much better that such as you were cast out of the Church, then continued in; and an open enemy were better then such a friend. It concerns the Parlament to look after such Latitudinarians; and if what your Apologist saith, may take place, That men by no Professions or Subscriptions are obliged further, then not to contradict the Articles of Religion; all England will soon be Distracted with variety of Opinions, some not crediting half so much as others; and an Explanation must be made of the Words Assent and Consent.

Sir, These Considerations do allay very much the esteem I had for your Piety; and I ascertain you, that if you will pardon me this time, I will not give you a second cause of that nature for Exceptions. And I am the more resolute herein, because I finde you thus interposing in the behalf of Men whom no Proposals or Supplications of mine have been able to reduce unto a Declaration, concerning those controverted Points in the History: and you are pleased so to interest your self, as to maintain Vntruths concerning them, and to inodiate me most maliciously, who threw my self upon the action without any other expectation then that of Certain Ruine. Had you had any sense of piety; had the Divine life fixed in a Divine body (and transcending dry Reason, in the guidance whereof, a Man should either immediatly feel and smell out by an holy sagacity, what is right and true, and what false and perverse; or at least, he shall use his reason aright to discover it:) had this swayed in you, My Vndertaking had became Dr. More: But since your Actions are a greater evidence against you, then any specious Words can be for you; since Mr. Glanvills honour is dearer unto you then Truth, and the Church of England, I do conclude with this advise, that instead of a new Enchiridion Metaphysicum, you would write a retraction of your Printed Works, and leave off to play, as it were, at Boe-peep with Atheism, by defending Christianity with ridiculous Arguments. When the Manichees, those Pythagorick and Cabbalistical [Page] Christians did arise and oppose Orthodoxy, even Diocletian did make a Law, Nequis religionem Christianam deterioribus religionibus impugnaret.

Sir, Your complyance with this Suggestion, will very much oblige me to be

Your humble Servant, Hen. Stubbe.

Warwick, Nov. 30. 1670.

POSTSCRIPT.

[Page]

Sir

TO require the intelligence you give me of the Enchiridion Metaphysicum, and of your gallant performances and Experiments of the Virtuosi, to be discovered there; shall requite your kindness, with somewhat you may impart from me to your Correspondents. I intend next terme to publish my full Answer to your Ecebolius: & an Appendix containing the Standard of Latine, Eloquence or M. Glanvill's epistle to the Clergy of Sommerset: some papers of M. Henry O [...] denburgh, the Secretary & Vindicator of the R. S. as also some Letters of Ortuinus a renowned Virtuoso of Germany, whose epistles were written a little before the time that the Royal Society proposed first the transfusion of blood There will be also the Travailes of another Virtuoso, who past over the River Tanais at Mentz, aud in a Gallery saw the twelve Caesars, viz. Julius Caesar, Augustus, Aristides, Themistocles &c. He travail'd with my Lord Arundel to Vienna: and I may as well reckon these for Virtuosi, as THEY doe others for to be inventours, and of the R. S. I have also a Treatise concerning F—and Fi—in agitation, like to my Lord Bacons Historia ventorum: 'twil be of great improvement to experimental Philosophy and Physick; but some Tryalls in consort I must recommend to your friends, and some experiments about Belching to Dr. More. I have some proposals of imbodying these Meteors of the Microcosme into VEHICLES, and to try if it will give any light for the producing that divine temper of body, which is requisite for a Pythagorean and Cabbalist: oblige me by putting this into your Hint-box.

FINIS.

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Title statement

A reply unto the letter written to Mr. Henry Stubbe in defense of The history of the Royal Society whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanville, and an answer to the letter of Dr. Henry More, containing a reply to the untruthes he hath publish'd, and a censure of the cabbalo-pythagorical philosophy, by him promoted.

Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676.

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1671

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Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A61893

ID [STC]

Wing S6063A

ID [STC]

ESTC R31961

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12281439

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12281439

ID [VID]

58715

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A61893)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58715)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1515:14)

Source

— A reply unto the letter written to Mr. Henry Stubbe in defense of The history of the Royal Society whereunto is added a Preface against Ecebolius Glanville, and an answer to the letter of Dr. Henry More, containing a reply to the untruthes he hath publish'd, and a censure of the cabbalo-pythagorical philosophy, by him promoted., Stubbe, Henry, 1632-1676., Sprat, Thomas, 1635-1713. History of the Royal Society of London..

Extent

32, [2], 34-79, [1] p.

Printed for Richard Davis,. Oxford :: 1671.. ("A reply to a letter of Dr. Henry More (printed in Mr. Ecebolius Glanvil's pæfactory answer to Hen. Stubbe) with a censure upon the pythagorico-cabbalistical philosophy promoted by him" has special t.p.) ("Part of the controversay concerning Dr. Thomas Spiat's The history of the Royal Society"--NUC pre-1956 imprints.) (Imperfect: pages stained with loss of print.) (Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library.)

Creation

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Editorial practices

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